Jean le Bel: portrait of a chronicler

Diana B. Tyson

The Old French chronicle by ,Jean le Be1 of Liege in Belgium is one of our most importantfourteenth- century historical sources. The author was a pain- staking and self-effacing writer, his aim a reliable and truthful narrative, his language and style re- markable for their directness and purity, his hall- marks clarity, order and intelligence. A canon of the Church and a notable figure in society, he was a man of his time and his narrative is mainly concerned with the ruling classes, yet for the atten- tiue reader there are interesting glimpses of the life of the common man. The portrayal of the figures in the chronicle and Jean le Bel’s comments on them show a remarkable capacity for accurate ob- servation and independent thought, and provide evi- dence of sharp psychological insight. We look at these aspects of his work and at his attitude to- wards God, his views on great kings, good knights and noble ladies, and the characteristics of drfferent nationalities. We considerjudgments about him by his contemporaries and by modern critics, and eua- luate his qualities as a writer.

The LiCgeois Jean de Bel, author of one of the most important pieces of fourteenth- century history writing, has always suffered from the giant shadow cast by Froissart, that most charismatic of medieval chroni- clers. His modern editors felt that Jean le Be1 restera toujours desormais parmi nos meilleurs e’cri- vains et nos historiens de premier ordre (Viard 1904:xxxiii) ’ and it is now generally recog- nized that the early part of Froissart’s chron- icle owes much to the work of Jean le Bel, some accounts being taken over almost ver- batim; yet he remains among the most neglected of medieval French authors. One or two passages, such as his description of warfare in the Scottish borders or the taking of Calais, are justly famous but the bulk of his work remains largely unknown. It is my object here to examine the text in order to shed some light on the author’s aims, views and his approach to his task, and to see how he describes certain people and deals with some aspects of contemporary life.

The work, which has come down to us without a title and which the editors simply called Chronique de Jean le Bel, covers the pe- riod 1326-1361. Chapters l-39, on the years 1326-40, were written between March 1352 and March 1356; chapters 40-102, on 1340-58, during 1358; and chapters 103-9, on 1359-61, as events happened. Jean le Be1 (1904:l) starts by saying that he will nar- rate

Journal of Medieval History 12(1986) 315-332 0304.4181/86/$3.50 0 1986, El sevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland)

histoire vraye et notable dcs nouvelles guerres et chases avenues depuis l’an mil CCC XXVI jusques a l’an LX1 en France, en Angleterre, en Escoce, en Bretaigne et ailleurs, et principalement des haults faitz du roy Edowart d’Angleterre et des II roys Phi- lippe et Jehan de France.

His main interest, frequently reiterated, is the reign and campaigns of Edward III, but

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as the work progresses he is increasingly drawn to including other important mat- ters, such as the troubles in Flanders and Hainault, the defeat of the Sarrassins at Tari- fa, the Jacquerie uprising, the state of France during the captivity of Jean II, and especially a detailed account of the war of succession in Brittany and events connected with it.

Born into a patrician Liigeois family around 1290 and canon of the cathedral of Saint Lambert from about 1315, Jean le Be1 was not the only man of his time to write contemporary history in the Li?ge region, terre be’nie des chroniqueurs as one scholar has it (Balau 1931: 140). Among his contem- poraries were Jean des Preis or d’Outre- meuse, author of the Geste de Li2ge and Ly myreur des histors, and Jacques de Hemri- court, burgomaster of Li&ge and author of several important works about local history. It is to the latter’s Miroir des nobles de Hes- baye that we owe a literary portrait of our author, who emerges as a man of consider- able personal magnificence, splendidly and fashionably attired, whose retinue when he went to church rivalled that of the bishop himself. He was an accomplished horseman and jouster as well as a versifier of some competence (unfortunately none of his ver- ses has survived), liked luxuries and good food, and was the centre of a large house; hold and of an active social and cultural circle. His servants had standing instruc- tions to invite to his table, without prior consultation, any worthy stranger - prelate, knight or squire -who might be visiting the town.’ In spite of this sophisticated lifestyle, he was a remarkable stay-at-home: his only known journey was to England and Scot- land in the summer of 1327, in the company

of Jean de Hainaut (younger brother of Count Guillaume I de Hainaut) at whose request he wrote his chronicle.3 He relied on his lively social circle to provide him with personal contacts and eyewitnesses who, together with his own experiences and those of his patron, constituted his only known source material.4

His elevated social position and sumptu- ous lifestyle have led modern scholars to see him exclusively as the chronicler of his own social class. Godefroid Kurth, writing early this century, judges him harshly: Le c&?bre t@foncierJean le Be1 nous offre . . le type accompli de ces gens d’iglise absolument mondains, et qui n’ont du clerc que l’habit (1910:268). To Kurth, Jean le Be1 is l’historien de ce monde chevaleres- que et e’llgant dont sa propre existence reproduisait les moeurs, le peu e’difiant chanoine de Saint-Lam- bert, le conteur kpris des fttes chevaleresques et des aventures extraordinaires, l’historien du monde

febdal et des tours, maz^tre Jean le Bel, grand seig- neur aux moeurs faciles, qui se fait l’historiographe de la chevalerie frun$aise (1910:268, 269, 290, 308).5 W.P. Ker also notes the author’s lavish lifestyle but underlines the contrast between that and the sober nature of his work, saying more charitably that Jean le Be1 “writes like a man of honour and a man of good sense, acquainted with great affairs and able to find the right words for them” ( 1905:2 13). Viard agrees that Jean le Be1 is principally interested in chivalric deeds and often relates the cruelty of the age without comment, but gives him full credit as a sound and impartial historian and a writer of considerable literary merit (1904:xXx- xxxv). Coville, the most recent critic, also agrees that the author’s interest is in the ruling classes and not in petites gens, but he too puts his trust in la fermetg de sonjugement,

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son impartialite’ en dipit de ses PrLfirences, sa moralite’ d’historien, saying he is nearly always ueiidique et exact (1949:252). We shall let the text speak for itself, and see what conclu- sions we may draw from it.

The portrait by Jacques de Hemricourt lacks any mention of Jean le Bel’s historiog- raphical activity. This is a curious omission, given that history writing was one of his own major preoccupations. It seems un- likely that he did not know about it, and as it took him from 1353 till 1398 to complete his Miroir whereas Jean le Be1 wrote his chronicle between 1352 and 1361, he clearly had the opportunity to insert a mention of it. Jean d’outremeuse, as we have seen, does mention the chronicle. Was it that to Jacques de Hemricourt, absorbed himself in local history, a chronicle devoted almost to- tally to events taking place far from Liege held no particular interest?

This raises the matter ofJean le Bel’s own interest and participation in local affairs. Though he lived through a tumultuous period in his town’s history, with a pro- tracted power struggle between the com- munes and the ruling aristocracy, he men- tions this only once in a short chapter which describes the victory of the communes at Vottem in 1346, their defeat at Tourinne in 1347 and the peace of Waroux in the same year (1905: 139-44). Yet we know that in 1346 he was one of the live Liegeois canons who took part in important deliberations about the dispute over the rich fief of Looz, an acrimonious quarrel between the townsfolk and the ruling prince-bishop in which the canons took the part of the bishop.6 Given his position as a prominent member of the Liegeois aristocracy, this was in all probability not an isolated incident

and there is evidence that he played a role of some importance in the life of Liege at the time.7 That he did not record any other local events, or refer to his participation in them, seems to have been the result of a deliberate decision, possibly based on his declared aim of chronicling the wars of the French and English kings or, though this seems less likely, because he knew that others, such as Jacques de Hemricourt, were writing local history.8

The only part of the chronicle where he does record his own participation is the ac- count of the journey to England and Scot- land in 1327.’ Invited by Edward III to take part in the Scottish campaign, a party of Hainaulters led by Jean de Hainaut and including Jean le Be1 and his brother Henry (1904:41) travelled to York and thence to Durham, ending up on the banks of the Tyne and the Wear. Hated by the English archers with whom they fought a pitched battle in York, unused to the rigours of the climate, exasperated by the unorthodox methods of warfare employed so success- fully by the Scats, they had a miserable time of it. Bewildered, wet and hungry, the bread they had tied on their horses’ backs satu- rated with horses’ sweat, river water their only drink and the space beneath their horses’ bellies their only shelter from the unending downpour, they erred through the desolate border country unable to locate their evasive opponents and even mistaking the cries of wild animals for the din of battle (1904:56). Wh en Edward III abandoned the abortive effort, the Hainault group made haste to gain Dover and cross to Wis- sant, car nous desirions moult nostre retournie, pour la doubtance des AnglBs et pour la grand mesaise que nous avions eu et endure’ (1904:77).

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These chapters form a remarkable per- sonal narrative, even if the author only very occasionally speaks in the first person sin- gular” and mostly uses the first person plural. Nowhere else in the chronicle do we feel his presence so distinctly. However, he has put his personal stamp on it throughout as the objective narrator, emphasizing his aim of recording an unembellished truth. He offers his work as a way to learn the true facts: he will record events as he himself has seen them or as told to him by someone who was there. He conscientiously puts in reservations if he is unsure of his source - ne sgay pas se uruy estoit (1904: 102) - or his source is suspect -car cil qui le me conta n’estoit pas du secret conseil des seigneurs ( 1905:7) - or if his information is insuflicient or unreli- able - mais je n’en ssay le certain, carje n3 fis mye (1905: 196)) je ne suys mie bien infourme’ . . .

je pourroye faillir 6. voir dire; si vault mieux que je m’en taise . . . car j’en diroye enuis aultre chose que la verite’ (1904:212) .‘I When an event in- volves persons whose names he does not know, he says: Les aultresje ne ssay mye nommer (1904:113),jeayleursnomsoublie~(l904:121), dontje ne s~uy les noms (1904:2 18) but he gives what information he can: two knights are killed, one is Robert of Clermont, l’aultre ne sGay je nommer, mais il estoit chevalier en loys (1905:252). Th ere are limits to the amount of detail he can provide: he lists only princes and haults barons who died at CrCcy, des au- ltresje ne pourroye venir a chief ( 1905: 108), and elsewhere says that so much is happening in France que je n’en sGavroye pas raconter la disiesme parcye (1905:132).

Jean le Be1 demonstrates his commitment to truth by giving an account of the rape by Edward III of the countess of Salisbury, de- spite his admiration for the king: oncques de

luy je n’ouys dire chose uillaine, fors que une, dont je parleray (1905:26); he states honestly that on this occasion Edward’s behaviour .was reprehensible, calling it le villain cas (1905:30) and an act dont il fut amerement blasme’ et repris (1904:294) though pointing out that Edward left the following morning grandement courousse’ de ce qu2’1 avoit commis (1905:31). Doubt has been cast on the truth of this episode by Gransden (1972) who suggests Jean le Be1 may have followed a postulated, written and now lost, pro- French source which sought to discredit Edward III for propaganda purposes. This seems far-fetched: there is no evidence that Jean le Be1 used any written source, and Gransden admits that her theory disregards his explicit statement that he heard the story - ainsy que je l’ay ouy dire (1905:30). Elsewhere (1982:89) she states that “this tale is full of improbabilities and impos- sibilities, and its author may well have taken as a literary model Livy’s story of the rape of Lucretia”. It seems unlikely that Jean le Bel, whose sole declared aim was the accurate recording of historical events and who gave no indication of any literary pretensions, would include a fictitious episode, especially one which he tells with such obvious reluctance and which so clearly conflicts with his otherwise laudat- ory description of Edward III, in order to follow a literary model. Given his conscien- tious attitude to his task, I think he was told of the episode, considered it was true and therefore felt obliged to include it.”

Jean le Be1 points out that telling exag- gerated tales about knightly prowess does the subjects no favour, car leurs vrais fais en seroient mains creus, de quay ce seroit dommage pour eulx (1904:2). The clear statement of

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this truth shows both Jean le Bel’s intelli- gent perception and his awareness of his duty towards those he depicts. He disap- proves of writers who lack his scrupulous truthfulness, warning his readers in his pro- logue against a verse history he has read duquel le commencement est tout faulx et plain de menchongnes (1904:2), and later blaming the discord between the parties to the truce of Esplechin on faulx rapporteurs et jengleurs (1904:209).

It is clear, then, that he takes a practical, workmanlike, intelligent view of his task, realizing the danger of making unsubstan- tiated assertions or using suspect sources, and taking seriously his historian’s duty of setting down the facts impartially. He is aware that to report events in any other manner may have important consequences in that it may lead people to draw false con- clusions. To quote Viard (1904:xxxv):

jamais il ne ceda a la tentation de raconter un fait piquant, mais sur lequel ilpouvait avoir des doutes.

We learn something of his own views from the comments he makes on some of the events he records. Thus, having told the reader of the execution of Olivier de Clis- son, he adds: je croiroye envis que ung si noble et vaillant chevalier comme il estoit et mesmement si riche eust volu, ne peu faire, ne consentir trahison . ..Ce fut grand dommage et pitie’, s’il en estoit sans coulpe (1905:21-2), and similarly expresses his doubt about the guilt of the six burghers of Laon accused of treason: je ne stay s’ilz_ en estoient coulpables ou non; mais je croiroye envis que bons bourgois et honnourables feissent telle chestiveti (1905:27 1). He shows here his abil- ity to think for himself, and also his readi- ness to believe in the innocence of ordinary burghers as well as that of a member of the ruling class. The same independent-mind-

edness marks his comment on the behaviour of the French knights at Cricy who refuse to retreat (which would have enabled them to re-form their battle order and thus fight a better battle the next day): tout ce estoit par orgueil et envie qui les destruit (1905: 102).‘” Similarly, the people of Brabant, at war with the count of Flanders, refuse an hon- ourable peace and are then forced to accept a worse one par leur orgueil et oultrage (1904:243). And at the siege of Chan- toceaux, Genoese troops s’abandonnoient dure- ment et folement pour mielx soy mostrer ( 1904:266), trying to impress other troops, a manifestation of personal vanity which Jean le Be1 finds reprehensible.

In addition to pride, man is driven by cupidity, a quality which is repeatedly illus- trated. The numbers joining Jean de Hainaut’s expedition in 1327 are far greater than expected because many hope for loot, since previous warriors returning from Eng- land came laden with the spoils of war (1904:38). Wh en the Scats keep avoiding battle, some fighters on the English side are inspired with new vigour at the promise of a reward for locating the enemy (1904:61), and hope for gain also motivates the Scot- tish forces besieging Durham: ils sCavoient bien aussy que en la cite’ estoit tres grand tresor assemble, car tout le pays de autour s3 estoit retrait (1904:283). Many soldiers join Edward’s army in Calais in 1359 car chascun se pensoit de gaagnier tant avecques luy quejamais ne seroit povre (1905:290).

There are instances of more complicated motivations. When in 1356 Jean le Bon sets out from Paris to fight the Black Prince, men follow in huge numbers: Chascun fut honteux de demourer, puisque le roy y aloit en propre personne (1905:230). Pope Clement VI

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consents to the consanguineous marriages of Philippe de Valois to Blanche of Navarre and of his son the duke of Normandy to Jeanne de Boulogne, car il n> osoit contredire ( 1905: 185). But fear born of wisdom is the reason for Charles of Blois advising against the exercise of violence on captured knights because then auroient nos anemis bonne occasion de faire ains_v des nostres quant ilz les prendront (1904:337).

Jean le Be1 approves of punishment that he feels is deserved, and in this reflects the harsh standards of his age. The Despenser is unloved by the people of Hereford, et a bon droit (1904:27). When the citizens of Poix do not keep to their bargain of paying protection money to Edward III in order not to he sacked, all are killed and the town burnt, et fut fuit selonc raison (1905:91); we should remember here that burning a town after capture was a regular practice of the time as it prevented the reforming of a dis- senting nucleus and the use of it by the enemy. The man who betrays the town of Jugon to the enemy is hanged, and Jean le Be1 adds: ce fut bien fait, comme il me semble (1904:341-2). But a note of moderation, of a dislike of excessive brutality, sometimes creeps in. The violent deeds of one Frank Hennequin, captain of a group of maraud- ing brigands, he finds so vile que home auroye a les recorder (1905:284). Commenting on the brutality of the sack of Caen, he says: Certes il ne fut pas bon crestien qui ne les gardast, se mettre remedey peut (1905:83), thus indicating the duty of a good Christian to try and stop wanton violence.

He punishes the wicked by taking away their reason so that they wreak their own .destruction, and the author concludes sagely: Les jugemens de Dieu se font a tern@, combien qu’il attende (1905:282-3). God can cause people to take certain courses of ac- tion, as when Paris is besieged by the duke of Normandy: Dieu ne uoulut plus tel orgueil regner, si inspira et esveilla aucuns des bourgoys et les mist en uove de souspechon de trahison (1905:266). He also causes the defeat of the

-Jacques par sa saintte misericorde (1905:258, 262). God is the protector of the successful king Edward III 2 cui Dieu voulu a si evidan- ment aydier (1905: 173), and Jean le Be1 em- phasizes that for this good king doibt on bien loer Dieu et regracier (1905:67). Philippe de Valois, on the other hand, has failed his subjects, bien troy que par miracle Dieu le soeuffre (1905:67). So God is shown in the conventional role of the omnipotent deity who punishes evil and supports the righ- teous, whose authority is unquestioned but whose ways are sometimes beyond the un- derstanding of man.

This brings us to mentions of God in the work, which are relatively rare. Most show Him as the forgiver of sins ( 1905:281) or the punisher of evildoers. In two instances,

There is little theoretical moralizing on knightly qualities, and didacticism is mostly by example. In a short chapter devoted to the battle of thirty Breton and thirty En- glish knights in 135 1, the Bataille de Trente (Brush 1911-12 and 19 12-I 3)) those taking part are praised and the survivors en de- bvroient estre plus honnoure, partout ozi ilz venront (1905:197). The duke of Lancaster is ung des

@us proeus et des beaulx chezlaliers arme’et desarme qui soit en uye (1904:20). Thomas of Norfolk, de moult sauuage et desguise’e maniere, is con- trasted with his brother Edmund of Kent, proeudons, doulx et debonnaire et bien ame’ de bon- nes gens (1904:6). D uring the 1333 Scottish campaign, Sir Walter Manny estoit ung de

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ceulx de l’ost qui plus abandonnoit son corps, par quoy il entra fort en grace et fust du conseil du roy, et estoit ung de ceulx que le roy creoit le plus (1904: 110). Garnier de Clisson, besieged by

Jean de Montfort in the castle of Brest, is a preu chevalier who rescouoit et deffendoit ses gens le mielx qu’il pouoit et les mettoit 6 sauvetk dedens la Porte (1904:251). Preu are also those who, on a battlefield, ont ose’ demourerjusques 6 la desconfiture, souf$saument faisans leur debvoir (1904:3); this is another instance of Jean le Bel’s ability to see beyond the obvious, to perceive heroism in the shadows and to shed light on something a less perceptive observer might have overlooked. Knights must aid ladies in distress: tous chevaliers doi- vent ayder et conforter ci leur pooir toutes dames et puchelles dechasse’es et desconforte’es 2 leur besoing, mesmement quant ilz en sont requis (1904:17).

Thus, a knight should be handsome (whether wearing armour or not), gentle of manner and open of character, should de- fend. his people and their interests, protect weak and defenceless women, and be loved by those around him. Physical courage is essential; it is this quality that entitles Wal- ter Manny to his place of trusted adviser of Edward III.

Edward III is portrayed as the ideal king, with all the requisite knightly qualities. The adjectives proeu, gentil and noble frequently precede his name. Twice he is compared to King Arthur, so well-loved is he and so sumptuous his court ( 1904: 118-9). Oncques ne fut roy plus ame’ ne plus doubte”(?904:284) and his men le virent & grand desir et A plus grand qu’on ne voit le corps Jhesu Crist, car oncques nul roy ne fut si ame’ de ses gens comme il (1905: 17). After the battle of Sluys, the Flemish l’aouroient comme Dieu ( 1904: 180). Encouraging his troops at Crtcy, si doucement

les prioit et amonnestoit que ung couard en fut devenu hardi (1905:106), and when Calais is in danger of being sold to the French il fit une hardie entreprise que chascun prince ne feroit pas. IL eut plus chier qu’il se mit en auenture de morir et son file aussy, qu’il perdist par trahison ce qui tant luy avoit couste (1905:178); his generosity to Eustace de Rippemont, a van- quished but valorous adversary, is em- phasized (1905:181). At the end of the French campaign of 1347, Jean le Be1 lists Edward’s achievements: he has laid waste great areas of enemy territory (the scorched earth method was accepted military and strategic procedure which Jean le Be1 men- tions several times), defeated a foe superior in numbers and taken many eminent pris- oners, besieged and retaken Calais; il m’est aduis que telles grandes et haultaines entreprises ne sont pas sans tres grund honneur, et que on ne poeut trap leer, ne prisier, ne honnourer le t&s noble roy 6 cui Dieu voulu a si evidanment aydier (1905:173).14 Worried that nucunes gens . . . pourroient penser que je tenisse bende et partie, Jean le Be1 explains why he calls Edward noble while referring to the French king sim- ply as le roy Philippe de France. It is because Edward is truly the better king: car tousjours a creu bon conseil en ses besongnes, et ses gens, chevaliers et escuiers ame, et chascun selonc son estat honnoure, et bien deffendu son royaume contre ses anemis, et sur eulx conqueste’assez, et son propre corps dedens son pays et dehors suns faintise avecq ses gens aventure, et ses souldoiers et alliez bien paye’ et du gen largement don& (1905:65). Ed- ward III spends his wealth on his war effort and Jean le Be1 approves: tresor ne vault neunt se on ne le ueult emploier au besoing, largement despendre et donner ( 1905:69).

Against this is set Philippe de Valois, staying safely in Paris while his war-torn

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country is suffering, believing bad and cow- ardly advice of clerics and prelates, of maistres des comptes et tresoriers, rather than lis- tening to his lords and barons, executing instead some of the latter on suspicion of treason and disinheriting their heirs, impos- ing heavy taxes, irresponsibly minting large quantities of money thus debasing the coin- age and undermining the economy, leaving his soldiers unpaid so forcing them to sell their belongings en poursuiuant les tresoriers, and generally causing the ruin of France (1905:65-7, 71).J ean le Be1 emphasizes the lack of wisdom on the part of the French king in listening to bad advice: il n’eut oncques hardement ne courage de combattre, car ses conseil- liers l’avoient enchante’ ( 1905:87).‘5

Other rulers briefly cited as examples of good kingship are Edward I, wise, preu, courageous, victorious over the Scats (1904:5), and le plus gentil roy qui oncques fut, . . . le noble, courtois et large roy de Boheme (1904:33-4). But Edward II, says Jean le Bel, ruled moult saluagement et par le conseil d’aultruy, par quoy en afire< luy en meschey moult durement (1904:5).

So the picture of Edward III is that of a king comparable to Arthur, almost Godlike, loved yet feared, courageous and able to in- spire courage in others, a good warrior and strategist, generous, mindful of his obliga- tions to defend his subjects and of the hon- our of the nation, perceptive in his choice of counsellors and receptive to their advice, and conducting a court befitting his royal rank. The last two qualities are stressed most often, and a picture incorporating both is given when the king, having dis- posed of Queen Isabella and Mortimer, rules independently: il prist nouvel conseil des mielx sages et mielx crew de tout son pays, et

gouverna moult notablement, et maintint son royaume en pays par be bon conseil qu’il avoit; et

faisoit souvent joustes, tournoys et assemblees de dames, et acquist grand grace par tout son royaume et grand renomme’e par tous pays (1904: 104-5). A similar picture of the king is painted after his conquest of Berwick in 1333 (1904:118- 9).

Other vivid male portraits are those of Sir Walter Manny and the earl of Salisbury. The former, perhaps personally known to Jean le Be1 according to Pirenne (1890- 91:523), was a native Hainaulter who went to England in the retinue of Queen Philippa in 1327. He is introduced as ung joeune damoisel qu’on nommait Watelet de Manny . . . lequel acquist si grand grace depuis envers le roy

‘et tous les barons, qu’il fust du secret et grand conseil du pays au gre’ de tous, et$st en apres tant de proesses de son corps, en tant de lieux, qu’on n’en sCavroit dire le nombre, et tant de hardies entreprises, dont vous orrez parler d’aucunes en ce livre, qu’il acquist nom du plus proeu que on sache (1904:81). His outstanding personal cour- age, and his role as one of the king’s most trusted advisers, is stressed repeatedly (1904:110, 155, 302, 317-18, 1905:117-19). He, too, is able to inspire his followers to great feats of arms, and is always conscious of his duty to put honour before material gain: toudis a plus ame’ honneur que argent (1905: 119). Even his enemies praise his courage and determination (1905:61). Holding the castle of Aiguillon against de- termined assault by the French, he is cil qui tout le soing et la charge avoit et qui tous les recon-

fortoit et resbaudissoit, et qui tousjours premier arm& estoit et premier issoit et ou fait s’abandonnoit et des derrains retournoit, ne oncques desconforti n’estoitpour chose qu’il veist n’oui’st, ains tousjours amonnestoit ses compaignons de bien faire

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(1905:57). As the main negotiator for Ed- ward III at the surrender of Calais in 1347, it is he who points out to the king that, if Calais is sacked, he himself and his men would be less willing to man the king’s own strongholds against the French for fear of similar treatment in case of defeat (1905: 162)) and he tries to dissuade the king from killing the six burghers.

So, to the usual knightly qualities of cour- age, leadership and military ability are added others which lend depth to the pic- ture. He is an astute judge of men, and ready to point out unpleasant realities to his king and to advocate an unpopular but sound course of action. The first to sally forth in battle and the last to return, he sets a standard of behaviour as an example to others. He keeps to his purpose with single- minded determination. We should note that Walter Manny is one of the very few figures in the chronicle who is repeatedly quoted in direct speech, a feature we will notice in other major figures.

Against this portrait of a man of action we can set an altogether different character: William Montacute earl of Salisbury, whose wife was raped by the king while William was serving in Brittany. Though a hardy lighter, named with Walter Manny during the 1333 Scottish campaign as fort chevalier et dur (1904:110-11) and made earl of Salis- bury for his valorous deeds, the emphasis is on his role as the man who preserves his honour in a situation where physical cour- age is irrelevant. Having heard the story of the rape from his wife’s lips, he maintains his self-control though Jean le Be1 feels that estoit merueille qu’il ne se desesperoit (1905:33). He, too, is quoted in direct speech, saying resignedly that ce qui estfait ne poeut estre de-

ffait and, sorrowing but dignified, leaves her forever to seek death in foreign wars.” Pas- sing through London on his way, he con- fronts his king and reproaches him for re- paying loyal service with dishonour: de quoy vow en debvez estre tout honteux, car tousjours la blasme sur vous en demourra, et vos beaulx fais seront par ce villain cas rejwouuez et estaints (1905:32-4). He thus accurately defines the consequences to the king of his action: it will devalue all his future prowess. By un- derlining the earl’s psychological insight here, Jean le Be1 again adds depth to the portrait.

The countess herself, une des belles et des vaillans dames d’Angleterre (1904:284), is de- picted as modest and virtuous, often receiv- ing the adjective noble. She, too, inspires courage in her men: et vrayement, au confort et au regard de telle dame, ung homme en debvoit ualoir deux au besoing (1904:286). When Ed- ward III and his army relieve her castle, she does them honour comme elle le sgavoit bien faire and gently reproves the king for his sombre mien: vous deussiez tousjours faire bonne chiere pour vos gens mielx conforter (1904:291-2). When he reveals his unwel- come arddur, she points out that he would be de ce cas petitement prisie’ and as for herself, se je le faisoie, vous m’en debvriez blasmer, non pas blasmer, mais faire mon corps desmembrer (1904:293). However, she says,je suy et seray tousjours preste de vous servir a vostre honnour et au mien (1904:295), thus putting her stance in its proper perspective. At court in Lon- don, she dresses modestly, unlike all other ladies present, pour tant qu’elle ne vouloit pas que le roy trap s’abandonnast a la regarder ne parler a elle (190513). After the rape, la bonne dame n’eut oncques puis joye, ne ne porta joliuete’ nulle, ne ne se mit en compaignie de bonnes gens,

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tant fut ri mesaise de coeur (1905:32). Jean le Bel, in spite of his admiration for Edward III, casts all the blame on him and none on the countess. It is she who sets out, in direct speech, the rules of honourable conduct and who behaves within that code, thus provid- ing a contrast to the king’s misconduct and failure to meet the standards required by his rank. By painting her so explicitly as someone with strong principles, rather than merely as a victim, Jean le Be1 lends force- fulness and reality to the episode.

There are only three other female por- traits of any consequence: Queen Isabella, Queen Philippa and Jeanne countess of Montfort. Isabella figures prominently in the early part of the chronicle, but little emerges about her personality beyond what the known historical facts tell us. Philippa receives more individual treatment. Rally- ing her people in Newcastle against a Scot- tish invasion while Edward lies before Calais, she is so pleased at their victory qu’elle vint baisier ses gens les ungs apreg les aul- tres (1905:129), and when she arrives in Calais la bonne dame arraisonnoit et appelloit ses chevaliers si gracieusement que c’estoit ung plaisir de la regarder (1905: 13 1). Though durement en- chainte, she pleads movingly for the lives of the six burghers: Ha! gentil sire, depuis que j’ay passe’ la mer en grand peril ainsy que vous sgavez, je ne vous ay riens demand&, si vous prye et requier ci jointes mains, que pour l’amour du $1~ de Nostre Dame, vous vueilliel avoir mercy d’eulx (1905:167). Like Isabella, who generously rewards Jean de Hainaut and his men for coming to her aid ( 1904:29-30), Philippa bestows rich gifts on those who have served her well, a normal custom for high-born ladies which we see also when Jean de Hainaut leaves England in 1326: les dames

. . . luy donnerrent grandfoison de joyaulx au depar- tir (1904:35). When he returns in 1327, Philippa has sixty ladies at her table qu’elle avoit mande’ pour mielx festier ledit messire Jehan et ces aultres seigneurs ( 1904:43) .I7

Jean le Bel’s female ideal is Jeanne count- ess of Montfort, striving gamely to preserve Brittany for her small son after the impris- onment and death of her husband. Showing her son to her men, she demonstrates her strength of character: Ha! seigneurs, ne uous esbahissiez pour monseigneur que nous avons perdu, ce n’estoit que ung homme; veez cy mon petit filz qui recouverra tout, se ci Dieu plaist (1904:271- 2). Jeanne fights like a man in a man’s world and has the male kind of courage: combien qu’elle eust grand doeul au cuer, si neJi.st elle pas comme femme, mais comme homme de grand courage (1904:271). Often called vail- lant, she has cuer de lyon (1904:262, 271) or even cuer d’omme et de lyon ( 1904:248). She encourages those who fight for her cause and defend her strongholds, as do Philippa and the countess of Salisbury, but is shown in addition to have good military and strategic sense, equipping her fortresses de tous biens et de gens d’armes que riens n> faloit and appointing as heads of the garrisons local men trusted by the rank and file, et les avoit trestous acquis par beau parler, par dons et par promesses (1904:272, 299). To sustain morale she tours her territory with her son, and keeps in regular touch with all her forces (1904:272). W orried pour le t&s grand meschief qu’elle s$avoit que ses gens soustenoient (1904:305), she invokes the help of Edward III but meanwhile defends Hennebont, armed and on horseback, encouraging her men, mobilizing the women (dames et aultres) to throw quicklime and stones onto the as- saillants, and undertaking le plus merveilleux

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fait et le plus hardi que oncques femme fist (1904:308): she rides out at the head of 300 armed men and burns the enemy camp. Pursued by the enraged besiegers, la vaillant contesse si bien chevaucha that she safely reaches the castle of Brayt but realizing que ses gens ne fussent en grand doubtance et cusanchon pour elle she rides back in the night at the head of 500 troops and re-enters Hennebont to the great rejoicing of the defenders (1904:309-10). Like Philippa after the vic- tory over the Scats, Jeanne embraces those who relieve the siege: Qui adonq veist la vail- lant contesse descendre du chaste1 et baisier messire Watier de Manny et ses compaignons, les ungs aprez les aultres, deux foys ou trois, il pouoit bien dire que c’estoit une vaillant dame (1904:318). She is also kind and tactful: receiving the victorious troops with feasting and celebra- tion, elle leur demanda a tous de leurs belles aven- tures et merveilleux faits, jasoit ce que elle en sceut une grande partie (1904:333). Again, mention of a special personal quality adds depth to the portrait. At the court of Edward III, he and his knights do her much honour pour tant qu’elle se deffendoit si vassaument et pourchas- soit la besongne de son mary ( 1905:8).

One other noblewoman of courage and resource is briefly portrayed: Jeanne de Val- ois, who in 1340 succeeded in bringing about the truce of Esplechin between her brother Philippe de Valois and her son Guillaume II de Hainaut. Jean le Be1 al- ways calls her bonne or noble and stresses that during the negotiations toudis estoit celle bonne dame parmy ( 1904:205).

So we get a good picture of the role of noble women: they should be virtuous, faithful, kind and high-minded, do honour to their men and receive them warmly after battle, bestowing generous gifts on them.

But they are also expected to take over the military role in the absence of their menfolk, defend castles or lead campaigns, and for that they must have the same qualities as male leaders: physical courage, ability to in- spire the fighting force, a sense of strategy, concern for their people, resourcefulness, steadfast adherence to their cause. The countess of Salisbury, Philippa and Jeanne de Montfort are all praised by Jean le Be1 for performing such duties with credit. A duality therefore exists in the role ofwomen, from whom both traditionally male and traditionally female qualities are expected, the most highly esteemed being those who most successfully perform this double func- tion.

Noble women figure less happily in the account of the Jacquerie. None is named but Jean le Be1 describes with horror how many are raped, tortured and killed (1905:256-7). On the other hand, he men- tions without comment the rape and killing of ordinary women after the fall of Car- casonne (1905:221) and around Avignon (1905:322-3), though when many women are raped after the fall of Poitiers the En- glish commander, the earl of Derby, estoit durement courousse, mais il n3 pouoit mettre re- mede (1905:124).

Is Jean le Be1 in fact at all concerned about or interested in common people? Coville thinks not, accusing Jean le Be1 of having un grave parti pris. I1 ne connait et n’aime que noblesse et chevalerie; prouesse est la regle de sonjugement . . . . Ce prej‘ugi social domine entiire- ment son esprit ( 1949:252-3), and as we have seen, modern critics agree with Coville.

It is true that Jean le Bel’s chief concern is the nobility, and one has to search for signs that he is aware of the plight of ordi-

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nary folk, who appear mainly as the victims of war. Yet there are such signs. When war first overtakes them, they have no experi- ence to draw on in order to defend them- selves and safeguard their property: Ce ne fut point de merveille s’ilz furent esbahys, car ils n’avoient oncques eu guerres ne n’avoient veu gens d’armes, et adoncques veoient gens tuer sans pitie, maisons ardoir et rober, le pays ardoir et exillier (1905:77). They have no bargaining power: Eustache d’Abrichecourt and his men tuerent sans pitie’ hommes, femmes et enfans qui ne se poyoient raenchonner (1905:304), After C&y, the common people qui avoient dormi en bos- q&s, en fossez et en hayes creep about the battlefield trying to discover what happened and looking for their masters, their kinsfolk or their friends, but ces Angloys les tuoient tous ainsy qu’ilz les trouvoient (1905: 107). When a town is besieged or taken, people of no military value are sacrificed; at the siege of Tournai, the defenders envoyerrent hors de la uille, tout parmi l’ost, toutes manieres de gens qui ne leur pouoient aydier et qui n’avoient de leurs propres biens tant qu’& s’en peussent chevir, hom- mes, femmes et petis enfans (1904: 192). Simi- larly, the inhabitants of Calais, foreseeing a long siege with insuflicient provisions, mirent bien vc personnes dehors et les firent passer parmi l’ost des Angloys (1905:113); Edward III, says Jean le Bel, fed them, gave them money and had them led through his army to safety.18 Edward’s concern for ordinary victims is also cited when he retakes Dinan: all is burnt, mesmement nSy demoura esglise que tout ne

fuit ars et bruy, hommes, femmes et enfans tuez, de quoy le roy fut grandement courousse’ (1905: 19) .I9 But after the fall of Calais, he orders that the townsfolk fussent mis dehors en leurs draps sans plus; Jean le Be1 comments: Or m’est advis que c’est grande pitie’ a considerer

que ces uaillans bourgois et bonnes bourgoises de- .vinrent . . . . I1 m’est advis qu’il a (cuer] bien dur a cui pitie’ n’en prendroit, mesmement que le roy Philippe ne leur en fit oncques denre’e davantage (1905:168-9).20 When Edward III takes Saint Lo, grand foison de commun poeuple fut de la premiere venue mort, etpluseurs belles bourgoises et leurs filles violees which, says Jean le Bel,

fut grande pitie’ ( 1905:78). When the abbey of Brigny-Sainte-Benoite is sacked and maintes des dames a force uiole’es par les Angles, he again adds dont ce fut grande @tie’ (1904: 160). Those trying to defend Carquefou against the French army estoient petites gens et mauvaise- ment armez . . . si fut tantost la uille gaagnie et toute robee et bien arse a la moitie’ et toutes les gens mis-a ~l’espe’e, and Jean le Be1 thinks that ce

fut @tie’ et dommage (1904:267-8). These examples show that he was con-

scious of the difficult position of common people in wartime, that he realized their de- fencelessness and on occasion felt compas- sion for them. He had himself seen victims of war during the 1327 Scottish campaign; he describes how on one occasion his con- tingent came upon cinq povres prisonniers que les Escots auoient laissie’ en ce bos, tous nuds, lyez aux arbres par despit, et deux lesquelz avoient les

jambes brise’es (1904:73). He tells how in 1333 Jean de Namur and his men, arriving in the border country, n> trouverrent que povres fem- mes et petis enfans qui riens n’avoient, car tous les hommes de ce pays estoient widie’s a tout leur avoir, pour la doubtance des Anglois et des Escots ( 1904: 115), and how in 1340 King David takes Durham, si fut toute robee et arse, et fem- mes et enfans, prestres et clercs, qui s’en estoient

fuis a la grande esglise, furent tous ars dedens, ne en la cite’ ne demoura femme, n’enfant, ne maison, ne esglise que tout ne fust mis a destruction; de quay ce fut grande pitie’ ( 1904:284).

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But he had no illusions about the com- mon people. Not bound by any code of hon- our, they look only after their own interest. At Carentan, les bourgoys .., eurent paour de perdre corps et avoir, sy se rendirent saufs leurs corps et leurs biens, et leurs femmes, et leurs enfans (1905:74): The people of Nantes, veans leurs biensdestruire dehors et dedens et leurs enfans mars ou &is, do likewise, allowing their leader, the count of Montfort, to be taken prisoner ( 1904:269-70)) and the same happens in Rennes (l-,904:306). When, during the Jac- querie uprising, they briefly have the upper hand, they are bestial: quiplus faisoit de maulx et de vilains faiz, telx maulx que seulement creature humaine ne bes debvroit penser sans honte et ver- gongne, il e&t le plus grand maistre. Je n’oiseroie escrire ne raconter les horribles faiz ne les inconve- niens que faisoient aux dames (1905:257). Some do not even plead a cause: quant on leur de- mandoit pour quoy ilz_ avoient ainsy fait, ilz re- spondoient qu’ilz ne sEavoient fors qu’ilz l’auoient veu aux aultres faire; si le faisoient aussy (1905:259). His orthodox view of the social order is clearly expressed when the Jacques are defeated at Meaux; had they remained unchecked, ces gens n’eussent jamais esti re- boutee, ains fussent tousjours multipliez en orgueil et leur dyablerie, et s’enforchassent dejour en jour contre les nobles, et tant se fussent eslevez par le monde, se Dieu n? eut mis remede par sa saintte misericorde (1905:262). The bands of inde- pendent fighting men who pillage the coun- tryside are also getting above themselves, he feels, et en deuenoient aucuns sy riches qu’ilz deuenoient chappitaines et maistres des aultres (1905: 174). France is si feru et si foule’ . . . que nul des princes, barons et seigneurs, ne s’osoient monstrer contre gens de bas estat assemblee de tous pays (1905:275); these were in fact the Free Companies, powerful fighting forces of com-

mon soldiers led by captains of often great ability.

The many men who fill his chronicle rep- resent various countries, and there are ran- dom but sharp observations about the traits or habits of particular groups. Envy is char- acteristic of the English: les Angles sont com- munement envieux sur tous estrangiers quant ilz sont a leur dessus ( 1904: 17)) on dit que envye ne fust oncques morte en Angleterre ( 1904:36), and we learn that Robert the Bruce uses intelli- gence gathered from such envieux to plan his strategy (1904:37). But the English are good warriors: Or ont ilz sy apris les armes au-tern@ de ce noble roy Edowart . . . que ce sont plus nobles et les plus frisques combastans qu’on sache ( 1904: 156). The Scats and their methods of warfare are described in detail. They are hardy and unused to luxury; all, except for the camp followers, are mounted, knights and squires on chargers, the others on small palfreys; they have no baggage train, carry no bread, wine or cooking utensils and are thus able to cover great distances and sus- tain long marches by day or night; they drink river water and eat meat only par- tially cooked in the skins of the animals; each man carries with him a flat stone and a small bag of flour, and when their stomachs revolt against their crude diet they make little cakes of flour and water and cook these on the flat stones which have been warmed in a fire; they eat their meagre diet without salt (1904:50-52, 68 1905: 126). The French have a special talent: tendre tentes (et] paveillons si bellement que vous sEave< que Frangoys sgevent faire (1904:268) but they are not to be trusted: FranGoys ont toudis promis et ma1 paye’ (1904:312). Jean le Be1 contrasts the honourable way the English treat their French captives after Poitiers with the at-

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titude of German victors: ilz n’ont pitie’ ne mercy de crestiens gens d’armes, quant ilz les tien- nent, neant plus que de chiens (1905:238), nor are they peaceable: On n’a mie souvent ueu que le roy d’illemaigne puist demourer en paix quant il veult corriger et remettre a point tous les meffaitz d’Alemaigne (1904:226-7). Citizens of Brus- sels are branded as those qui par leur grandeur et orgueil ont toudis voulu estre les plus grands de Brabant, combien que la ville de Louvaing en est le chief (1904:2 10). The Sarrassins always take their women with them on their cam- paigns (1904:2 14). Unwittingly perhaps, he gives a hint of the attitude of his compa- triots towards the English: when Edward’s army, including the Hainault contingent, crosses the swollen River Tyne il y en eust aucuns baigniez et aucuns des Anglois noyez; de quay il ne nous chaloit pas grandement ( 1904:62). All these descriptions show Jean le Bel’s powers of intelligent observation, as well as his ability to give a striking impression in a few words and to add interest and depth to his narrative by making small but il- luminating comments.

Having looked at the chronicler and some of the main aspects of his work, we may briefly consider his public. Jean le Be1 gives few indications on this score. His opening line defines his readership as those in- terested in the military prowess of Edward III: Qui veult lire et ouir la vraye hystoire du proeu et gentil roy Edowart . . . si lise ce petit livre quej’ay commence a faire ( 1904: 1); he is aiming at gens de raison et d’entendement ( 1904:2) who will appreciate his truthful account and not be taken in by a grand livre rime' which he has read and found full of falsehood. Later on, when discussing the siege of Calais, he says: si m’en vouldray plus briefment passer, affin que les lisans ou oyansje n’ennuye ( 1905: 132). From

these mentions of lire et ouir and lisans ou oyans it seems that he envisaged his work being read aloud to an audience, a practice still widespread at the time.21 We find a further indication of this in his ending a number of chapters with phrases such as cy endroit lairay ung petit a parler de ceste matere, et parleray d’une aultre (1904:81), a device typi- cal of work intended for oral delivery.** He hoped, then, that his work would appeal to serious-minded and discriminating readers and listeners, who liked tales of knightly and military prowess but who wanted above all to know the truth about historical mat- ters, well recorded but without elaboration or undue flourishes. He wished to appear to them as a trustworthy narrator and not a composer of elegant prose.

Of his contemporaries, only Jacques de Hemricourt, Jean d’outremeuse and Jean Froissart mention him. It is not certain whether he ever met Froissart; some scho- lars claim that the final sentence of his pro- logue, Et, se je ne le puis parfaire, si le face un aultre aprez moy, a cui Dieu en donnera la grace (1904:4), refers to the possibility of Froissart finishing his work but there is no evidence for this. The line may simply express his hope that, should he be unable to complete the chronicle, another writer might do so. Froissart calls him (Kervyn 1867a:4):

venerable homme et discret seigneur monseigneur Jehan le Be1 . . . qui grant cure et toute bonne diligence mist en ceste mat&e et la continua tout son vivant, au plus justement qu’il pot, et moult lui cousta g acquerre et a l’avoir. Mais quelques frais qu’il y eust, ne feist, rien ne les plaigni, car il estoit riches et puis- sans; si les povoit bien porter, et de soy-meisme estoit larges, honnourables et courtois et qui voulentiers veoit le sien despendre.

Jacques de Hemricourt found him frank, de noble regiment but also lyez, gays,jolis (de Bor-

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man 1910:226-7). His epitaph, written by Jean d’Arcke1, prince-bishop of Liege, terms him fair, prudent, gracious, generous and wise. 23 From these comments, he appears honestly dedicated to his historiographical activity, devoting to it his personal re- sources of time, money and energy. A man of power and wealth, he is honourable, generous and wise, of courtly and elegant bearing but with a lively disposition. How does this contemporary judgment compare with the critics cited earlier and with our findings?

We have looked at what Jean le Be1 set out to do, at his approach to his task, his portrayal of some main figures and his treatment of aspects of contemporary life and society. We may now attempt to evaluate the man and his work. Foremost in any evaluation must be our awareness of his clear perception of a historian’s duty: to set down the facts without embellishment. His honest endeavour to do this is convinc- ing, and the fact that Jean de Hainaut and other eyewitnesses checked his account to make sure it was sens jinction shows how strongly his aim was supported by his pa- tron. Added to this striving for truthfulness is his ability to look at people in a historical perspective. Thus, for instance, he starts his account of the reign of Edward II by stating that on a souvent ueu avenir en Angleterre puis le roy Artus, que entre deux vaillans roys d’Angleterre a tousjours eu ung mains soujfisant de sens et de proesse (1904:4). His comment on the devas- tation of France also shows this wide perspective: Ainsy le noble royaume de France, le plus noble des nobles, qui soloit estre le reffuge de seurete’ et de paix, estoit adoncques, sansjustice,

j&de et confndu ( 1905:268). He shows himself an intelligent observer

and there is evidence of sharp psychological insight. One of its manifestations is the em- phasis he places on such insight on the part of his characters, such as the earl and count- ess of Salisbury or Walter Manny. Another is his ability to highlight, without undue elaboration, a vital factor in the psycholog- ical make-up of a person or group, such as the Jacques killing without motive save that of imitating others, or Jeanne de Montfort inviting fighting men to recount their ad- ventures when she has heard the tales al- ready.

Being a self-effacing author, he reveals lit- tle about himself and we must read between the lines. Much can be learnt, as we have seen, from occasionally expressed views or the stress laid on persons, events or situa- tions. Undeniably a child of his time and environment, he focused his attention on the activities of the nobility, and his al- legiance lay with them. His mentions of King Arthur show his enthusiasm for the days of perfect chivalry, and his regret for their passing is expressed vividly when he comments on changing fashions in military accoutrements: Aussy bien et aussy noblement est maintenant armi ung povre garchon, qu’est un noble chevaliers . . . sy me semble le temps estre bien change de mon souvenant (1904: 126-7). Yet is it true what his critics say? Was Jean le Be1 only interested in les faits de guerre, les cere- monies chevaleresques ou les conflits violents des princes et seigneurs (Coville 1949:253)? Is his work no more than une suite de re’cits militaires, ignoring politics, strategic considerations, his own local history, anything other than de beaux coups d’epee (Pirenne 1890-91:523)?24

His heart is indeed drawn to all those who exemplify perfect chivalry, but it is the real virtues of chivalry he extols, not the

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empty manifestations typical of the four- teenth century, its period of decline with its increasingly meaningless ritual, outward show and adherence to outdated precepts. His heroes, those he selects to present most fully for our attention, are not mere cardboard figures or sabre-rattlers but men and women who show qualities represent- ing the best in the chivalric tradition, qual- ities esteemed and prized in any age. They excel in wisdom as well as in physical cour- age, in care and concern for their people as well as in strategic ability, in sober dignity as well as in splendid bearing and display. They subordinate personal sorrow to their duty to the knightly code, but they are far from being mere martinets. They valiantly defend what belongs to them but are nonetheless capable of pity and generosity, and they protect the weak and the defence- less when called upon to do so. They accept inevitable defeat in a dignified manner, nor do they rob those whom they vanquish of their dignity: after Poitiers, the victorious English treat their prisoners certes cowtoise- ment, allowing them to fix their own ransoms as they do not wish to raenchonner chevaliers et escuiers sy oultrageusement qu ‘ilz ne peussent servir leurs seigneurs selonc leur estat ( 1905:236-8). There are many parts, notably the account of the 1327 Scottish campaign, where de beaux cou~s d’t$ke are hardly in the forefront, and there is in fact very little description of individual fighting. There is, moreover, clear evidence of Jean le Bel’s compassion for those who suffer, of his desire for justice, and his revulsion at wanton cruelty.

It is to Jean le Bel’s credit to have drawn such a perceptive picture of his world, in spite of the limitations imposed on him by the rigid framework of his birth, age and

social position, and in spite of the tradi- tional role of the medieval portrait which was a didactic one, intended to show exam- ples of certain qualities rather than to por- tray a’living individual with different shad- ings of good and bad.25 Jean le Bel’s main characters are not mere exponents of par- ticular characteristics but come across as real people: the imperious Edward III, praiseworthy in many respects but whose base conduct towards the countess of Salis- bury and black anger at Calais detract from the general picture of virtue; the dutiful and compassionate Philippa; the virtuous, gen- tle yet strongly principled countess of Salis- bury and her tragic husband; Sir Walter Mann’y, ‘valiant and wise; and the coura- geous and determined but also kind and considerate Jeanne de Montfort. Lesser fi- gures live, too, such as the poor naked Scot- tish prisoners with their broken legs, or the timorous Pope Clement VI.

It is fair to conclude, I think, that far from being Kurth’s worldly prince of the Church, of doubtful morality and full of starry-eyed, uncritical admiration for empty prototypes of chivalry, Jean le Be1 is one of our most perceptive medieval historians, a man of solid principle as regards his his- toriographical duty, whose objective and realistic judgment of men and events makes his chronicle a valuable historical source while his descriptive talent makes it a work of considerable literary merit.

Notes

For other judgments, see Pirenne (1890- 91:52 1): cette chronique apparait aujourd’hui comme une des productions littkaires les plus remarquables du xive sikcle; Coville, who gives a mainly historical

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evaluatioli but says that the language is t&s remar- quable pour le temps et pour le lieu (1949:253) and that les r&its de Jean le Be1 dans leurs meilleures pages ont un rare merite litttraire (1949:254); and Tyson (forthcoming b). All Jean le Be1 quotations are taken from the excellent Viard edition. 2 The portrait (de Borman 1910:226-g) is quoted in Viard (1904:v-vii) but taken from the 1673 edition $ry Salbray.

Jean d’outremeuse mentions the patronage (Bormans 1880:322-3). See also Viard (1904:viii-ix), Pirenne thought that much of the material would have been supplied by Jean de Hainaut qui joua un role si actif pendant la guerre de cent ans (1890- 91:522). For possible reasons why Jean le Be1 does not mention the patronage himself, see Tyson (forth- coming a). 4 He states this clearly himself: Je veul mectre Paine et ententc, quant je pourray avoir loisir, d’es- crire par prose ce que je ay veu et ouy recorder par ceulx qui ont este la oti je n’ay pas este (1904:3-4) and Et certainement ce que j’en ay cy devant escript, je l’ay mis tout au plus prez de la veritt que j’ay peu, selonc que je l’ay veu en ma propre personne et que j’en ay souvenance, et ainsy que je l’ay ouy veri- tablement recorder a ceulx lesquclz ont este oti je ;‘ay pas estt (1904:212).

The last epithet is misleading, as Jean le Be1 depicts the English and Hainaut nobility as much as the French. As for his moeursfaciles, it is true that in his old age he fathered twin sons, Jean and Gilles. A son ofJean, also named Jean and also, it seems, canon at Saint Lambert, is possibly the author of a chronicle about Richard II (Buchon 1826:l). For a family tree ;f the Le Beau family, see de Borman (1925: 144).

Kurth (1910:56-75) suggests some doubtful dealing took place during these deliberations. For de- tails see Balau (1931:163-4); Michel (1935:120-l); de Theux (1871a:xxviii ff.); Baerten (1976).

De Theux (1871b:23-6) gives details on Jean le Bel’s activities as canon of Saint Lambert. 8 Pirenne (1890-91:524) thought Jean le Be1 looked on the history of his own town as too insignili- cant for his attention: il n’a en vue que le thtatre brillant des grandes guerres chcvaleresques. Contrast this, for instance, with the anonymous author of the Chronique des quatrepremiers Valois whom Lute (1862:xi) felt was a native of Rouen because il interrompt pre- sque a chaque instant le rtcit des tvtnements gentraux pour noter au passage le plus mince inci- dent dont la capitale de la Normandie a ett le theitre. 9 For details of Edward III’s Scottish campaigns, see Nicholson ( 1965).

For instance et je mesmes qui fus la present ;;904:44j and et je avecques (1904:73).

For other examples, see 1904:26, 104, 140, 27 1; 1905:12, 239. We know that the patron wanted a truthful account, as the finished work was to be checked by eyewitnesses: Et quant ilh l’avroit fait, si fut mostreis al dit monsangnour Johans de Bealmont et aux altres qui avoient esteit presens al fais, et fust corregiet a leur vraie volenteit, sens finction (Bor- Eans 1880:322-3).

Froissart glosses over this episode, turning it into a symbolical game of chess played by Edward ;ncl the countess (Kcrvyn 1876b:454-61).

Viard’s view that aux yeux de Jean le Bel, les imprudences commises par la chcvalerie a Crtcy et a Poitiers n’entrent pas en ligne de compte and that the author attributes the defeats wholly to the French king’s failure to obtain sound advice, is shown by this quotation to be inaccurate (1904:xxix-xxx).

We should note the stress on God’s help being instrumental in, and an endorsement of, good king- ship. 15 Elsewhere, he makes the same point: on voit souvent que joeunes seigneurs croient de legier cilz qui les doivent plus tost infourmer le ma1 que le bien (1904: 102). Coville feels Jean le Be1 shows here his prejudice against petites pens (1949:252-3) but Viard elaborates: Depuis le commencement du XIVe siecle, on voyait, dans les conseils du roi et dans les grandes administrations, prtdominer peu a peu des gens de petite extraction. Les nobles, au contraire, confines dans leurs chateaux et dedaignant tout ce qui ttait en dehors des armes et de la guerre, etaient a peu pres r$tguts au second plan (1904:xxix).

Jean le Be1 says the earl died in the siege of Algeciras but the Chronique normande du XIVe siicle, which also reports the rape, records that he went to the French court and shortly thereafter disappeared (Molinier 1882:59-60). 17 Men in their turn were obliged to protect women, even those on the enemy side: two French noblewomen, abandoned near Poix, ask for and re- $ve Edward III’s protection (1905:90-l).

Viard cites Knighton’s chronicle which states that, on the contrary, Edward III repulsed these wretched people who, trapped between the English army and the walls of Calais, perished miserably of Fnger and cold ( 1905: 113).

It is possible the king was annoyed at the de- struction of what could have been a rich and useful stronghold. We have a similar picture of Louis of Spain at the fall of Dinan: angered by the sack of the town, hc hangs fourteen of his soldiers as punishment

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(1904:323). 20 Viard points out that Philippe VI did take pity on these unfortunates (1905:168-9). Coville feels this is the only instance where Jean le Bel’s compassion is other than a mere formule (1949:253) but Viard thinks there is sincere pity in other instances (1904:xXx). 21 Green shows that there was much reading aloud, as late as the fifteenth century, not necessarily because audiences were illiterate but because they liked being read to (1980:99-100). Gransden confirms this (1982:62). See Olson on reading aloud as a means to relax, amuse or distract the listener as well as to instruct him (1982:82ff.). 22 Crosby states: The obvious transition, like the direct address to an audience, is a necessary accom- rniment of work to be orally delivered (1936:107).

24 The epitaph is printed by Coville (1949:240). Even so recent a critic as Poirion feels that les

chroniqueurs, de Jean le Be1 et Froissart jusqu’a Georges Chastellain et Olivier de la Marche, mettent k prose historique au service de la gloire (1965:104).

Colby (1965) draws attention to the depicting of actions as a method of portraying individuals. We should note that virtually all Jean le Bel’s characteri- sation is done in this way.

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