jiabs 10-1

THE JOURNAL

Of THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF

BUDDHIST STUDIES

CO-EDITORS-IN -CHIEF

Gregory Schopen

Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana, USA

EDITORS

Peter N. Gregory

University of Illinois

Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, USA

Alexander W. Macdonald

Universite de Paris X Nanterre, France

Roger Jackson Fairfield University

Fairfield, Connecticut, USA

Ernst Steinkellner

University of Vienna Wien, Austria

Jikido Takasaki University of Tokyo

Tokyo,japan

Robert Thurman

Amherst College Amherst, Massachusetts, USA

Volume 10

ASSISTANT EDITOR

Bruce Cameron Hall

College of William and Mary

Williamsburg, Virginia, USA

1987 Number 1

e the watermark

THE JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BUDDHIST STUDIES, INC.

This Journal is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. It is governed by the objectives of the Association and accepts scholarly contributions pertaining to Buddhist Studies in all the various disciplines such as philosophy, history, religion, sociology, anthropology, art; archaeology, psychology, textual studies, etc. The ]lABS is published twice yearly in the summer and winter.

Manuscripts for publication (we must have two copies) and correspondence concerning articles should be submitted to the JIABS editorial office at the address given below. Please refer to the guidelines for contributors to the ]lABS printed on the inside back cover of every issue. Books for review should also be sent to the address below. The Editors cannot guarantee to publish reviews of unsolicited books nor to return those books to the senders.

The Association and the Editors assume no responsibility for the views expressed by the authors in the Association's Journal and other related publications.

Andre Bareau (France)

M.N. Deshpande (India)

R. Card (USA)

B.C. Cokhale (USA)

Gregory Schopen ]lABS clo Dept. of Religious Studies 230 Sycamore Hall Indiana University Bloomington, IN 47405 USA

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Joseph M. Kitagawa (USA)

Jacques May (Switzerland)

Hajime Nakamura (japan)

John Rosenfield (USA)

John C. Huntington (USA) David Snellgrove (U.K.)

P.S. Jaini (USA) E. Zurcher (Netherlands) .

Both the Editors and Association would like to thank Indiana University and Fairfield University for their financial support in the production of the Journal.

The Editors wish to thank Mr. Kevin Latkins for his invaluable help in the preparation of this issue.

Copyright © The International Association of Buddhist Studies 1987 ISSN: 0193-600X

Indexed in Religion Index One: Periodicals, American Theological Library Association, Chicago, available online through BRS (Bibliographic Retrieval Services), Latham, New York, and DIALOG Information Services, Palo Alto, California.

Composition by Publications Division, Grote Deutsch & Co., Madison, WI 53704. Printing by Thomson-Shore, Inc., Dexter, MI 48130.

CONTENTS

1. ARTICLES

l. The Female Renunciants of Sri Lanka: the Dasasilamattawa, by Lowell W. Bloss 7

2. Les Rep~mses des Pudgalavadin aux Critiques des Ecoles Bouddhiques, by Thich Thien Chau 33

3. Tsong kha pa's Understanding of Prasangika Thought, by Lobsang Dargyay 55

4. Who Gets to Ride in the Great Vehicle? Self-Image and Identity Among the Followers of the Early Mahayana, by Paul Harrison 67

5. Shingon Mikky6's Twofold MatJ,(iala: Paradoxes and Integration, by Minoru Kiyota 91

6. Yung-ming's Syncretism of Pure Land and Ch'an, by Heng-ching Shih 117

7. Pre-Buddhist Elements in Himalayan Buddhism: The Institution of Oracles, by Ramesh Chandra Tewari 135

II. BOOK REVIEWS

1. Essays in Gupta Culture, ed. Bardwell Smith (Holly Baker Reynolds) 157

2. Niigiirjunas"Filosofiske Vaerker and Miscellanea Buddhica, by Chr. Lindtner (Fernando Tola and Carmen Dragonetti) 161

3. Tantric Concept of Bodhicitta: A Buddhist Experiential Philosophy, by Minoru Kiyota (Dale Todaro) 164

4. Zen and Western Thought, by Masao Abe (Paul]. Griffiths) 168

The Female Renunciants of Sri Lanka: The Dasasilmattawa

by Lowell W. Bloss

Scholars of contemporary Theravada Buddhism in South and South EastAsia have noted the significant changes in lay beliefs and practices as well as monastic reforms that have taken place since the late 19th century. J Yet, within their studies of this modern Theravada reformation very little attention has been paid to the growth in prestige and numbers of Theravada Buddhist renunciant women. The growth of orders of these robe dad, shaven headed women known as dasasilmattawa, mae chi and thela shin respectively in Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma reflect the changes in Theravada Buddhism and provide an important piece of the puzzle for understanding this reformation. This is particularly true of the dasasilmattawa movement of Sri Lanka, the youngest and most rapidly growing and changing of these movements of Buddhist female renunciants.

Initially, this study will document the history of the dasasilmattawa movement from its beginnings in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to its impressive growth in the 1950's. Focusing on three key dasasilmattawas (= dsms) , Sisters Sudharmachari, Mawichari and Sudharma, this history shows how this movement has affinities and differences with "Protestant Buddhism" and relates to both the vipassanii meditation movement and the growth of the forest dwelling monastaries. After providing a history of this movement the study turns to an assessment of the contemporary status of the dsms as seen from the points of view of the members of this movement as well as from monk and lay perspectives. It will be suggested that the laity'S respect for a more renunciant style of life than that of the village or

7

8 JIABS VOL. 10 NO.1

city monks and the increasing popularity of vipassana meditation accounts for the growing prestige of the dsms.

1. History of the dasasilmattawa movement

In his book published in 1892 R. S. Copleston describes men and women in white who have taken the ten precepts or dasasil. He reports:

... there are few men of this profession, but a considerable number of women, generally old, are to be seen about the temples, especially in Kandy, or on the way to Adam's peak. They carry bowls as if for begging, and their shaven heads and dirty. dresses give them a pathetic appearance, and one who had read the books would naturally suppose them to be nuns. Female mendicants they are, but they have not been admitted to the Community, and therefore are not called 'bhikkhm;l1s,' but only 'upadikas.' (lay women)2

It is difficult to know the exact ongms of such elderly women. Reports and stories suggest that a number of these women upiisikiis wandered in Sri Lanka in the early 1800s and it is probable that women mendicants were a part of the Sri Lankan scene before that time, perhaps dating back to the collapse of the bhikkhuTJz order in the 12th or 13th centuries.3 Their numbers may have increased due to the revival of Buddhism in the late 1800s, especially because of the poya campaigns which encouraged laity to take the eight precepts (a(asil) and wear white on full moon days, and because of the example of such figures as Anagarika Dhammapala who took the ten precepts (dasasil) permanently.4

A small number of aged and seemingly destitute women like those Copleston described can still be seen today congregating at the Sri Mahabodhi in Anuradhapura or at other important Buddhist pilgrimage centers. However, some of these women now wear yellow robes, having taken dasasil, and are accompanied by one or two women in white who have taken a(asil. The a(asils in white can handle money and care for the dasasils in yellow. Often lacking shelter, these women beg for food an~ money or subsist on the food prepared by Buddhist charity

FEMALE RENUNCIANTS OF SRI LANKA 9

organizations. Only the yellow robes of a few differentiate these women from those that Copleston described.

However, today there are many dsms, approximately 2500 wearing the yellow robe, who make every effort to disassociate themselves from the few poor older women such as those who beg near'the Sri Mahabodhi.5 Most of these modern dsms live in aramayas (monastic institutions) with more than three companion dsms, were initiated under the tutelage of a teacher in a line of succession of other dsms, and about half were given the ten precepts before their twenty-fifth birthday.6 These yellow clad dsms are coming to see a close connection between themselves and the bhikkhurJis of ancient Sri Lanka. The link between the women in white of whom Copleston speaks and the modern day dsms in part is provided by Sister Sudharmachari, once Catherine deAlvis.

Catherine deAlvis was the daughter of David deAlvis Coonatillika, Mudaliyar of Raigama Korale, and Leisa deAlvis who was the sister of the famous scholar James deAlvis. Catherine was thus related to some of the most important coastal families of Sri Lanka including that of Sir Don Solomon Dias Bandaranaika, the chief Sri Lankan advisor of the British.7 It appears that Catherine's mother died early in her daughter's life and that her father then remarried. He too died before his daughter was 25 and subsequently she converted from Anglican Christianity to Buddhism and journeyed to Burma where she took on the robes of a dasasil before returning to Sri Lanka.

There are a number of stories about Catherine's conversion to Buddhism. A version repeated in several articles on Sister Sudharmachari credits Koswathie Nilame, an Ayurvedic physician of her father, with acquainting her with Buddhist texts. 8

One story, perhaps apocryphal, relates that seven days after her father's death, Catherine invited Buddhist monks to a dana (almsgiving). The chief monk would not accept the dana until someone in the family took the five precepts. Catherine took the precepts despite the objections of her Christian relatives.9

Soon after her father's death Catherine settled in Kandy to continue her study of Buddhism. In Kandy she met a large delegation of Burmese renunciant women (thela shin), led by the ex-Burmese Queen Sein don, who were on pilgrimage to the Temple of the Tooth. It appears that Catherine and her


servant accompanied the thela shin when they returned to Burma. Here she was initiated by Queen Sein don and studied Burmese and Pali. Catherine remained in Burma until 1905 when she returned to Sri Lanka as Sister Sudharmachari. 10

Without a first-hand account of Catherine deAlvis' conversion to Buddhism any statement concerning her reasons for this change remains speculative. However, it can be recalled that her uncle, James deAlvis, while an Anglican, felt the prejudice of the British and called upon Sinhalese to rediscover their heritage. II Moreover, the 1880s and 1890s was a time of Buddhist resurgence as wen as contact with Burmese monks, especially by the low country nikiiyas (schools of the sangha). A number of Christian families especially in the Panadura area were returning to Buddhism while many of the Sinhalese Buddhist elite were beginning to assert and reform their tradition under the catalytic leadership of Colonel Olcott. 12 These conditions no doubt proved a favorable environment for her converSlOn.

Upon her return to Sri Lanka, Sister Sudharmachari used her connections to develop support among the most prestigious low country families such as that of Don Solomon Dias Bandaranaika who seems to have introduced her to Lady Edith Blake, wife of the British Governor Henry Blake. Moreover, her conversion to Buddhism endeared her to many prominent up country families. At a tea party in the Peradeniya gardens in 1906 reported in the Ceylon Observer, Sister Sudharmachari, Lady Blake, D. S. Dias Bandaranaika, William Dunawilla Disawa, Mrs. L. B. Nugawela and Mrs. A. Coomaraswamy attended. 13

With the financial aid of these families Sister Sudharmachari formed the Sudharmadhara Society and built an upiisikii iiriimaya in Katukale on the Kandy-Peradeniya road. This nunnery was officially opened in 1907 by Lady Blake and bore her name.

With the building of Lady Blake's .A.riimaya, Sister Sudharmachari took homeless girls under her care and began to educate them. The Sister also took into her iiriimaya a number of aged, destitute, and blind women who became dsms. 14 In fact, the iiriimaya fast became a home for elderly dsms. It appears that Sister Sudharmachari had been warned by her teacher in Burma not to ordain women under 40 years of age since the dsm tradition was not well established in Sri Lanka and ordaining younger women might prove a disciplinary problem. The name board


in front of Lady Blake's Nunnery thus read "Home for elderly uPiisikiis". In the 1920s this advice was nullified when Sister Sudharmachari needed younger sisters to take care of the older dsms that she had initiated. 15

In her lifetime, Sister Sudharmachati, who also built an iiriimaya near the Thuparamaya in Anuradhapura, came to be called Hamumaniyo or Hamupasika due to her aristocratic connections and bearing. Wearing a white blouse and a yellowrobe to differentiate herself on the one hand from bhikkhuTf,zS and, on the other hand, from the uninitiated, undisciplined women in white of which Copleston spoke, she was regularly visited by dignitaries from Burma and members of the lay Buddhist elite of Sri Lanka. 16 She died in 1939.

Sister Sudharmachari's example and that of her initiates, coupled with growing Buddhist education and sil campaigns directed to the youth stimulated a modest growth of the dsm movement from the 1905 through 1935. At least three iiriimayas in Panadura were opened between 19lO and 1924 by students of Sister Sudharmachari. 17 However, despite this growth and a tendency to take younger members, upiisikii continued to be a term associated with older lay women and was used as a term of derision toward younger girls who took sil. One informant related that parents of girls from nearby High School would not allow their daughters to walk past Lady Blake's Aramaya for fear that they might be influenced to join the order and not fulfill their proper female role as housewife and mother. 18 Such prejudices began to change in the 1930s through 1950s due in part to the influence of Sister Mawichari.

Born in North Burma in 1897, Mawichari became distressed when she witnessed her sister's miscarriage. She cut her own hair in 1912 and her parents put her in the charge of an iiriimaya near Sagain Rock where she was initiated as a thela shin, learned meditation and became. an expert in abhidhamma. In 1928 she came with 90 other nuns from Burma to worship at the Temple of the Tooth. In 1929 she returned to Sri Lanka and under the prompting of Vinayalanka Thero, a Burmese monk at Makutaramaya, decided to stay and initiate dsms in Sri Lanka. 19

Sister Mawichari created a sensation among the Buddhist women in Colombo and many came to see her and take her blessing. One laywoman, Piyaseeli Jayewardene, a qualified teacher educated at Museaus College was initiated as Sister

12 ]IABSVOL.I0NO.l

Seelawati and by 1958 they had initiated over 50 women, most of them in their teens or early 20S.20 A home often frequented by this pair of dsms was "Yamuna" owned by H. Sri Nissanka, who was to playa most important part in the growth of the dsm movement. 21

H. Sri Nissanka, a noted criminal lawyer and Buddhist nationalist, was a key figure in Buddhist affairs in Sri Lanka in the 1930s and 1940s.22 He was not only instrumental in making the dsm movement respectable among the urban elite but in bringing vipassana meditation practice to Sri Lanka and popularizing this among the laity.23 Born in 1899, he was educatedfirst in Ananda College and then transferred to Royal College where he was involved in the YMBA. At 19 he travelled to Burma and was ordained a Buddhist monk. He thereby hoped to set an example for all Sri Lankan Buddhist laymen to become monks for a brief period in their early years. Soon afterward he returned to Sri Lanka to take care of his ailing father and subsequently went to England to train for a law degree. When he returned to Sri Lanka he continued to work for Buddhist causes and became the President of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress in 1931.24

In the early 1930s, influenced by the discipline and learning of the Burmese Sister Mawichari, coupled with a personal experience in which he visited a Buddhist monk in a hospital and was distressed that the monk was nursed by Catholic nuns, H. Sri Nissanka began to galvanize support for an aramaya for dsms. Quoting the verse, yo gilanan upatthati, so upaUhati man iti, "whoever nurses the sick, nurses me," he hoped to set up an aramaya which would educate and discipline the dsms, many of whom had taken on the yellow robes of Sister Sudharmachari but were self-initiated and homeless.25 In addition, H. Sri Nissanka hoped to train these dsms to be useful members of society. Theirs was to be a life of both renunciation and service.

This plan for the dsms as well as a number of H. Sri Nissanka's activities can be interpreted as strategies of the urban elite, who being divorced from the traditional rural framework tried to bridge the gap between this-worldly pursuits and the other-worldly concerns of Buddhism. Confronted with urban secular activity, influenced by the Western understandings and misunderstandings of Buddhism and sometimes better educated

FEMALE RENUNCIANTS OF SRI LANKA. 13

in textual Buddhism than the monks, this group searched for ways to link daily life to the goal of renunciation or at least bring a Buddhist ethic into everyday life. Here the quest of deliverance could be linked to deliverance from social ills and emerging other Buddhist males suggests one such strategy; while his support of vipassanii for the laity is another. In this latter plan the laity take unto themselves a religious virtuosity once the property of the monks. By pushing the dsms toward service, and in fact suggesting that they follow the path of a female anagiirika ("homeless one"), he proposes a third strategy. As Bardwell Smith suggests, these activities show an increase in the relationship between renunciation and present existence, a stress on equanimity that is non-attachment but not non-involvement, and reveal a conviction that Buddhism can speak to the modern world.26

The list of lay supporters that H. Sri Nissanka involved in this effort to build an iiriimaya for educated and disciplined dsms reads like a catalogue of the Colombo Buddhist elite. They agreed with his effort to reform the dsms, "who were seen to be wandering from place to place without guidance and bring them under control and educate them to lead usefullives."27 When the nunnery, named Vihara MahaDevi Upasika Aramaya, was finally built at Biyagama and opened in 1936, under headlines reading "Life of Work and Service" and "Others Before Self," the newspapers reported that, "The society wishes to discourage the idea that this aramaya is meant to be an asylum for the aged and the decrepit."28 Rather the dsms will conduct classes for 75 neighborhood girls. Service was emphasized for:

Strange as it may seem even pious Buddhists seem to forget that the Buddha himself after attaining perfection served mankind for 40 long years. Nowadays, while everybody strives to attain self-perfection, the spirit of service is non-existent.29

The report continues that:

The Upasikas will in addition to spiritual instruction, be trained in first aid, hygiene and social work. They will be equipped to go out into the neighboring villages on missions of mercy.3D

D .. S. Senanayaka, the Minister of Agriculture, helped to open


the iiriimaya with these words:

Buddhists who speak so much of Ahimsa had not taken steps to educate women in the art of succoring the -sick. Such work is done by Christian Sisters and it is high time women of the country work for the welfare of fellow human beings in a selfless way. 31

The laity were clear in their goals for the inhabitants of this new iiriimaya-renunciation and service. Only in the former were they to achieve success. The !aity brought Sisters Mawichari and Seelavathi to the Biyagama Aramaya in 1938 and 1939 to teach the dsms meditation, abhidhamma, and discipline.32 While such Buddhist education proved to be successful, in the three yearly reports published in July, 1938, 1939 and 1940, the diiyakas, or "donors", express concern with the lack of public service displayed by the dsms. In 1938, the laity report that while their duty of meditation is being done, no work of value to the residents of the vicinity is completed. In the 1939 report the hopes of the laity begin to rest on a younger dsm, Sister Sudharma, whom they were educating at Musaeus College and who becomes the most important figure in tp.e history of the dsm movement. 33

This important episode reveals a conflict between two strategies for redemption within Buddhism. On the one hand, there is an urban educated elite iIJ.fluenced by the examples of Christian service organizations including Catholic nuns who taught in schools and nursed in hospitals. Attempting to assert their pride in Buddhism these members of the elite, whose predecessors had built Buddhist higher education, started Buddhist Sunday schools, began the YMBA, and supported similar organizations parallel to those of the Christians, continued to assert what has come to be called "Protestant Buddhism": a Buddhism that stressed an ethic of involvement, a rational and pragmatic interpretation of Buddhist ideals and a this-worldly asceticism. On the other hand then~ is the dsms drawn mostly from rural backgrounds and steeped in the practice of monks who gave spiritual and ritual gifts tq the laity and not social service. Added to the monks' example was the female atasil who gained. purity and merit by worship and contemplation on poya days and whose calm behavior was felt to be particularly befitting a woman. Following this example the dsms were willing to practice meditation-and as will be seen below, wholeheartedly ac-


cepted the vipassanii techniques brought to Sri Lanka with the help of H. Sri Nissanka-but were unwilling to use the tranquility taught in meditation in social service. Another factor that led to a rejection of the service ethic of the urban laity might have been the class background of the dsms. Many seem to have been drawn from the rural small landholding class whose female members realistically only could aspire to becoming teachers in the lower grades in village schools. They had rejected this goal and taken the unpopular step of renouncing the role of housewife when they became dsms. Instead of service, they saw their life as one of renunciation.

At first glance Sister Sudharma seems to have realized the service oriented dream of H. Sri Nissanka, as this Sister became a teacher at Museaus College. She also gave numerous talks on the Buddhist Dhamma throughout Sri Lanka as well as radio and newspaper interviews. It is to Sister Sudharma that much of the credit can be given to elevating the status of dsms in the eyes of the laity as well as the rapid growth of the movement from the 1950s which marked an upsurge of Buddhist nationalistic feeling, in part due to the 2500th anniversary of the Buddha's birth. However, Sister Sudharma has given up her teaching position at Museaus College which she held from 1955 to 1977 and now speaks strongly of the need for a strict renunciation on the part of dsms. A brief biography of Sister Sudharma might point to the fact that the life of renunciation and retreat that she now observes was a major factor in her ambition to become a dsm. This same motivation characterizes most dsms today.34

Born in 1919 into a farming family with small plantation ownings, Sister Sudharma became a nun when she was 13 years and 4 months of age in 1933. The motivations for such a step can never be fathomed adequately but a number of reasons are readily recalled by Sister Sudharma. As a very young girl she was upset by the graphic portrayals of the numerous Buddhist hells at the temple at Botale and vowed to follow a path that would preclude such an end. Thinking of the numerous Buddhist hells, she was told the story of a man who heard the words of the Buddha and decided to observe the ten precepts despite the fact that he was starving. Due to his weakened condition when he began to observe the precepts, he died and became a

16 ]IABSVOL.IONO.l

tree deity. Thinking that such a divine state was obtained by only half a day of observing ten precepts Sister Sudharma vowed to take the precepts as often as she could. She took the five precepts every night and when she did not she dreamed of punishments. The taking of the precepts also came to be linked with good health. When she began to suffer from malaria with frequent chills, her mother advised her to take the eight precepts daily at the temple. She followed this advice from July through November of 1932 and she subsequently lost the symptoms. After this experience she asked her uncles to build her a very small shrine and meditation room where she spent more and more of her time. Here she worshipped the Buddha and, while not formally taught meditation, she reflected on the 32 impurities of the body. Once while contemplating the impurities her austerities brought her a sense of tranquility that lasted for

. a number of days. This youthful piety led Sister Sudharma to a decision to

become a bhikkhurJ/i. While she had never seen a nun she had studied about the arrival of the bhikkhu'f}z order in Sri Lanka and appeared to believe it still existed.35 When she was 10· or 11 she did see a dsm and in the next several years she cut her hair a number of times and took on yellow robes, much to the dismay of her family. Finally, a dsm came to her village to learn P~ili from a local pundit and she slipped away to her, donned the robes and returned to her family for their blessing. After difficult negotiations, her family gave into her request with the promise that she would stay in the village. Even though her preceptor moved from the village in several months, Sister Sudharma stayed with her family for three years and then heard of the opening of the Biyagama Aramaya by H. Sri Nissarika. Taking a servant she went to the house of H. Sri Nissanka and he promised to negotiate with her family and gain their approval for her entrance into the new iiriimaya. After entering the iiriimaya at Biyagama she was chosen by Mrs. J. R. J ayewardene to be educated at Museaus. Subsequently, she went on to Colombo University, from which she graduated in 1951. Under the urging of Professor C. P. Malalasekera she then travelled to Penang to teach the dhamma, but returned when her mother fell ill. She then taught at a girls school in Ambalangoda until


she was asked to come to Museaus in 1955. At the same time she began to run the iiriimaya at Biyagama and to establish other nunneries. Mter quitting M useaus in 1977 Sister Sudharma retired to the forest where she remained for some five years at Kutumbigala under Ven. JinavaJpsa Anandasiri. She is now the head of a group of 13 iiriimayas and is supervising the building of a nursing home for aged nuns.

In reflecting on her life, Sister Sudharma tends to depreciate the service period suggesting that very few can have such a worldly position and remain dedicated to renunciation. She sees her teaching as a debt owed to her sponsors, but now dedicates her life to renunciation. She soon hopes to return to the forest where she expects to remain until death or sickness ends this career. The disciplined and meditative life is certainly what she expects of her students. All novices that she accepts at her nunneries must spend at least three months at the vipassanii meditation center at Kunduboda. The blending of veneration and emulation of the forest monks, the training in vipassanii meditation and the renunciation of the worldly affairs that marks Sister Sudharma's present practice is characteristic of the hopes of the majority of the dsms today and accounts for the growing prestige of this movement, as will be shown below.36

The dsm movement which Sisters Sudharmachari, Mawichari and Sudharma have helped to stimulate now numbers . approximately 2500 and is growing rapidly. The dsms in yellow who live in iiriimayas and are initiated only after a period of novicehood, far outnumber the women of which Copleston spoke or those wandering upiisikiis whom H. Sri Nissanka wished to reform and put into social service. These dsms are beginning to gain the respect of the laity and the attention of the monks. We turn now to an analysis of where the new dsms place themselves in the Buddhist siisana (religion) and how the laity and monks characterize the life-style of the dsms.

II. Views of the Dsm Movement

A. The Dsms' View of Themselves: Between Lay and BhikkhUl)l Status


The majority of dsms today are attempting to make a place for themselves between lay and bhikkhurJ/i status. Sister Sudhanna, for instance, suggests that the dsm movement is not a part of the sangha. Yet, it is not a lay order.,She explains that according to Ven. Kadavadduve Jinavaqlsa, who heads a number of forest hermitages in Sri Lanka, there are three ways of taking the ten precepts. The lay person can take. dasasil for a day, when sil is administered by a monk, who uses the word gahapati ("householder"). The dsm begs for the dasasil without the use of this term, thus rejecting the lay or upasika status, while the novice monk takes pabbaJja dasasil, which collapses the ten precepts into one rule and prepares the way for full ordination into the sangha (upasampada). The fact that the word for householder is not used during the initiation places the dsm at a mid-point between the laity and sangha. 37 Other dsms who are leaders of important dsm organizations were unable to explain their place so fully but noted that the dsms are in a special category, and one said that definitely the dsms were samanerz: female novices but not officially a part of the sangha. 38 As further evidence that the dsms do not consider themselves a lay order, the dsms call Sanghamitra who brought the Sri Mahabodhi to Sri Lanka and established the bhikkhu'fJ,z order, their mother. They also read the Therzgatha which contains life histories of early bhikkhu'fJ,zS as an important reference for the reasons a woman might wish to become a dsm. Also of interest in pointing to the position of the dsms in their own eyes is the answer to the question as to whether they would soon pass away if they were to attain arahantship. According to the Buddhist canon if they were lay Buddhists who did not join the sangha immediately after attaining arahantship, they would die in a short time. U nanimously, the dsms asserted that as they were not a lay order and had renounced the household they would continue to live after attaining arahantship. Another clue to the fact that they do not see themselves as upasikas is,· of course, the "yellow robe," in various shades from almost red to brown, the dsms have adopted. This is in contrast to the white of the atasil and the white and yellow of the first dsm, Sister Sudharmachari. It should be noted that their dress is not technically a robe which must be made according to strict Vinaya rules and which only the monks can wear, but this difference is not often cited by the dsms and


certainly is not understood by most laity as will be shown below. This view of their own status between the laity and monk

is also affirmed by the response of the majority of dsms to the possibility of upasamt:ad~ or full ordinat~on into the sang~a. This question of full ordmatlon of women mto the sangha IS often debated in the contemporary Sri Lankan press. The possibility of such an ordination is suggested by the fact that Sri Lankan bhikkhur{is travelled to China in the fifth century A.D. to ordain Chinese women.39 It is argued that if the line of nuns still exists in China, these nuns could reintroduce the bhikkhu"!z order into Sri Lanka. However, while there are some outspoken dsms on both sides of this issue, most dsms say that if upasampada were possible-which they doubted due to the Mahayana character of the Chinese bhikkhu"!z order-they would not accept this ordination. A number suggested that ordination would limit their freedom from the monks and that the close relationship between bhikkhus and bhikkhu"!zs might bring the downfall of a sangha which they view as in decline.

Whichever way is chosen to explain their mid-position, the dsms often imply that their position is based on their silo They explain that if their sil or the moral purity of their conduct and thought is good, the laity will see their status as close to the sangha. They quietly assert that with exceptions, their sil, based on careful observation of the rules, is purer than that of the village or city monks, leading to the conclusion that they are indeed worthy of the respect often given the monks. The dsms decry the monks' involvement in politics, their luxuries and their education in coed institutions as not living up to the monastic rules. As a number of dsms remark, it is better to follow 10 rules well, than 227 rules poorly. In contrast the dsms note that their education is exclusively in the dhamma and within the confines of an aramaya. In criticizing the behavior of village and city monks the dsms are echoing the opinion of most laity and they

. are placing themselves in close relationship with the forest dwelling monks who like the dsms stress renunciation of daily life and meditation.

Contemporary dsms see their chief task as that of attaining arahantship. Unlike the monks interviewed by Richard Gombrich who doubted arahantship was a possibility in this degraded age, the dsms believe that they might attain such a state.40 In this

20 lIABS VOL. 10 NO.1

effort they continue worship and recitations of the dhamma in addition to various types of meditation. The meditation technique that is gaining attention is vipassanii. Many of the younger dsms have taken some training in ,vipassanii in one of the vipassanii meditation centers, a number are skilled teachers of this technique and some have set up their own vipassanii training centers.41 Perhaps this technique and the teaching surrounding it, taught by Burmese monks who are used to the help of their thela shin, has helped to lead to the belief in the possibility of arahantship.42 In addition to the iiriimayas being places of meditation, worship and renunciation for the dsms, they have become places of retreat and help to lay women. Many of the dsms with whom I spoke mentioned that they allow lay women with family problems to stay at the iiriimayas and try to counsel the wife and husband or daughter in actions that might heal the difficulties. 43

The relationship which the dsms wish to have with monks is best summarized by one Sister who suggested that the monks are, like chancellors of universities, only to be caned in for formal events such as an initiation.44 When Sister Sudharma was asked when monks were needed other than at times of initiation, she recalled only one instance, in which the parents of a novice who believed their daughter should be initiated after a normal twoyear novicehood protested when Sister Sudharma told them that their daughter was not yet ready. Sister Sudharma then called for the help of a monk from Kelaniya who is on the iiriimaya committee to speak with the family. A leader of one of the largest organizations of dsms, Sister Khemachari, suggested that the ten precepts should be given by monks once or twice a month, but was very unwilling to appeal to monks concerning the running of her nunneries other than in rare cases. This was particularly interesting as Sister Khemachari belongs to an organization of dsms begun by a monk who carried out the desire of his preceptor to start an order of dsms. In this endeavor the monk--considered by the laity to be a forest dweller-advertised in a newspaper for a dsm to initiate a number of pious women. Mawichari responded, taught Khemachari and others and then withdrew. Subsequently, this organization has grown with the help of one particularly generous diiyaka, who echoes H. Sri Nissanka's belief that Buddhist dsms should be as well cared for


as the Catholic nuns, but believes their task should be meditation and not social service. This perspective reveals a shift of the lay view of the dsm which will be shown below. Despite this growth of her order and the decisions involved, Sister Khemachari, now the head of 14 aramayas, rarely seeks the advice of the head monk of the dsm organization.45 The rule seems to be to honor the monks and supply dana and robes for them on occasion but not to allow them to become too involved in the running of the aramaya. 46

Dsms of the more financially secure institutions tend to distrust the government interference. Many of those interviewed, in fact, have not returned a government questionnaire that' would have led to the issuing of dsm identity cards. This action seems to be due to a general distrust of urban lay involvement in aramaya affairs and the fear of being pressed into social service. However, there are many aramayas which are suffering from insufficient funds. Here, supported by their own family or a few dayakas, the dsms' attempt to live disciplined lives is less than successful. In responses to questionnaires sent out by the Commissioner of Buddhist affairs, many of these dsms hoped that the government could intervene and supply funds for reconstruction. Moreover, the dsms do not often benefit from traditional ownership of property which the monks possess and in some circumstances this leads to their eviction from their aramayas. They hoped the government could help to solve this problemY

The better run organizations of the dsms remain quite parochial in their attitude toward the dsms in trouble and toward other groups of dsms in general. This attitude seems to arise from the character of the chief dsms, who joined the order when it was very unpopular and had to fight long battles with their families. The strength of character that allowed them to persevere, has led them to a rather uncompromising view of how their aramayas should be administered and their novices taught. This lack of cooperation between dsms and their organizations might soon disappear. The women who are now entering the order are having a somewhat less difficult time convincing their families to allow them to be initiated. At the established aramayas the family can be assured of the protection of their daughters and the purity of the dsms' silo Moreover, the reasons for joining


the order now seem to echo those given by young monks. The young dsms often state that they took a liking to the robe: to the calm demeanor of the Sisters. Perhaps, with the growing acceptability of this way of life, the Sisters will have to struggle less to preserve their identity and more easily will join together. Sister Khemachari, age 44, who joined the order in 1958, for instance, seems willing to associate with dsms from other organizations and contemplate an all Sri Lankan association of dsms if it is led by the dsms themselves and not the laity.48

B. The Monastic View of the Dsms: A Need for Discipline

Many monks began their assessment of the dsm movement by pointing out that the bhikkhus have no responsibility for the dsms since these women do not belong to the bhikkhurti order. A number went on to say that there is no bhikkhurti order in Theravada Buddhism, that there cannot be such an order and that the laity are wrong in their acceptance of the dsms as bhikkhurtis. Some suggested that in actuality these women were masquerading as part of the sangha. In several conversations the initial refusal of the Buddha to ordain women was mentioned, as well as the canonical statement that due to their ordination the sangha would not endure as long as it would have if women were not ordained. Lessons that were to be learned from this are that women are physically and mentally we~ker than men and cannot endure crisis, and that problems of discipline arise when the sexes are mixed too closely.49

These initial responses of the majority were most often followed by assertions that the dsms should be trained by the government and put to some useful social service. Health care for village women, staffing hospitals and teaching the dhamma to women and children were mentioned as· possibilities.

A minority of monks believed that the bhikkhurti order could be reestablished and were prepared to work for this possibility. They stated that if an unbroken line of ordination in China from Sri Lanka could be proved they would propose that selected dsms be given upasampada. However, they acknowledge that the majority of monks would not support this move. They believed that upasampada would assure disciplined and educated women


to carryon the Buddha's word. The aim of upasampada seems, therefore, little different from the aim of the majority of monks: to assure that these women undergo training and discipline.

C. The Lay View of the Dsms: A Search for Purity in Motivation, Discipline and Renunciation

In a survey of laity taken in various areas of Sri Lanka, it was found that an overwhelming number knew about the dsm movement and almost all could name a dsm or an aramaya in their area. More than half of those interviewed had helped the dsms at one time and ten percent regularly supplied food or money to the dsm movement. While there was mention of the dsms who wander and beg, the respondents still said they must respect these women because of the robe. Many made a differentiation between the wandering dsms and those associated with aramayas. When asked how they would characterize the life of the dsms, most responded that the dsms' life was full of sil or very pious, sZlavanta. They were also felt by many to be good meditators. While these views were held by men and women alike, a number of women added that the dsms understood their problems and they went to them for advice. 50

In comparing the life of a dsm with that of a monk, a few laity mentioned that the dsms were not bhikkhurJ,zs, but agreed with the vast majority of respondents that the life of the dsms is more disciplined and less pompous than that of the monks. In fact, there was some sense that women are more disciplined in religious matters than men and that when they take the robe this difference continues. Again and again the laity readily criticized the monks' life as too luxurious or having too many material comforts. This was contrasted to the austere life of the dsms who do not have the traditional supports that the monks have come to expect. A number of laity went on to explain that the motives for becoming a dsm are more pure than those for becoming a monk. The monks, it w'as explained, might join the order due to family pressure or the promise of prestige, the possibility of education or a comfortable life. The dsms could not expect such supports nor would their families give approval to such a move. A number of laity remarked that a woman only

24 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

has a home and when she has given this up she has given up everything, implying that a man has opportunities outside the home. Some remarked that the dsms had more discipline and that they never heard of a dsm giving up th~ robes but this was a frequent occurrence among monks. Some laity, when pressed added that, of course, there were very good monks in the forest.

While more research needs to be completed on lay attitudes, the questionnaires suggest some interesting factors in the lay views of the dsms and the monks. The laity seem ready to accept the dsms as part of the sangha. Even those who recognized that the dsms were not strictly bhikkhu1J,is said that they still needed to respect the robe. Moreover, the laity showed an impressive tolerance of even the most undisciplined dsms in this regard. The almost desperate situation of some dsms and the lack of traditional and governmental supports for these women, helps the laity to see the dsms on a higher level than the ordinary monks. The majority of monks who receive far more lay support and have a much more secure position than the dsms are disparaged. The purity of their life-style and motivations are questioned. Often willing to downgrade those they support financially and praise those they don't, some laity seem ready to place the dsms on a level of sil, meditation and discipline above the village monks and below the forest monks. In this hierarchy the laity is searching for a group that meets its very high standard of purity of motives and renunciation.

In addition to the laity's acknowledgement of the purity of dsms' discipline and renunciation another important element that is leading to a growing prestige of the dsms is the support they have received from the middle and upper class hity who are interested in meditation. Many of the dsms have studied vipassana meditation techniques, some taking a leading role in centers of such meditation and others teaching thi~ type of meditation at their aramayas. This meditation, apparently brought to Sri Lanka by H. Sri Nissanka, while wide-spread in appeal has sparked particular interest among the women of the upper and middle class of Colombo. Here it provides the elite with a method of religious virtuosity: a way of taking to themselves the renunciation at one time seen as the prerequisite of the monks. It also enables the meditators to accept their daily life in the light of the Buddhist doctrine of transitoriness. 51 Into this situation has

FEMALE RENUNCIANTS OF SRI LANKA· 25

stepped a German-born American dsm, Sister Khema, who is having a significant impact on the status of the dsms at least among the educated elite.

Sister Khema, who has been interested in meditation since 1963 and studied vipassanii at a training center in Rangoon, has travelled extensively in South and Southeast Asia, established a Buddhist monastery and lay community in Australia and requested Khantipalo Thera to be an abbot there in 1978. She was ordained as a dsm in 1979 by N arada Thera at Vajirarama temple in Colombo and started travelling world wide to teach the dhamma and meditation. In 1981 she returned to Sri Lanka to attempt to build an International Buddhist Women's Center where women from all over the world might come to meditate and learn the dhamma. 52 This hope was mentioned in a news report and she was subsequently contacted by Mrs. Irene Nanayakkara who was then president of a group which had established the Sri Lanka Buddhist Nuns Association in hopes of training and educating dsms and forming all the dsms in the country into a coherent organization. Mrs. Nanayakkara's society had acquired a small plot of land in Madiwala-Kotte and had begun to build an iiriimaya in hopes that dsms could receive education there and subsequently return to their respective iiriimayas to teach their fellow dsms. 53 Mrs. N anayakkara convinced Sister Khema that this land could also house the International Women's Buddhist Center and Sister Khema has been

. raising funds for this center ever since. Sister Khema has created quite a stir among the English

speaking elite of Colombo and she has made the growth and education of the dsms a cause for many of the women of this class. Preaching in halls and on television and holding vipassanii meditation retreats, she lends prestige to the dsm movement in the eyes of the elite. Her importance is evidenced by the fact that an Island on Rajgama Lake near Dodunduwa has been readied for her and other female meditators by the laity in that area. This site has long been used by learned forest dwelling monks and as the center for the European monks. 54

Sister Khema, however, remains an outsider to the dsm movement of Sri Lanka. She is willing to consider upasampadii for the dsms. This is partially to guarantee reform of the wandering dsms, but more importantly she hopes that this would give


the dsms status equal to that of the monks. This thinking is not supported by most dsms, who seem to enjoy the freedom from monks and monastic rules that their present in-between status guarantees. The dsms also seem to realize that such a move would not be supported by the monks and they might lose the support they receive from some monks they now have as advisors. Moreover, Sister Khema seems eager to sponsor an all Sri Lanka organization of dsms led by laity. Such an organization is feared by most dsms who believe that they might be forced into social service by some of the urban elite. In fact, Sister Khema speaks of dsms as taking part in development of the country: as holding dhamma classes for women and children and providing classes in hygiene. She says "Do not eat the rice of the country in vain."55 Certainly, recalling the hopes of H. Sri N issanka, the push among some laity for dsms dedicated to social service continues but this is now tempered by the growing acceptance of the dsms' role in vipassana meditation.

III. Conclusion

We have seen a gradual growth of the dsm movement. The growth can be said to be symbolized by the change of colors of the robe from white, to white and yellow, to all yellow. It is doubtful that the wandering women in white of whom Copleston spoke in the 1890s were held in high respect. They were mainly older women stimulated by piety to spend their last years in worship. Certainly such action on the part of a young woman would not have gained wide acceptance. Into this situation came the first modern dsm, Sister Sudharmachari with her white blouse and yellow robe. This signified that she was not a member of the sangha but neither was she a wandering, undisciplined and uneducated dsm. Nevertheless, her rule of initiating only women over 40 continued the characterization of dsms as elderly lay women. In the 1930s and 1940s with the influence of Sister Mawichari and Sister Sudharma, who initiated young women, the yellow robe began to be seen by the dsms as a sign of a new status. They began to break away from the upasikii label and to see themselves and to be seen by others as occupying a level between the laity and bhikkhu1Jzs.


. The dsms have gradually gained the respect of the Buddhist laity of Sri Lanka. This elevation of status is due to a number of factors. The dsms benefit from the ambivalent attitude of the laity toward the village and city monks. Unlike monks who are often faulted for participating in secular affairs and being surrounded by worldly goods, the dsms are seen as truly renouncing society. The traditional piety of women coupled with the fairly poor circumstances of most of the dsms have reinforced the laity's view of their piety. Moreover, the dsms who have rejected the avenue of social service and stressed renunciation, have increasingly related themselves to the forest dwelling monks and thus tapped into the prestige which the laity attribute to this group. Furthermore, the dsms have embraced vipassana meditation as practitioners and teachers more than have the Sri Lankan monks. 56 This has further elevated this meditation as a method which allows the laity to perceive the transitoriness of their day to day existence with calm Buddhist understanding. Finally, the dsms have offered to women in difficult situations a place of retreat and advice, as well as providing many other women with a hope of recapturing in contemporary Buddhism the elevated place of the female renunciate in ancient Sri Lanka. While tapping these sources of prestige, the dsms have remained conservative. They have not challenged the existing sangha nor do they see themselves as a reform movement. Rather, they have quietly begun to fit into the Sri Lanka Buddhist scene.

There are, however, some important stumbling blocks to the continued slow growth of prestige of the dsm movement among the laity. Upasampada is becoming an emotional issue for a few dsm and for many urban lay women. This issue could cause a confrontation between the dsm movement and the sangha. Most recently, as the result of the efforts of Sister Khema and some Colombo Buddhist women, a number of moves that might raise this issue have been made. Responding to a letter written by Mrs. Devendra, a close associate to Sister Khema and a leading Buddhist lay woman, Mrs. J. R. Jayewardene has created a separate dsm division under the Commission of Buddhist Affairs. This unit continues to try to issue identity cards to the dsms as well as providing minimum food and shelter to destitute dsms. The Colombo Buddhist elite have also asked the Education Department to establish a training center for dsms

28 ]IABSVOL.IONO.l

similar to the pariver}as for monks. Finally, it has been suggested that the dsms be given the pabbaJia dasasil administered to novice monks and that the Vinaya rules for siimaneris be formally accepted.57 This could be viewed as bringing,the dsms closer to full ordination in the sangha and might bring about a confrontation between the monks-the majority of whose views are conservative on the subject of upasampadii for dsms-and the supporters of the dsms. However good intentioned the hopes of the urban elite supporters of full ordination for the dsms) this will certainly test the gradual rise of prestige of the dsm movement. The dsm movement successfully fought the attempt of the urban Buddhist elite to place them into social service positions; the drive for upasampadii forecasts another struggle between the majority of dsms and the laity.

The late 19th and the 20th centuries have brought many changes to Sri Lankan Buddhism. The history and contemporary status of the dsms supplies one more piece to the puzzle of this complex reformation. Since it relates to the growth of the numbers of monks who have retreated to the forest, the questions concerning the purity of the village and city monks among the laity, the laity'S appropriation of the traditional roles of these monks, the popularity of vipassanii meditation, the gro~ing role of women, and the response to their needs within a. Buddhist context, the study of the dsm movement provides dues to major changes in Sri Lankan Buddhism, and it should be an interesting tool for analysis of the continuities and changes of Sri Lankan Buddhism in the future.

NOTES

1. This study is based on field research in Sri Lanka completed in 1982-83 and the summer of 1984 under a Fulbright-Hays grant and a Mellon Foundation grant administered by Hobart and William Smith Colleges. Special thanks go to Mrs. Kusuma Devendra who is completing her PhD. dissertation on the dsms. We travelled many miles together seeking dsms to interview and she proved a wonderful translator and research companion. Walter Perera of Peradeniya University also translated many documents pertaining to the dsm movement and Ms. Lakmali Gunawardena conducted interviews on lay attitudes at the Temple of the Tooth.

2. R. S. Copleston, Buddhism: Primitive and Present in Magadha and in


Ceylon. (London: Longmans, Green & Co, 1892), p. 279. 3. Notes on Some Sinhalese Families, Part VI. (From the Diaries of E. R.

Gooneratne). ed. P. E. Pieris (Colombo, 1911). 4. A person taking the Three Refuges in the Buddha, the Dhamma

and the Sangha and the Five Precepts is considered a Buddhist. The Five Precepts <pansil) include not taking life, not stealing, abstaining from wrong sexual practices, not telling lies and abstaining from intoxicants. An a(asil takes three more precepts: not to take solid foods after noon, not dancing and adorning oneself, and not using comfortable beds and chairs. For dasasil the seventh precept is broken into two and the tenth precept involves not touching gold or silver. This precept is often interpreted as not holding money.

5. Interviews conducted June, 1983. 6. Analysis of question'uaires of dsms from the Commissioner of Bud

dhist Affairs, Colombo. 7. Personal communication of the geneology of the Duwewatta

Walawwa family. I would like to thank Mr. K. Dharmawickrama of Kandy for pointing out Catherine deAlvis' relationship to James deAlvis.

8. Short Biography of Sister Sudharmachari published on the occasion of her death. No date or author given. See T. S. Dharmabandu, Sinhala Virayo, (Ceylon: S. B. Pranandu, 1949).

9. Interview with Sister Ampitiye Anula, a student of Sister Sudharmachari.

10. Ibid. Chaung 00 Manug Sandar, "The Monastery of Queen Seindon," Ngwe-dar-yi (1980). This article was translated by Dr; U Kyaw Than who with Director Htun Hmat Win of the Ministry of Religious Affairs of Burma and his Deputy Director, Daw Khin Khin Su was of immense help in developing material on the theta shin.

11. M. Ames, "Westernization or Modernization: The Case of Sinhalese Buddhism," Social Compass, XX, (1973/2), p. 155. '

12. K. Malalgoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900, (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976), pp. 205-255.

13. Ceylon Obseroer, Tuesday, September 25, 1906. 14. B. S. Woolf (Mrs. W. T. Southorn), How to See Ceylon. (Colombo:

Times of Ceylon), 1914), pp. 91-92. 15. Interviews with Sisters A. K. Somawathi and W. M. Seelawathi, two

of the first of the younger dsms to be ordained by Sister Sudharmachari. 16. Interviews with Sisters Ampitiye Anula and Kotmale Sudharma. 17. Sri Nanada Upasikaramaya, Tanthirinullaramasya, and Seelawathi

Aramaya. 18. Interview with Sister Nawala Dhammika of Anuradhapura. 19. Interview with Sister Kotmale Sudharma to whom Sister Mawichari

had given her biography. "Ma" and "Daw" are terms of respect designating age in Burma. These terms were grafted to the names of the Sisters by the Sri Lankans.

20. Interview with Sister Khemachari of Badalgama. 21. Interview with Ranjit Sri Nissanka, son of H. Sri Nissanka. 22. J. Jiggins, Caste and Family in the Politics of the Sinhalese: 1947-1976,


(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1979), p. 90. 23. Personal communication from Professor George Bond. 24. P. G. Gunatillika, Sri Nissanka. (Wellawatta, Sri Lanka: Helaviva

Press, 1947). 25. Ibid. 26. B. Smith, "Sinhalese Buddhism and the dilemmas of Reinterpreta

tion," in B. Smith (ed.) Two Wheels of the Dharma, (Chambersburg, PA: American Academy of Religion, 1972) p. 86.

27. I would like to thank President J. R. J ayewardene for allowing the use of the Presidential Archives where I found much of the following information on the founding of the Biyagama Aramaya. Report on the Whara MahaDevi Samitiya. (1936).

28. Ceylon Times. February 6, 1936. 29. Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. Daily News October 26, 1936. 32. Report of the Whara MahiiDevi Samitiya. (1939). Also an interview with

Sister Sudharma who was taught by Sister Mawichari. 33. Report of the VZhiira MahiiDevi Samitiya. (1938, 1939, 1940). 34. Interview with Sister Sudharma. 35. Interview with Sister Sudharma and a letter from her grade school

teacher, Mrs. M. Kulasekere. 36. Interview with Sister Sudharma. 37. Interview with Sister Sudharma. The material in this section comes

from interviews with rums throughout the Sinhalese areas of Sri Lanka. As a rule interviews were held with the head of the nunneries and as these women tended to be the most educated and most orthodox in their beliefs, the study is slanted toward their understandings of the present situation. A fine study of the rums primarily in the Anuradhapura region but having implications for the dsm movement as a whole has just been completed by E. Nissan. "Recovering Practice: Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka," South Asian Research, Vol. 4, No. 1 (May, 1984), pp. 32-49.

38. Interview with Sister N. Dhammika. 39. K. A. Chissell, "Legacy of the Sinhalese Nuns in China," World Bud

dhism Vesak Annual, (1972), pp. 20-23. 40. R. Gombrich, Precept and Practice, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972),

pp. 285-286. The monks to whom I spoke also expressed the belief that arahantship was not obtainable in this degraded time.

41. Interview with Sister Shantilata who was the head rum at Kundupoda and letters from Sisters Mahgoda Sumedha and Maitree of Nugegoda.

42. See W. L. King, Theravada Meditation: The Buddhist Transformation of Yoga, (University Park, Penna.: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1980).

43. The rums reported that they are often called upon by women who are experiencing family problems. They did not hesitate to confront the husband when'they felt this was necessary.

44. Interview with Sister N. Dhammika. 45. Interview and correspondence with Sister Khemachari.


46. This is similar to the view bf monks mentioned below. 47. Questionnaires returned to the Commissioner of Buddhist Affairs. 48. Interviews with Sisters Khemachari, Sudharma and Dhammika. 49. The material in this section is based on interviews with leading monks

and 15 responses to a questionnaire sent to 49 Mahanayakas in various parts of Sri Lanka.

50. In addition to speaking to many early lay supporters of the dsm movement, I surveyed lay attitudes at three sacred compkxes: the Sri Mahabodhi at Anuradhapura, the Temple of the Tooth at Kandy, and the shrine at Bellanewila.

51. M. Ames, "Ideological and Social Change in Ceylon," Human Organization, Vol. 33. No. l. (Spring, 1963) pp. 49-53 mentions that vipassana was· believed to bring health and happiness to the meditator.

52. Interview with Sister Khema and biographical note supplied by Sister Khema.

53. Interviews with Mrs. Irene Nanayakkara. 54. Sister Khema was invited to speak at the Island Hermitage but was

prevented by the chief monk of the nikiiya. She. spoke to the laity on the mainland instead and they donated an island to her cause.

55. See Daily News, Saturday, Oct. 2, 1982, p. 9. In another acticle in the Daily News, Sister Khema calls for a women's peace corps in Sri Lanka while speaking to the dsms at Madiwala. She goes on to say that the dsms must be trained in teaching, social service and hospital work.

56. Letter from Mrs. Kusuma Devendra, January, 1984.

Les Reponses ?-es Pudgalavadin aux Critiques des Ecoles Bouddhiques*

by Thich Thi~n Chdu

Apres Ie parinirvii1J,a du Bouddha, ses enseignements, notamment la doctrine de l'insubstantialite (aniitmaviida), lies aux doctrines de la renaissance et de la liberation, etaient difficiles a comprendre meme pour les bouddhistes, et devinrent l'objet de plusieurs critiques de la part des non-bouddhistes. Dans Ie but de satisfaire les bouddhistes et de repondre aux critiques de ces derniers, les Vatslputriya devaient etablir la theorie du pudgala comme principe de base pour l'existence d'un individu dans la vie presente ainsi que dans la transmigration et dans l'extinction. Cette theorie etait critiquee vivement par les autres ecoles bouddhiques. La refutation de la theorie du pudgala occupe une grande partie du Kathiivatthu, I tout au long du chapitre IX de l'Abhidharmadkosa,2 etc.

Les critiques sont tres variees et abondantes, cependant on peut les resumer aux points importants suivants: (1) Si Ie pudgala existe comme une entite reelle, avec ses fonctions dans la transmigration ainsi que dans l'extinction, et sa position ambigue, incomprehensible n'appartenant ni aux conditionnes, ni a l'inconditionne, alors il n'est pas different de l'iitman et l'adhesion au pudgala constitue un obstacle pour une vie ideale (brahmacarya). (2) Par I'adhesion a la theorie du pudgala, on devient heretique (tfrthika); c'est pourquoi on ne peut: a) pratiquer bien la voie, b) obtenir les savoirs par la meditation, et c) realiser les fruits de sravaka. Nous voudrions chercher les reponses des Pudgalavadin (se composant des Vatslputrlya, SarpmitIya, Dharmottariya, Bhadrayanlya et Sa.r;u;lagarika) dans leurs propres litteratures que nous avons en mains afin que Ie Pudgalavada soit bien compris camme tel.

33


Bien que les Pudgalavadin aient compris l'essentiel etJ'importance de la doctrine de l'insubstantialite (anatmavada). iis ont etabli la these dupudgala (Cf. TDS, 19a 13-20; SNS, 464b 12-15). Cette creation doctrinale vise deux Quts a atteindre: (1) reintroduire l'existence de la personne pour modifier l'interpretation dogmatique de la doctrine de l'insubstantialite en niant categoriquementl'existence du principe vital de l'individu; (2) repondre aux attaques des non-bouddhistes qui affirment l'existence du Soi (atman).

1. Le Pudgala: Le Nom

En effet, pudgala n'est pas Ie terme invente par les Pudgalavadin eux-memes, mais celui inscrit dans les Iivres canoniques ayant comme sens individu, personne, etre, etc., simple designation <prafiiapti) et simple moyen conventionnel d'expression (voharavacana). 11 n'a pas Ie sens de verite absolue <paramatthasatya); par exemple:

-"si l'on mettait ensemble tous les os qu'une personne <pudgala) possedait au cours de son existence durant un eon, eel a ferait une montagne" (Itivuttaka, §24).

-"l'ordre des disciples du Bienheureux comprenant les quatre couples d'hommes, leshuit personnes <pudgala) ... " (An, III, 212).

-"une personne <pudgala), moines, qui nait dans Ie monde, nair pour Ie profit de beaucoup de gens, pour Ie bonheur des dieux et des hommes dans Ie monde. Qui est done cette personne? C'est Ie Tathagata, Arahan, SammasaT(lbuddha" (An, 1,22).

C'est ainsi que les termes pudgala ou sattva dans Ies ouvrages des Pudgalavadin, d'origine indienne, et gardent dans leurs traductions chinoises suivantes: 1) Le San - fa - tou - louena (Tridharmakasastra, en abrege TDS),

TaishO (en abrege T) XXIV, numero 1506. 2) Le Sseu - a - han - mou - tch'ao kiai (en abrege SATK):b T.

XXIV, numero 1505. 3) Le San - mi - ti - pou - louenc (SaT(lmitfyanikiiyasastra, en abrege

SNS) T. XXX II, numero 1649. etaient concus comme une designation (kia-hao d prajiiapti) de la personne humaine, l'etre, plus ou moins synonyme des termes

REPONSES DES PUDGALA V ADIN 35

designant un principe individuel comme nara (homme) manava Geune homme) etc., et meme yakkha ou ya~a, un terme interessant utilise par Ie Bouddha et son interlocuteur dans Ie Suttanipata, 875-876.

II. 1£s Fonctions du Pudgala

Laissons de cote toutes les informations indirectes, les mauvaises interpretations ainsi que ses accusations concernant Ie pudgala. Pourmieux comprendre celui-ci tel qu'il est dans les propres exposes des Pudgalavadin, il est utile d'examiner en detail leur theorie du pudgala.

En elaborant la theorie du pudgala, les Pudgalavadin avaient certainement pour but d'expliquer aussi les fonctions chargees par une personne ou par un etre dans l'existence presente, la transmigration et l'extinction. C'est pourquoi Ie pudgala se presentait sous les trois designations suivantes:

(1) Le pudgala-designe-par-Ies-fondements (iiSrayaprajiiaptapudgala). Sur ce sujet, Ie SNS decrit ainsi:

Qu'est-ce que Ie pudgala-designe-par-Ies-fondements? - Comme Ie Bouddha l'a dit a Papaka: "En se fondant sur telles et telles choses composees (saT(lSkara), on nomme [pudgala] ce-qui-est designe-par-fondements." Ce qui est nomme [pudgala]-designe-parles-fondements, est comrrie Ie feu [par rapport au combustible]. Le Bouddha a dit a Sariputra: "Quelqu'un est appele Naga (a cause de sa forme) brillante pure et aimable. [De meme], ce qui est forme par les quatre grands elements s'appelle Ie personne. II en est ainsi pour tout. Prenez aussi l'exemple du lait." Telle est l'explication fondee sur les sutra. C' est pourquoi cela est appele Ie [pudgala]-designe-par-Ies-fondements. (SNS, 466b 3-9)

Le TDS exprime:

La designation de l'appropriation (upiidiinaprajfiapti) designe l'etre (sattva) qui, en rapport avec son appropriation (upiidiina) des agregats (skandha) , des elements (dhiitu) et des domaines (iiyatana) , est considere comme (a la fois) identique et different. (TDS, 24b 2-3)


A travers les deux passages precedents, on se rend compte que Ie pudgala-designe-par les-fondements (iiSrayaprajiiaptapudgala) ou Ie pudgala-designe-par-l'appropriation (upadanaprajiiaptapudgala) sont equivalents, car ces deux d,esignations concernent Ie rapport entre Ie pudgala et les agregats qui en sont l'appui. C'est ainsi que Ie pudgala n'est pas une realite absolue, separee totalement des choses composees. Pudgala est donc une designation conventionnelle pour une personne qui vit dans Ie present avec son nom et ses activites. Par consequent, selon les Pudgalavadin, nier l'existence du pudgala serait priver la vie humaine de tous sens.

(2) Le pudgala-designe-par-la-transmigration (sankramaprai iiaptapudgala) .

Sous cette denomination, il y a des explications differentes dans les ouvrages des Pudgalavadin. Le SNS ecrit:

Qu' est-ce-que Ie [pudgala ]-designe-par-Ia-transmigration? Quand, a tel moment, un etre passe a une autre existence, alors Ie Bouddha l'appelle ''pudgala-en-transmigration.'' Pourquoi Ie denomme t-on Ie pudgala-designe-par-Ia-transmigration? A cause de Ia designation du passe, du futur et du present. II faut comprendre que Ie Bouddha, en se fondant sur les choses composees (sa'T(lSkara) de tous temps, etablit ces trois designations. C'est pourquoi Ia designation de la transmigration des choses composees est nommee Ie [pudgala]-designe-par-la-transmigration. (SNS, 466b-27) .

Le SATK expose sur Ie meme sujet:

La designation du moyen (upiiyaprajnapti) signifie la designation sur Ie passe (at'ita), Ie futur (aniigata), et Ie present (pratyutpanna). Ene est associee aux trois temps. Comme [Ie Bouddha l'a dit]: "Dans Ie passe, j'etais Ie roi Sunetra. Dans Ie futur, il y aura (un homme) qui s'appelle Ajita. Dans Ie present, il y a Gautama Siddhartha, etc." [ ... ] "Par convention, [on etablit] cette designation pour [remedier aux opinions] de l'aneantissement (uccheda) et de l'eternite (siisvata). Si Ie roi avait ete aneanti, comment existerais-je [maintenant]? S'il ne l'avait pas ete, comment pourrais-je exister? En se fondant sur la verite conventionnelle (san:tv'rtisatya), on parle de cette designation du moyen (upiiyaprajnapti)." (SATK, lOa 13-19)


Expose du meme sujet dans Ie TDS:

La designation du passe (atitaprajnapti) est l'information concernant les agregats (skandha), les elements (dhatu) et les domaines (ayatana) du passe (atita) , comme lorsgue [Ie Bouddha] l'a dit: "J'existais a une epogue donnee, sous Ie nom de Kiu-Siu-t'ae

Kudala ou Kuddalaka?" (TDS, 24b 3-4)

La comparaison des trois passages precedents nous conduit a penser que Ie pudgala-designe-par-la-transmigration du SNS a un sens plus large que la designation du moyen (upayaprajfiapti) du SA TK qui explique seulement la continuite de la vie, et que Ia designation du passe (atftaprajfiapti) du TDS qui designe seulement une partie du temps. Cela veutdire que Ie pudgala-designepar-la-transmigration (sankramaprajfiaptapudgala) dans Ie SNS indique Ie pudgala suivant les trois temps pour expliquer: a) la cantinuiti: d'une personne qui est camme un flux ininterrompu des phenomenes psycho-physiques, coulant non seulement dans Ie present mais ayant sa source dans Ie passe et continuant toujours a couler dans l'avenir. b) la responsabilite des actes (karman), car Ie pudgala est ce qui, a travers Ie flux des existences, deIivre et recalte ses retributions; c'est la raison d'etre des bonnes actions et de Ia justice.

(3) Le pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction (nirodhaprajfiaptapudgala) . a) Sur ce sujet, les SNS explique:

Que signifie Ie pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction (nirodhaprajnaptapudgala)? Apres Ie pudgala-designe-par-Ies-fondements et Ie pudgala-designe-par-Ia-transmigration, Ie Bouddha parle du pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction. Lorsgue Ie corps du passe est detruit, c' est ce gu' on nomme la designation de l' extinction. Comme Ie Bouddha l'a dit: "l'extinction des cing agregats impermanents des moines dont les impuretes (iiSrava) sont epuisees s'appelle Ia designation de l'extinction." [De plus], comme Ie Bouddha l'a dit dans cette stance:

Le sage ne peut etre me sure Car il a obtenu la joie inebranlable. C'est ce gu'on nomme Ie pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction. (SNS, 466c 19-24)

b) Le SATK expose les memes idees avec c1arte:

38 ]IABSVOL.10NO.l

Que signifiela designation de l'extinction? best la designation de l'extinction dans laquelle l'appropriation est epuisee, et OU ron ne s'approuve plus rien" (Sidra). L'appropriation est comme il a ete explique ci-dessus. Cette appropr~ation est epuisee: on ne s'approprie plus rien; on ne s'empare plus d'une autre [vie]. Ayant cesse l'inidividualite et n'ayant plus de reste! on atteint l'autre rive. (SATK, lOa 19-22)

c) Sur le meme sujet, Ie TDS expose brevement:

La designation de l'extinction (nirodhaprajiiapti), c'est I'information concernant l'appropriation (upiidiina) etant cesse comme lorsqu'on dit que Ie Bienheureux [atteint] Ie parinirviiTla. (TDS, 24b 45)

Le pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction dans Ie SNS n'est pas different de la designation de l'extinction dans Ie SATK et dans Ie TDS, car tous les trois designent l'extinction des cinq agregats, ou Ie parinirvii1!a de l'arhant ou du Tathagata.

II est certain que lesPudgalavadin, en formulant cette designation voulaient denoncer la mauvaise interpretation de la doctrine du Bouddha sur Ie probleme d'apres la mort d'un arhant ou du Tathagata.

C'est par la designation de I'extinction qu'on remedie aux vues de l'aneantissement et de l'eternite: Ainsi, elle n'est certainement que Ie synonyme de la designation du parinirviiTla (?) qui est egalement ineffable (avaktavya). Si [l'ineffable] est different [du corps] il n'y a pas de parinirviiTla. S'il n'est pas different, il n'y a [egalement] pas de parinirviiTla. Si l'on comprend ainsi l'ineffable, on comprend inevitablement que Ie parinirviiTla est comme une lampe qui s'eteint .... La designation de l'extinction signifie, en premier lieu, l'extinction de l'appropriation (upiidiina) [comme quand on dit]: "Le Bienheureux [a atteint] Ie parinirviiTla." (SATK, lOa 19-28)

C'est ainsi que, seion les Pudgalavadin, Ie libere qui atteint le parinirvii1!a est la personne par excellence (uttamapuriso, paramapuriso) ayant realise l'extinction totale des agregats impurs, atteint a l'autre rive ou il jouit de Ia beatitude.

II est probable que les Pudgalavadin, en etablissant Ie pudgala-designe-par-l'extinction, souhaiteraient demontrer que la

REPONSESDESPUDGALAVADIN 39

pe:rsonne par excellence, arrivee au terme de sa derniere existence, atteint Ie nirva'fJ,a sans reste au Ie parinirva'fJ,a et y demeure dans la beatitude. Evidemment, ce qu'admmetaient les Pudgalavadin quant au probleme de "l'existence" apres la mort d'un arhant ou du Tathagata, malgre la designation (prafiiapti), constitue une notion doctrinale nouvelle et remarquable eu egard au domaine inexplique dans l'enseignement du Bouddha.

En ce qui concerne la mise sur pied des trois designations, Ie TDS, 24a29-24b8, explique qU'elles ont pour but de retablir la verite sur Ie pudgala:

La premiere designation est double: la designation de l'appropriation (upiidiinaprajnapti) et la designation de l'absence de l'appropriation (anupiidiinaprajnapti). Elle remedie au nihilisme (niistidn,(i) qui soutient que "rien n'existe"; car si l'on comprend l'existence de la personne en rapport avec les fondements, on n'admet pas Ie nihillsme. La deuxieme designation remedie au realisme (astidr4(i) pretendant que "toute chose existe"; car si l'on comprend qu'il n'existe rien, qu'il n'y a pas d'appropriation, on n'admet donc pas Ie realisme. Ainsi, la premiere designation remedie aux deux fausses vues relatives au present. La deuxieme designation du passe (at'itaprafiiapti). Elle remedie a l'annihilation [apres la mort] (ucchedadr4#) qui nie la renaissance et la maturation des actes; car si l'on comprend qu'il existe des vies anterieures, il est tout a fait naturel qu'il existe egalement des vies posterieures. On admet donc la doctrine de la renaissance. La troisieme designation concerne l'extinction (nirodhaprajnapti). Elle remedie a l'eternalisme (siiSvatadr4(i) qui considere que rien n'est change apres la mort d'un libere, car si l'on comprend qu'il existe une personne par excellence apres Ie parinirviirJ,a, on ne s'attache plus a l'eternalisme.

N ous pourrions resumer les trois designations du pudgala en reponse aux fausses idees en un tableau condense ci-dessous:

____ • } ---1'liistidr4(i iiSrayaprajnaptapudgala -astidn,(i

sankramaprajnaptapudgala ---_I ---ucchedadr4#

nirodhaprajnaptapudgala ----.... -siiSvatadrs(i

40 JIABS VOL. 10 NO. I

Essayons d'examiner les motifs justifiant la formulation du pudgala au sujet des agregats. Certainement, cette position specifique et difficile a se definir fUt etablie apres que les Pudgalavadin eurent bien etudie l'attitude et la critique du Bouddha relatives aux fausses vues sur l'identification et Ia differenciation du principe vital, Ie corps etant des obstacles pour une vie ideale (Cf. Sn, II, 61).

Les Pudgalavadin, ne negligeant rien des dites critiques, avaient pris la position du juste-milieu pour Ie pudgala qui n'est ni identique aux agregats ni differents d'eux-memes: "II est impossible de dire que l'etre (sattva: pudgala) est different des caracteristiques, il serait [en consequence] eternel (sasvata); et, s'il etait identique aux caracteristiques, il serait non-eternel (asasvata). Ces deux erreurs ne peuvent etre commises" (TDS, 19c 35). En soutenantcette position, iIs voulaient que Ie pudgala ne tombe pas dans Ie dilemme: si lepudgala est different des agregats, it doit etre une sllbstance permanente et n'a aucun rapport avec la vie; si le pudgala est identique aux agregats, il do it etre impermanent camme les agregats:

[En ce qui concerne] la designation de l'appropriation relative a la vie; la vie (jiva:sattva:pudgala) n'est-elle pas identique [au corps]; cela ne peut etre confirme (?). Si la vie et Ie corps sont identiques, (la vie est) impermanente (anitya) et souffrante (duMha). Si elle est differente, eUe est eternelle (sasvata) et [non] souffrante. Si [la vie est] eternelle, on ne pratique pas la vie ,pure (brahmacarya). Dans l'eternite, il n'est pas necessaire d'avoir une vie pure; la recolte du fruit et la reception, Ie don, n'ont pas de sens. [Si la vie est] impermanente, cela n'a pas de sens. Car dans les deux cas, soit l' eternite (sasvata) soit l'aneantissement (uccheda) , il n'existe ni de souffrance, ni de bonheur. (SATK, lOa 8-11)

La position du pudgala est non seulement effective a la personne dans la vie presente mais aussi a la personne dans la transmigration ainsi que la personne par excellence. Autrement dit, la proposjtion sur Ie rapport du pudgala et les fondements

. est egalement significative dans l'interpretation du pudgala-designe-par la transmigration. Certainement, si Ie pudgala etait identique aux fondements, et lorsque les fondements disparaissent a la mort, il devrait disparaitre; comme Ie SNS l'explique: "Si Ie pudgala etait identique aux agregats, lorsque ceux-ci dis-


paraissent ou ~pparaissent, lepudgala ~isparaitrait ou a~p~raitrait egalement (SNS, 456b lO-ll). 51 Ie pudgala est dIfferent des fondements, alors Ie pudgala n'a aucune relation avec la vie; donc il est absolument libere. S'il en etait ainsi, Ie probleme de la renaissance n'aurait aucun sens comme Ie SNS explique:

... si Ie pudgala etait different des agregats, Ie pudgala ne devrait pas renaitre dans les differentes destinees. Si l'on considere que la reconnaissance s'effectue dans les differentes destinees, Ie pudgala devrait renaitre dans toutes au meme instant. Ainsi done, eIIe ne devrait pas resider toujours dans Ie corps, et la liberation serait alors difficile a obtenir. Si Ia pudgala passait de destinee en destinee, elle ne devrait pas creer l'acte (karman). S'il n'y avait pas d'acte et de resultat, eIIe n'aurait pas egalement de travail, d'attachement, de derachement, et de pratique de la meditation. Cela devrait etre Ia liberation. (SNS, 465c 13-16)

Quant a la position de la personne par excellence, (Tathagata), les Pudgalavadin avaient la meme idee: "Ie Tathagata ou une personne par excellence n'est pas identifie avec les agregats ni different d'eux." n est certain que, aux yeux des Pudgalavadin, il n'y a pas de differenciation totale ou plutot de discontinuite entre les existences successives d'un etre vivant (sattva:pudgala) et la personne par excellence (uttamapuriso, paramapuriso: buddha: Tathiigata); me me dans Ie parinirvii'lJa. Cette adhesion aurait ete bien confirmee par les paroles du Bouddha selon Iesquelles meme durant Ia vie, Ie Tathagata ne peut etre decouvert, encore bien moins apres la mort et qu'aucun des cinq agregats ne do it etre considere comme la Tathagata, ni qu'on peut trouver Ie Tathagata en dehors de ce phenomene ph ysico-psychique. 5

A ce propos, il est interessant de noter l'identification du mot tathiigata avec Ie mot sattva (etre vivant) par Buddhaghosa dans ses commentaires.6 S'il etait certain que Ie mot tathiigata a Ie me me sens que Ie motsattva comme Buddhaghosa l'a explique precisement sans confusion du sens du terme,' cela donnerait une relation significative entre la notion et Ia proposition selon lesquelles Ie Tathagata n'est ni identique aux agregats ni different d'eux.

Les docteurs Pudgalavadin allaient encore plus loin dans leur adhesion sur la position du pudgala. Par la logique concer-


nant la continuite ou la perpetuite illimitee des trois definitions, iis confirment que Ie pudgala est un dharma ineffable (avaktavya), rune des cinq categories des choses susceptibles d'etre connues (paiicaridamjiieyam) (1-3. les choses compo,sees en trois temps: passe, present etfutur, 4.1e non-compose, 5.1epudgala) n'appartient ni aux composes (sarIJSkr:ta) ni au non-compose (asarIJSkr:ta). Ce dassement particulier du pudgala est denote precisement dans Ie TDS: "Le pudgala est-il separe des trois temps ou non, il est impossible de Ie dire" (TDS, 19a 26).

Le tableau ci-dessous peut resumer les prises de position pour Ie pudgala:

..s iiirayaprajMptapuagala I ni identiques } §'" sa1ikramaprajiiaptapudgala 5skandha :[ nirodhaprajiiaptapudgala

ni differents ::l

.",

c: sarl}Skrta: r-----L-----, asarl}Skrta: 0

'" ~ 1-3 chases de 3 temps : 5. pudgala : 4.nirva1}a L..-----r-----'

Les Pudgalavadin, et notamment les SarpmitJ:ya, consolidaient la theorie du pudgala avec les arguments vigoureux se rapportant a toutes les notions doctrinales importantes du Bouddhisme, avec des refutations fortes et meme des con damnations sans reserve a l'egard des gens qui niaient Ie pudgala:

Le Bauddha a dit: "Le pudgala existe en tant que designation (prajiiapti). C'est pourquoi cela s'oppose a [l'opinion de] l'inexistence de la personne. S'il est vrai que la personne n'existe pas, alors il n'y aura pas ce qui tue ainsi que ce qui est tue. II en est de meme pour Ie vol, l'amour illicite, Ie mensonge, et l'absorption de l'alcaol. C'est [la lacune de l'opinion de] l'inexistence de la personne. Si la personne n'existait pas, il n'y aurait pas non plus les cinq crimes majeurs; [si] les organes des sens ne produisaient

" pas les bannes et mauvaises actions, il n'y aurait pas de lien; s'il n'y avait pas ce qui de tache les liens, il n'y aurait pas ce qui est attache egalement, et il n'y aurait ni acteur ni acte, ni resultat [de l'acte]. S'il n'y avait pas d'acte, il n'y aurait pas de resultat. [S']il n'y avait pas d'acte, de resultat, il n'y aurait ni naissance, ni mort. Mais les etres vivants, a cause des actes et de leurs resultats, transmigrent dans Ie cycle de la naissance et de lamart (sarl}Sara).


S'il n'y avait ni naissance, ni mort, il n'y aurait pas de cause (hetu) de la naissance et de la mort. S'il n'y avait pas de cause, il n'y aurait pas de cessation de cause. S'il n'y avait pas de cessation de cause, il n'y aurait pas d'orientation vers la voie (miirga); ainsi, il n'y aurait pas les quatre noble verites(iiryasatya). S'il n'y avait pas les quatre nobles verites, il n'y aurait pas de Bouddha enseignant les quatre noble verites. S'il n'y avait pas de Bouddha, il n'y aurait pas de communaute des moines (sangha). Ainsi la refutation du pudgaZa entraine la refutation du Triple Joyau (triratna) et des quatre noble verites. Telle est la refutation de toutes ces opinions. C'est pourquoi la refutation du pudgaZa fait naitre les erreurs mentionneesci-dessus, etd'autres erreurs se produisent egaIement. Si l'on admet que la personne (pudgaZa), Ie soi existe, les erreurs mentionnees ci-dessus ne se produisent pas. Comme Ie Bouddha l'a dit dans Ie siltra, il faut Ie savoir exactement. C'est pourquoi la personne existe vraiment. (SNS, 465a 17-465b 1)

En conclusion, Ie pudgala, selon les Pudgalavadin, est une designation (prajiiapti), mais non une realite absolue. Sa caracteristique avec ses trois fonctions realistes et pragmatiques, sa position specifique et au juste-milieu, est totalement differente des conceptions du soi meta physique (iitman) de la philosophie brahmanique.8 Par consequent, l'adhesion a la theorie du pudgala n'est pas un obstacle pour la vie ideale (brahmacarya).

IV. La Reponse des Pudgalaviidin it Leurs Critiques

La theorie du pudgala etait refutee et critiquee vigoureusement. Et les Pudgalavadin etaient condamnes comme heretiques (tirthika) par plusieurs ecoles bouddhiques.9 Pour repondre positivement a cette condamnation, les Pudgalavadin avaient demontre qu'ils etaient de bons bouddhistes par (a) l'observation correcte du code disciplinaire (Vinaya), (b) du savoir par la meditation et (c) de la realisation des fruits des sriivaka comme les autres bouddhistes.

a) La vie monastique (sUa). Malgre qu'il manque des textes originels du Vinaya des Pudgalavadin, et grace au Liu-eul-che-eulming-Ieao-Iouen (en abrege LECEMLL/ (Vinayadviivi'f!lsatividyiiSiistra) , T. XXIV, numero 1461, riche en renseignements, nollS savons que les Pudgalavadin possedaient une im-


portante collection de code disciplinaire (Vinayapitaka), Par cet ouvrage, on connait en detail un certain nombre de textes du Vinaya des Sarp.mitlya con tenant 420 pn§ceptes enonces par Ie Bouddha ainsi gU'un traite de Pratimo~a: ,

1) - P'o-chou-teou-liug (Vastuvinaya) (LECEMLL, 666a-:7): 200 preceptes,

2) - Yeou-pa-t'i-che-liu h (Upadesavinaya) (LECEMLL, 666a8): 121 preceptes,

3) - Pi-k'ieou-ni-liui (Bhilv;untvinaya) (LECEMLL, 666a8-9) 99 preceptes,

4) - Po-lo-t'i-mou-tch'a-louerJ (Pratimolv;asastra) (LECEMLL, 666A 13)

De plus, on trouve dans cet ouvrage les notions pn§cises sur la structure du Vinaya des Pudgalavadin comme les 9 categories du Vinaya (Cf. LECEMLL, 666a 27-666b 11); et le Bhi~upratimo~a des Pudgalavadin se composant de 5 categories de preceptes (666b 12-18) et 7 groupes de fautes (666c 4-12). En outre, la communaute des moines existant durablement pendant 10 siecles, prouve bien que les Pudgalavadin avaient une vie monastigue bien disciplinee et organisee selon Ie Vinaya.

b) L'e:xperience de la meditation (samadhi). Selon les Pudgalavadin, avant de penetrer dans Ie stade de la vision (darsanabhumi) Ie pratiguant doit passer un exercice preparatoire-la concentration d'approche (upacarasamadhi) qui se divise en trois stades: (1) la patience (~anti): stade ou le pratiguant penetre profondement dans la realite des choses composees, (2) Ie nom (nama): stade ou l'esprit du pratiguant devient imperturbable dans la reflexion correcte(yoniSomanaskara), (3) la notion (sanljna): stade ou la comprehension devient claire, englobant Ie stade de la chose-supreme du monde (laukikagradharma) car il en est ainsi de la notion du Bouddha (Cf. TDS, 18b 14-18). Seion Ie TDS, 18b 15, les niveaux des trois stades ne sont pas les memes, sauf Ie premier -~anti, les deux derniers, nama et san:z,jna + laukikagradharma, sont inebraniables (10):

Upacarasamadhi

1 lv;anti 2 nama 3 sarttjna + 4 laukikagradharma

} Inebranlables


Qu:ant aux savoirs per la meditation (selon Ie TDS 19b 14-27) dans Ie stade de la vision (darsanabhumi)le pratiquant obtient les 12 savoirs relatifs aux quatre verites en rapport avec les trois mondes.

Seion Ie texte, lorsque Ie pratiquant penetre dans la verite de la souffrance (dulJ,kha) relative au monde sensuel (kiimadhiitu), il obtient Ie premier savoir des choses (dharmaJiuina). La perfection de la comprehension claire de chaque verite exige un examen (vicarafiuina?). Apres avoir atteint ces deux savoirs, Ie pratiquant obtient Ie troisieme savoir de la verite de la souffrance, relatif aux deux autres mondes, a savoie Ie monde materiel-subtil (rupadhatu) et Ie monde immateriel (arupadhiitu). Ce savoir s'appelle Ie savoir de ce-qui-n'est-pas-encore-connu

. (afiiatafiiana?). Le meme processus est <l.pplique aux trois autres . verites. Ainsi, il y a au total 12 savoirs. La meditation doit etre exercee deux fois en se referant au monde sensuel. La premiere fois, la reflexion correcte (yoniSomanaskiira) examine la souffrance. La deuxieme fois a lieu a l'elimination des passion-a-detruire par la vision de la souffrance (dulJ,khadr:gheyakle.sa). La troisieme fois, on se refere aux deux mondes superieurs (rilpadhiitu et arilpadhiitu) pour abondonner les passions relatives a ces deux mondes. Ce sont les trois savoirs concernant la premiere verite (dulJ,khasatya). n en est de meme pour les 9 autres savoirs concernant les trois verites, a savoir: la cause de la souffrance (duMhasamudaya) , la cessation de la souffrance (duMhanirodha) et la voie (marga):

I-duhkhe ~ 1 - d~a,!m~f~iina } kiimadhiitu 2 - vzcaraJnana 3 - iijiiiitajiiiina } rilpadhiitu +iirilpadhiitu

I 1 - d~a_rm~f~iina } kiimadhiitu 2 - vzcaraJnana 3 - ajiiiitajiiiina } rilpadhiitu+ iirilpadhiitu

Il-samudaye

I Ill-nirodhe 1 - dharmajiiiina } kii dh -t 2 "- ma au

-VlciiraJniina 3 -ajiiiitajiiiina} rilpadhiitu + iirilpadhiitu

IV-marge I 1 - dharmajiiiina } kii dh -t 2 . - "- - ma au - vzcaraJnana 3 - ajiiiitajiiiina} rilpadhiitu + iirilpadhiitu

46 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

En comparant Ie processus du stade de la VISIOn (darsanabhumi) avec celui des 16 pensees des Sarvastivadin,1I on s'apen;;oit que celui preconise par les Pudgalavadin est different de celui des Sarvastivadin en ce qui concerne non seulement Ie nombre (12 =1= 16) mais aussi l'appellation'des pensees ou des savoirs. Certains condurent que Ie cours de la vision des Pudgalavadin est plus faible que celui des Sarvastivadin. 12

A ce propos, on se demande si Ie processus des 12 savoirs des Pudgalavadin ne soit pas Ie premier decouvert? n est possible de repondre positivement parce que c'est Ie Pudgalavada qui fut l'ecole separative des Ie premier schisme de Sthavira cause par la dispute doctrinale; de plus, il est plus simple que Ie processus des 16 pensees des Sarvastivadin. Si cela s'averait exact, les experiences des Pudgalavadin sur les 12 savoirs de la meditation est une decouverte plus valable.

c) La realisation des fruits de Sriivaka. II existe deux listes de sriivaka dans la litterature des Pudgalavadin: l'une de 27 categories dans Ie TDS, l'autre de 10 ou 12 categories dans Ie SNS. La premiere, des Vatsiputriya, est plus riche tant pour les facultes que pour les categories que la deuxieme, des Sarnmitiya. Cependant les categories principales des deux !istes sont semblabies en ce qui concerne les 4 fruits de sriivaka: srotiipanna, sakr:diigamin, iiniigiimin et arhant. L'existence des deux listes de sravaka precedentes, confirme, au fUT et a mesure, l'opinion seion laquelle la separation entre les Vatsiputrlya et les Salllmitiya fut causee par les interpretations differentes de la stance commune des Pudgalavadin. 13 II suffit de prendre la tiste des 27 categories correspondantes a trois stades du TDS pour demontrer que les Pudgalavadin sont capables d'atteindre les fruits comme les autres.

A) Le stade des desirs-non-encore-abandonnes (avitariigabhumi) comprend trois fruits ou neuf categories:

a) Le premier fruit est Ie Seme (~tamaka) qui obtient les 12 savoirs et qui se compose de 3 categories:

1) celui-qui-a-poursuivi-la-verite-par-la confiance (Sraddhiinusiirin) ,

2) celui-qui-a-poursuivi-la-verite-par la sagesse (prajiianusiirin) ,

3) celui-qui-a-poursuivi-la-verite-par-Ia-confiance et la sagesse (sraddhiiprajiiiinusiirin).


b) Le deuxieme fruit est celui-qui-a-gagne-le-courant (srotapanna) qui est Ie fruit obtenu apres s'hre eleve dans la voie (marga). Selon la facuIte do min ante quand Ie pratiquant est au stade de la vision, ce fruit se divise . en trois categories: . 1) celui-qui-n'a-plus-que-sept-renaissances-au

maximum (saPtakt:dbhavaparama) , 2) celui-qui-renait-dans-plusieurs famines (kulan;

kula), 3) celui-qui-est-moyen (madhyama?).

c) Le troisieme fruit est Ie stade de l'amoindrissement (tanubhumi). C'est Ie stade de celui qui, ayant possede toutes les qualites de celui-qui-a-gagne-le-courant (Srotapanna) , a reduit les passions du monde sensuel (kiimadhiitu). 11 comprend trois categories:

1) celui-qui-ne-reviendra-qu'une-fois (sak'(dagamin), 2) celui-qui-ne-renaitra-qu'une fois (ekabijzn), 3) celui-qui-e~t-le moyen (madhyama?)14

B) Le stade-de-l'abandon-du-desir (vitaragabhumi) comprend trois fruits ou neuf categories:

a) Ie premier est-celui-qui-est-libere-par-Ia-confiance (sraddhiidhimukta). 11 est nomme ainsi parce que la confiance (sraddha) est Ie facteur dominant de sa liberation. Ce fruit comprend 3 categories:

1) celui-qui-remonte-le-courant (urdhvasrota), 2) celui-qui-atteint-Ie-parinirvan-a par les composes

(siibhisa11JSkiiraparinirviiyin) , 3) celui-qui-atteint-le-parinirviin-a-par-le-non-com-,

pose (anabhisan;skiiraparinirvayin) b) Ie deuxieme fruit est-celui-qui-est-doue-de-vision

(dn#priipta); c'est celui qui-a-poursuivi-Ia verite-par-lasagesse <.prajnanusiirin) qui s'eleve au-stade-de-l'aban~ don-du-desir (vztariigabhumi) et qui est appele celui-quiest-doue-de-vision (d'(~tipriipta). La sagesse est l'element dominant dans la liberation. 11 comprend trois categories:

1) celui-qui-atteint-Ie-parinirviin-a-dans l'existence-intermediaire (antariiParinirviiyin) ,

2) cel ui-qui -atteint -le-parinirviin-a-dans-la -renaissance (upapadyaparinirviiyin) ,

48 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

3) celui-·qui-remonte-le-courant (urdhvasrota). c) Le troisieme fruit est la temoin du corps (kayasii~in).

C'est Ie fruit par excellence parmi les fruits du stade-del'abandon-du-desir (vitaragabhumi) et, grace a lui, on obtient sa liberation (vimo~a) au cours de sa vie. ls Ce fruit comprend:

1) celui-qui-atteint-Ie-parinirvan-a-par les composes (sabhisa1(tSkaraparinirvayin) ,

2) celui-qui-atteint-le-parinirva1Ja-par-le-non-compose (anabhisar(lskaraparinirvayin) ,

3) celui-qui-atteint -le-parinirva1Ja-dans-la renaissance (upapadhyaparinirvayin) .

Selon le TDS, il n'y a pas de tautologie a n~peter les trois categories des fruits precedents car ces trois premieres categories du troisieme fruit (kayasa~in) appartiennent au monde immateriel (arupadhatu). 16

C) L'Arhant. Les Pudgalavadin soutenaient que l'arhant est susceptible de dechoir et traitaient a son propos de 3 facultes ou 9 categories:

a) la faculte aigue (ti~1Jendriya): 1) celui-qui-est-stable (sthitakampya), 2) celui-qui-progresse (prativedhannadharman), 3) celui-qui-est-inebranlable (akopyadharman).

b) la faculte molle (mrdhvindriya): 4) celui-qui-dechoit (pariha1Jt;Ldharman) , 5) celui-qui-pense (cetanadharman), 6) celui-qui-preserve (anura~anadharman).

c) la faculte moyenne (madhyendriya): 7) celui-qui-est-libere-par-la-sagesse (prajnavimukta) , 8) celui-qui-atteint-la-liberation complete, 9) celui-qui-atteint-Ia-liberation incomplete.

Ces deux dernieres categories s'appellent ensemble egalement Ie doublement libere (ubhayatobhagavimukta).17

Avec les preuves seion lesquelles les Pudgalavadin etaient des gens bien suivaient la voie de Bouddha en observant la moralite (fila) pratiquant la meditation (samadhi) et obtenant les fruits ils pourraient effectivement repondre qu'ils n'etaient jamais des heretiques.

.. REPONSES DES PUDGALA V ADIN 49

Malgre que les documents litteraires laisses par les Pudgalavadin soient peu nombreux, nous avons essaye de restituer les arguments propres du Pudgalavada relatives au pudgala pour eclairer la raison d'etre de cettetheorie refutable par les autres ecoles; nous avons egalement demontre les propres experiences spirituelles des Pudgalavadin afin de prouver que leur vie ide ale est correcte.

Cependant, nous estimons que Ie jour ou, dans l'avenir, d'autres documents y relatifs seraient decouverts, la valeur intrinseque et exacte du Pudgalavada se justifierait plus amplement.

NOTES

* Cet article etait presente a Ia septieme conference de I'IABS, Bologna, Italie, 1985.

1. Kathavatthu, (PTS) pp. 8-63. 2. L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, traduit par Louis de LA VALLEE

POUSSIN, GEUTHNER, (en abrege Kosa) Paris 1923-1931, pp. 227-279. 3. Sur ce point, cf. G. P. MALALASEKARA, The Truth of Anatta (BPS)

Kandy-Srilanka, 1966, p. 24; et T.R.V. MURTI, The Central Philosophy of Buddhism: A Study of the Madhyamika System, London 1955, p. 81.

4. Sur ce point, cf. TH. STCHERBTSKY, The Concept of Buddhist Nirva1Ja, Office of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Leningrad, 1927, p. 31 note 1; A. BAREAU, Richesse de la pensee bouddhique ancienne, France-Asie, numero 153-157, Saigon 1959; p. 453.

5. Cf. Sn, III, 118-119: Ie dialogue entre Ie Bouddha et Anuradha sur Ia conception du Tathagata; Cf. aussi Sn, III, 109-115: Ie dialogue entre Sariputta et Yamaka sur Ie meme sujet.

6. UdiinaHhakattha (PTS), 340: Le Tathagata, c'est Ie soi (Tathagato ti atta). D'ighanikiiyaHhakattha (PTS) I, 118: dans l'expose hoti Tathagato etc ... , par Tathagato est defini etre (hoti tathagato ti adisu, satto tathagato ti adhipetto). Nous traduisons atta par Ie soi dans un sens plus conventionnel, com me (atta hi attano natho-Dhp, 160; attana va katam papam-Dhp, 161). Cf. aussi MajjhimanikiiyaHhakatha, II, 117; K. BHATTACHARYA, L'atman-Brahman dans le Bouddhisme ancien, Publication de I'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient, Vol. XXX, Paris 1973, p. 123 et note 5; K.N.JAYATILLEKE, Early Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, George Allen & Unwin, London 1963, pp. 244,291-292.

7. Nous pensons que Buddhaghosa, ayant explique Ie mot Tathagata par Ie mot sattva, n'a fait aucune confusion de doctrine ou de langage. Evidemment, cette identification est Ie fruit de sa reflexion doctrinale approfondie, tandis que K.N. JAYATILLEKE, dans Ie Early Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, pp. 291-292, pense que Buddhaghosa s'est trompe en identifiant Tathagata avec sattva.

8. Sur Ie sujet de l'atman, cf. S. DASGUPTA, A History of Indian


Philosophy, University Press-Cambridge 1963, Vol. I, p. 75; S. RADHAKRISHNAN, Indian Philosophy, London 1929, p. 284; K. BHATTACHARYA, I'Atrnan-Brahman . dans le Bouddhisme ancien, pp. 7-9 et note; G. P. MALALASEKERA, The Truth of Anattii, p. 4.

9. Kosa, IX, p. 230 et note 1 (p. 227 etc.). 10. Selon Ie Kosa, IV, 17-20, et parmi les 4 stades, seules les deux derniers

sont des stades fixes, c'est-a-dire d'ou l'on ne retombe plus. Ainsi, les differences de niveau des stades entre TDS et Kosa ne sont pas les memes:

nirvedhabhiigtya upaciirasamiidhi (Sarvastivadin) (Pudgalavadin)

l-usmagata l-ksanti 2-murdha 2-niima ! 3-k4iinti

! 3-sarr;jiia inebranlable

4-laukikiigra- inebranlable 4-laukikiigradharma dharma

11. Kosa, VI, p. 185, note 1: evan sodasacitto'yam satyiibhisamaya. Cf. A. BAREAU, SBPV, p. 117; Cf.]. MASUDA, Origin and Doctrine of Early Buddhist Schools, p. 41, note 1. Le stade de la vision et l'ordre graduel de la comprehension composee des 16 pensees dont I'essentiel peut etre resume dans la tableau suivant: (Cf. Kosa, VI, 27)

1) dharmajiiiina~iinti } kiimadhiiiu Iduhkhe

2) dharmajiiiina 3) anvayajiiiina~iinti } rupadhiitu + 4) anvayajiiiina iirupadhiitu

I 5) dharmajiiiina~iinti } kiimadhiitu

IIsamudaye 6)dharmajiiiina 7) anvayajiiiina~iinti } rupadhiitu + 8) anvayajiiiina iirupadhiitu

9) dharmajiiiina~iinti } kiimadhiitu IIInirodhe

10) dharmajiiiina 11) anvayajiiiina~iinti } rupadhiitu + 12) anvayajiiiina iirupadhiitu

13) dharmajiiiina~iinti } kiimadhiitu

IVmiirge 14) dharmajiiiina 15) anvayajiiiina~iinti

J rupadhiitu +

16) anvayajiiiina iirupadhiitu

Les Sarvastivadin admettaient que la comprehension de la verite est compo see de 16 pensees car la meditation est pratiquee quatre fois sur chacune des quatre verites: deux fois en se referant au monde sensuel et deux fois en se referant aux deux mondes superieurs.

12. En composant les deux processus du stade de las vision, on trouve que celui des Pudgalavadin est different de celui des Sarvastivadin en ce qui

REPONSES DES PUDGALAVADIN 51

concerne non seulement Ie nombre, mais aussi l'appellation des pensees ou des savoirs:

16 pensees des Sarviistiviidin 12 savoirs des Pudgalaviidin

1 Duhkhe dharmajiiana~anti 1 DuMhe vicarajiiana 2 Duhkhe dharmajiiana 2 Duhkhe vicarajnana 3 Duhkhe anvayajiiana~anti 3 Ajiiatajiiana 4 Duhkhe anvayajiiana 4-6: 3 savoirs relatifs ala 2eme

verite (Samudaya) 9-12: 4 pensees relatives ala

3eme verite (Nirodha) 7 -9: 3 savoirs relatifs ala 3eme verite (Nirodha)

13-16: 4 pensees relatives ala 4eme verite (Marga) 10-2: 3 savoirs relatifs ala 4eme

verite (Marga)

Les Theravadin ne parlaient pas des savoirs ou des pensees dans Ie chemin de celui-qui-a-gagne-le-courant (sotapanamagga).

13. Selon Vasumitra, la raison principale du schisme des SaIpmitlya parmi les Vatslputrlya aurait ete les explications divergentes concernant les fruits de sravaka basees sur une stance. Cf. THICH THI£,N CHAu, Les sectes personnalistes (Pudgavadin) du Bouddhisme ancien, These in~dite; cf. A. BAREAU Les sectes bouddhiques du petit vehicule, Publications de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient, Vol. XXXVIII, Saigon 1955, pp. 122-123.

14. Le tableau ci-dessous permet de resumer la comparaison entre la liste du stade-des-desirs-non-encore-abandonnes (avftaragabhumi) des Pudgalavadin avec les deux autres listes des Sarvastivadin (Kosa) et des Theravadin (textes Pali):

aVltaragabhumi

Pudgalavadin Sarvastivadin Theravadin

I. a~~amaka 1) sraddhanusarin sraddhanusarin saddhanusari 2) prajiianusarin dharmanusarin dhammanusari 3) sraddhaprajnanusarin:

II. srotapanna 4) saptak1;dbhavaparama saptak1;dbhavaparama sattakkhuparama 5) kulaT(!kula kulaT(!kula kulankola 6)madhyama ekabiji

III. tanubhumi 7) sak1;dagamin sak1;dagamin sakadagamin 8)ekabijin ekav'icika 9) madhyama?

52 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

15. Kosa, VI, 43: L'anagamin, qui a acquis Ie nirodha est considere com me kiiyasa~in.

16. Les trois listes concernant les fruits du stade-de-l'abandon-du-desir (vUaragabhumi) ci-dessous nous donnent quelques idees sur les differences des fruits entre les trois ecoles: Pudgalavada, Sarvastivada et Theravada. La liste des neuf categories des Pudgalavadin est une liste bien complete qui englobe les diverses categories d'anagamin, tandis que celle des Sarvastivadin comprend sept categories y compris Ie kiiyasa~in. La liste des Theravadin se compose de cinq categories, Ie kiiyasakkhZ est une categorie independante:

vItaragabhumi

Pudgalavadin Sarvastivadin Theravadin Kosa, VI, 215, 223, 226

1. sraddhadhimukta I. rilpyapaga anagami 1 urdhvaSrota 1 antaraparinirvayin 1 antaraparinibbayf 2 sabhisarrskiirapari- 2 upapadhyapari- 2 upahaccaparinibbiiyf

nirvayin nirvayin 3 anabhisarrskiirapari- 3 sabhisarrskaraparinir- 3 sasarikharaparinibbiiyf

nirvayin vayin 4 anabhisarrskarapari-

nirvayin 4 asarikharapari-5 urdhvaSrota nibbiiyz 5 urdhvasrota 5 uddhamsota-akaniH-

hagami II. dntiprapta II. 0. arupyapaga 4 antaraparinirvayin a) upapadhyaparinirvayin 5 upapadhyaparinirvayin b) sabhisa7(lSkara-parinir- (kayasakkhz)

vayin 6 ilrdhvaSrota c) anabhisa7(lSkiiraparinir-

vayin d) ildhvaSrota

III. kiiyasa~in III. 7. kiiyasa~in 7 sabhisa7(lSkiira-pari-

nirvayin (Celui qui atteintle

8 anabhisa7(lSkiira-pari- Nirva'fJ{L dans cete nirvayin vie)

9 upapadhyaparinirvayin

REPONSES DES PUDGALAVADIN 53

. 17. Les listes des categories de l'arhant des trois ecoles nous donnent egalement les differences, notamment la decouverte unique des Pudgalavadin:

Categories de l'Arhant

Pudgalavadin Sarvastivadin Theravadin

1. tl~Q.endriya 1) sthitakampyadharman 1) pariha7ladharman 1) ubhayatobhiigavi-

mukta 2) prativedhanadharman 2) cetaniidharman 2) paiiiiiivimukta 3) akopyadharman 3) anurak4aniidharman 3) thitakappi II. m:rdvindriya ~ 4)parihii7ladharman 4) sthitiikampya 4) pativedhaniibhiiva 5) cetaniidharman 5) prativedhanadharman 5) cetaniibhabba 6) anura~aniidharman 6) akopyadharman T rakkhar]iibhaba III. madhyendriya 7) prajiiiivimukta 7) sace anurakkhatina 7) ubhayatobhagavimukta parinibbiiyi 8) Complete 8) noce anurakkhati-

parinibbiiyz 9) Incomplete 9) parihiinadhamma au

samas'is'i

Tsong-Kha-pa's Understanding of prasangika Thought

by Lobsang Dargyay

1. Introduction

Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1419) is to the formation of Tibetan philosophy what Thomas Aquinas.is to European theology. Tsong-kha-pa incorporated into Tibetan Buddhism hitherto neglected Indian strands of Buddhist thought, one of which I shall deal with in this paper, and he revived some which he felt had lost their impact. Perhaps the most outstanding contribution he made to the growth of Buddhist thought was his insistence on the importance of rational analysis of the mental process during and after meditation. Like Aquinas, Tsong-kha-pa was a learned man, a scholar-monk and saint, a model for future generations of Buddhists in Tibet, Mongolia, Nepal, China, Ladakh, and Russia. Despite his enormous impact on the formation of religious thought in those acountries, Western scholars have only recently begun to study some of his numerous works.

Together with his teacher, Red-mda'-ba (1349-1412), Tsong-kha-pa promoted a particular way of understanding NagaIjuna's Madhyamaka philosophy: the Prasangika. In brief, the Prasangika way of understanding Madhyamaka entails rejecting the use of formal logic in interpreting Nagarjuna's thought. It also involves showing the innate absurdity of any philosophical system. In other words, the Prasangika silences the human mind's restless urge to rationalize reality. Prasangika is a philosophical school which developed a method leading the religious seeker to the unmediated experience of the unspeakable. The study of Prasangika is therefore essential for a broader understanding of Buddhist mysticism.

55

56 jIABSVOL.IONO.l

Tsong-kha-pa composed a small work in which he explained his understanding of Prasangika thought. It consists in his lecHire notes on Prasangika, which were later edited by his disciple rGyal-tshab-rje with the title "Notes on the Eight Difficult Points" (dKa' gnas brgyad kyi zin bris). I have chosen to study this text in some detail because of its thematic importance, but also because it supplements a text whose translation I have just completed, Go-rams-pa's ITa b'ai shan 'byed. The latter text presupposes the "Notes on the Eight Difficult Points." The Notes are a prime source for Tsong-kha-pa's understanding of Prasangika thought and for the Prasangika stream of Tibetan philosophy in general. I

In this paper I shall survey the formation of Madhyamaka in Tibet to provide a background for the following discussion of the "Notes on the Eight Difficult Points." The later part of my presentation will deal with "store consciousness" (iilayavijiiiina) as one of the eight points.

II. Survey of the Growth of Madhyamaka in Tibet

The Beginning Madhyamaka philosophy had become known in Tibet by

the 8th century, when such gifted Tibetan translators as Ye-shessde and dPal-brtsegs translated the most important Sanskrit works written on this topic. Later, they composed works of their own in which they demonstrated a good understanding of the problems involved in this philosophical system. These works constitute the very foundation of Tibetan Madhyamaka. In their endeavor to study Madhyamaka, the Tibetan thinkers were supported by a number of Indian Buddhist masters. They followed a line which was later identified as Svatantrika Madhyamaka, a kind of Madhyamaka which used some of the discoveries recently made in Indian logic.

The inauguration of in-depth studies of Madhyamaka in Tibet is closely tied to the activity of rNgog Lo-tsa-ba Blo-ldan shes-rab (1059-1109), nephew of the no less famous rNgog Legsp'ai shes-rab, who founded the monastery of gSang-phu.

rNgon Lo-tsa-ba's entire teaching may be divided into three categories:

TSONG KHA PA'S UNDERSTANDING 57

i) The five works of Maitreya: rN gog Lo-tsa-ba considered the first four of them to be of an interpretive meaning (drang don, neyartha) i.e., the Abhisamayalarikara, Madhyantavibhaga, Sutralarikara, and Dharma-dharmata-vibhaga. Only the last of this set of five works, the Mahayana-uttaratantra, is, according to him, of definitive meaning (nges don, nitartha). rNgog Lo-tsa-ba favoured the ideas of Asanga and Vasubandhu, but partially rejected those of Sthiramati.

ii) Dharmakirti's works on logic (pramarJa): in rNgog Lo-tsaba's opinion, Dharmaklrti advocated ideas similar to those of Nagarjuna, and for this reason he accepted Dharmaklrti's works without restriction. Among Dharmakirti's followers, however, rNgog rejected Dharmottara's and Prajiiakaragupta's (Tib. rGyan mkhan-po) understanding of the ultimate.

iii) Nagarjuna's Madhyamaka works: rNgog Lo-tsa-ba taught Nagarjuna's Madhyamaka works in the light of a philosophical tradition which has materialized in three works collectively called Rang rgyud shar gsum, i.e., the "three Madhyamaka tractates of the East (Indian Masters) of the Svatantrika (tradition)." (These works are extant in the Ta~ur and constitute the textbooks of Svatantrika studies in Tibet.)2

As Candraklrti's works were not yet translated into Tibetan, rNgog Lo-tsa-ba learned about them by hearsay only, and rejected Candrakirti's position. rNgog Lo-tsa-ba insisted that a correct understanding of the Madhyamaka works had to rely on Dharmakirti's discoveries in the field of logic, and he felt that Candrakirti's interpretation violated this basic rule.

rNgog Lo-tsa-ba had numerous, and not less famous disciples. They continued to promote their master's view of Svatantrika Madhyamaka, which remained the mainstream of Madhyamaka thought in Tibet up to the 15th century, when Candrakirti's thought became more influential.

Prasarigika Thought in Tibet In later times, Tibetan scholars suggested that the basic

ideas of the Prasangika system penetrated into Tibet at the time of AtIsa (982~1054), who had entered the country in 1042. This


was not yet a formal introduction of Prasangika, but a seminal phase, paving the way for the later introduction. To support this, one may point to some of Ansa's shorter treatises, wherein he strictly follows Candrak'irti's thought: S(1tyadvaya-avatara3 and the Bodh.ipatha-pradipa. 4 The latter text became the model for Tsong-kha-pa's famous Larn rirn chen rno, wherein he extensively deals with Prasangika thought.

Pa-tshab Nyi-rna-grags Prasangika thought became widely disseminated in Tibet

when Candrakirti's works were translated into Tibetan by Patshab Nyi-ma-grags. He, together with his disciples, paved the way for a growing interest in the Prasangika system, which led eventually to its dominance of the Tibetan philosophical tradition.

Pa-tshab was born in 'Phan-po in 1055. Still a young man, he left for India, where he studied the Buddhist doctrine for 23 years in Kashmir, still a centre of Buddhist learning. Later, he invited three Indian pandits to Tibet to spread the buddhadharma there, among them gSer-gyi go-cha (Kanakavarma).5 After Kanakavarma arrived in Tibet, he resided at the Ra-sa 'phrul-snang temple and other places in Lhasa, where he translated most of Candraklrti's works (particularly those with a Madhyamaka content). He was assisted in his translation by Pa-tshab Nyi-ma-grags.

At the same time, Pa-tshab also instructed disciples in the newly introduced Prasangika system. He found further support in Sha-ra-ba, an expert in the Prajiiapararnita, who sent his disciples to Pa-tshab so that they would obtain a proper training in Candraklrti's thought, i.e., the Prasangika system. But it seems that Pa-tshab was not a prolific writer, as only a single work is mentioned: Sha-ra-ba'i dBu rna'i dri lan, "Answer to Sharaba's Questions about Madhyamaka."6

Soon Pa-tshab became a renowned Madhyamaka scholar, who attracted many gifted disciples. The best of them are known as "the four sons of Pa-tshab":

1. rMa-bya Byang-chub ye-shes, also known as rMa-bya Byang-yes; 2. gTsang-pa Sar-sbos;


3. Dar Yon-tan-grags; 4. Zhang Thang-sag-pa Ye-shes 'byung-gnas.7

Eventually the school flourished and branched into various traditions, each generating its own set of influential thinkers. Among them, Rong-ston (1367-1449) assumed a crucial role in the formation of Buddhist philosophy in Tibet. With the formation of his lineage, the Prasangika tradition became firmly entrenched in the Tibetan philosophical system. The issue was no longer whether or not the Prasangika exegesis was a legitimate way to understand Madhyamaka, but how to achieve the most accurate interpretation of Candraklrti's original intention. The great Sa-skya scholars laid the foundation upon which Tsongkha-pa constructed his version of the Prasangika system, a tradition which still has a firm grip on the entire philosophical tradition of Tibet.

III. "The Notes on the Eight Difficult Points"

Tsong-kha-pa composed this text as notes for his lectures on the most difficult topics within Prasangika Madhyamaka philosophy. His gifted disciple, rGyal-tshab-rje, took notes while attending hi~ teacher's lectures. For this reason, the work was later incorporated into Tsong-kha-pa's Collected Works as well as into those of rGyal-tshab-rje.

The text consists of 32 pages and is extant in three editions:

The Collected Works ofTsong-kha-pa bLo-bzang grags-pa, vol. 15 (Ba),8 The Collected Works of rGyal-tshab-rje, vol. 1 (Ka), vol. 7 Qa) of the same collection.9

The three editions differ slightly in their titles; otherwise the first and second editions are identical and seem to preserve the original form of the text. The third edition was subjected to some editing by rGyal-tshab-rje. He clarified ambiguous terms or phrases, but did not alter the over-all meaning.

In "The Notes on the Eight Difficult Points," Tsong-kha-pa discusses the eight difficult points in understanding the Miilamadhyamaka-kiirika, the fundamental Madhyamaka treatise writ-


ten by the Indian philosopher Nagarjuna (2nd cent. A.D.). In his exegesis, Tsong-kha-pa strictly follows Candrakirti. . For the present purpose, I shall summarize the eight points and then discuss the first one in some d~tail.

(1) Negation of iilayavijiiiina: Tsong-kha-pa claims that the Prasangika system denies the existence of iilayavijiiiina even on the conventional (san;tvr:ti) level, not to mention on the ultimate (paramiirtha) level.

(2) Negation of the axiom that things exist owing to their own nature: Tsong-kha~pa states that, according to the Prasangika, entities or things do not exist owing to their defining characteristics or to their own nature (rang gi mtshan nyid kyis grub pa, svalak:;a11a-siddha). This applies not only on the ultimate, but also on the conventional, level. These two axioms lead to a discussion of karma, i.e., actions and their results, because the iilayavijiiiina was designed to function largely as a reservoir for "storing" the karmic traces, and the opponents of the Prasangika argued that if things do not exist due to their own nature, karma will become unreal. In this context Tsong-kha-pa develops his unique view of karma, wherein the term zhig pa (cessation) plays a major role.

(3) Existence of external objects: i:his is accepted by Prasangika on the conventional level only, in contrast to the Cittamatra claim.

(4) Negation of "independent proof' (rangrgyud, sViitantra): the Prasangika does not allow for applying the "independent proof," but uses instead a "presupposition or reason which is well known by opponents" (gzhan grags, paraprasiddha) in order to illustrate the opponents' errors.

(5) Negation of "introspective awareness" (rang rig, svasa1(tvitti), as there is no valid proof to verify its existence.

(6) "Hearers" (sriivaka) andpratyekabuddhas realize the lack of inherent reality, i.e., the voidness of all things existing.

(7) The Prasangika definition of the two kinds of obscuration: (a)the obscuration of defilement (nyon sgrib, klesiivara11a) , and (b) the obscuration of omniscience (shes sgrib,jiieyiivara11a).

(8) The Buddha's perception of the impure world: Tsongkha-pa discusses how the Buddha is able to perceive impure phenomena, although he has removed all obscurations.


IV. Discussion of Alayavijiiana

The term alayavijnana occurs in siUms and tantms as well, but the term becomes systematized only in the later development of Buddhist philosophy. Commonly, it is translated as "storehouse-consciousness," which translates the Indian term in a literal manner. Tibetan philosophers replaced the Sanskrit term with kun gzhi, which literally translated means "basis of all." In this paper I shall use the Sanskrit word, alayavijiiana, because it is widely known in the West. I do so despite the fact that Tsong-kha-pa, whose treatise I am about to discuss here, wrote in Tibetan and for a Tibetan audience.

In general, the concept of an alayavijiiana was developed by those Buddhist thinkers who followed the Yogacara tradition. For this reason, we find an elaboration of the alayavijiiana concept mainly in the works of this particular school of Buddhist thought. There was a need to develop such a theory, mainly because of the conflict between two claims made simultaneously by Buddhist thinkers: (a) universal impermanence and (b) the residue of karmic traces. If everything in this world is subject to immediate decay, where-we have to ask-are the traces of the acts stored so that they can produce their appropriate effects? The Y ogacaralCittamatra thinkers responded to this query with their alayavijiiana theory: a neutral mental continuum carries the karmic traces and bridges the gap between death and rebirth, between the endless series of fleeting moments of existence.

In his interpretation of alayavijiiana, Tsong-kha-pa strictly follows the works traditionally ascribed to Asanga.Tsong-kha-pa discusses this concept also in a separate treatise with the title "Detailed Explanation of Alayavijiiana and KI4tamanas". 10 There, he states that the alayavijiiana is different from the six other kinds of consciousness, i.e., visual consciousness, auditory consciousness, and so on.

According to Tsong-kha-pa, a consciousness must have four aspects in order to qualify as alayavijiiana: .

(1) Its objects (alambana, dmigs pa): (a) the five sensory objects, e.g., form, sound, etc. (b) the five sense organs, e.g., eye, ear, etc.

62 ]IABS VOL. 10 NO.1

(c) the karmic traces (2) Its character (iikiira, rnam pa): Although the iilayavijiiiina somehow mirrors the inanimate and animate world, it cannot discriminate. It is a dream-like consciousness. (3) Its nature (ngo bo): It is of a neutral nature; it is neither of a virtuous or unvirtuous nature. (4) Its associations: The iilayavijiiiina is associated with the five mental events:

(a) emotions, (b) conception, (c) mentation, (d) contact, (e) mental engagement.

According to Tsong-kha-pa, these are the premises put forward by Yoga.ca.ra and which must be met by the concept of iitayavijfiiina. He also assumes that only Yogacara/Cittamatra, but not Prasangika, recognizes this concept. At this point, we have to remember that the concept of iila~avijfiiina was developed mainly to support the existence of karmic traces. Although the Prasangika thinkers did not embrace the concept of iilayavijfiiina, they affirmed that acts generate effects or "fruits."

In the dKa' gnas brgyad we read:

Although [the Prasangika] rejects the iilayavijiiiina, the completed karma is not wasted, because even without acceptance of the [iilayavijiiiina] there is no contradiction in the ceased karma's (las zhig pa) giving rise to its resultY .

Tsong-kha-pa substantiates his claim through Candraklrti's Madhyamakiivatiira, particularly VI, 39. 12

V. Go-rams-pa's Contestation of Tsong-kha-pa's Position

In the Differentiation of {Madhyamaka] Views (lTa ba'i shan 'byed) Go-rams-pa bSod-nams seng-ge (1429-1489) rejected the position taken by Tsong-kha-pa regarding iilayavijfiiina. He assumes that the Prasangikas reject the concept of iilayavijfiiina, as its existence cannot be verified through philosophical investigation, but that they accept it on a conventional level. To


support his theory, Go-rams-pa refers to the Bodhicitta-vivararJa, a commentary on a verse of the 2nd chapter of the Guhyasamiija Tantra which is ascribed to Nagarjuna.

Go-rams-pa clarifies his own position as follows:

Although the Prasangika do not accept an iilayavijftana which supports action and its fruit and which can withstand logical investigation, in general they should accept the alayavijftana, because the Bodhicitta-vivararJa, [by Nagarjuna] actually says that the alayavijftana does exist [in the Prasangika system].13

Go-rams-pa does not identify the verse he has in mind. A later dGe-Iugs-pa thinker, Gung-thang dKon-mchog bstan-pa'i sgron-me (1762-1823), points to verse 35 as the one in question, but finds himself unable to agree with Go-rams-pa because of contextual considerations. 14

The verse in question reads:

Just as the ocean and trees are moved though they have no mind (citta) , likewise the store-consciousness (iilayavijniina) is [only] active dependent upon a body (kayaSaritya).15

Thus, the Prasangika strategy was to take references by Nagarjuna to the iilayavijnana in a "broad" sense, as roughly synonymous with manovijniina, rather than in the "narrow" sense employed by the Yogacara thinkers.

VI. Conclusions

Tsong-kha-pa claims that the concept of iilayavijniina as defined by the Yogacara/Cittamatra is not compatible with the Prasangika system. This statement was contested by Go-rams-pa by pointing at the occurrence of the word iilayavijniina in Nagarjuna's writings. This led Go-rams-pa to the conclusion that the Prasangikas do accept iilayavijniina, but only on the conventional level. Later dGe-Iugs-pa scholars rejected his position on the basis of numerous testimonies found not only in Candraklrti's writings but also in tantric texts. Here, neither time nor space permits dealing with this later development in the detail required.


NOTES

1. This is part of a research project aiming at analysing this important text. It is financed through a grant of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and co-sponsored by The Calgary Institute for the Humanities.

2. These three tracts are: Satya-dvaya-vibhaga-karika by Jflanagarbha, together with his own commentary; Madhyamaka-alamkara-karika and its commentary by Santarak~ita; Madhyamaka-aloka by KamalasIla:

3. CTBC 3902, 4467; Satyadvaya-avatara, tr. by Lindtner, "Atisa's introduction to the two truths" (JIPh 9, 1981, p. 161-213).

4. CTBC 3947, 4465; tr. by H. Eimer. Bodhipatha-pradzpa. Ein Lehrgedicht des Atisa (Dipamkara srijiiana) in der tibetischen Uberlieferung. Wiesbaden 1978 (Asiatische Forschungen 59).

5. BBY p. 233. 6. PTh p. 43l. 7. DNg p. 305, Blue Annals p. 343; Padma dkar-po, CTP. fo1. 118a.5. 8. Ed. by D. Gelek, New Delhi (n.d.). 9. IASWR microfiche edition.

10. Yid dang kun gzh'i dkaiba'i gnas rgya cher 'grel pa (The Collected Works of Tsong-kha-pa) vol. Tsha, p. 356-474.

11. p. 569f. In a contribution to Karma and Rebirth: Post Classical Developments ed. by Ron Neufeldt, State University of New York Press (1986) I discuss the concept of "ceased karma" in detail.

12. MMA VI, 39 rpt. Tokyo 1977; tr. by La Vallee Poussin. Le Museon vol. 11, p. 518.

13. ITa ba'i shan 'byed fo1. 29a. 14. The Collected Works of Gung-thang dKon-mchog bstan-pa'i sgron-me vol.

2, p. 284, ed. by Gelek. New Delhi, 1972. 15. Chr. Lindtner. Nagarjuniana (Indiske Studier 4). Copenhagen, 1982,

p. 196f, v. 35. Tsong-kha-pa discussed v. 34 and 25 in his Gongs pa rab gsal p. 298f (gSung 'bum vol. Ma, n.d.).


ABBREVIATIONS

BBY

CTBC

CTp

DNg

IASWR

JIPh MMA PTh

dBu m'ai byung tshul rnam par bshad pa'i gtam yid bzhin lhun po by Sakya-mchog-ldan, ed. by Kunzang Tobgey. Bhutan 1975 .

. A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons, ed by Hakuju Vi. Sendai, Japan 1934. Chos 'byung bstan pa'i pad ma rgyas pa'i nyin byed by Padma-dkar-po, blockprint n.d. Deb gter sngon po by 'Gos Lo-tsa-ba gZhon-nu-dpal. New Delhi 1976. The Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, State University of New York, Stoney Brook, New York. Journal of Indian Philosophy Madhymakiivatara dPe rgyun dkun pa 'ga' zhig gi tho yig don gnyer yid kyi kun da by 'A-khu Shes-rab rgya-mtsho, ed. by Ngawang Sopa. New Delhi 1974.

Who Gets to Ride in the Great V ehide? Self-Image and Identity Among the Followers of the Early Mahayana

by Paul Harrison

As far as most Buddhist scholars nowadays are concerned, the Mahayana was a movement which originated in India some 300 or 400 years after the death of Gautama. Building on various doctrinal developments among certain schools of the so-called Hlnayana, notably the Mahasanghikas, it promoted a new ideal, that of the bodhisattva, or buddha-to-be, as opposed to the older arhat-ideal. In criticizing the arhat the early Mahayanists are commonly thought to have been striking a blow against the monastic elitism of the Hinayana; and their new ideal is supposed to have been developed, in part at least, as a response to the. spiritual needs and concerns of the laity.l This supposition also finds expression in the claim that, since the Buddha himself had been idealised beyond human reach, the bodhisattvas were invented as fitting recipients of the devotion (bhakti) of the masses, objects of a cult analogous to the cult of the saints in Christianity.2 It has also been suggested that the new movement looked more favourably on the religious aspirations and capabilities of women. All these factors are cited as reasons for the success the Mahayana enjoyed in establishing itself as a truly popular religion, first in India and subsequently in other countries.

This paper sets out to examine all these assumptions, and to ask the question 'What did it mean to be a follower of the Mahayana?' In other words, who or what is a bodhisattva? Are bodhisattvas really exalted beings, 'divine saviors' or 'saints', or are they ordinary mortals? Can laypeople be bodhisattvas? Can

67


women be bodhisattvas? And whatever the answers to these questions, what were the consequences of affiliation with the Mahayana for people's sense of their own religious identity vis-avis other Buddhists, and in relation to followers of other religious paths?

These are, of course, wide-ranging questions, and none of them is amenable to a simple answer. To reduce the scope of the problem, I propose to confine my remarks to the early Mahayana, using as sources the first Chinese translations of Mahayana sutras. This comparatively small body of texts-ll in all-was produced in the second half of the 2nd century C.E., or shortly thereafter, by a small group of foreign translators working in the Han capital of Luoyang; most of them are the work of the Indo-Scythian Lokak~ema, active c. 168-189 C.E. Their value lies in the fact that they are the oldest literary evidence for the Mahayana, and preserve the earliest phase of that movement frozen, as it were, in an archaic semi-vernacular Chinese; later translations and the Sanskrit texts themselves can and often do contain later accretions, which reduce their value as historical evidence, at least as far as the early period is concerned. The 11 translations themselves have been described at length elsewhere3 ; here they need only be listed with a few essential details:

l. AsPP T.224\ Daoxing banruojinga

~tasiihasrikii-prafiiiipiiramitii-sutra Translated by Lokak~ema and Zhu Foshuo, 179 C.E.

There are six other Chinese translations, and one Tibetan translation, the 'Phags-pa shes-rab-kyi pha-rol-tu phyin-pa brgyad-stong-pa. The Sanskrit text is extant, and has been rendered into English by E. Conze: The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines and its Verse Summary (lst ed., Asiatic Society of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1958; reprinted, with corrections, Four Seasons Foundation, Bolinas, Cal., 1975). For full bibliographical details of this key text in its many versions, see E. Conze, The Prafiiiipiiramitii Literature (2nd ed., The Reiyukai, Tokyo, 1978), pp. 46-50.

2. PraS : T.418,Banzhousanmeijinl = Pratyutpanna-buddha-san;mukhiivasthita-samiidhi-sutra

Translated by Lokak~ema, Zhu Foshuo et al., 179 c.E., sub-

SELF-IMAGE AND IDENTITY IN MAHAyANA 69

sequently revised, probably by members of Lokak~ema's school, in 208. Parts of the original version survive. There" are three other Chinese translations (T.416, T.4l7, T.419) and one Tibetan version, the 'Phags-pa da-ltar-gyi sangsrgyas mngon-sum-du bzhugs-pa'i ting-nge-'dzin ces-bya-ba theg-pa chen-po'i mdo, for a critical edition of which see P. Harrison, The Tibetan Text of the Pratyutpanna-Buddha-SaT(lmukhiivasthitaSamadhi-Sutra (Studia Philologica Buddhica, Monograph Series, 1) (The Reiyukai Library, Tokyo, 1978). The Sanskrit text is lost, except for one small fragment, published as the "Bhadrapala Sutra" in A.F. Rudolf Hoernle, ed., Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature (Oxford, 1916), pp. 88-93,410-411. An English translation and study of this text is currently being prepared by the author, and a translation of T.418 itself is in press.

3.3DKP : T.624,DunzhentuoluosuowenrulaisanmeijingC

Druma-kinnarariija-paripr:ccha-sutra Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E.

There is one other Chinese translation (T.625), and one Tibetan version, entitled 'Phags-pa mi-'am-ci'i rgyal-po sdong-pos zhus-pa zhes-bya-ba theg-pa chen-po'i mdo. The Sanskrit text has been lost.

4. AjKV T.626,Azheshiwangjingd

= Ajatasatru-kaukr:tya-vinodana-sutra Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E.

There are three other Chinese translations (T.627, T.628, T.629), and one Tibetan version, the 'Phags-pa ma-skyes-dgra'i 'gyod-pa bsal-ba zhes-bya-ba theg-pa chen-po'i mdo. The Sanskrit text is not extant.

5. TSC T.280,Doushajinge

part of the AvataT(lsaka-sutra Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E.

There are two other Chinese versions (T.278, T.279), and one Tibetan version, the Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes-bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po'i mdo. The material corresponding to the TSC occurs in Chap. XII (Sangs-rgyas-kyi mtshan shin-tu bstan-pa) and Chap. XIV (De-bzhin gshegs-pa'i 'od-zer-las rnam-par sangs-rgyaspa). For a partial English translation of this text see Thomas Cleary, trans!., The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of the


AvatarlJsaka Sfltra, VoL I (Shambhala, Boulder, 1984).

6. LAN T.807,Neizangbaibaojinl = Lokiinuvartana-sutra

Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E. No other Chinese versions survive, but there is one Tibetan version, the 'Phags-pa 'jig-rten-gyi rjes-su 'thun-par )ug-pa zhes-byaba theg-pa chen-po'i mdo. The complete Sanskrit text is lost, but a substantial number of verses from it appear in the Mahavastu and the Prasannapada, for which see P. Harrison, "Sanskrit Fragments of a Lokottaravadin Tradition" in L.A. HercllS et al., eds., Indological and Buddhist Studies: Volume in Honour of Professor]. W. de Jong on his Sixtieth Birthday (Faculty of Asian Studies, Canberra, 1982), pp. 211-234.

7. WWP :. T.458, Wenshushiliwenpusashujingg

Sanskrit title unknown Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E.

There are no other versions; the Sanskrit text is lost.

8. KP T.350, Yirimonibaojingh = KiiSyapa-parivarta

Translated by Lokak~ema, c. 168-189 C.E. For a German rendering ofLokak~ema's version, see F. Weller, "Kasyapaparivarta nach der Han-Fassung verdeutscht", Buddhist Yearly 1968/69 (Halle, 1970), pp. 57-221. There are four other Chinese versions: T.351 (F. Weller, "Kasyapaparivarta nach der Djin-Fassung verdeutscht", Mitteilungen deslnstituts fur Orientforschung, XII (1966), pp. 379-462), T.310, No. 43 (F. Weller, "Kasyapaparivarta nach der Tjin-Ubersetzung verdeutscht", Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Karl-Marx-Universitiit Leipzig, XIII (1964), Heft 4, pp. 771-804), T.659 (Chap. VII), and T.352 (F. Weller, "Die Sung-Fassung des Kasyapaparivarta",Monumenta Serica, XXV (1966), pp. 207-361). The Tibetan version, the 'Od-srung-gi le'u, appears with four Chinese versions in the well-known edition of the Sanskrit text

. by A. von Stael-Holstein, The Kar;yapaparivarta J A Mahiiyanasutra of the Ratnakuta Class (Shanghai, 1926; reprinted, Meicho-FukyiiKai, Tokyo, 1977); see also ].W. dejong, "Sanskrit Fragments


of the Kasyapaparivarta" in Beitrage zur Indienforschung Ernst Waldschmidt zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet (Museum fUr Indische Kunst, Berlin, 1977), pp. 247-255. There are a number of modern-language translations of this important text: F. Weller, Zum Kasyapaparivarta, Heft 2, Verdeutschung des sanskrit-tibetischen Textes (Abhandlungen der siichsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse, Band 57, Heft 3) (Berlin, 1965); Bhikkhu Pasadika, "The Dharma-Discourse of the Creat Collection of Jewels, The Kasyapa Section", published serially in Linh Son publication d'etudes bouddhologiques, I-IX (1977-79); Carma C.c. Chang, ed., A Treasury of Mahayana Siltras: Selections from the Maharatnakilta Siltra (Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, Penn., 1983), pp. 387-414; Nagao Gadjin and Sakurabe Hajime, "Kasho-hon", in Daijo butten, Vol. IX (Chuokoronsha, Tokyo, 1974), pp. 5-124.

9. AkTV : T.313,Achufoguojingi

A~obhya-tathagatasya-vyilha-siltra Attributed to Lokak~ema, but probably the work of one of his contemporaries or oflater members of his school.

Although the Sanskrit text has been lost, we still possess one other Chinese version (T.310, No.6) and one Tibetan version, the 'Phags-pa de-bzhin-gshegs-pa mi-'khrugs-pa'i bkod-pa zhes-bya-ba theg-pa chen-po'i mdo. For full bibliographical details, see Buddhist Text Information, 40-41 Gune & Sept. 1984). A partial French translation has been published by J. Dantinne: La Splendeur de l'Inebranlable (A~obhyavyilha), Tome I (Universite Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, Louvain-Ia-Neuve, 1983), while an English translation (with omissions) based on the Chinese text (T.310,6) may be found in Carma C.C. Chang, ed., op. cit., pp. 315-338.

10. CCD : T.630, Chengjuguangmingdingyijingi Sanskrit title unknown. Attributed to Zhi Yao, active late 2nd century.

There are no other versions; the Sanskrit text is lost.

11. UP : T.322,Fajingjinl


U gra. (datta )-paripr:cchii-sutra Translated by An Xuan and Van Fotiao, active c. 180 C.E.

There are two other Chinese versions (T.3l0, No. 19, and T.323) and one Tibetan version, the 'Phags-pa drag-shul-can-gyis zhus-pa zhes-bya.-ba. theg-pa chen-po'i mdo, which has been translated into Japanese by Sakurabe Hajime in DaH6 butten, Vol. IX (Chu6k6ronsha, Tokyo, 1974), pp. 231-335.

It should be noted here that the use of these texts for historical research into Indian Buddhism presents certain problems, although, due to considerations of space, a full methodological discussion will have to be reserved for a later date. As translations they are reasonably reliable, but by no means as reliable as their Tibetan counterparts, against which they need to be checked. Although they were all produced at roughly the same time and roughly the same place, the original sutras may well have been written at different times, in different places, and by different hands. Furthermore, those hands were almost certainly those of literate males, probably monks, which means that the sutras must represent a limited point of view, albeit an influential one. These problems are all serious, to be sure, but it can nevertheless be argued that if these texts are used with the appropriate caution, their evidential value is substantial, especially in view of the fact that, apart from a small numberof inscriptions, 5 we have little else to assist our enquiries. They certainly contain sufficient data to enable us to arrive at unequivocal answers to at least some of our questions.

To begin with, how is the Mahayana referred to in these translations? The term Mahayana itself is found, either transliterated (moheyanl) or translated (dadao ffi , "the Great Way"), but it is surprisingly rare (about 20 occurrences in all). Not much more frequent is the use of the term "Bodhisattva Way" (oysadao n ), which mayor may not render bodhisattvayana or bodhisattvamarga in· the original Sanskrit (or Indic) text. If we·· examine those translations for which the Sanskrit is still extant, we find, e.g., that in Lokak~ema's version of the KP pusadao occurs several times, twice translating mahayana (KP 3, 118), once bodhisattva-marga (KP 12), and once in a periphrastic rendering of udaradhimukta as "those who delight in the Bodhisattva


Way" (KP 11). In the AsPP we find it used for d~kara-carika (428bI8) and bodhisattva-carika (428b20), but most often, in the expression xing pusadao zheo, it renders bodhisattvayanika/p pudgala/P, "people who are adherents of the Bodhisattvayana" (e.g. 447b3,24-25,465c9-10). When the term is found in other translations it usually occurs in the phrase xing (or qiu) pusadao zheP,

"those who practise (or seek) the Bodhisattva Way", pointing once again to an original bodhisattvayanika. The rarity of the terms mahayana and bodhisattvayana already invites the conclusion that at this stage there was no rigid division of the Buddhist Sangha into two hostile camps to the extent that the modern understanding of the terms 'Mahayana' and 'Hlnayana' implies. There was indeed a new spirit abroad: the authors of our texts are devoted to its promulgation, but there is little evidence of any urge on their part to enshrine their different point of view in hard and fast sectarian categories, something to which we shall return later. Rather than speak of the Mahayana, they chose to address themselves to those substantive issues which we have come to associate with that movement, i.e. the doctrines of emptiness (sunyata), the perfection of wisdom (prajftaparamita) and the five other perfections, skill-in-means (upayakausalya) and, above all, the career of the bodhisattva, the aspirant to awakening or buddhahood. It is especially in their treatment of the bodhisattva that we can see how these early Mahayana writers conceived of their identity and their place within the Buddhist world.

In these archaic Chinese texts the word bodhisattva is almost always transliterated as pusaq, although the UP uses the translation kaishir ("the revealer") while the CCD has settled on the rendering mingshiS ("the enlightened one"). In most of our sutras the word occurs prolifically, and is generally neutral with regard to lay/monastic status and gender. (As far as the latter is concerned, this is not surprising, since Classical Chinese lacks any kind of inflectional system for conveying distirtctions of gender, number and case; but in the original Sanskrit sutras the word bodhisattva would always have been masculine.) Frequently, however, different types of bodhisattvas are distinguished, the most common distinction being a twofold one between 'renunciant' or 'monastic' bodhisattvas, those who have left the household life to devote themselves full-time to spiritual matters, and 'house-


holder' or 'lay' bodhisattvas, who practise their religion as full members of society. These two categories are sometimes further subdivided according to gender to arrive at the "four classes of disciples", i.e. bodhisattvas who are monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen. I propose to look at the basic twofold lay/monastic division first, and then examine the male/female one to see what distinction, if any, is made on the basis of gender. As simple as this approach sounds, it does present difficulties, since the male is taken as paradigmatic, and is often clearly intended even when the texts are speaking generally in terms which could apply equally well to men and women. Before we look at these divisions, however, let us first see what terms are used to.refer to the "four classes of disciples" collectively and individually.

The expression "four classes of disciples" itself (Chinese: sibei dizi t or sibu diziU ) occurs occasionally (e.g. AsPP 467b29,469a18-19; AkTV 757b15-16; CCD 456a2; PraS 915alO), as does the full enumeration of these classes, i.e. biqiu biqiuni youposai youpoyiV (= bhi~us, bhi~u'fJfs, upasakas and upasikas, or monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen; e.g. PraS 918a8-9; DKP 364a18).6 These terms are, of course, of general application, and are frequently used in our texts without any specific reference to followers of the Mahayana. Often, however, the connection is explicit, especially in those few passages in which the four classes are discussed in sequence. The best example of this is Chapter 6 of Lokak$ema's version of the PraS, which deals in turn with "Bodhisattvas who forsake desire and become bhi~us" <pusa qi aiyu zuo biqiuW ) , "bhi~u'fJfs who are mahayanasaT(tprasthita" i.e. nuns who have set out in the Mahayana (biqiuni qiu moheyan-sanbazhiX ),7 "white-Tobed bodhisattvas who cultivate the Way while living at home" (baiyi pusa jujia xiudaoY) and "upasikas who are mahayana-sarJ.tprasthita" (youpoyi qiu moheyan-san" bazhiZ ) (PraS 909b12-910c29). We also find the expressions bhi~u-bodhisattva or bodhisattva-bhi~u, i.e. biqiu pusaaa (e.g. PraS 909b24,26-27; AkTV 752c22; AsPP 461b23), or, in the more idiosyncratic renderings of the CCD and the UP, kaishi qujia wei (or xiu) dao ab ("the revealer who has left home to pursue the Way": UP 15c3,lO-1l; 19c1-2) or mingshi chu-eac ("the enlightened one who eliminates evil"; CCD 451b7, 458blO), in which qujiaad and its equivalents are probably doing service for an original Sanskrit pravrajita, "one who has gone forth". Often,

SELF-IMAGE AND IDENTITY IN MAHAYANA 75

however, it is simply clear from the context that the text is dealing with renunciant bodhisattvas, and the same holds true for lay bodhisattvas, who, when specified, are referred to as zaijiaae

or jujiaaf pusa ("bodhisattvas who remain in the home") or baiyiag

pusa ("white-robed bodhisa~tvas"). Our texts devote considerable attention to these lay bodhzsattvas, those who pursue the goal of buddhahood through observance of the Five Precepts, study of Mahayana siltras and meditation. One passage in the PraS on the layman bodhisattva sums up much of this material particularly well:

"White-robed bodhisattvas who, on hearing this samiidhi, wish to study and cultivate it, should adhere firmly to the Five Precepts and keep themselves pure. They should not drink wine, nor should they give it to others to drink. They should not have intercourse with women-they should not have it themselves, nor should they teach others to have it. They should not have any affection for their wives, they should not hanker after their sons and daughters, and they should not hanker after possessions. They should always think longingly of leaving their wives and taking up life as srama'f}as. They should always keep the Eightfold Fast, and at the time of the Fast they should always fast in a Buddhist monastery. They should always think of giving without thinking that they themselves will get merit from it.o-they should give for the sake of all people. They should love their good teachers, and when they see bhi~us who keep the precepts they ought not to.despise them or speak ill of them." (PraS 910b12-21)

A number of common themes stand out here. These bodhisattvas may well be in the world, but they are not of it. Like lotuses, they grow out of the mud of the passions (KP 72-75), but because of their endowment with wisdom and skill-in-means they are undefiled by them (KP 48; DKP 351a2-4). To ensure that they remain undefiled, they must be strict in their adherence to the Five Precepts, especially those relating to intoxicants arid sex, hence a negative attitude to all possible objects of attachment, particularly wives and children, is often recommended (e.g. UP 16c2-17a14, 18b7-d 1; AsPP 455b20-26). This incidentally reveals the extent to which these siltras were written from a male point of view, since bodhisattvas are never urged to regard their husbands as demons, sources of misery and so on. The house-


hold life is in fact a curse, since it destroys all one's 'roots of goodness' and only heaps more fuel on the fire of the passions (UP 17b20-c26), consequently bodhisattvas are best advised to quit it as soon as possible (JJKP 353b26-27, 356c28-29). But as long as they choose to retain their lay status, they should not forget to treat their monastic counterparts with due reverence· and generosity (UP 16a5-12, 19a1-b24). It is dear, therefore, that there is a definite ambivalence in these texts about the position of lay bodhisattvas. On the one hand lay bodhisattvas frequently occupy the centre stage, both in terms of the narrative. framework of the sutras and in terms of the teachings expounded in them (this is especially so in the PraS, CCD and UP); on the other hand they are constantly exhorted to leave lay life behind, to become renunciants, and, what is more, to embrace the "ascetic qualities" (dhuta-gurpa) , the discipline of the solitary forestdwelling monk or nun (KP 17, PraS 903b24-25; cf. AsPP 461alO-b18). The UP even goes so far as to say that "no bodhisattva has ever attained the Way [i.e. awakening] as a householder: they all leave home and go into the wild, and it is by living in the wild that they attain the Way" (UP 19a21-22). As for the renunciant bodhisattvas themselves, in those passages which are explicitly or implicitly devoted to them, observance of the Vinaya looms large, together with respect for teachers, especially those from whom they hear Mahayana sutras, be they male or female, lay or renunciant (e.g. PraS 909el-9). Renunciants are urged to teach in their turn, to give the 'gift of the Dharma', but without any expectation of reward. For them too the virtues of the solitary life are extolled, as well as the conquest of desires and attachments, and they are warned of the perils of doubt and sloth. Most of this material, with its strong ethical emphasis, is of course fairly standard to all forms of Buddhism.

Despite some ambivalence about the value of the household life, we can see already that there is no doubt about the existence of both lay and renunciant bodhisattvas. Even bodhisattvas who have attained the advanced stage of 'non-regression', who are avaivartika, assured of attaining awakening, can still be laypeople (see e.g. AsPP 455b20-c5). However, when we turn to the question of whether women can be full bodhisattvas, the answer is not so clear. We have already observed that in listing the four classes of disciples, the PraS describes nuns and laywomen not


as bodhisattvas, as it does the monks and laymen, but as mahiiyiinasamprasthita, "set out in the Mahayana". In other words it sc;upulously avoids calling women bodhisattvas. Theoretically speaking, women should be capable of ~ssuming the title bodhisattva. In nearly all our texts the teachmgs are addressed to "sons and daughters of good family" (Sanskrit: kulaputrakuladuhitr:; Chinese usually: shan nanzi shan nurenah),8 and it is made clear in most cases that both groups are expected to embrace the particular doctrine or practice being expounded. Furthermore, in some texts the terms "sons and daughters of good family" and "bodhisattvas" are used interchangeably (e.g. AsPP 446b 1 Off.; AkTV 759a16ff., 762a16; WWP 435bl4-15; UP 15b24ff.), though it is not always the case that sons and daughters of good family are followers of the Mahayana (e.g. AkTV 763b17-21). In addition, women can conceive the aspiration to awakening (bodhicitta). This happens in at least two texts, the DKP, in which the 84,000 wives of King Druma take this step (359bllff., 360c2.6ff.), and the AsPP, in which an upiisikii by the name of Dajiea1 (San~krit equivalent unknown) has her eventual awakening predicted by Sakyamuni, who recalls her initial aspiration to it under the Buddha Dipa!p.kara. 9 Now those who have conceived the aspiration to awakening-who have, in other words, "set out in the Mahayana" (mahiiyiina-sarlJprasthita)lO-are technically bodhisattvas, yet our sutras display a consistent (or perhaps inconsistent?) reluctance to accord this title to women. This can only be because of a negative attitude towards the female sex, an attitude which is clearly demonstrable throughout these early texts. The DKP provides the best example of it. Even though the 84,000 wives of Drum a conceive the

. aspiration to awakening, they are concerned about the fact that "it is diffic;ult for a woman to attain anuttara-samyak-sarlJbodhi", whereupon the Buddha proceeds to tell them at length about the things they have to do to leave off being women and quickly attain rebirth as males (DKP 361b9-362a2). Later he predicts their rebirth as males in the Tu~ita heaven in the presence of Maitreya (362a20-28). This theme of the undesirability of birth as a woman and the necessity of a change of sex is a common one: the upiisikii Dajie has to be reborn as a male before she makes any real progress (AsPP 458a18-19), while the same is true of Sadaprarudita's 500 female companions (AsPP 477bl4-

78 ]IABSVOL.IONO.l

17). In other texts as well women are told that they should always aspire to rebirth as males (e.g. CCD 457b19-20). According to the AsPP (454b27-28) non-regressing bodhisattvas are never· reborn as women, although the DKP claims that a bodhisattva endowed with skill-in-means may manifest in female form in order to teach women (358cll).11

When we look at the descriptions of buddhafields, which represent ideal worlds from a Buddhist point of view, we find that either women are not present at all, as in Druma's buddha~etra Candravimala (DKP 362a17), or they are infinitely more beautiful and virtuous than the women of this world, as in Ak~obhya's buddha~etra Abhirati (AkTV 755c28-756a2). The portrayal of the female inhabitants of Abhirati is especially revealing (756b3-15), since they are supposed to lack the vices of the women of this world, who are said to be "ill-favoured and ugly, with harsh tongues, jealous of the Dharma and addicted to heretical practices". For the paragons of femininity in Abhirati, by contrast, fine clothes and jewelry literally grow on trees, they feel no pain or weariness in pregnancy or childbirth, and they are free of "offensive discharge from the stinking place" (undoubtedly the 'polluting' flow of menstrual blood), all thanks to the former vow of Ak~obhya (see AkTV 753all-16 for this; d. AsPP 455bI9-25). The supposed foibles and defects of women are also highlighted in these siltras by those passages which deal with the special regulations and requirements for nuns and laywomen who follow the Bodhisattva Path (see esp. PraS 91OaI5-b9, c6-29; CGD457bI4-c29; see also DKP 361bll-362a2). Although there is considerable overlap in these passages with those pertaining to monks and laymen, certain qualities appear to be more readily ascribed to women, such as an excessive concern for personal adornment, spiteful and malicious gossip, jealousy, deceitfulness, superstition and fondness for non-Buddhist religious practices.

If we attempt to sum up our findings on the status of women as far as these early Mahayana siltras are concerned, we must conclude that although women, both lay and renunciant, are included as recipients of the new teaching on a theoretically equal footing with men, they are generally represented in such an unfavourable light as to vitiate any notion of the Mahayana as a movement for sexual equality. Compared with the situation


in the Pali Canon, in which women are at least as capable as men of attaining the highest goal, arhatship, the position of women in the Mahayana has hardly changed for the better, since women cannot attain buddhahood, and even the title of bodhisattva is withheld from them. Of course all this reflects the attitudes of the men (probably monks) who produced these texts, but this does not make the conclusion any less inescapable: although both men and women can ride in the Great Vehicle, only men are allowed to drive it.

Before we turn to the drivers and passengers of the "Small Vehicle", there is one other question we must deal with, that relating to the so-called "Celestial Bodhisattvas", A valokitesvara and the others, those compassionate agents of salvation who, according to some authorities, were provided by the Mahayana in response to the devotional needs of the masses. It has been suggested that these figures were called mahiisattvas ("Great Beings") to distinguish them from other bodhisattvas. 12 There is no

. evidence for such a distinction in our texts: mahiisattva (probably signifying "one whose aspiration or courage is great") is widely used together with bodhisattva, and is virtually a synonym for it (see AsP P 427b 13-27 for a discussion of its meaning). The double expression bodhisattva-mahiisattva is employed with reference to householders, occurs interchangeably with "sons and daughters of good family", and is even used when the talk turns to bodhisattvas who fall into error (e.g., AsPP 444c2, 446c22ff.). Be that as it may, a few well-known bodhisattvas do make an appearance. The name Avalokitesvara occurs only twice, in lists of bodhisattvas in the CCD and the UP, suggesting that for the writers of our texts he was a non-entity, but Maiijusrl, on the other hand, appears in six texts, one of which, the AjKV, glorifies him in the most lavish terms. Given the heavy Perfection of Wisdom slant of most of these sutras, this is not altogether surprising. The name of Maitreya also comes up fairly frequently. For all this, there is no evidence to suggest a widespread cult of the great bodhisattvas, and no passages recommend devotion to them. They function as symbols rather than as saviours. There is, however, evidence for the development of the cults of the Buddhas Amitabha and Ak~obhya by the late 2nd century C.E. Although the Sukhiivatzvyuha was not translated into Chinese until the middle of the 3rd century, the concept of rebirth in


the buddha~etra of Amitabha as a religious goal is found in the PraS, while the AkTV is entirely devoted to Ak~obhya and Abhirati. But as far as bodhisattvas are concerned the initial message of the Mahayana is clear: people should not worship bodhisattvas, they should become bodhisattvas themselves. 13

We have seen something of how the identity of the different classes of Mahayanists in relation to each other was defined. What we must now look at is how these people saw themselves as a group vis-ii-vis other Buddhists. The first thing that strikes one when reading these early Mahayana sutras is their extreme defensiveness. The texts fairly groan under the weight of their own self-glorification, and kalpas can tick by while one wades through chapter after chapter proclaiming the merits of this doctrine or that practice. This is not simply due to literary hyperbole, to that Indian device, in common use since the Vedas, of praising one thing-a god, a place, a spiritual discipline-by claiming that it is superior to all other things of that class put together. This is clearly present, and should be taken with the appropriate grain of salt. But there is more to it than that, and this is indicated by the numerous passages excoriating the detractors of the new teachings, usually portrayed as idle and perverse monks who, when they are not busy spreading base calumnies and lies about the Mahayana, are out breaking the precepts. That the Mahayana remained for a long time a minority movement in the land of its birth is confirmed by the wellknown reports of Chinese pilgrims in India. In its infancy it was probably even more insignificant numerically, despite the astonishingly prolific literary creativity it gave rise to, and was therefore quite naturally on the defensive. But on the defensive against what, one might ask? Nowadays it is common practice to think of Buddhism as dividing into two schools or sects, Mahayana on one side and Hinayana, more properly a group of sects, on the other. The early sutras provide no strong support for this view. True, the term hznayanais found, translated as xiaodaoaj ('Small Way'), but it occurs only four times (KP 25; DKP 357a19; AsPP 426b6; CCD 455cl5), and is thus even rarer than the term mahayana, which is itself of infrequent occurrence, as we have seen. Much more frequent are translations of the terms sravakayana ("Vehicle of the Disciples") and pratye~abuddhayana ("Vehicle of the Solitary Buddhas"), or simply "Sravakas and


Pratyekabuddhas", which is even more common. Pratyekabuddha is generally transcribed as pizhijoak, but in

several of our texts translations appear, e.g. yinyuanjuefoal in CGD 454b20 (implying pratyayabuddha) and yuanyijueam ip. AkTV 752all, the latter meaning "by one (self) awakened". Sravaka, on the other hand, has the literal sense of "hearer", but the standard Chinese equivalent shengwenan, or "voice-hearer", seldomoccurs in these early texts (e.g., DKP 351c20; AjKV392b19). We find instead diziao ("disciple") or (a)luohanap , a transcription of arhat. In fact, in the overwhelming majority of cases sravaka is rendered as aluohan, and sravakayana, which occurs less frequently, as aluohandaoaq, the "Way of the Arhats", a term which also does service for arhattva or arhatphala, the attainment of arhatship. I find this choice of words very significant. In his book Buddhist Images of Human Peifection (Delhi, 1982), Nathan Katz attempts to establish the essential identity of the arhat of the Pali Canon and the bodhisattva of the Mahayana siltras. In his concluding chapter he claims to have demonstrated that "the Mahayana texts speak in two distinct ways about the arhat. The

.. first way of speaking is to show that the arhat is spiritually inferior to the bodhisattva; however, we have demonstrated that there is a conceptual distinction between the sravaka as one who thinks he has attained more than he actually has, and the true arhat. When speaking about the sravaka pejoratively, the standard context is in talk about meditation, and the sravaka is one who has mistakenly identified proficiency at meditation with arahatta itself .... The second way of speaking about the arhat in these early Mahayana texts is to identify the arhat with the bodhisattva" (Katz, 1982:275). Although I am in substantial agreement with Katz's overall thesis, and in general sympathy with any attempt to abolish imaginary discontinuities between the Mahayana and the Hlnayana, I find that his conclusions in this particular respect rest on shaky ground, especially as regards the distinction he claims Mahayana siltras make between sravakas and arhats. If our texts are anything to go by, there is no such distinction: by consistently rendering sravaka by arhat, Lokak~ema and his colleagues showed they were in no doubt that sravakas are both people who aspire to arhatship or nirva'f}a and people who actually attain that goal. Additional confirmation of this is furnished by the frequent appearance of well-


known historical arhats, the greatSriivakas Sariputra, Mahamaudgalyayana and others, as representatives of the supposedly inferior or partial dispensation.

Nor is there any doubt that the level these venerable figures represent, that of the arhats and the pratyekabuddhas(note that the pratyekabuddhas are frequently subsumed under thearhats), is one that is to be transcended by the bodhisattvas (see e.g. AjKV 398b4-14). A hierarchy of attainments is in fact envisaged, leading from the state of an ordinary person (Skt. prthagjana, Chinese fanren ar) at the bottom, through those of a 'stream-winner' (srotiipanna, xutuohuanas ) , a 'once-returner' (sakrdiigiimin, situohanat) , a 'non-returner' (aniigiimin, anahanau) , an arhat and a pratyekabuddha to the state of a buddha or a tathiigata at the top (e.g. DKP 366b15-16;AsPP 429b4-cl2).14 In aiming for the top, bodhisattvas, aspirants to the full awakening of a buddha, are warned repeatedly not to fall back to the level of the arhatsl sriivakas and the pratyekabuddhas or to join their ranks, and such a regression is represented as a fearful misfortune (DKP 349c25-26, 350c7-11;AkTV759a19-20, 760all-12, 15-16;AjKV391a19-20; AsPP 445b3-4, 447a14, 451b29-c22, 452alff). This actually happens at one point in the AsPP, where 60 novice bodhisattvas attain arhatship despite themselves because they lack perfect wisdom and skill-in-means, in the same way that a giant bird without wings cannot help plummeting to earth from the top of Mt. Meru (AsPP 453c2-25). To avoid such a disaster, bodhisattvas must ensure that they are not contaminated by the attitudes of arhats and pratyekabuddhas (DKP 356b1-2, c9, 365a4-12; AkTV 761c25-26; AjKV 389c3; AsPP 460a2-4, 463cl3-14; PraS 903c6), and they must resist the temptation to aspire to their goals, i.e., to opt for a premature nirviirpa, to "achieve realisation midway" (AkTV 752all; AsPP 448b25-28, 458c8-22, 459b5-10, 467a13ff; DKP 350cl1-14; AjKV 392c18ff). The sriivakayiina is characterised by attachment and limitation (AjKV 392b19-23), and those who opt for it do so primarily out of fear of sarlJ,siira, which renders them incapable of aspiring to buddhahood (AjKV 394c3ff.). Not only is their courage thus inferior to that of the bodhisattvas, but their wisdom is too (KP 78-79; LAN 751b20-21; AsPP 426b2, cl9-20, 427b24, 462b17). Unlike the advanced bodhisattvas, they have not really overcome fear and attachment; for that reason the Great Sravakas and arhats


Mahakasyapa, Sariputra, Mahamaudgalyana and company are unable to resist the temptation to dance to the celestial music of King Druma; however, the novice bodhisattvas are equally helpless (DKP 351c8ff.). In another context, these great Arhats lament their own inferior attainments (AJKV 394c3-395b22). Therefore bodhisattv{],s are infinitely superior to fravakaslarhats and pratyekabuddhas (KP 80-85, 90; AsPP 468a27:-28; DKP 365c22-28). Those who teach "the Bodhisattva Path" are one's "good friends" (kalyar}a-ryitra) , while those who direct one towards "the Paths of the Sravaka and the Pratyekabuddha" are "bad friends" (papa-mitra) (KP 13; AsPP 427bl-l0; DKP 360a13-18).

Despite all this rather uncomplimentary material, however, the attitude displayed by these texts towards arhats is not entirely negative. Since bodhisattvas aspire to bring nirvar}a to all sentient beings, it is not surprising that they should try to make a place for arhats in their picture of the world, even if it is not in the foreground. In most of our siltras the great fravakas, the bhi~us who were arhats, are present, and presumably they are not just there to act as figures of fun or to lend the proceedings an air of historical authenticity, even if these are important functions they sometimes perform. One has only to think, for example, of the role Subhuti plays in the AsPP. The followers of the bodhisattva way clearly had to face the factthat, despite alltheir ,polemics and hyperbole, they shared their membership of the sangha with people who continued to believe that arhatship was the ultimate goal of Buddhist practice, who sought their own liberation above all else, and who, as members of the sangha, were still worthy of respect (e.g. UP 16a5-12). Therefore, even in their idealised descriptions of the buddha~etras, and in the predictions (vyakarar}a) which are scattered throughout these texts, they usually envisage the peaceful co-existence of bodhisattvas with fravakas. Although in the buddhafield Sadavighu~ta (?) in the AJKV (397a8) there is only a bodhisattvasangha, and in Druma's world Candravimala in the DKP (362b 19-21) "there are no other paths ... only the host of bodhisattvas, all of the Mahayana" (see also DKP 363b9-10 for a similar case), in other instances fravakas are also present. For example, the fravakas of Ak~obhya's world Abhirati are described at length (AkTV 756c24-758a15), and they share that world happily with


bodhisattvas. In fact, Abhirati teems with so manyarhats that it is described as an arhat-~etra (AkTV 762c5-13), while both those who follow the Sravakayana and those who follow the Bodhisattvayana there are assured of freedom from molestation by Mara (AkTV 755al-3, 758b15-21, 759b24-26; see also AjKV 393c24-27; AsPP 458a26-27, 469a20-21; and CCD 455a4 for further examples of co-existence). In a similar vein, most of our texts carry, at particular points in the narrative, descriptions of realisations attained by various members of the audience in response to the new teachings. In these the attainment of "stream-wInning" and arhatship figures prominently (e.g., DKP 367a27-b1; AjKV 406a27-b1;KP 138, 145, 149;AsPP 451a12-15, 453b29-c3; PraS 919b18-22; CCD 454b2-7; UP 19b24-27).

Because of the general philosophical standpoint of the Perfection of Wisdom literature, one would expect to find in these early texts at least some acknowledgement of the purely conventional nature of the distinctions we have been talking about. The AsPP, for one, makes such an acknowledgement, conceding that all the grades of attainment from srotiipatti to buddhahood partake of the same fundamental "suchness" (tathatii), in which there are no distinctions (450a4-8), that all these grades spring from the Perfection of Wisdom (451a17-24), and that in terms of "suchness" neither the three vehicles (of sriivakas, pratyekabuddhas and buddhas) nor the one vehicle can be apprehended (454a18~ 29). Consequently bodhisattvas should not think of themselves as far from the attainments of arhats and pratyekabuddhas and close to buddhahood (466b13-c14).

For all that, distinctions are set up in these texts. The issues are extremely complex, and the evidence is equivocal, but not so equivocal as to support Katz's contention that the muchmaligned sriivakas of these early Mahayana siltras were merely conceited monks who mistook their own meditational attainments for final liberation, not full arhats--or his claim that bodhisattvas and arhats are essentially the same. This may in fact be so, but that is not what the texts say. What they do tell us is that the early adherents of the Bodhisattvayana-who were probably very much in the minority-were prepared to go to great lengths to uphold their ideal against what they conceived to be the traditional goal of Buddhist practice, namely arhatship or nirvii1}a for oneself alone, but they were not prepared to write


off the rest of the Buddhist sangha or sever their own connection with it by the wholesale use of such terms as "Hlnayana" and "Mahayana" as sectarian categories. It is interesting to compare this situation with that which currently obtains in Burma, a supposedly ~heravad~n co~ntry. In his Buddhism and Society (2nd ed., UniversIty of CalIforma Press, Berkeley, 1982), pp. 61-63, Melford Spiro notes the long tradition in Burma of aspiration to buddhahood, and the presence of a small number of people who, without bringing in any notions of Hinayana and Mahayana, refer to themselves as hpaya laung ("Embryo Bud-

·dhas"), i.e. bodhisattvas, 15 Can this be a distant echo of the state of affairs that once existed in India, before followers of "the Bodhisattva Path" started to cut themselves off from their fellow Buddhists, and before the distinction between the two 'vehicles' was anything more than a different perception of the goal of the religious life?

Turning now to other religious paths, we find that there is nothing unequivocal about the attitude displayed in these texts towards them. The usual designation for these paths is waidaoav,

"outside ways", althoughyudaoaW ("otherways"),yidao aX ("different ways") and xiedaoay ("heretical ways") are also found (as well as combinations of these, with or without renaz added), rendering a number of Sanskrit terms such as lokayata (KP 5, Ill), dntikr:ta (KP 18), dntigata (KP 65, 109),parapravadin (KP 95), anyatzrthyaparivrajaka (AsPP 433c2lff.) and so on. These non-Buddhist ways are not to be followed by the bodhisattva (DKP 356c7, 357a7- -8; AjKV 398a22, 406a6; PraS 910dl, 912b29, 9l5a26, 916c7-8; UP 16aI5-16), but rejected and overcome (DKP 357c4; PraS 911c5), their followers ideally being brought within the Buddhist fold (DKP 358c20-21, 359a25-28). Their defeat is often closely

.·linked with the defeat of Mara (DKP 348d5, 362aI7). Several siltras go beyond these vague generalities, and urge followers of the Bodhisattvayana not to sacrifice to or worship the gods, but go only to the Triple Gem for refuge (DKP 361 b 15-16; PraS 91Oc10-12; UP 17a20-21; AsPP 454b25-27, 455c9). However, only one text, the WWP, goes into anydetail on any non-Buddhist religious practices-in this case brahmanical ritual (438alOff.). The evidence is slim, but what there is suggests that the Bodhisattvayana demanded that its adherents devote themselves exclusively to Buddhism, and regarded other faiths as beyond the pale.

86 JIABSVOL.lONO.l

Bringing all our findings together, we can make the fonow_ ing observations. The point of view presented in the earliest Chinese translations of Mahayana siltras is most probably that of Mahayanist bhi~us. For this group bo.dhisattvas were certainly not just semi-mythical beings raised on high to receive the adoration of the masses, but real flesh-and-blood people, among whom they counted themselves, who had conceived the bodhicitta, the aspiration for awakening, and were pursuing the appropriate course of training either in the monastic context or in the household life. There· is no sign at all of any cult of the "Celestial Bodhisattvas"; this was probably a later development. As far as these bodhisattva-bhi~us were concerned, women were part of the movement, and the new teachings were addressed to them as well as to men. At the same time the texts reveal that women were not regarded as in all respects the spiritual equals of men. If this kind of attitude was enshrined in the siltras, which, after all, embody the theories and ideals of the movement, it is hardly likely that in practice the women who followed the Mahayana fared any better than their Sravakayana sisters. The Mahayana takes a hard line against other faiths, in theory at any rate, but its attitude to the rest of the Buddhist fold is characterised by ambivalence and defensiveness, and it gives every appearance of being a minority movement struggling to maintain the authenticity and validity of its teachings with a truly prodigious degree of polemical 'overkill'. It may well be the case that in its attack on the arhat-ideal the Mahayana was setting up a straw man, but this is not the place to decide whether the attainments of the bodhisattvayanika and the sravakayanika were essentially identical. Buddhahood mayor may not be the same as arhatship, but it is certain that the followers of the Mahayana placed a higher premium on aspiration to it, which implies that they perceived a difference. What is equally certain is that Buddhism was (and still is) plagued by a problem. We could call it the problem of the "ever-receding ideal". In Gautama's own time, many hundreds of people attained arhatship like him. Four or five hundred years later, when the Buddha had grown idealised and remote, and arhats were few and far between, many people vowed to attain awakening, and thereby became bodhisattvas. One wonders how many centuries passed before even bodhisattvahood became as remote an ideal as buddhahood, and the goal had to be reformulated anew. Perhaps,


however, it is in the nature of religious systems not only to undergo continual transformation and renewal, but also to present us with ideals which are always just out of reach, with paradises t~at shimmer on the margins. of possibility, an.d with vehicles whICh we know we could all nde to salvatIOn, If only we could catch up with them and climb aboard.

NOTES

1. See e.g., H. Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1932), pp. 45, 222-225; R. Robinson & W. Johnson, The Buddhist Religion (3rd ed., Wadsworth, Belmont, 1982), pp. 74-75; E. Conze, Buddhism: Its Essence and Development (Bruno Cassirer, Oxford, 1951), pp. 87-88, 120; D. Kalupahana, Buddhist Philosophy (University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu, 1976), pp. 121-126; N. Katz, Buddhist Images of Human Perfection (Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1982), p. 280.

2. This is the view of Dayal (see Bodhisattva Doctrine, pp. 31, 35), whose work has had a seminal effect on this area of study. Dayal's understanding of the bodhisattva-ideal is reflected in the writings of many other scholars. A particularly good example is T. Ling, The Buddha (Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1976), pp. 19-20:

Later on in India a form of Buddhism emerged, alongside the Theravada, which was characterised by beliefs in, and practices associated with, heavenly beings who possessed superhuman spiritual power, and who were known as Bodhisattvas .... In both senses of the word religion (belief in spiritual beings and belief in the sacred), the Bodhisattva school of Buddhism ... was a religious system .... For Mahayana Buddhism the sacred has its special focus in the heavenly realm where dwell the Bodhisattvas, the superhuman spiritual beings who are said to exert their influence to help poor struggling mortals. In directing their attention to this supramundane heavenly community the Mahayanists showed themselves correspondingly less concerned with the need to order the earthly society of men in such a way that would facilitate the pursuit of the Buddhist life, and would enhance and encourage human effort. More reliance on heavenly power meant that less attention needed to be given to earthly factors. The Mahayanists became more concerned with devotions to the heavenly beings, with ritual and speculation, and less with the nature of the civilization in which they lived.

See also pp. 202-203, 242-247. 3. See E. Zurcher, "A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist

Texts", an unpublished paper delivered at the Leiden Symposium on State, Ideology and Justice in Early Imperial China, 1-5 Sept., 1975, also his "Late Han Vernacular Elements in the Earliest Buddhist Translations", Journal of the Chinese Language Teachers Association, XII, 3 (Oct. 1977), pp. 177-203, to


both of which articles I am considerably indebted. See also my own unpublished paper "The Earliest Chinese Translations of Mahayana Buddhist Siitras: Some Notes on the Works of Lokak~ema".

4. T. = Takakusu J unjiro and Watanabe Kaikyoku, eds., TaishO shinshu daizokyo, 100 vols. (Tokyo, 1924-35). Throughout this paper references to the texts will be to page, lateral column and line of the TaishO edition, except in the case of No.8, the KiiSyapa-parivarta, where citations will be according to the sections of von Stiel-Holstein's edition.

5. On the epigraphical evidence, which tends to corroborate one of . the findings of the present paper, see G. Schopen, "Mahayana in Indian Inscriptions", Indo-lranianJournal, 21 (1979) pp. 1-19.

6. These phonetic transcriptions (biqiu biqiuni, etc.), which later became standard in Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras, are used throughout our group of texts, except that in Redaction B of the PraS upasaka is also rendered as qingxinshiba ("man of pure faith") and upasika as qingxinnubb ("woman of pure faith"), while non-standard translations of all four terms are found in CCD and UP.

7. Lokaksema's use of qiu ("seek") before his transcription of mahayanasar(lprasthita is redundant but revealing (since it puts women one step further back from full participation), otherwise the accuracy of his translation is confirmed by the Tibetan text of the PraS, lOA and 12A: theg-pa chen-po-la yangdag-par zhugs-pa'i dge-slong-ma (or dge-bsnyen-ma).

8. On the use of these terms see D. Paul, Women in Buddhism (Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley, 1979), pp. 106-110.

9. In Chap. XIX of the Sanskrit text of the AsPP this figure appears as Gangadeva or Gangadevl BhaginI, i.e. "the woman GangadevI". Although E. Conze in his English translation of the siitra (op. cit., pp. 219-221) calls her a 'Goddess' or 'Goddess of the Ganges', a lead which D. Paul follows in her version of the passage (op. cit., pp. 180-184), this woman is no more a goddess than Aryadeva is a god. Gangadevl's story, however, later produced some interesting echoes, when the AsPP's prediction that she would attain awakening as a male was frustrated, as it were, by the Tibetan tradition. The rnam-thar ofYe-shes mtsho-rgyal (757 -817), one of the chief consorts ofPadmasambhava, lists GangadevI as one of the previous incarnations of that famous Tibetan yogini: see K. Dowman, Sky Dancer (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1984), p. 6 and Tarthang Tulku, Mother of Knowledge (Dharma Publishing, Berkeley, 1983), p. 11 (both translators appear to perpetuate the erroneous divinisation, but I have not been able to check the Tibetan text myself). Since Ye-shes mtsho-rgyal is similarly identified with the unnamed merchant's daughter who befriends the bodhisattva Sadaprarudita in Chaps. XXX-XXXI of the AsPP, the author of the rnam-thar is dearly attempting to link her with Prajiiaparamita herself.

10. Se'e AsPP 427b29-c2, c27, 429b6-7 for occurrences of this term with bodhisattva and mahasar(lnaha-sar(lnaddha.

11. On this general theme see N. Schuster, "Changing the Female Body: Wise Women and the Bodhisattva Career in Some Maharatnakii~a Siitras", ]lABS, 4, 1 (1981), pp. 24-69.

12. See e.g., Robinson and Johnson, op.cit., p. 78.


13. This point is, in my view, not invalidated by the existence of such assages as KP 88, which claims that just as t~e new moon is more worthy of

homage (namaskiira) than the full, so too bodhzsattvas are more worthy of homge than the Buddhas. When taken in context, this hyperbolic glorification

a f the bodhisattva-path can hardly be construed as a 'call to worship'. o 14. For .different renderings of some of these grades, see UP 16a6-8.

15. Spiro's understanding of the bodhisattva-ideal as one which "permits salvation to be achieved by a mechanical process-the transfer of merit from Bodhisattva to devotee" and "demands no personality transformation" (op.cit., p. 62) is, as we have seen, wide of the mark, at least as far as the early Mahayana is concerned. The supposed "misreadings" of the bodhisattva doctrine which he imputes to the Burmese (see esp. p. 63, n. 33) are perfectly compatible with our early sutras.

CHINESE GLOSSARY

abo F#I-f- 1::, tl-i0(1"f-)L ac. BJj f- r;f. ~, ad. -t;:.JX ae. f£ '5<-af. Ji;,t ago 8.t'<... ah. ! 1J --3 J#--.kAai. 'I'Jl~ aj. 'J'iL ak. J~ t1~ al. 161 t.W-. ~ 1~ am t~-~ an. jJ- F.Jl ao. ~+ ap. (~)ti ~'aq. VOj.~ ';1-.1!. ar. Jlf-.. as. ~~ r't;!i at. :!tIT rt ':i au. r~ 1Jp~ avo 9/-- it. aw·1.$iL ax. ~1L ay. JfriL az. }.... ba. ~~ -fu -±" bb :.4: f}-. lL

• JI~ '/0 '9

Shingon Mikky6's Twofold MaI)Qala: Paradoxes and Integration*

by Minora Kiyota

The Garbhakosadhatu (Taizakai) and Vajradhatu (Kongakai) constitute the twofold marpiala i employed by Kiikai (773-835), the systematizer of Shingon Mikkya. Ideas for the composition of the Garbhakosadhatu MaI).Qala are derived from the

. Mahiivairocana-siltra,2 whose central theme is emptiness (silnyatii), the ontological ground of reality conceived as the ultimate truth. Ideas for the composition of the Vajradhatu MaI).Qala are derived from the Tattvasan:tgraha-siltra,3 the central theme of which is the cultivation of wisdom to cognize the world through insight into emptiness. The first chapter of the Mahiivairocana-siltra articulates a Madhyamika theme.4 The remaining chapters deal primarily with Tantric rituals. The Tattvasan:tgraha-siltra is a Yogacara-oriented text, but it does not articulate a simple mental transformation theory. Following the Tantric tradition, it articulates instead a physical and mental transformation. These two

. siltras are Tantric texts, but the term siltra, rather than tantra, is employed in this paper to designate these texts, following the Chinese tradition.

The Garbhakosadhatu MaI).Qala and Vajradhatu MaI).Qala are iconographic devices used to represent the major theme of Shingon Mikkya (man-Buddha integration), a theory technically referred to as sokushin-jobutsu. Literally the term means "the realization of buddhahood in the present body." The sokushinjobutsu theory is described in full in Kiikai's Sokushin-jobutsu-gi.5 The term is first found, however, in the Bodhicitta-siistra (P'u-t'ihsin lun)6 and the idea germane to this kind of thought-inherent buddhahood or inherent buddhanature, terms which ultimately mean the same-is found in the Tattvasan:tgraha-siltra. Doctri-

91


nally, the Bodhicitta-siistra7 belongs to the Tattvasarl}graha lineage. In this sastra, the most important term to note is, of course, sokushinj'obutsu (chi-shen chengjo). The term does not simply refer to a mental realization, but a mental and physical one. It does not refer to a future realization but to a present one. Nevertheless, the two terms-sokushin-jobutsu, used in a technical context, and "man-Buddha integration," used in a general context-are used interchangeably in this paper, depending on the context in which they occur.

This paper consists of three parts: 1) tacit assumptions necessary to understand the nature of the twofold mar],q,ala; 2) the description of the twofold mar],q,ala; and 3) a critical examination of the textual sources employed in the formulation of the sokushin-jobutsu theory. First, Tantric Buddhist terms need to be understood in the context in which they are discussed-in the Tantric context, not in the context in which they were originally used, for example in the Mahayana context-because Tantric concepts taken out of their context would produce misrepresentation. Second, the description of the twofold mar],q,ala will be brief because I have already dealt with that subject in my previous works8 and I do not intend to reiterate what I have previously said. And third, inasmuch as the twofold mar],q,ala is an iconographic device to indicate "man-Buddha integration" (integration being the key concept here), the term is suggestive of tensions. The central purpose of this paper is to identify these tensions by examining Indian and Chinese textual sources. As such, in the description of the twofold mar],q,ala, attention will be focused on the Vajradhatu MaI).Qala, rather than on the Garbhakosadhatu MaI).Qala, the former depicting the realm of the pursuer of truth and the latter truth per se. This paper is primarily a textual and doctrinal study.

1. Tacit Assumptions

Shingon literally means the "true word." It is derived from the Sanskrit mantra. Mantra in the context of the Vedic tradition means "words in praise of gods." But here, in the context of Shingon Mikkyo, a school of Tantric Buddhism systematized by Kukai in Japan, it refers to a formula in which the teachings of

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLDMA1Y1!ALA 93

the Buddha are distilled, a definition which follows the Tantric Buddhist tradition. Mikkyo is a term employed in contradistinction to Kengyo, the "reve~led teaching." The latter refers to the teaching as taught by Sakyamuni, the historically revealed Buddha; the former refers to the teaching of Mahavairocana. Who thel1 is Mahavairocana?

We have said that the Garbhakosadhatu MaI).(;lala is derived from the Mahiivairocana-sutra. The central deity of this sutra is Mahavairocana, symbolizing truth per se. Mahavairocana is not a historical Buddha but a transcendental one. But the two, the historical and transcendental, are not unrelated. Shingon Mikkyo claims that Sakyamuni became a Buddha through his insight into emptiness, which it conceives as the Dharma. Hence, when we say that Mahavairocana symbolizes truth per se, we are actually saying that he is the personified Dharma. Shingon Mikkyo, therefore, following the three Buddha-body theory9 of Mahayana, claims that Maha~airocana is dharmakiiya, the embod~ iment of the Dharma, and Sakyamuni, the historical Buddha, is nirmiirtakiiya, the Dharma transformed into a human personality. Between the two is sar(tbhogakiiya, literally the rewarded body, that is, one rewarded with the fruits of enlightenment as the result of bodhisattva practices. To put it in simple words, sar(tbhogakiiya is the means through which one realizes dharmakiiya, just like numerals are the means through which mathematical truth is expressed. Sar(tbhogakiiya bridges dharmakiiya and nirmiirtakiiya. Let us now elaborate on Dharmakaya Mahavairocana.

In the context of Shingon Mikkyo, Dharmakaya Maha vai-. rocana is most important. Etymologically, Mahavairocana is de

rived from "Mahii/' meaning "great, all-encompassing, and all pervasive," and "virocana," meaning "light," symbolizing truth. Mahavairocana is a light deity. He is conceived as the personified Dharma because Shingon Mikkyo does not conceive of him simply as an objectified truth concept, but as one who has the power to create, like light, who encompasses all things, like space, and pervades all things, like the vital forces (energy) of the universe. lo In the context of the "man-Buddha integration" theory, the Buddha here refers to Mahavairocana. It is this kind of Buddha with whom the practitioner attempts to realize integration. Bodhicitta is the agent of integration.


Bodhicitta is a compound derived from bodhi, meaning en-, lightenment, and citta, referring to the human consciousness.

Bodhicitta literally means the "thought of enlightenment," although, in the Mahayana context, it is frequently translated as the "aspiration to enlightenment." Aspiration to enlightenment actually refers to bodhicitta-utpada and literally means the awakening to the thought of enlightenment. I make this distinction between "aspiration" and "awakening" because in the context of Shingon Mikkyo, the latter makes more sense: Shingon Mikkyo claims that "awakening" (to the thought of enlightenment) is "enlightenment" itself, and that there is no difference whatsoever between "awakening" and "enlightenment." This is because Shingon Mikkyo does not differentiate between the causal and resultant aspects of enlightenment, 11 an issue we shall discuss in more detail later. Regardless of whether it refers to the causal or resultant aspect, what does bodhicitta actually mean within the context of the central theme of Shingon Mikkyo, that is, man-Buddha integration? It refers to wisdom, that is, insight into emptiness, insight into the fact that all phenomena are devoid of a self-nature (svabhava), that the absence of self-nature enables phenomenal change. Kukai, however, was not only concerned with ontological issues. He was concerned with existential issues. Hence, in his Hizo-hOyaku, he describes emptiness metaphorically as follows:

The Great Space (emptiness), boundless and silent, encompasses ten thousand images (phenomena) in its vital forces;

The Great Sea (emptiness), deep and still, embraces a thousand elements in a single drop;

The all-embracing one (Mahavairocana who personifies emptiness) is the mother of all things. 12

The name "Kukai" literally means the "sea of emptiness." To Kukai, emptiness was the universe itself with the power to actively communicate by creating, nurturing and regulating all things. Wisdom refers to insight into emptiness of this kind. Technically, it is referred to as bodhicitta, the agent of manBuddha integration, a matter which the twofold marpj,ala is designed to depict.

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MANl)ALA 95

Edgerton defines mar;,c/ala as a "circle, piece of ground spec'fically prepared in honor of a Buddha or saint (for him to sit ~n)"13 Toganoo analyzes the term into mar;,t/a, meaning "cream, best part, highest point, the essence of things, etc.," and "la", the suffix, meaning "possessed, support and complete."14 Tucci defines it as a "means of integration."15 The first and second are etymological descriptions, and the third is a functional one describing how a mar;,c/ala is employed by a practitioner. All three definitions, however, are interrelated soteriologically. But in the context of this paper, the third is most relevant.

Further, I have used the term "iconography" to indicate a mar;,c/ala. I have done so because, although a Shingon Mikkyo ma1Jq,ala is a graphic illustration of a doctrine (the sokushin-jobutsu theory), it is also a graphic portrayal of deities. There are a total of418 deities in the Garbhakosadhatu Mar;H;lala and 1,461 deities in the Vajradhatu MaI:lc;l.ala. I have no intention of describing

, all of them. I will simply describe the major ones, those who have direct or close relevance to the doctrinal content described in this paper. Further, having studied in China, Kiikai introduced the twofold ma1Jq,ala to Japan, but neither its original composer nor the manner in which it was introduced to China from India is clear. A legend has it that the Garbhakosadhatu

'. Mat;lc;l.ala is a painting by Subhakarasi:q1ha (637-735) of a world he~saw in space, and that the Vajradhatu MaI:lc;l.ala is a painting by Vajrabodhi (671-74) made under the instructions of the Buddha. Subhakarasi:q1ha, together with I-hsing (683-727), his Chinese disciple, translated the Mahiivairocana-sutra into Chinese, and Vajrabodhi translated the Tattvasar(tgraha-sutra into Chinese. As we have previously said, ideas for the composition of the Garbhakosadhatu MaI:lc;l.ala are derived from the Mahaviiirocana-sutra and ideas for the composition of the Vajradhatu mat;lc;l.ala are derived from the Tattvasar(tgraha-sutra. What is important to note here is not so much the original composer of the twofold mar;,q,ala-for that is an issue which remains uncertain-but the introduction of the Mahiivairocana tradition by Subhakarasi:q1ha and the Tattvasar(tgraha tradition by Vajrabodhi from India to China. These two Indian Tantric traditions were synthesized in Ch'ang-an. Hui-kuo (746-805), the Chinese master, transmitted this synthesized Buddhist Tantric tradition to Kukai, who systematized the sokushin-jobutsu


theory based on this tradition in Japan. The Buddhist Tantric . tradition which has synthesized the doctrinal content of the Mahiivairocana-sutra and Tattvasan:tgraha-sutra survives only in Japan.

We are now ready to examine the twofold ma'YJdala. We shall first briefly touch upon the Garbhakosadhatu Mar,l(;iala and then focus our attention on the Vajradhatu MaI).<;lala because this paper is concerned more with the issue of tension than with . truth per se, as we previously said.

II. The Twofold MafJ,qala

Garbhakosadhiitu MafJ,qala. We have said that the Garbhakosadhatu MaI).<;lala is an iconographic representation of truth per se, that the ideas for its composition are derived from the Mahiivairocana-sutra, and that Mahavairocana is the personified Dharma representing emptiness. The central theme of

. the Mahiivairocana-sutra is found in the passage below:

... bodhicitta is the cause, compassion its roots and skill-inmeans the ultimate. 16

The term "ultimate" in Sanskrit is parayavasiina, meaning "the peak, end result, final, etc." In the text, the above passage is quoted as a response to the question of what enlightenment means. This passage means that bodhicitta is the cause of enlightenment, compassion nurtures that cause, and improvising skill-in-menas to implement the compassion-rooted-wisdom is enlightenment. Enlightenment is empirically directed. The Garbhakosadhatu MaI).<;lala consists of twelve halls, as indicated in Fig. 1.

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLDMAlYOALA 97

Fig. 1. The twelve Halls of the Garbhakosadhatu MaI.H;lala

East

10

6

2

7 3 1 4 9

5

8

11

12

West

The concepts underlying the composition of this ma1J.qala are bodhicitta (cause), compassion (roots), and skill-in-means (ultimate), which are identified as dharmakiiya, sarfJ,bhogakiiya and nirmii1J.akiiya, respectively, as outlined below:

Bodhicitta (wisdom)

Compassion

Skill-in-means

The Halls of:

1. Eight Petals 2. All-knowledge 3. AvalokiteSvara 4. Vajrapal).i 5. Vidyadharas

Sakyamuni K~itigarbha

Dharmakaya

6. 7. 8. 9.

Akasagarbha Sarp.bhogakaya

10. II. 12.

SarvanivaraI).a-viskarpbhi Maiijusri Susiddhi Exterior Vajra

Halls numbered one to five represent bodhicitta. Among the five halls, number one represents the bodhicitta bud. The halls surrounding it indicate the blooming of bodhicitta. Halls num-

98 ]IABS VOL. 10 NO.1

bered six to eleven represent compassion, indicating the nurturing of bodhicitta. The hall numbered twelve represents skill-inmeans for helping others which is the ultimate purpose of the compassion-rooted-bodhicitta. That bodhicitta is equated with dharmakiiya, compassion with sa11Jbhogakaya, and skill-in-means with nirmanakiiya means that bodhicitta is wisdom per se, compas-

. sion the wisdom-nurturing-element, and skill-in-means the empirical verification of wisdom. In short, this ma1J,qala shows that truth, cognized by wisdom and hence ultimately identical with wisdom, is not simply a fixed and frozen conceptual category, but a dynamic one capable of infiltrating the empirical world ~

and that improvising skill-in-means is the norm to verify bodhicitta within the person.

Vajradhiitu Ma1J,qala. We· have said that the· Vajradhatu MaI).c;lala is an iconographic device representing the path of mental cultivation and that the ideas for its composition are derived from the Tattvasa11Jgraha-sutra, a Yogacara-oriented text. It is a Yogacara-oriented Tantric text. The central theme of this ma1J,qala is inherent buddhahood (or buddhanautre). This ma1J,t/ala shows the way by which buddhahood is realized. The ma1J,qala consists of "nine halls," as indicated in Fig. 2.

Fig. 2 The Nine Halls of the Vajradhatu MaI).<;lala

5 6 7

4 1 8

3 2 9

1) Karma, 2) Samaya, 3) Suk~ma, 4) Puja, 5) Four Mudra, 6) One Mudra, 7) Naya, 8) Trailokyavijayakarma 9) Trailokyavijayasamaya.

This ma1J,qala again shows that enlightenment is not an absolute-fixed and frozen--concept, that it is the dynamic practice of enlightening self and others. It also shows explicitly that

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MAJYI)ALA 99

Shingon Mikkyo practice constitutes a process philosophy. That is the "nine halls" represent the path a practitioner moves through: "one-to-nine" showing the path of enlightening others and "nine-to-one" the path of enlightening oneself. What needs to be noted here is that whereas Madhyamika deals with an ontological issue, that is, the notion of ultimate reality, which it claims is emptiness, Yogacara deals with an epistemological issue; that is, the manner through which phenomena are cognized- through mental constructions. This ma'wjala is a representation of the epistemological issue. We shall now discuss each of the "nine halls." The description of the first hall will be somehwat elaborate, since it is the most significant hall. The rest will be brief.

1) Karma Hall. The central hall, technically referred to as the Karma Hall, in the sense that it is the hall which depicts mental functions, is an iconographic representation of the Yogacara theory of mental transformation (asraya pariiV1:tti). It is central and the most significant among the "nine halls." Details of the Karma Hall are outlined in Fig. 3.

2

()

:;

Figure 3. The Karma Hall West

7

I;' 8 2 I~' 4 1:\ G 2 1:1 4 0 2 : 4 8 2 ~. 4

!~ i'- 8 2 III 4 l/f

:1

East - Vimo~a Circle

l--- Vajra Circle First Square Second Square Third Square

:\

H

-t

100 JIARS VOL. 10 NO.1

This haH consists of five small circles (I, II, III, IV and V) encompassed within a larger circle, which in turn is encased within three squares. The larger circle is referred to as the V;:ura Circle and the five smaller ones are referred to as the Vimok~a Circles. Vajra, literally meaning a "diamond," refers to "wisdom as indestructible as a diamond." Vimo~a means liberation. The Vajra Circles are iconographic representations of an acquired, not innate, wisdom which is endowed with the properties of liberation-liberation from greed, hate and delusion. This requires an explanation.

It will be recalled that we have already referred to "wisdom" with reference to the Garbhakosadhatu Ma1)Q.ala. In the case of the Garbhakosadhatu Ma1J.<;lala, wisdom referred to innate wisdom, the wisdom of Mahavairocana. In the case of the V~radhatu Ma1J.Q.ala, it refers to acquired wisdom. This is so because in the former we were talking about a universal wisdom, the objectified wisdom personified as Mahavairocana. In the latter, we are talking about a wisdom cultivated by the practitioner, a sentient being. Of course, we are not talking about two different and independent types of wisdom. Innate wisdom, being universal, is realized by cultivating the wisdom of the practitioner. Acquired wisdom refers to cultivated wisdom. The ultimate cultivation of acquired wisdom is innate wisdom, which Shingon Mikkyo conceives as universal. Cultivation brings about mental transformation. This kind of theory presupposes that the "wisdom" of Mahavairocana (innate, universal) is inherent in the mind of the practitioner but requires cultivation to unveil it. This is the reason why I have identified bodhicitta as the agent of integration: it represents the wisdom of Mahavairocana (innate) as well as that of the practitioner (acquired).

Shingon Mikkyo incorporates the Y ogacara theory of mental transformation to describe the transformation from the acquired to the innate. Hence a brief description of the Yogacara theory of mental transformation is called for in order to understand the nature of this hall which, in the context of the Vajradhatu MaIJ.Q.ala,is expressed iconographically.

Yogacara established eight levels of consciousness as follows:

1) eye-vijiiiina 2) ear-vijiiana

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MAl'fI)ALA 101

3) nose-vijiiana 4) tongue-vijnana 5) body-vijnana 6) manovijnana 7) manas 8) alayav~'nana or simply alaya

Vijiiiina is the instrument of discrimination. (We cognize things through discrimination.) The first six vijnana refer to the conscious level of perception, the last two to the unconscious level. Thus, the first five are the agents of perception. Manov~'nana conceptualizes the perceived. Manas evaluates the conceived. Alaya is the consciousness foundation. Saying it the other way around, iilaya is the repository of the "seeds" of past experience. Manas, "perfumed" by the "seeds" deposited in the alaya, evaluates the perceived. Manovijiiana, shaped by the manas, conceptualizes the sensory information transmitted by the first five vijnana. Thus manas maintains two functions: a) it establishes its identity by relying on the alaya; and b) it shapes the manner in which manov~'iiana conceptualizes the sensory information transmitted by the first five vijiiiina. Its function is cyclic. Manas is what is commonly referred to as the ego. . We have employed the terms "seeds" (bija) and "perfume"

. (viisanii). These are metaphorical terms, the former referring to a potential and the latter the influencing character of that potential. Alaya is the repository of the perfuming potential, that is, a karmic repository, or simply put, a habit-forming repository. Yogacara epistemology essentially refers to the alaya theory of causation. In the context where the alaya is a karmic repository and the manas maintains a cyclic function, we can summarize the iilaya theory of causation as follows: a karmic potential reveals itself as the result of a set of conditions in the form of manas (ego), which in turn shapes the quality of manovijiiiina (value concept); and conversely, when the manas shapes the quality of manov~'nana, it simultaneously deposits its potential in the iilaya. But-and this is important-neither the manas nor the iilaya represents an absolute, unchanging entity. The two are co-dependent and co-arise, meaning that one shapes the quality of the other. Thus, though the alaya is a karmic repository, that is, it is the repository of "unwholesome seeds,"


these "seeds" are not absolute. "Unwholesome seeds" can be transformed into "wholesome seeds" by cultivating wisdom; that is, cultivating insight into reality, the nature of which is emptiness, which brings about a change in perceiving the worH Yogacara, literally meaning the practice of yoga, claims that this kind of wisdom is cultivated through meditative practices, meaning more specifically that the human ego-that which cognizes the world by making the self the measuring stick- is tamed through meditative practices. This is not the proper place to discuss the details of Y ogacara meditative practices, for the issue we are concerned with here is mental transformation.

Mental transformation in the context of Yogacara refers to the vijiiana (discrimination)":J·iiana (nondiscrimination) transfor-mation outlined as follows: .

vijiiiina

1) alaya

2) manas

3) mano

4) 1stfive

jiiiina definition

iidarfa "mirror-mind," i.e., pure cognition, or wisdom.

samatii "equality-mind," i.e., a mind which cognizes all things in a proper perspective, a mind which cognizes all things as complimentary entities.

pratyavek<;arj,ii insight to deal with the particular problems of the world without bias but with compasslOn.

kr:tyiin~thiina knowledge to implement insight into practice through skill-in-means.

Yogacara meditation is designed to internalize one's experiences, to evaluate them without making the self the measuring stick (that is, without bias), and to cognize phenomena as complementary entities of the world. Whether one sees the world in that context or not depends on whether one has cultivated wisdom or not. But regardless of whether one has done so or not, Y ogacara claims that the world is a mental construction because the karmic seeds deposited in the aZaya shape the manner in which one sees and evaluates the world. The purpose of Y ogacara meditation is to cultivate the ability to see the world

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLDMAlfI)ALA 103

from the perspective of jnana-wisdom, the wisdom realized through mental transformation, not from the perspective of vijnana.

The Y ogacara mental transformation theory forms the model for the composition of the Karma Hall. Thus the four jiiana---i1darsa-, samata-, pratyave~a'fJ,a-, and kr:tyan14~hanajiiana-are personified as the four Buddhas (see Fig. 3), namely Ak~obhya (II), Ratnasambhava (III), Amitayus (IV) and Amogasiddhi (V), respectively. Mahavairaocana (I) is surrounded by these four Buddhas, the latter representing the attributes of the former. Thus Mahavairocana is dharmakaya and the four Buddhas sar!Jbhogakiiya. Each attributive Buddha is endowed with the properties of samadhi and prajna, the former conceived as a preparatory discipline to realize the latter. In the Karma Hall (see Fig. 3), these properties are personified and depicted as the 16 samadhi-bodhisattvas (1-1,2,3,4; A,B,C,D; and 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8 in the second square) and 16 prajna-bodhisattvas (II-l,2,3,4; 111-1,2,3,4; IV-l,2,3,4; and V-l,2,3,4). The 16 samadhi- and 16 prajna-bodhisattvas are nirma'fJ,akiiya. Thus the .Karma Hall is depicted by 37 deities: Mahavairocana and his four attributive Buddha, plus the 16 prajna- and 16 samadhibodhisattvas as outlined below:

I Mahavairoca;na I

I Aklobhya (II) Ratnasambhava (III) Amitayus (IV) Amoghasiddhi (V)J

16 prajiiii-bodhisattvas 16 samadhi-bodhisauvas

I I -4 bodhisattvas of the East 4 paramita bodhisattvas

(II-I,-2,-3,-4) (1-1,-2,-3,-4) 4bodhisattvas of the South 4 frilja bodhisattvas of the interior

(III-I,-2, -3,-4) (A,B,G,D) 4 bodhisattvas ofthe West 4 pilja bodhisattvas of the exterior

(IV -1,-2,-3,-4) (1,2,3,4) 4 bodhisattvas of the North 4 samgraha bodhisattvas'

(v-l,-2,-3,-4) (5,6,7,8)

The Karma Hall thus is arepresentation of enlightenment per se. To realize what has been depicted iconographically is the goal of the practitioner. But, inasmuch as Shingon Mikkyo claims that enlightenment is the practice of enlightening others, enlightenment precludes the notion of dwelling exclusively in

104 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

the realm of enlightenment. The enlightened one must move . to the realm of sarl}sara, improvise skill-in-means, and help others. Hence the path (see Fig. 2), "nine-to-one," represents the practitioner moving from sa1!lSara to enlightenment and the path, "one-to-nine," from enlightenment to sa1[lsara. The Shingon Mikkyo concept of enlightenment then is cyclically conceived. Its path to enlightenment represents a process philosophy with no terminal point established. Let us now briefly examine the remaining eight halls.

2) Samaya Hall. Samaya here means vow, the vow to improvise skill-in-means to enlighten all sentient beings.

3) Sil~ma Hall. Sil~ma literally means "particles." Here it refers to the wisdom of the Buddha transmitted by words (Dharma) to effectively respond to all particular problems of sentient beings.

4) Pilja Hall. Pilja means worship. Each Buddha of this hall represents a specific method to enlighten sentient beings.

5) Four Mudra Hall. Mudra is a sign or a seal. Here it refers to a finger-gesture made by the four Buddhas, each mudra representing a specific type of Buddha-wisdom.

6) One Mudra Hall. This represents the realm of Dharmakaya Mahavairocana, who is depicted with a wisdomlist-mudra (jnanamu!iti-mudra), indicating that Mahavairocana's wisdom embraces the wisdoms of the four Buddhas. The wisdomlist-mudra is formed by both hands making fists, the left placed beneath the right, the left index finger placed upright and covered by the right fist. The five fingers of the right fist represent the five wisdoms, the left index finger represents the elements of life. This is the sign of non-duality (between man and the Buddha), the right fist covering the left index finger symbolizing the lifeforce emerging from Mahavairocana.

7) Naya Hall. Naya means "path, method, or means." This hall is a representation of bodhicitta (the emanation of Mahavairocana) reflected on the minds of sentient beings. Iconographically, Vajrasattva, the seeker of the Dharma and occupying the central seat, is surrounded by four bodhisattvasI::;tavajra, Kelikilavajra, Ragavajra and Manavajra-respectively representing lust, touch, craving, and conceit. Here, odd though it may seem, the bodhisattvas represent delusibn. The theme here is that delusions are the enlightenment materials, for without

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLDMAJlfI)ALA 105

the problems of saTIJSara there is nothing to negate, nothing to cultivate, nothing to achieve. There is no enlightenment without nonenlightenment, for whether we are speaking of enlightenment or nonenlightenment, we are referring to the same mind, a mind in which enlightenment and nonenlightenment co-exist. Thus, the awareness of nonenlightenment triggers a desire to seek enlightenment, just like thirst triggers a desire to seek water. The bodhisattvas depicted in this hall represent states of mind in which nonenlightenment has been transformed into enlightenment.

. 8) TrailokyavHayakarma Hall. Trailokyavijaya, the central deity of this hall, is an angry deity. He is three-faced and threeeyed to detect greed, hate and delusion, is equipped with tusks to cut off defilements, has in his hands the vajra scepter, bow and arrows, rope and sword to conquer evil, and tramples on Mahdvara, the male demon, with his left foot, and U rna, the female demon, with his right foot. He is an incarnation of Vajrasattva, whose attribute is compassion. Trailokyavijaya's anger is directed against evil.

9) TrailokyavHayasamaya Hall. Whereas the Trailokyavijayakarma Hall describes the physical activities of Trailokyavijaya, this hall describes his vows to enlighten all sentient beings.

Now the method I employed to describe the "nine halls" illustrates the "effect-to-cause" process, remembering here that, according to the Buddhist theory of causation, a "cause" can become an "effect" and an "effect" can become a "cause," as in the case of the "seed and sprout" metaphor. The "seed" causes the "sprout," but the "sprout" eventually causes the "seed." Hence, by reversing the order of the description above, that is, by beginning from Trailokyavijayasamaya and terminating at Karma, we can describe the "cause-to-effect" process. In this case, Trailokyavijayasamaya (9), the point of departure, is the

. station where the practitioner awakens to realize the compassion of the Buddha and thereby becomes aware of his inherent bodhicitta; at Trailokyavijayakarma (8), he eliminates defilements; at Naya (7), he realizes that because defilements are the materials to awaken bodhicitta, he is potentially a Buddha; at Four Mudra (5), he realizes the four attributes of Mahavairocana collectively; at Puja (4), Suk1}ma (3), and Samaya (2), he realizes


them singularly; and at Karma (1), he realizes buddhahood. Let us now contextualize the "nine halls" rationally. I will

present three methods, though I am sure that there are other methods as well. The first, a traditional Shingon Mikkyo method, is somewhat cumbersome. It claims that the first four halls rep_ resent the four attributes of Mahavairocana: 1) wisdom (jiiana), 2) vow (samaya), 3) truth (the Dharma expressed verbally), and 4) skill-in-means (upaya). The fifth collects these attributes in one hall. (In other words, the first four represent an analytical description of Mahavairocana's attributes, while the fifth collects these attributes in one hall.) The sixth synthesizes these attributes in the context of a mudra. The notion of the "four-halls-in_ one" (5) and the "four-wisdoms-in-one" (6) is the Shingon Mikkyo's way of expressing that all things are of Mahavairocana and from Mahavairocana emerge all things. The seventh represents the awakening of bodhicitta; the eighth, enlightenment of others; and the ninth, enlightenment of self.

The second traditional Shingon Mikkyo method is to contextualize the "nine halls" into the bodhicitta, compassion and skillin-means" formula. We can then say that the first six halls represent bodhicitta (wisdom); the seventh, compassion (in the sense that nonenlightenment is transformed into enlightenment); and the eighth and ninth, skill-in-means. I have some reservations about this kind of a contextualizing scheme. The "bodhicitta, compassion and skill-in-means" formula is derived from the Mahavairocana-sutra, the basic text employed in the composition of the Garbhakosadhatu MaI;t<;lala. We are presently dealing with the Vajradhatu MaI).<;lala, though it can perhaps be said that inasmuch as the two are to be integrated, the principles embodied in the Garbhakosadhatu MaI;t<;lala· are reflected on the Vajradhatu MaQ.<;lala. But somehow I have the feeling that this kind of a contextualizing scheme is overtaxing the bounds of reason.

Another method to contextualize the "nine halls" is to make reference to a theme developed by Nagao, the eminent Japanese Buddhologist, in his recent essay, "Ascent and Descent: Two-Directional Activity in Buddhist Thought." This method has my unqualified endorsement. In this essay, Nagao says,

Ascent can be understood as an activity of movement from this world to the world yonder, or from this human personal

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MANl)ALA 107

. existence to the impersonal dharmadhatu, . the world of dharmata. Descent is the reverse; it is revival and affirmation of humanity .. ,17

With reference to the '''nine halls," the path "nine-to-one," represents the "ascent," and the path "one-to-one," the "descent." Neither path represents the absolute----.:.one is made possible because of the other. The "ascent" and "descent" paths are based on co-arising, the principle which presupposes that all things are interdependent, interrelated, and interwoven. AU phenomena (such as "ascent" and "descent"), though conceived contrastively, are in fact mutually complementing one another, just like the two-thrusting movements of a piston. Thus, modern physics claims, "a phenomenon can be measured only with reference to another phenomenon." Co-arising, simply put, is the Buddhist theory of relativity, in the sense that one complements the other. In the context of Buddhist philosophy, emptinessnothing is absolute-underlies co-arising. But emptiness is not the causal nexus of co-arising. The Awakening of Mahayana Faith therefore says, "Water (emptiness) and waves (co-arising) are inseparable. "18

And so we can say that emptiness is the central theme that characterizes the Garbhakosadhatu Ma1J.c;lala and co-arising is the central theme that characterizes the Vajradhatu MaIJ.c;lala .

. Granting that the two are interdependent, interrelated and interwoven, nevertheless, the former deals with the world of Mahavair9cana, the realm of truth, and the latter with the world of humankind, the realm of phenomena. Sokushin-jobutsu signals the integration of the two.

III. Textual Sources: Paradoxes and Integration

Kukai is said to be the systematizer of Shingon Mikkyo. What this means is that he formulated the sokushin-jobutsu theory by making reference to selected Tantric Buddhist texts composed in India and China. The twofold ma7fr!ala is designed to describe this theory iconographically. I now wish to critically examine these sources by pointing out the doctrinal paradoxes in these texts and describing how Kukai resolved them.

A ma'fJ.r!ala, as defined within the context of this work, is "a


means of integration." Integration means unifying parts, in the case of Shingon Mikkyo, unifying man, a historical being, and Mahavairocana, the personification of truth. Kukai discover~d the key to resolving the tension, between man and Mahavairocana by syncretizing the central themes developed in the Mahavairocana-sutra and Tattvasar(tgraha-sutra.

The first chapter of the Mahiivairocana-sutra articulates the Madhyamika theme of non-duality and establishes the doctrinal basis of this sUtra. This is important. The Mahayana concept of compassion is derived from the ontological view of non-dualityall forms of existence are interdependent, interrelated and interwoven, one's existence is contingent on the existence of others, and hence there can be no self-enlightenment without the enlightenment of others. Implicit in the Mahayana version of compassion is collective enlightenment. Thus, the Mahiivairocanasutra speaks of "skin-in-means as the ultimate." Its concern is with humanity at large. If this is so, the practice directed toward realizing integration is not the fundamental issue. The fundamental issue is the practice of compassion. Thus, though this sutra has incorporated the lofty idealism of compassion and the enlightenment of others, it does not specifically describe the path to self-enlightenment other than making reference to the three kalpa theories l9 (kalpa here refers to the substance of delusion rather than the duration of time) and the six nirbhaya theories20 (nirbhaya here means to revive). The former is simply a categorization of Buddhist systems of thought into Hinayana, Mahayana and Ekayana, the latter a description of the process for awakening bodhicitta. Granting that all these practices require meditation, nevertheless, the text does not provide specific information as to what psychological phenomenon is expected at each stage of meditation.

On the other hand, though the Tattvasar(tgraha-sutra has incorporated the epistemological approach of Yogacara, provides the details of mental cultivation, and describes the rational underlying perception, it does not articulate the lofty idealism of the kind articulated in the Mahiivairocana-sutra. Thus, in spite of the fact that tradition claims that the twofold ma1f4ala is designed to indicate integration between the Garbhakosadhatu MaI).<;lala (the world of truth per se) and Vajradhatu MaI).Q.ala (the world of the pursuer of truth), underlying this integration

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MAJfI)ALA 109

is the awareness of tensions, not only between man and Mahavairocana, but more so between compassion and meditational practice. Kukai, following the Chinese tradition, apparently accepted these two sutrasin order to supplement lofty idealism (compassion) with practice (meditation), the former concerned with the enlightenment of others and the latter with the enlightenment of self. He employed them to formulate the sokushin-jobutsu theory, the theory that the twofold marJe/ala is designed to depict. This is clearly indicated in his Sokushin-

jobutsu-gi... .._. . " .. As Said previOusly, the Sokushzn-Jobutsu-gZlS Kukal's mterpre-tation ofthesokushin-jobutsu theory. Ip. the section "On the Meaningof sokushin-jobutsu," this text elaborates on the nature of Mahavairocana, explains that sentient beings are the attributes of Mahavairocana, and provides the details of practice to unveil the inherent buddhanature.21 It neatly synthesizes compassion and practice by making reference to both the Mahiivairocanasutra and Tattvasav;graha-sutra, which by themselves, taken separately, do not allow for this synthesis. But the sokushin-jobutsu theory not only synthesizes compassion and practice, it represents a "sudden" enlightenment doctrine. What then were Kiikai's textual sources in the formulation of this aspect of the sokushin-jobutsu theory?

The question of "sudden" versus "gradual" enlightenment is a doctrinal issue developed in the context of Chinese, not Indian, Buddhism. The Mahiivairocana-sutra and Tattvasan:tgraha-sutra are Indian compositions. Hence, in spite of the fact that Kiikai did make extensive reference to both the Mahavairocana-sutra and Tattvasav;graha-sutra in the composition of his Sokushin-jobutsu-gi, the "sudden" enlightenment doctrine that characterizes the sokushin-jobutsu theory is not derived from these texts. The Mahiivairocana-sutra deals with the ontological

. concept of non-duality and takes a gradual approach to enlightenment; the Tattvasav;graha-sutra deals with the practice of unveiling one's inherent buddhanature and it too takes a gradual approach. Kiikai's "sudden" enlightenment doctrine was derived from the Bodhicitta-sastra. What is important to note here is that in spite of the fact that this text belongs to. the Tattvasav;graha doctrinal lineage, it is, most likely, a Chinese composition. Kiikai's "sudden" enlightenment doctrine was derived from


Chinese, not Indi.an, texts to accommodate .the practicality of realizing enlightenment in the present, not in an unlcl10wn future requiring eons of time. Thus, I-hsing's Ta-jih ching-su (commentary on the Mahavairocana-sutra), a Chinese composition to be sure, also speaks of "sudden" enlightenment. It says:

If one transcends the three graspings (mithyii-griiha) in one's lifetime, one would realize buddhahood in the present life. Why should the duration of time (kalpa) be discussed?22

But sokushin-jobutsu is not only a "sudden" enlightenment doctrine; it is also a doctrine which presupposes that buddanature is inherent in the makeup of an sentient beings. We now encounter a slightly complex issue.

Kukai interchangeably employed the terms "bodhicitta" and "buddhahoodlbuddhanature." For example, he conceived bodhicitta as the agent to realize sokushin-jobutsu (we have already established that the term literally means "buddhahood realized in the present body"). But because he also thought that the awakening of bodhicitta is in itself enlightenment, within the context of the sokushin-jobutsu theory, bodhicitta itself is buddhahood. (It should be noted therefore that in the Garbhakosadhatu MalJ.Qala, bodhicitta is identified as dharmakaya), notwithstanding the fact that Mahayana Buddhism in general conceives bodhicitta as the causal,. not the resultant, aspect of enlightenment, as previously said. To illustrate this concept-the identity of the causal and resultant aspects of enlightenment-let me make reference to the Shingon Mikkyo concept of shoji soku goku. This term is employed with reference to the ten bodhisattva stages (dasabhumi),23 and within that context it means that the first (pramudita) is the final, that is, the first stage contains the essential elements to be cultivated in all other stages. The term does not refer to a graded process of practice.

What this means is that Kiikai considered enlightenment (resultant aspect) as inherent in the makeup of all sentient beings (causal aspect). And since the first stage is conceived of as "understanding" in the three stage path categorization to enlightenment-"understanding,""practice," and "realization"-shoji soku goku essentially means that "practice" and "realization" are inherent in "understanding." Thus, in the context of the sokushin-

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MANI)ALA III

'-butsu theory, bodhicitta is conceived of as a synonym of buddhaJOture. We have a problem here: buddhanature is technically

.. ~:ferred to as tathagatagarbha, an issue which Takasaki has con·.· .. lusively settled some twenty-five years ago.24 Let me briefly C mmarizewhat Takasaki had then said. The term "buddhana-iKre" in sanskrh is buddhagotra, though sometimes it is also referred to as buddhadhatu. Here gotra means "lineage," and dhatu means "world, realm or element." The term "element" is most relevant. Tathagatagarbha is a compound made up of tathagata, another word for the Buddha, and garbha, literally, a "womb." The terms "lineage," "element," and "womb" project the notion that something basic is inherent. Hence, the terms buddhagotra, buddhadhatu, and tathagatagarbha are all synonyms for buddhanature. The question then is, why did Kukai employ the term bodhiCitta rather than tathagatagarbha?

Kukai was familiar with the term tathiigatagarbha. This can be substantiated textually. He made frequent reference to the Shih Mo-ho-yen lun, a commentary on the Awakening of Mahayana Faith. As is well known, the Awakening of Mahayana Faith makes reference to tathagatagarbha. So does the Shih Mo-ho-yen lun. But though Kukai was familiar with tathiigatagarbha thought, he was probably unaware that there was an independent system of thought called Tathagatagarbhavada developed in India. I would not penalize Kukai on this score. Historical information on Buddhist India was scanty in Kukai's time, as it is even at the present. It is only in recent times that Takasaki has shown that there was a "Tathagatagarbhavada, an independent system of thought just like 'Sunyavada' and 'Vijfianavada,' in the Larikiivatara-sutra. "2~ At any rate, Kukai probably equated bodhicitta with tathiigatagarbha because both terms presuppose that the human mind is inherently pure; that is, an enlightenment-potential is inherent in all humankind. What characterizes Kukai's concept of bodhicitta then is that it refers to an enlightenment-po-

. tential, that this potential is inherent in the minds of all sentient . beings, and that there is no distinction between the awakening

of the thought of enlightenment and enlightenment per se. This is the context in which I am speculating that Kukai conceived bodhicitta and tathiigatagarbha as synonyms.

Of course, the thesis I have developed here must be considered a tentative one. But what is most important to note is

112 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

that among the major sastra sources Kiikai employed-the Bodhicitta-sastra to describe bodhicitta and the Shih Mo-ho-yen lun to describe tathiigatagarbha (which Kiikai possibly equated with bodhicitta) as the central concept underlying the sokushin-jobutsu theory-both are traditionally considered apocryphal texts. Here we encounter an interesting issue. In spite of the fact that the two major sidra sources of Shingon Mikky6--the Mahiivairocana-sutra and Tattvasan;,graha-sutra-are obviously lndic compostions, Kiikai employed Chinese apocryphal texts to interpret Indian thought. Hence, notwithstanding the lndic origin of Tantric Buddhism, the manner in which Indian Buddhist Tantric thought was interpreted by Kiikai illustrates a domesticating process. That is, Shigon Mikkyo has its roots in Indian Tantric Buddhism which was domesticated in China and systematized in the context of sokushin-jobutsu theory by Kiikai in Japan. To reiterate, Kiikai made reference to Indic sources, became aware of doctrinal paradoxes inherent in these sources, interpreted these sources through Chinese apocryphal texts, and systematized his sokushin-jobutsu theory. The sokushin-jobutsu theory has synthesized compassion and practice, incorporated the Chinese doctrine of "sudden" enlightenment, and conceived bodhicitta and tathiigatagarbha synonymously. Thus, in spite of the negative connotation that the term "apocryphal texts" projects, this group of texts most clearly illustrates the process of domestication, indicating that the Chinese and Japanese were capable of engaging in philosophical speculation, developing religious insights, and recording them, just like the Indian iiciiryas. 26

IV. Conclusion

The Garbhakosadhatu MaI).<;lala is a representation of the world of Mahavairocana, the world of truth; the Vajradhatu MaI).<;lala is a representation of the world of sentient beings, the pursuer of truth. In this paper, we have focused attention on the Vajradhatu MaI).<;lala. This marJqala portrays the path to be observed by the practitioner to realize integration with the world of Mahavairocana. Bodhicitta is the agent of integration. Integration is sokushin-jobutsu. Sokushin-jobutsu is possible because Shin-

SHINGON MIKKYO'S TWOFOLD MANI)ALA 113

gon. Mikkyo mainta~n~ that bo~hicitta co~tains .the "seed" of Mahavairocana and IS mherent m an sentIent bemgs. But here we must add that sokushin-jobutsu does not simply refer to a mental integration. It refers to the integratio~ of body, speech and mind because Shingon Mikkyo claims that the body, speech and mind of humankind are the body, speech and mind of Dharmakaya Mahavairocana. Most relevant here. is speech. Speech refers to a mantra (shingon). Mantra is not simply a chanting exercise. It is the other way around. It is the voice of the Tathagata; it is the means to dwell in the world of the Tathagata; it is to verify that one is the Tathagata. Shingon is Mikkyo, the secret teaching. The term "secret" is an existential term. It represents a type of teaching which penetrates the deeper layers of the human consciousness, bringing about the awareness of the contingency of all forms of existence, and leading to the realization of man-Buddha integration within the present body as portrayed in the twofold maTJ4ala. Insight into Shingon Mikkyo requires insight into the twofold maTJq,ala. Kukai therefore said, "The maTJq,ala is the essence of the secret teaching."27 The twofold maTJq,ala represents the ultimate ideal of Shingon Mikkyo, "I-in-Buddha and Buddha-in-me," a realm to be realized in the present life. Hence in a formal Shingon Mikkyo ritual the practitioner sits facing a statue of Mahavairocana symbolizing emptiness, flanked by the twofold maTJq,ala, the Garbhakosadhatu on the right and Vajradhatu on the left, to realize . man-Buddha integration. But the purpose of this paper was not simply to present a descriptive account of the twofold maTJ4ala-an iconographic representation of the sokushin-jobutsu theory-but to discuss the problematics involved in the selection of textual sources in the formulation of this theory. Kukai ingeniously systematized this theory by synthesizing ideas related in his sources, ideas which at times contradicted on another. It is in this context that we see Kiikai as the systematizer of Shingon Mikkyo as a distinct and independent school of Japanese Buddhism.

Sutra authors are unknown. Names therefore are not identified. Some of the siistra authors can be verified, some cannot. Those who can be are


identified, others are not. Names of contemporary Japanese authors are rendered in the Japanese manner, last name first and first name last. Names of Japanese-Americans are rendered in the Western manner.

Abbreviations:

SB. Minoru Kiyota. Shingon Buddhism: Theory and Practice. Los Angeles-Tokyo: Buddhist Books International, 1978.

T. TaishO shinshil daizokyo (ed. and comp., Takakusu Jinjiro, et al.). Tokyo: Taisho issaikyo kankokai, 1923-34.

TCB. Minoru Kiyota. Tantric Concept of Bodhicitta: A Buddhist Experiential Philosophy. Madison: South Asian Area Center Publication, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1982.

NOTES

* After the completion of this paper, I received the 47th volume of the Acta Asiatica from my good friend, Takasaki Jikido, of Tokyo University. In it are two papers-"The Hermeneutics of Kukai" by Tsuda Shin'ichi and "Kobo Daishi (Kukai) and Tathagatagarbha Thought" by Takasaki Jikid6-which are directedly related to this paper. The former is a critical study of Shingon in which Tsuda claims that the doctrinal contents of the two major canonical sources of Shingon (Mahiivairocana-sutra and Tattvasan:tgraha-sutra) are directly opposed to each other. The latter consists of a critical comment on the former and describes the Tathagatagarbha basis of Kukai's thought. The reader of my paper will gain much by making reference to these two papers. For details, see Acta Asiatica 47 (1985): "The Hermeneutics of Kukai," pp. 82-108; "Kobo Daishi (Kukai) and Tathagatagarbha Thought," pp. 109-129.

1. The most comprehensive treatment of the Shingon Mikkyo ma7!qala is Toganoo Shoun, Mandara no kenkyu. Kyoto: Naigai Press, 1927 (first print). For details on the twofold ma7!dala, see ibid., pp. 63-345. See also Sawa Takaaki. Mikkyo no bijitsu (Nihon no bijitsu Series, No.8). Tokyo: Heibonshi, 1964, pp. 99-106. In French, see Tajima Ryujun. Les Deux Grand Ma7!qala et la Doctrine de l'Esoterisme Shingon. Tokyo: Maison Franco-Japonaise, 1959. I have also treated the subject in TCB, pp. 2-54, and in SB, pp. 81-104.

2. Mahiivairocana-sutra. T.18.848. A French and an English translation of the first chapter of this sutra are available. See Tajima Ryujun, Etude sur' Ie Mahiivairocana-sutra (Dainichikyo): avec la traduction commentee du premier chapitre, Paris: Andrien Maisonneuve, 1936; and Kiyota, TCB, pp. 56-79.

3. Tattvasan:tgraha-sutra. T.18.865 (for different Chinese translations, see T.18.866 and 862.

SHINGONMIKKYO'STWOFOLDMAlYl)ALA 115

4. See n. 2. 5. Kiikai, Sokushin-jobutsu-gi. T.77.2428. For an English translation, see

Inagaki Hisao, Asia.Mino: (New Series) 1: (1972) 190-215 .. AI~o see Yoshito H keda, Kukai: Major Works, Translated wzth an Account of hzs Life and Study of h: Thought. New York: Columbia University Press, 1972, pp. 225-35. I have . Iso translated this text in TCB, pp. 94-109. a 6. Bodhicitta-siistra, T.19.957, p. 320c.

7. For an English translation of this siistra, see TCB, pp. 80-93. 8. See SB, pp. 81-104, and TCB, pp. 20-39. 9. Nagao Gadjin has written an excellent article on this subject in En

glish. See his "On the Theory of Buddha-Body," The Eastern Buddhist 11 (1973) 30ff. See also TCB, pp. 3-5.

10. It might be interesting to point out here that because Shingon Mikkyo conceives Mahavairocana as the "vital forces" of the universe, the Gedatsukai, a new religion in contemporary Japan with Shingon Mikkyo roots, conceives of Mahavairocana as the "Sun Spirit" and associates him with the Shinto kami, Tenjinchigi, the creator of heaven and earth. See Kiyota, Gedatsukai: Its Theory and Practice (A Study of a Shinto-Buddhist Syncretic School in Contemporary Japan). Los Angeles-Tokyo: Buddhist Books International, 1982, see pp. 46, 47, 76 and 81. I have elaborated on this subject in "Gedatsukai: A Case Study of Shinto-Buddhist Syncretism in Contemporary Japan," a paper delivered at the U.S.-Japan Conference on Japanese Buddhism held at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in August 1985.

11. For details, see TCB, pp. 6-7. 12. Kiikai. Hizo-hOyaku, T.77.2426, p. 370b. 13. Franklin Edgerton. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, (Vol. II, Dictionary).

New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953 (first print), p. 416. 14. Toganoo. Mandara no kenkyu, pp. 1-2. 15. Giuseppe Tucci. The Theory and Practice of the Mandala (trans., Alan

Houghton Brodrick). London: Rider and Co., 1961, pp. 21-48. 16. Mahavairocana-sutra, T.18.848, p. 1 b-c. A Sanskrit version of this

passage reads: tad etat sarvajftajftanan;t karuTJiimular(t bodhicitta-hetukam upiiyaparyavasanam. Extracted from G. Tucci, Minor Buddhist Texts (Serie Orientale Roma, IX, 2), Roma. Is. M.E.O., 1958, p. 196.

17. Nagao Gadjin, "Ascent and Descent: Two-Directional Activity in Buddhist Thought." The Journal of International Association of Buddhist Studies 7(1984) 177.

18. Awakening of Mahayana Faith. T.32.1666, p. 567c. 19. For details, see TCB, pp. 15-17. 20. Ibid., pp. 17-18. 21. Kiikai, Sokushi;'-jobutsu-gi, T.77.2428, p. 382b. 22. I-hsing, Ta-jih ching-suo T.39.1796, p. 600 .

. 23. I have treated the subject of daSabhumi within the Shingon Mikkyo context in SB, pp. 113-121, see in particular, p. 117, where I have associated the term "shoji soku goku" with bodhicitta.

24. See Takasaki Jikido, "Kegon kyogaku to nyoraizoshiso," Kegon shiso (ed., Kawata Kumataro and Nakamura Hajime). Kyoto: Hozokan, 1960, pp. 277ff.


25. See Takasaki, Nyoraizii shisii no keisei. Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1974, p. II. 26. Japanese Buddhologists have made extensive studies on apocryphal

texts. Let me cite a recent one by Makita Tairyo, Gikyo kenkyu. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jimbun kagaku kenkyujo, 1976. Also se,e Okabe Kazuo's "Review: Makita Tairyo's Cikyii Kenkyu," "Komazawa daigaku bukkyogakubu ronshii." Tokyo: Komazawa University, No.8, 1977, pp. 247-54.

27. Kiikai. Hizoki, T. (Zuzobu), p. 44.

SELECTED REFERENCES

Western Sources

Y oshito S. Hakeda. Kukai: Major Works. New York:. Columbia University Press, 1972.

Minoru Kiyota. Shingon Buddhism: Theory and Practice. Los Angeles-Tokyo: Buddhist Books International, 1978.

____ . Tantric Concept of Bodhicitta: A Buddhist Experiential Philosophy. Madi. son: South Asian Area Center, University of Wisconsin, 1982.

Tajima Ryujun. Etude sur le Mahavairocana-sutra (Dainichikyo): avec le traduction commentee du premier chapitre. Paris: Andrien Maisonneuve, 1936.

__ -:-;:--;' Les Deux Grand MaTJq,ala et la Doctrine de l'Esoterume Shingon. Tokyo: Maison Franco-Japonaise, 1959.

Japanese Sources

Katsumata Shunkyo. Mikkyii no nihon-teki tenaki. Tokyo: Shunjusha, 1970. Kusuda Ryoko. Shingon Mikkyii seiritsu katei no kenkyu. Tokyo: Sankibo, 1964. Matsunaga Yukei. Mikkyo no rekishi. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1969. Sawa Takaaki. Mikkyo no bijitsu. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1964. Toganoo Shoun. Himitsu bukkyo-shi. Kyoto: Naigai Press, 1933 (first print) .

. Mandarano kenkyu. Kyoto: Naigai Press, 1927. ----English Translations of Major Shingon Mikkyo Texts Employed in this Work

"Bodhicitta-siistr;," (trans., Minoru Kiyota). TCB, pp. 80-93. "Mahavairocana-sutra," (trans., Minoru Kiyota). TCB, pp. 56-79. "Sokushin-jiibutsu-gi," (trans., Yoshito S. Hakeda), Kukai: Major Works, New

York: Columbia University Press, 1972, pp. 225-234. "Sokushin-jiibutsu-gi," (trans., Inagaki Hisao). Asia Minor (New Series) 17 (1972)

190-215. "Sokushin-jobutsu-gi," (trans., Minoru Kiyota). TCB, pp. 94-109.

yung-ming's Syncretism of pure Land and Ch'an

by Heng-ching Shih

The interaction of Ch'an and Pure Land Buddhism has been of interest to some scholars, but their attention has mainly centered on their antithetical rather than harmonious relationship.1 This paper will be concerned with Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism. This is a unique feature of Chinese Buddhism, especially in the post-T'ang era, but one that has been neglected by modern scholarship.

Although the practice Ch'an meditation and nienjoa (Buddha-recitation; Japanese: nembutsu) together started early in the history of Chinese Buddhism,2 it was not until the early Sung Dynasty that Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism became a dominant movement. The instrumental figure in the promotion and popularization of this movement was Yung -ming Yen -shou b

(904-975), an enlightened Ch'an monk and a Pure Land practitioner.3 He was one of the greatest syncretists China ever produced. Before him, of course, there already existed syncretic thought, especially that attempting the reconciliation of Ch'an and doctrinal Buddhism (chiao).4 However, it was Yung-ming who synthesized all systems of Buddhist thought in theory, and more importantly, united all approaches of Buddhist disciplines in practice. This paper will investigate his Pure Land ideology and the doctrinal rationale for his syncretism.

1. Ideology

Yung-ming's soteriology and Pure Land ideology were mainly set forth in his Wan-shan tung-kuei chic (Myriad Virtues

117


Return to the Same Source), which demonstrated his syncretic spirit, especially with regard to diverse religious practices. In this work, Yung-mingmaintained that notonlynienjo and Ch'an meditation, but also all other forms of practice (wan-shan, myriad of virtues) were conducive to achieving the final goal of enlightenment (t'ung-kuei, literally meaning "same destination"). Nevertheless, Ch'an and nienjo were the main practices among myriad virtues.

The famous "fourfold summary" (ssu-liao chien)d of Ch'an and Pure Land, which was attributed to Yung-ming, illustrates his attitude toward the joint practice of Ch'an and nienjo:5

With Ch'an but no Pure Land, nine out of ten people will go astray. When death comes suddenly, they must accept it in an instant.

With Pure Land but no Ch'an, ten thousand out of ten thousand people will achieve birth [in the Pure Land].

If one can see Amitabha face to face, why worry about not attaining enlightenment?

With both Ch'an and Pure Land, it is like a tiger who has grown horns. One will be a teacher for mankind in this life, and a Buddhist patriarch in the next.

With neither Ch'an nor Pure Land, it is like falling on an iron bed with bronze posters [i.e., one of the hells].

For endless kalpas one will find nothing to rely on.6

Coming from a Ch'an background and adhering strongly to Hua-yen philosophy, Yung-ming based his Pure Land thought more on these two schools than on the orthodox Pure Land teachings. The concept of "one Mind" was essential to Yung-ming's philosophy of Pure Land and his view of the Pure Land was termed "Mind-only Pure Land" (wei-tsin ching-t'u),e in contrast to the "chihjang li-tsiang".7,f The "chihjang li-tsiang" which means pointing to the West-the location of the Pure Land-and setting up in the mind the presence of Buddha Amitabha, recognizes the objective and physical reality of the

YUNG MING'S SYNCRETISM 119

pure Land. The "Mind-only Pure Land," on the other hand, notes that the Pure Land is a projection of the Mind, that is, the pure Land is Mind alone. Like most Ch'an masters who strongly believed that Mind is Buddha, Yung-ming naturally did not hold a. realistic conception of the Pure Land conceived of as an external object. According to Yung-ming, the understanding of the Mahayana doctrine of Mind-only is fundamental for the proper attitude toward Pure Land Buddhism. Thus he said, "If one knows the Mind, one is born into the Pure Land of Mind-only; but if attached to external circumstances, one will fall into the circumstances with which one happens to be associated."8 Yung-ming supported his idealistic perception ofthe pure Land by scriptural citations. One often-quoted passage was from the Vimalakirti-sutra, which says, "If one desires to purify the Buddha-land, one should first purify one's Mind; if the Mind is purified, the Buddha-land is also purified."9 The implication is that the Pure Land is created from one's true pure Mind.

According to the doctrine of Mind-only, just as the Pure Land is the manifestation of Mind, so the manifestation of the Buddha is nothing but an emanation from the Mind. If the Buddha is created from one's Mind, are there any other buddhas besides the Mind-Buddha? If not, the view is nihilistic. To answer this question, Yung-ming says, .

Because the self-nature pervades everywhere, one perceives other buddhas to be none other than the self-Buddha. The forms of self and other buddhas are not non-existing, for both are [manifestations of] one's Mind. Sentient beings are like the molds which shape forms. When the mold is removed, one sees the self-Buddha and other buddhas. Why is it that otherbuddhas are none other than self-Buddha? It is because [other buddhas are] molded from one's Mind. Nevertheless, other buddhas should not be denied. 1o

Here Yung-ming employs an analogy from the Pao-tsuang lun. g

A man makes molds of different shapes, and casts the smelted gold into different objects. Although the smelted gold comes out in various forms, actually it is neither form nor non-form. Yet it is manifested in forms. The practice of nienjo is also like this. The smelted gold is likened to the dharmakaya of the

120 JIABSVOL.lONO.l

Tathagata, and the molds to the minds of sentient beings. When the dharmakaya is "cast" into the molds of the minds of sentient beings, it manifests various forms according to the minds of beings. However; the dharmakaya is neither form nor non-form. Why is it non-form? It has no fixed form, because it is manifested from the Mind and thus has no substance of its own. Why is it not non-form? It appears in forms, for it is brought forth from the combinations of conditions; thus it is not devoid of an illusory form. In other words, from the deluded mind, sentient beings see the existence of other buddhas; from the enlightened mind, they realize the identity of themselves with the Buddha.

An imaginary interlocuter raises a question, "If there is no Buddha outside the Mind and the Buddha seen is nothing but the Mind, why does Pure Land School teach that the transformation body of the Buddha appears to welcome beings into the Pure Land?"ll To this Yung-ming answers,

The dharmakaya of the Tathagata is originally without production and extinction. It is the transformation body (nirmiiTjakaya) of the Buddha, which comes from the true Body (dharmakaya) of the Buddha, and appears to greet the deluded beings. Because the transformation body is just the true. body which corresponds to Suchness, it is neither coming nor going, and yet it responds according to the minds of sentient beings. Again, because the transformation body is the true body, we say it has no going. On the other hand, the transformation body is transformed from the true body; [we see] it appear as coming and going. In other words, it is not coming yet coming, and invisible yet visible. That it is not coming yet coming is similar to the reflection of moon on the water, and that it is invisible yet visible is similar to the sudden appearance of the moving clouds. 12

What Yung-ming is explaining is that the true body (dharmakaya) is immutable, yet it manifests its mutability in transformed form. Would this not then prove that there are actually buddhas outside the Mind? Yung-ming answers this question,

The virtue of the original vow of the compassionate Tathagata, which serves as a powerful helping seed, causes sentient beings who hold affinity with the Buddha to recite the Buddha's name, practice contemplation, and accumu-

YUNG MING'S SYNCRETISM

Jate blessings, wisdom and myriad virtues. Because of the power of these virtues which serves as a condition, one's Mind draws the response of the Buddha's greeting. The body of the Buddha is eternally tranquil without coming or going. It is the cognitive minds of sentient beings, depending on the su preme power of the virtue of the Buddha's original vow, that manifest the coming and going. This is similar to the images reflected in the mirror and activities in a dream. The images in the mirror are neither inside nor outside; the activities in the dream are neither existing nor non-existing. 13

121

Interpreting neinjo in the light of idealism, Yung-ming gives it a new meaning. To Yung-ming, nienjo means to leave behind all thoughts. When no thoughts arise, the Mind gives rise to neither discrimination, names, obstruction, desire, nor attainment. Thus, when one reaches the state of no-thought and no-word, the true practice of nienjo samadhi is realized. To explain it, Yung-ming quotes the Chih-kuan,

When practicing nien10 samiidhi, the practitioner should ask himself if it is the Mind or the body that attains the [vision of the] Buddha. The Buddha cannot be attained from the Mind, nor from the body. The physical form of the Buddha is not attained through the Mind and the Mind of Buddha is not attained through form. Why is that? [When talking about] the Mind, there is no Buddha-mind [to be attained], and [when talking about] form, there is no Buddha-form [to be attained].14

Then when and how does one see the Buddha? When one sees the true form of all dharmas, one sees the Buddha. What is the true form of all dharmas? It is nothing other than absolute sunyata. An analogy is drawn between the seeing of the Buddha and the story of three men who, after having heard the fame of three beautiful prostitutes in Vaisali:, thought of them day and night, and had sexual intercourse with them in a dream. After awakenjng from the dream, they knew that they had not gone anywhere, yet the thing they wished for was realized. Hence they came to realize that all dharmas arose from one's thoughts and thus were empty of substance. The practice of nienjo is also like this. The Buddha is neither coming nor going, yet there are manifesta-


tions of his coming and going due to one's intensive thinking of the Buddha.

If "outside the Buddha there is no Mind; outside the Mind , there is no Buddha," why then is the practice of nienjo taught in Pure Land Buddhism? Yung-ming answers,

The practice of nien10 is taught for those who do not believe one's Mind is the Buddha and thus seek for the Buddha outside [of the Mind]. Those of medium and inferior faculties are expediently taught to concentrate their scattered thoughts on the physical features of the Buddha. Relying on the external in order to manifest the internal, one will be able gradually to awaken to One-mind. But those of superior faculties are taught to contemplate the true form of the body of the Buddha. ls

This passage indicates that in spite of the spiritualized and internalized conception of Pure Land, Yung-ming also advocated the easily accessible and tangible approach of Buddha recitation, and the longing for birth in the Pure Land, which relies on the external form. Thus in the Wan-shan t'ung-kuei chi, Yung-ming mentions two approaches to the practice of nienjo. One approach is called ting-hsinh (mind of concentration), which is to practice nienjo with concentrated mind and will result in birth in a superior category in the Pure Land. The other is to practice nienjo with chuan-hsini (single mindfulness), which combines the recitation of the Buddha's name with the cultivation of myriad good deeds, and will lead to birth in an inferior category.16 The first approach refers to the meditative nienjo which is meant for those with high spiritual endowment, while the second one refers to the invocative nienjo which is prescribed for those oHess spiritual capability. Although Yung-ming understood that theoretically the Buddha as well as the Pure Land were nothing but the Mind, he also realized that there was a wide diversity of people's capabilities, and that there was also a gap between theory and practice. That is, even if some people might be able to reach the spiritual maturity of understanding that the Mind is the Buddha and the Pure Land, the fact is that they are not really buddhas yet. Thus, the gap between intellectual understanding and actualizing makes the practice necessary. Furthermore, according to Yung-ming, there are those who


might believe ir:- t~e .teaching.of no-birt~, bu.t if th~ir power is insufficient, theIr mSlght shallow and theIr mmds dlstracted, or if they still have strong habitual attachments to phenomena, they should ~eek bi~th in the Buddha-la~d wh~re, supported by that superIor enVIr?nment, the.y can easIly achieve the power of patience and practICe the bodhlSattva way.

In Yung-ming's conception of Pur~ Land faith, the Pure Land itself is not the goal but the means, for it provides a favorable environment for cultivation. And the purpose of cultivation in the Pure Land is closely related to the idea of returning to the wor~d for bodhisattva practices. Yung-ming quotes the Wang-shen lunl (Treatise on Birth in the Pure Land) to make this point:

Those who are able to roam in hell with ease are those who have obtained "patience of no-birth" after birth in the Pure Land and have then returned to the realm of birth and death (san;sara) in order to teach those in hell. For the sake of saving suffering sentient beings, one must seek birth in the Pure Land. 17

In summary, Yung-ming's Pure Land thought is made up of three insights. First of all, in theory, he bases his Pure Land practice on the light of Ch'an understanding and the Mind theory of Hua-yen, Fa-hsiang, and Ch'an. To Yung-ming, the nienlo practice is a training for internal realization. In other words, the Pure Land should be understood as the pure basis of one's own mind and Amitabha as no different from the selfbody.k This view of the Pure Land and Amitabha is taken from the persepctive of the "ultimate truth," and is consistent with the Mahayana doctrine of Buddha-nature. Secondly, in practice, Yung-ming understands the abilities of ordinary men too well to exclude the external focus-that is, the easy practice of the Buddha recitation and the physical existence of another land where one could enjoy the extraordinary environment and practice the Dharma. This view is based on the "conventional truth." It is Yung-ming's compassion for less spiritually capable people that leads him to advocate this egalitarian approach to human liberation. Thirdly, to Yung-ming, the internal and external approaches, i.e., the theory and practice, are not contradictory, because of the doctrine of non-duality of the two truths (i.e., the Middle Way). Thus he says,


Whatever the Buddha teaches is not separate from the two truths. When the ultimate truth governs the conventional truth, there is nothing that is not true, and when the conventional truth is mingled with the ultimate truth, all dharmas become apparent as they really are. A sidra says, "One must perfect all dharmas, and yet leave behind the notion of the reality of all dharmas." "To perfect all dharmas" means to perfect all dharmas from the perspective of conventional truth, while "to leave behind all dharmas" means that ultimate truth is without form. 18

This is to say that knowing the identity of the Buddha and one's self does not prevent one from performing the nienjo exercise, and that realizing the Pure Land as none other than one's mind does not prevent one from seeking birth in the Pure Land.

II. Yung-ming's Ch'an-Pure Land Syncretism

Mter discussing Yung-ming's ideology of Pure Land Buddhism, we now turn to his Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism. There are three factors which led to Yung-ming's advocacy of the joint practice of Ch'an and Pure Land. The first was his non-sectarian attitude toward all systems of Buddhist thought in general, and Ch'an and Pure Land Buddhism in particular. This syncretic ideology was consistent with the traditional Chinese philosophy of harmony.

The second factor was the strong antagonism, prevailing at the time of Yung-ming, between Ch'an and Pure Land. Ch'an practitioners denigrated Pure Land believers as simple-minded seekers of the external instead of the true self, whereas the Pure Land followers criticized Ch'an monks as arrogant and undisciplined. Yung-ming saw the harm caused by the extremely unconventional (anti-scriptural and anti-ritual) attitude cherished by some Ch'an followers, which often led them to indulge in "wild Ch'an" in which they utilized various fanatic and eccentric gimmicks to demonstrate their understanding of Ch'an. Some even went so far as to ignore all disciplines and disregard totally the accepted codes of morality on the pretext of practicing non-attachment. To Yung-ming, the application of the "wild Ch'an" was dangerous if the person applying it had no genuine insight but only superficial understanding. Thus Yung-ming incorpo-


atednienjo practice, as well as other disciplines,19 into Ch'an r 0 as to counteract the one-sided practice of Ch'an. . s The third factor that led to Yung-ming's Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism was the socio-political situation during his time. It was a very turbulent era, in which the suffering populace cried out for salvation. Ch'an meditation was too difficult and demanding for the masses, but when Ch'an was accompanied by nienjo, it became an accessible, effective and egalitarian approach, for it suited people of high and low spiritual endowment.

Although in the syncretic mind of Yung-ming, there is no theoretical and practical contradiction in the joint exercise of Ch'an and nienjo, traditionally Ch'an and nienjo are radically different. Therefore, let us first examine how these two distinctive types of Buddhist experience differ from each other, and how Yung-ming syncretized them.

A. "Other-power" Versus "Self-power" One of the most obvious differences between Ch'an and

Pure Land lies in the "self-power" -oriented salvation of Ch'an versus "other-power" -oriented salvation of the Pure Land. The following quotations from Shan-tao and Hui-neng, which are representative of the devotional Pure Land and the intuitionally experiential Ch'an respectively, demonstrate well their perceptions on the approach to salvation. Shan-tao, the systematizer of the Pure Land teaching, says,

Buddha Amitabha through his forty-eight vows takes in sentient beings who by harboring no doubt and worry and relying on the saving power of the Buddha's vows, are certain to attain birth [in the Pure Land].20

On the other hand, in response to a question regarding the attainment of birth in the Pure Land, Hui-neng says,

The deluded person concentrates on Buddha and wishes to be born in the other land; the awakened person makes pure his own mind ... If only the mind has no impurity, the Western Land is not far. If the. mind gives rise to impurity, even though you invoke the Buddha and seek to be reborn [in the West], it will be difficult to reach .... If you a~aken to the sudden Dharma of


birthlessness, you will see the Western Land in an instant. If you do not awaken to the Sudden Teaching of Mahayan2, even if you concentrate on the Buddha and seek to be reborn, the road will be long. How can you hope to readl it?21

From the above quotations, we see a sharp distinction between these two kinds of Buddhist soteriology: the "path of Pure La~d" based on the other-power from the grace of the Buddha, and the "path of the sages" based on good works and religious exercises such as meditation, scholarship, ascetic disciplines-generally any attempt to realize enlightenment by one's own efforts.

Traditionally, the notion of "other-power" denotes the absolute surrendering of oneself to the saving power of the Buddha. But what does "other-power" really mean and to what extent can one rely on it? Is there absolute "other-power"? In other words, is the working of "other-power" possible without some sort of response from "self-power"? Let us first examine how "other-power" has been interpreted in the context of Chinese Buddhism. In the Ten Questions Concerning the Pure Land (Ching-t'u-shih-yi Zuni), Chih-I is quoted as defining "otherpower" as follows:

"Other-power" means that if one believes that the power of the compassionate vow of Buddha Amitabha takes to himself all sentient beings who are mindful of him, then one is enabled to generate the mind of bodhi, practice nienlo samiidhi, detest the body which is within the three worlds, and practice giving, morality, and merit. And if within each of these various practices, [the merit is] transferred [to others], and if one vows to be born in the Pure Land of Amitabha by relying on the power of the Buddha's vows, one's nature and the Buddha's response will be in mutual accord, and one will be born [in the Pure Land].22

In this definition of "other-power," obviously it is the faith in the saving power of the Buddha which generates the bodhi-mind as well as other practices. But it is through "other-power" accompanied by "self-power" that "one's nature and the Buddha's response are in mutual accord," and this harmony actualizes birth in the Pure Land. Hence, the "other-power" is not the exclusive factor leading to the Pure Land. If this interpretation


sounds unorthodox, let us examine some interpretations from the orthodox Pure Land masters. T'an-Iuan defines the two powers-self and other-this way:

I regard "other-power" as the helping condition.m How could it be otherwise? Now, I shall set forth again a metaphor of self-power and other-power.

[Self-power] is like a person who, because he is ~fraid of the three evil gatis, keeps the precepts; because he keeps them, he is able to practice samiidhi; because of samiidhi, he is able to exercise supernatural power; because of the supernatural power, he is able to traverse the four corners of the world.

Then, again [other-power is] like an inferior person,n who cannot even mount on a donkey [with his own strength]; yet if he accompanies the flight of a cakravartin (Universal King), he can then traverse the four corners of the world without hindrance. 23

Tan-Iuan illustrates the "other-power" method of salvation through the analogy of a weak man going everywhere in the world by relying on the power of the cakravartin, yet still he calls

. the "other-power" a "helping condition" in the sense that "otherpower" is not the exclusive condition. Just as the power of the cakravartin is of no avail if the person has no desire for travel, so the saving power of the Buddha cannot function if men do not send out the "corresponding power," which can be in the forms of austere discipline, desire for birth in the Pure Land, nienjo practice or even simply "faith and faith alone." Otherwise, motivated by infinite compassion, the Buddha would have liberated all beings long ago through his saving power alone. Hence,

. in the context of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism, three factors or conditions usually are necessary for assurance of birth: faith, vow and practcie-although the practice here does not necessar.ily refer to the traditional Buddhist disciplines of fila, samiidhi and prajiiii. Nevertheless, "other-power" in Chinese Pure Land Buddhism never means total abandoning of one's own spiritual effort. As long as some sort of self-effort, whether in the form ()f vocative nienjo or simply faith alone, is required to correspond with the "other-power," it seems that the gap between these two seemingly contradictory approaches can be bridged.

It is in this notion of self-powered nienjo that Yung-ming


and other syncretists find the simultaneous practices of selfpower-oriented Pure Land and other-power-oriented Ch'an

. meditation possible.

B. Nien-foVersus Meditation The other main difference between the Pure Land and

Ch'an, which is closely related to the notion of "self-power" / "other-power" polarity, is the devotional nienjo practice of the Pure Land and the rigorous meditation of Ch'an. Psychologi_ cally, there are four approaches to nienjo.24 The first is to think of the Buddha as fully enlightened and thus to take him as a model to follow for one's moral training. The second is to call upon the name, since the name itself contains innumerable merits. This form of nienjo is based on the belief in the mystery of the name and the sound of pronouncing it. The third form of nienjo is to call upon the Buddha's name as the saving power and last resort for liberating beings from the worldly sufferings. The psychological impact of this type of nienjo is so powerful. that the Pure Land devotees believe that only one calling of the Buddha with much intensity at the time of death will warrant a response from the saving power of the Buddha and thus assure one's birth in the Pure Land.

It is in the fourth type of nienjo that Yung-ming found some common ground between the devotional nienjo and the intuitive Ch'an meditation. This form may be termed Wei-hsin nienjoO (Mind-only nienjo) or I-hsin nienjoP (One-mind nienjo). Yung-ming defines it as follows:

The Mind-only nienjo means contemplating that the Mind pervades all dharmas. After realizing that the phenomenal is created by the Mind and that Mind itself is the Buddha, then whatever one thinks of is nothing but the Buddha. The Pratyutpanna Sutra says, "For example, a man is delighted to see seven kinds of jewel and his relatives in his dream, but after waking up, he is unable to find their whereabouts." The Mind-only nienjo is also like this, because it is made from the Mind. It is existing and at the same time empty; therefore, [the Buddha] neither comes nor goes away. Because [the form of nienjo is] unreal like an illusion, one should get rid of the notion of the Mind and the Buddha. But on the other hand, because the illusory form of nienjo exists,


.one should not get rid of the thought of the Mind and the Buddha. When emptiness and existen(:e are mutually unobstructive, there is neither coming nor going [of the Buddha], yet this does not prevent one from universally seeing [the Buddha]. Seeing is no-seeing. This complies with the principle of the Middle Way.2S.

Based on the doctrine of Mind-only, the Mind-only nienjo then turns nienjo from being dualistic and devotional to being monistic and speculative. It is a kind of nienjo carried out with "one-mind undisturbed" (i hsin pu luan)Q. When one dwells on the name of Amitabha in continuous and uninterrupted succession, one creates a state of consciousness similar to that derived from deep meditation. This is why the Fo-tsang-ching defines nienlo the following way, "Nienjo means leaving behind all thoughts. When no thought arises, the mind gives rise to no discrimination, names, hindrance, desire, grasping or discernment."26 However, this samadhic state of consciousness is different from merely hypnotic trance, for in the nienjo consciousness, a true self shines out, and the cognizing subject is united with the cognized object. This "One-mind" is thus the link between Ch'an meditation and nienjo, for this "One-mind nienjo" is nothing but the "seeing into one's own nature" of the Ch'an school. Although devotional Pure Land followers might disagree with this Ch'anistic interpretation of nienjo, this does not mean that nienlo and Ch'an meditation cannot be reconciled.

C. The Non-Duality of the Two Truths Another key philosophical principle used by Yung-ming to

rationalize the unification of nienjo with Ch'an meditation and, in fact, all Buddhist practices, is the doctrine of the non-duality of any dichotomy, based on the doctrine of One Mind.

Yung-ming sees the One-Mind in its two aspects: the true Mind, representing Ii, and the rational cogitating mind, representing shih. The former is the Mind's essence (t'i), while the latter is its function (yuan). Although there are two minds in terms of essence and function, there is only one Mind. Applying the same principle of the non-duality of essence and function, Yung-ming expounds the non-duality of the two truths, or broadly speaking, the non-duality of all polarities.

130 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

Ultimate truth (paramartha-satya) refers to the uncon_ ditioned, ineffable wisdom, prajiiii, which is the realization of the emptiness of all realities. Conventional truth (sa1[tvrti-satya) , the domain of compassion and expedien~y, pertains to the phenomenal world of everyday life. Our deluded and dualistic mind makes a distinction between the non-differentiable absolute from the differentiable empirical world. However, Mahayana Buddhism does not stop at the differentiation of these two truths. The gist of the two truths theory lies in the Middle Way: the nondifferentiation of the twofold truth through the realization of emptiness. That is to say, when one realizes that all . existing things are empty of self-nature, because of dependent co-arising, then a Mahayana conception of religious life can be positively applied.

The reason that Yung-ming emphatically advocated the teaching of non-duality was to refute those who dung to ultimate truth and were not able to move back into the sphere of conventional truth. They rejected the validity of conventional truth under the pretext that "all forms were empty," and according to their thinking, since all religious practices are characterized by form, they should be rejected. Yung-ming argued that only when an individual could move from "form" to "emptiness" and back from "emptiness" to "form" did he have true understanding of the two truths and complete fulfillment of religious experience. This was so because a religious practice without a base in the ultimate truth of silnyatii only accrues worldly virtures, whereas a religious realization lacking constructive application of that realization in the empirical world is nothing but a dry, cold and irrelevant experience.

To demonstrate further the non-duality and complementarity of Ch'an and Pure Land, Yung-ming lists ten pairs of nondual and complementary polarities as doctrinal proofs. They are:

1. Li-shih wu-air : the non-obstruction between the absolute and the phenomenon,

2 .. Chuan-shih shuang-hsingS ; The simultaneous exercise of the provisional and the true,

3. Erh-t'i ping-ch'enl: the compatability of the two truths, 4. Tsing-hsiang jeng-chiU ; the interpenetration of nature and charac

teristics,


5. T'i-yung tsu-tsaiV ; the free interaction of essence and function, 6. Kung-yu hsiimg-ch'engw : the mutual complementarity of emptiness

and existence, 7. Cheng-chu chien-hsuix : the simulataneous cultivation ofthe primary

and auxiliary practices, 8. Tung-yi yi-chiY: the one-realm of the same and the different, 9. Hsiu-hsingpu-erhz ; the non-duality of the acquired and natural, and 10. Yin-kuo wu-ch'aaa: the non-differentiation of cause and effect.26

The first of these ten pairs is regarded as the "general" (tsungab) and the others are "particular" <peiac). Because of his Hua-yen orientation, Yung-ming adopted the familiar theme of the harmonious identity of the absolute (Ii) and the phenomenal (shih) from the Hua-yen philosophy as the foundation of his syncretism. He says,

Ifone wishes simultaneously to cultivate various practices, one must completely follow li and shih. When li and shih, within which the Way is contained, are non-obstructive, one can benefit both oneself and others, perfecting compassion for beings who are of the same nature as oneself. 27

Li, synonymous with ultimate truth, refers to the all-inclusive principle, which is interpreted as the universal one-mind, or as .emptiness. The realm of Ii (dharmadhiltu), a realm beyond conceptualization, denotes the immanent reality (tathatii) that upholds all dharmas. Shih, belonging to the conventional truth, means distinct and different things, objects or events in the . phenomenal world. Superficially, the realms of Ii and shih seem to be two opposite domains. Ultimately, they are inseparable and interdependent. In the Mahayana theory of non-duality, and particularly, in the Hua-yen philosophy of totality, the world of events (shih) is taken as the manifestation of the realm of the principle (Ii), and the realm of principle as the testimony of the manifested realm of events. One depends on the other for its existence. and function.

We have thus seen how Yung-ming syncretized the heterogeneous movements of Ch'an meditation and Pure Land nien1o. One point should be noted here. In Indian and even in early Chinese Buddhism, dhyiina and buddhilnusm'(ti were not antithetical at all. 28 As indicated in many sutras, such as the


Pratyutpanna-buddha-san;tmukhavasthita-samiidhi-sutra, 29 buddhanu_ smarana or nienjo samadhi was achieved through meditation. It is in later times in China that they diverged so much that they seemed irreconcilable. In a way, we may say that Yung-ming's syncretism was a revival of this old tradition.

In summary, Yung-ming's Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism involves four aspects: (1) In the light of idealism, Yung-ming interprets Pure Land as "Mind-only Pure Land", (2) Yung-ming explains away the contradiction between self-power and otherpower by refuting the possibility of salvation through the reliance on other-power solely, (3) Yung-ming finds the common ground between nienjo and Ch'an meditation in the theory of . One-Mind nienjo, and (4) Yung-ming builds his syncretism of Ch'an and Pure Land Buddhism on the Mahayana doctrine of non-duality of any polarity. The purpose of Yung-ming's syncretism of these two practices was to show that, basically and ultimately, not only do they not contradict each other, but also that the dual practice of both ensures salvation. Whether Yungming's argument is sound or not is another question, but the fact is that Ch'an-Pure Land syncretism has dominated Chinese Buddhism ever since Sung Dynasty.

NOTES

1. See Paul Ingram, "The Zen Critique of Pure Land Buddhism."Journal of American Religion, vol. 41, June, 1973, pp. 184-200, and Winston King, "A Zen Critique-Interpretation of Pure Land Practice and Experience." Asian Religions: 1971 (Chambersburg, Pennsylvania: The American Academy of Religion), pp. 45-65.

2. Huei-yuan (334-416), the first Patriarch of the Pure Land School, advocated meditative nienjo, a practice of Buddha-invocation based on meditation. The nienjo Ch'an had become popular in early Ch'an School.

3. Yung-ming was recognized as the third Patriarch of the Fa-yen sect of Ch'an School and also the sixth Patriarch of the Pure Land School.

4. Tsung-mi was the most distinguished representative of Ch'an-chiao syncretism. Yung-ming was much influenced by his thought.

5. This "fourfold summary" shows a strong sentiment toward the joint practice of Ch'an and Pure Land, which was basically Yung-ming's attitude, but was first cited in the Ching-t'u chih-kuei chi (The collection of the instruction on the Pure Land Buddhism) by Ta-yo, several centuries after Yung-ming. Judging from the fact that most of Yung-ming's works are rather repetitive,


.. ' quite unlikely that this passage was left out of all his works, if he ever It IS 1 h h . h Y' .

C 'd't Secondly, a t oug It was true t at ung-mmg was a vIgorous pracsal I . . ' er of both Ch'an and Pure Land, he wasn't so narrow-minded and sec-

tlU?:U as to condemn anyone to hell who did not practice Ch'an and Pure

LtaO d The reason that the "fourfold summary" was attributed to him was an . . .. ply because he was the most prominent advocate of Ch'an-Pure Land

Slm cretism. Nevertheless, even if this "fourfold summary" was not Yung-ming's synl'ng the attribution to him would indicate his strong advocacy of this move-say " .

. ment. 6. The English translation with minor change is cited from Chung-fang Yu, The Revival of Buddhism in China. (New York: Columbia University Press,

1981), p. S2. 7. This term was employed by Shan-tao in his Kuan-ching Shu to explain

the necessity of the conception ofthe Pure Land as an actual physical existence. He said, "The method of contemplation is to concentrate on the direction and form [of the Pure Land]. The concept of no-form and no-thought is not articulated. The Tathagata is aware that people at the age of "Final Dharma" tannot even attain concentration on the external form, how much less noform." (T.37, p. 267b).

8. T.48, p. 966e. 9. T.14, p. S38e.

10. T.48, p. SOSa. 11. T.48, p. SOSe. 12. Ibid. 13. T.48, pp. SOSc-S06a. 14. T.48, p. S06b. IS. T.48, p. S06a. 16. T.48, p. 966c. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. According to the Chih-chueh ch'an-shih tsu-hsing-lu, Yung-ming en

gaged himself daily in one hundred and eight practices, including recitation of scriptures and dhara'IJfs, performance of repentance, releasing lives ifangsheng), etc.

20. T.47, p. 271b. 21. T.48, p. 341b. The English translation is cited from Philip B. Yam

polsky, The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967, pp. IS7-158.

22. T.47, p. 79a. For a discussion and an English translation of the Ching-t'u shih-yi lun, see Leo Pruden, "A Short Essay on the Pure Land," Eastern Buddhist, new series, vol. 8, no. 1, 1975, pp. 74-9S.

23. T.40, p. 844a. 24. See D.T. Suzuki. "Zen and Jodo: Two Types of Buddhist Experi-

ence," Eastern Buddhist 3 (1924-25), pp. 102-10S. 2S. T.48, p. 967a-b. 26. T.48, p. S06a. 27. T.48, p. 992a.


28. There are three branches of the Pure Land School in Chinese Bud_ dhism. The earliest is called the "Hui-yuan Branch," originated by Hui-yuan

. (337-427), the first patriarch of Pure Land School. His nienjo was a combina_ tion of dhyiina and buddhiinusmr:ti. .

29. For a study of the sutra, see Paul M. Harrison, "Buddhiinusmr:ti in the Pratyutpanna-buddha-san:tmukhiivasthitas-samiidhi-sutra, " Journal oj Indian Philosophy, 6 (1978), pp. 35-57.

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Pre:-Buddhist Elements in Himalayan Buddhism: The Institution of Oracles

by Ramesh Chandra Tewari

I

During a span of time extending over thirteen centuries·· Buddhism has come to acquire a distinct form in the vast region comprised by the Tibetan plateau and the highlands around the Himalayas. Since these regions are dominated by Tibetan culture and civilization this distinct variety of Buddhism is most often known as Tibetan Buddhism. Here it has to be kept in mind that when the term "Tibetan" is used in the context of religion or culture it signifies something far wider and deeper than the limited and changing connotations of the term when it is used as the designation of a specific country. 1 Perhaps to avoid any possible misunderstanding it is better to call this distinct variety of Buddhism "Himalayan Buddhism". In fact, some leading scholars of Buddhism, whose main interest lies in the Buddhism practiced in both the cis-Himalayan and transHimalayan regions, have already started using the term Himalayan Buddhism.2

One of the distinguishing features of Himalayan Buddhism is that it has accommodated within itself a good number of elements and traits of the pre-Buddhist indigenous religions and folk traditions. This is such an important feature that hardly any modern scholar studying one or the other aspects of Bud-dhism in Tibet and the related areas has failed to take note of it. In view of the ever growing interest in Himalayan Buddhism, and with the increasing volume of knowledge about the culture and religion of that area, a stage has now been reached which demands deeper and more detailed investigations of the symbiotic interlinkages between the non-Buddhist and pre-Buddhist

135


religions and culture on the one hand, and Mahayana Buddhism on the other. Such investigations can go a long way towards finding answers to various pertinent questions. Some such questions are: What prompted the propagators of Buddhism in the Tibetan or Himalayan regions to integrate the elements of the indigenous and folk traditions into the Buddhist tradition? Could they not avoid it? Did such integration or adaptation violate the basic principles of Buddhism? What methods and strategies were evolved for the selection and adaptation of the pre-Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements? Did the Buddhist tradition contain any doctrinal sanction for making such additions and changes? Satisfactory answers to such questions can be arrived at if detailed and in-depth studies of those traits and elements of Himalayan Buddhism which are of pre-Buddhist or non-Buddhist origins are carried out. There are many such traits, and the tradition of oracles is one among them. With its ubiquity and popularity, it has lent uniqueness to Buddhism in the Himalayan regions. The present paper seeks to throw some light on the institution of oracles associated with Himalayan Buddhism. While trying to understand the phenomenon of oracles within the broader framework of the Buddhist tradition, this analysis also employs the concepts of the Little and the Great traditions. These twin concepts have been used by contemporary anthropologists and sociologists to interpret social and cultural changes. In our opinion certain concepts of modern social science, like. the concepts of the Little and the Great traditions which are being used here, can prove to be of some value, howsoever limited that may be, in unravelling the patterns of inter-relation and interaction between Buddhism and different national cultures.

II

Various approaches have been developed by contemporary social scientists to analyse the changes resulting from encounters and contacts between different cultures and traditions.3 One such approach is based on the concepts of the Little and the Great traditions referred to above. This approach was formulated by Robert Redfield in the course of his studies of Mexican society. Later it was applied to the study of social changes in

HIMALAYAN ORACLES 137

I dian society.4 No doubt this approach has its limitations, yet . n ffers a framework which may prove useful in the analysis It ~ comparison of various processes and sub-processes of culanral change. Hence, in the present context, if used with caution, ~~at approach can be of some help in understanding the nature nd the consequences of the cultural encounter between Bud~hism and the folk and indigenous religious traditions in Tibet

•. nd other Himalayan areas. a According to Redfield, the cultural structure of a civilization is constituted by two traditions, viz. the Little tradition and the Great tradition. Though these two traditions are distinct from each other, they are nevertheless interdependent and interrelated. These two traditions correspond to two levels of the social structure of a civilization. One of these levels is constituted by the general masses of the common people, whereas the other is comprised of the elite, particularly the cultural elite of a society. Accordingly, what is known as the Little tradition is the ensemble of the notions, ideas, beliefs and practices prevalent among the general mass of people, most of whom are unlettered and unsophisticated. It is primarily an oral and local tradition. It is sustained and carried by such specialists as the bards and folk poets, folk singers, folk artists, healers and medicine men, shamanistic practitioners, reciters of fables, stories, tales and riddles. As distinct from this, the Great tradition or the culture of the elite of a society, is primarily a literate tradition and, unlike the Little tradition, has the potentiality to extend its frontiers beyond local limits and to acquire wider dimensions. Prophets and seers, men of literature and art, religious leaders, philosophers, scholars, priests and the like are the creators and carriers of the Great tradition.

The Little-Great tradition approach takes an evolutionary view of the changes in a civilization. It assumes that any civilization, comprising both the social structure and the cultural structure, develops in two ways. First, it may grow through orthogenetic changes or, in other words, it may grow by itself without the intervening influence of any outside culture or society. Secondly, the growth may be due to heterogenetic factors, i.e., through contacts and encounters with other cultures and societies. In most cases, civilizations grow through the simultaneous operation of both the orthogenetic and heterogenetic factors. However, in a particular period one can discern the dominance of

138 jIABSVOL.IONO.l

certain of these factors over others. In this context it may also be noted that, generally with the passage of time heterogenetic changes tend to become dominant. Recorded history shows that most of the major changes have resulted from encounters between different cultures and civilizations.

Looking at Tibetan civilization from the above angle, it is amply clear that its contacts and encounters with the civilizations of China and India from time to time have induced major changes in it. The most distinguishing feature of Tibetan civilization is the highly developed and deeply rooted religious and cultural tradition of Mahayana, which had earlier originated and flowered in India as a Great tradition. The Great tradition reached and struck roots in Tibet through the herculean joint efforts of the Indian and Tibetan religious, cultural and political elites. Before the introduction of Mahayana Buddhism, religious life in Tibet was, by and large, made up of primitive or folk religions comprising supernatural beliefs and myths, magic, shamanistic practices, songs, music, riddles, proverbs, legends, stories, etc. Of course, there was the Bon religion, the pre-Buddhist lha-chos or "religion of the gods". It was an organised religion with its integrated system of beliefs and rituals. Its tradition of priesthood was well developed. 5 Nevertheless the preBuddhist Bon religion was so full oHolk and shamanistic beliefs and practices that many early students of Tibetan culture and religion failed to make a dear distinction betweeJ;1 mi-chos, the religion of men, or folk religion, and lha-chos, the religion of the gods or organised and developed religion. Thus to a large extent the pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion was shamanistic and folkish. It did not develop a literate tradition of its own and it was more or less localised. It possessed all the characteristics of a Little tradition. As the facts stand, it can be well surmised that when the Mahayana Great tradition reached the transHimalayan plateau and highlands it encountered a powerful religious Little tradition. That encounter resulted in the development and flowering of an entirely new form of culture and civilization.

It is true that with the support of a talented, resourceful and powerful elite the Mahayana tradition succeeded in entrenching itself, but it could never completely replace the indigenous Little tradition which was embedded deep in the Tibetan


;>che. The ways of thinking of a people are shaped by the :P~{ieu, which is made up of various layers of culture. Some of %~ deepest layers of this milieu are rooted in the Little tradition

t .•. d are of unknown origin. Hence, when a Great tradition ;,~noves on to new regions dominated by a Little tradition, the ;rormer is constrained to come to terms with the latter. Time

'. 'nd again this has happened in the cultural history of different ':aces and peoples. The Vedic or the Brahmanic Great tradition c()uld not have gained ascendency in the Indian sub-continent ifit had not adopted various traits and elements of the existing primitive .and folk. traditions. Similarly, in t~e. cour~e ?f th~ir proselytizIllg task III Europe, the early Chnstian miSSIonanes had to adopt various elements of paganism. They adopted, in one form or the other, pagan festivals and accorded recognition to several figures from the pagan pantheon.

The process of interaction between the Little and Great tradition is an extremely complex affair. During the course of their encounter they clash and complete, merge and mingle and adopt and adapt each other's traits. Generally the interaction between the two traditions moves in either of the two directions-universalisation or parochialisation. U niversalisation is

,the process by which elements of a Little tradition, e.g., deities, rituals, festivals, beliefs and customs ani adopted and legitimised by the interacting Great tradition. Parochialisation is just the reverse process, by which the elements of a Great tradition are adapted by the Little tradition concerned.6 When one closely examines the features of Himalayan Buddhism, it becomes evident that during the course of its development the process of i.miversalisation came to the fore. Most of the gods and demons, rites and customs, fairs and festivals, dance and music, etc., 'Which give distinctness to Tibetan or Himalayan Buddhism originally belonged to the indigenous Little tradition. There is no doubt that in the course of the encounter between the two traditions the Mahayana Great tradition must have evolved its own strategies and methods for the adoption and appropriation of the elements of the Little tradition. It is not easy to find out in what manner the elements of the indigenous tradition or traditions were adopted and which methods were evolved for it by the Mahayana tradition. It is hoped that detailed studies of the pre-Buddhist indigenous elements which are present, in


one form or other, in Himalayan Buddhism will help in arriving at a better understanding of the phenomenon under question .

. It is in this context that the institution of orades, as found in Himalayan Buddhism, has been chosenJor analysis. Of Course, all aspects of this institution cannot be analysed here. However, it is hoped that the analysis presented here will not only throw some light on the nature of the Tibetan institution of oracles but will also give some idea as to how the Mahayana, a Great tradition, followed the process of universalisation and what strategies were adopted by it to achieve the consolidation of its position.

III

The institution of oracles is one of the oldest cultural institutions in the world. Ethnographic and historical accounts relating to primitive and ancient cultures reveal that this institution has existed, in one form or the other, in all parts of the globe. The ancient Greek oracle, the Delphic Pythia, is perhaps the best known oracle in human history. As in all other societies, the institution of oracles is also of great antiquity in Tibetan society. Commonly known as chos-skyong or cho-rgyal, or sometimes also as chos-rje, the orades definitely antedate Buddhism, which was introduced in Tibet in the seventh century during the reign of the great .king Tsongsten Gampo. Scholars generally believe that the Tibetan institution of oracles has dose affinities with the shamanism of Central and Arcti~ Asia. Without gOing into the question of its connection with shamanism, it can be said that this institution has always been very much a part of the Bon religion, the organised pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet. At the same time it was also· part and parcel of the folk religious traditions which were very powerful and had their independent existence. Thus, the institution of oracles was already very popular in Tibet and the adjoining areas long before the introduction of Buddhism. It is generally held that the institution was carried over to Buddhism from the Bon religion. 7

The institution of oracles was so pervasive in Tibetan society and it had such a strong hold on the minds of the people that the early propagators of Buddhism in Tibet prudently followed


b.. policy of giving due recognition to it. In this context, it must k enoted that the historic role of the legendary Padmasambhava, better known as Guru Rimpoche in the Himalayan regions, has e parallels. With his charismatic power and consummate skill

·.·.~~sing1eh:mdedly universalised an extremely large number of .figures, customs and other elements of ~he existing indige~~us little tradition and thus enlarged and ennched the great traditlon fMahayana Buddhism. He is said to have subdued and won

~ver innumerable local deities and demons. These also included the oraculardeities. For instance, it is believed that Guru Rim

. poche himself had installed the oracles at the Samye monastery, the first Buddhist monastery of Tibet. 8 The hold of the institution of oracles was so powerful that even Tsong Khapa, the great reformer of Tibetan Buddhism, a~corded recognition, howsoever tacit it may be, to it. The great Fifth Dalai Lama not only gave formal recognition of the Samye oracle but went a step further by establishing Nechung as the official oracle.9 Since then, the Oracle of Nechung has occupied the foremost place among Tibetan oracles. lO Of course, apart from the Nechuf\g and Samye oracles there are other major oracles in Tibet, like the oracles of Karmasar, Gahdong and Tsang Karpo.

An oracle is considered to be the divine revelation of some deity who invariably manifests itself through a human medium. These deities are known as chos~skyong, protectors of the faith. The popular Tibetan name for them is chos-rje. On particular occasions the chosen mediums enter into a state of trance after performing various rituals in the prescribed manner. After undergoing the tedium of rituals, at the appointed hour they lose consciousness. and go into trance. In the state of trance the ego of the medium is blotted out and they are so transformed that their voices become the voices of the deity. The body of the medium becomes the "body support," sku-rten, of the deity. In a state of trance they answer questions asked by those who consult them. They also make general pronouncements and prophecies.

A close examination of the oracles associated with various Himalayan or Tibetan monasteries reveals a systematic pattern of methods and techniques through'which the Mahayana Great tradition adopted and legitimised the institution of oracles. The legitimisation of the institution of oracles implied that it should


be integrated into the general structure of beliefs and practices of the Mahayana. This integration was achieved by adoptinO' the following three methods or techniques: (A) the oracula~ deities were given due recognition through their inclusion in the Tibetan pantheon; (B) the monastic communities were associated directly with the oracles (this was done by assuring that the oracular mediums would be chosen from among the regular monks); (C) the monasteries gave oracles a prominent place in their respective annual calendars of religious events, particularly those events in which the participation of the laity is significant. Almost all the rituals and festivals connected with the recognised oracles are regularly held in the monasteries. To illustrate how these methods and techniques were adopted in pursuance of the process of universalisation of the institution of oracles a concrete example is taken up here. It concerns the oracle of Rongsten Karmar, the annual oracle of the Mangto monastery of Ladakh. II

IV

The Mangto monastery of Ladakh is known far and wide for two reasons. First it is the only monastery of the Sakya sect in Ladakh. Secondly, the oracle of Rongsten Karmar, the most famous oracle in Ladakh, is associated with it. The annual oracle has its elaborate schedule of rites and ceremonies which are performed together over a span of several weeks sometime in the spring of every year. The mediums through whom the oracle is manifested in the course of the performance of the rites and ceremonies occasionally perform most extraordinary feats-like piercing their bodies with sharp swords and yet remaining unhurt, or running furiously along the high cornices and the top of the very high walls of the monastery, which stands on a dangerous precipice-feats which are witnessed by thousands of awe-struck people. The oracle attracts people in very large numbers from all over Ladakh. 12

The history of the oracle of Rongsten Karmar in Ladakh is as old as that of the Mangto monastery itself. The monastery was established in the early fifteenth century, during the reign of the Ladkhi king Dragpa Bumde, by Dorji Palsang, the famous


.skya lama from the Kham region of Tibet. This lama was a aat vajriiciirya or Tantra master, and when he undertook his ~Jrney to Ladakh, he was accompanied by two Dharmapala -brothers known as Kar and M~:. T~~ Tibetan word. ~Kar means '~white", whereas dmar means red. These two deIties are also lalown as rgyal-po'i and bla-ma'i, respectively. It is believed that oi-iginally the dharmapiila, protector deities, were brothers who belonged to a place called Rongsten Khawa Karpo in Kham. These protectors are said to have been brought into the Buddhist fold by no less a figure than Padmasambhava himself. In due course they got attached to the Tantra master Dorji Palsang and it was natural that when he decided to go to Ladakh both theprotector deities followed him. Later, when Dorji Palsang established the monastery at Mangto, he directed the dharmapiila brothers to become its special protectors. It is these two protector deities who annually manifest themselves through two mediums chosen from among the senior monks of the Mangto monastery. The annual festival involving the oracle has been continued undisrupted since the time of Lama Dorji Palsang.

. The two human mediums of the oracular deities are selected ~very five years by a random method from among the senior

'members of the monk community of Mangto monastery. The selection takes place once in five years on the fifteenth day of the tenth month of the Tibetan calendar. While the selection process is in progress the Sangha performs the well known Mahiikiila Pujii. After their selection the two monks prepare theinselves thoroughly for their assigned roles according to the elaborate schedule laid down by tradition. To begin with, they have to remain more or less in seclusion for one year. After the completion of the prolonged seclusion they enter into a period of strict retreat beginning from the ParinirviirJa Day of Sakya Pandita. This period extends from the fourteenth day of the eleventh month to the sixth day of the first month of the Tibetan calendar. Apart from performing various rituals they have to propitiate a host of deities during this period. Among these deities the most important is Hevajra, the chief Tantric deity of theSakya sect. As sacrificial offering, tormas, are offered to the dharmapiilas in general and to Rongsten Karmar in particular. . As the period of strict retreat ends, the monk-mediums

assume the actual roles of the Rongsten Karmar oracles by enter-

144 JIABSVOL.IONO.l

ing into a state of trance. Beginning with the tenth day of the Tibetan first month they go into trance every day till the fifteenth day. Throughout the long period of the annual Mangto festival the oracles enter into a state of trance for seven days in all-for six days in the first month and one day in the second month of the Tibetan calendar. On the first day of trance, after paying visits to the Chisa shrine of Mahakala, the oracles give audience to people and make predictions about the coming events iIi Ladakh for the ensuing year. Later, when they are still in trance they select four persons from among the people collected thet~ to fetch stacks of a shrub called shukpa from Himi Sukpachen a place far away in the valley. The stacks of shukpa shrub brought by the chosen men are later used to rebuild the shrine of the Rongsten Karmar deities. With the selection of the four men the trance state comes to an end for the day. The following day, i.e., on the eleventh day of the Tibetan calendar, both the. monk-mediums go into trance and after performing their routine rituals visit the main dukhang or shrine of the monastery. Then they send invitations through special messengers to all the leading Kushoks and Rinpoches of Ladakh requesting them to witness the ceremonies to be held on the fourteenth day. On the following two days, i.e., on the twelfth and the thirteenth, they again enter into trance and m-ake predictions about the personal problems and questions of the people who come to them in large numbers. The fourteenth day is more significant. On that day after entering into trance the oracles perform Cham or the ritual dance in the presence of a large gathering which includes the important Kushoks of Ladakh and the royal guests from Stok. As the Rongsten Karmar deities assume their fierce role on this day, other deities and demons participating in the Cham observe maximum care while performing their respective roles. Even a minor lapse on their part may invite the wrath of the oracular deities.

The most significant day of the annual festival is _the fifteenth of the first month of the Tibetan calendar. After the ritual bath the oracular deities take their seats and get ready to be decorated as Panjarnath Mahakala. The wrathful face of Panjarnath Mahakala is drawn and painted on their backs and chests. On that day they do not wear anything on their bodies except tiger skins loosely wrapped round their waists and loins. They.


. t themselves adorned with bone ornaments and bracelet-like ~ni-relic boxes which are said to have been offered long ago by a queen of Ladakh. Each of the oracles holds a small damaru

hand-drum in one hand and a tiny bell in the other. To cap ?{all they cover their faces with fierce masks that do not have 1 pe~ings for eyes. As these masks cover their heads and faces ~hey become completely blind-folded. It is believed that the ustom of wearing the blind-folding mask was started in the ~emote past by a queen who tried to test the powers of the twin

oracles. The elaborate ritualistic adornment, which is completed

with meticulous care, signifies that on that day the oracular deities personify the prajiia of Panjarnath Mahakala. After being fully adorned, led by the vajracharya or Vajra-master of the monastery, the two oracles perform special rituals. Later, while visiting the main shrine they hold above their heads the roberelic of Dorji Palsang, the founder of the monastery. After receiving blessings from the vajracharya in the shrine they pay visits to several major and minor shrines located within the precincts of the sprawling monastery. These included the two shrines of Mahakala-one of them being the Gonkhang and the other known as Jurkhang or Kalon-Gonkhang. On their way to these shrines they meet people who gather there by the hundreds waiting to get blessings as well as answers to their individual questions from the oracular deities. However, the mostspectacular event of the fifteenth day is the awe-inspiring and highly risky race undertaken by the masked and blindfolded oracles along the top of the high walls of the courtyard and the steep edges of the roofs of the monastery. It is believed that on that day the blindfolded oracles see through the eyes of the wrathful Panjarnath Mahakala drawn on their backs and chests. This event is witnessed by several thousand men and women drawn from all over Ladakh. During the course of the display of their supernatural powers the deities sometimes inflict cuts and wounds on their faces and other parts of their bodies with sharp weapons. However, to their wonder, later on, people do not find any trace of the wounds or scars on the faces or bodies of the oracles. Such unbelievable actions and related events make the people marvel at the super-human powers of the oracular deities.

Undoubtedly, the traditional faith of the Ladakhi people


in the Rongsten Karmar deities is strengthened anew through the rare actions which are performed not only with great devo_ tion but also with extreme precision and expertise year after year. After visiting all the places and shrines the oracles reach the monastery courtyard and scatter samchhod-a mixture of barley flour arid chhang, the local beer-in all four directions. It is believed that the amount of samchhod falling in a particular direction signifies the success or failure of the next crop in Ladakh. The ceremonies of the fifteenth day come to a close with special prayers offered by the deities for the flowering and consolidation of the Saddharma in the region. With this the daylong trance also comes to an end.

The last day of the annual festival of Mangto falls on the eighth day of the second Tibetan month. It is also the seventh and final day of trance. On that day horses and their attendants from the Hemis Gonpa, the biggest monastery in Ladakh, as well as those sent by the ex-ruler of the Tokpa kingdom, arrive in Mangto early in the morning. After their arrivai the oracle deities take their daily ritual bath and offer prayers at various shrines. Accompanied by the horses and their attendants and some other people, they later leave the monastery for their permanent abode in the upper part of the Mangto Valley where a freshly rebuilt shrine of shukpa shrubs is ready for them. It is to be recalled that the shrubs used in reconstructing the shrine are brought from a far off place known as Himi Sukpachen by four persons selected by the oracles on the very first day of their trance. On their way to the shrub-shrine they again enter into a state of trance. Then they mount the horses in that state. On reaching the shrine they perform certain prescribed rituals and offer prayers. In the end they once again make predictions about the success or failure of future crops and about the general welfare of the Ladakhi people. They make predictions by examining the grains taken from a pot placed inside the shrub-shrine. This marks the end of the trance. The final curtain is drawn over the long annual ceremonies. The oracular deities leave the bodies of the monk-mediums and retire to the empty stillness of the shrub-shrine located in the upper part of the Mangto Valley under the shadow of snow-capped peaks. From then on the deeply religious people of Ladakh once again wait patiently till next spring for the reappearance of Rongsten Karmar.


v In order to find out the wa~ in which the ~racle of Rongsten Karmar, which und.oubtedly IS. of pre-Budd~ls~ and n~~-Bu~dhist origins, was mtegrated mto the Mahayana tradItIOn, It

ould be fruitful to analyse some of its salient features. This :ayhelp us to understand and appreciate t~~ symbiotic interlinkages between the Mayayana Great tradItIOn and the preBuddhist Little tradition. Let us examine these features in brief.

(1 )The oracular deities known as Rongsten Karmar of Mangto did not belong to the original Indian Mahayana pantheon. They were indigenous Tibetan deities, most probably of Bon origin. After their induction into the Buddhist fold by Guru Rimpoche they were accommodated in the Tibetan Mahayana pantheon. If not for other monasteries in Ladakh and elsewhere, their institutionalisation as recognised deities had become necessary for the distinctiveness and the stability of the monastic and religious system of the Mangto monastery. Thus, in the pantheon they were accorded the status of mGon-po or dharmapalas, the protective deities of the shrines and m?~asteries. In the Tibetan Mahayana pantheon the protector deltles are placed below the Tantric deities like Amitabha, Avalokitesvara, Vairocana and Tara, mostof whom are of Indian origin. In this pantheon there are two types of protective deities, viz. the deities of Indian origin and those having their origins in the indigenous Tibetan religious tradition. It is noteworthy that, generally, the protective deities of Tibetan origin are not given the same significance which is accorded to similar deities of Indian origin. This is reflected in the fact that Rongsten Karmar deities of Mangto are placed below Mahakala, the ubiquitous dharmapala of Tibetan monasteries, who is of Indian origin. During the ritual ceremonies associated with the Mangto Oracle the human medium through whom the Rongsten Karmar manifest themselves have not only to worship Hevajra, the chief Tantric deity of the Sakya sect, but have also to pay obeisance to Mahakala.

Through their inclusion in the pantheon these indigenous oracular deities were given due recognition by the Great tradition of Mahayana. However, this inclusion did not affect either the basic tenets of Mahayana nor the spiritual or Tantric prac.tices associated with it. In this way, the Buddhist strategy of


universalisation appears to have had two aims before it: (i) to . give due recognition to the powerful local deities, and, (ii) to

take care that their inclusion in the pantheon did not affect the basic structure of Mahayana tradition. As far as the case of the oracle of Rongsten Karmar is concerned, there is no doubt that the Buddhist strategy was immensely successful.

(2)As the Rongsten Karmar were institutionalized as the protective deities of the Mangto monastery by its founder Dotji Palsang, it was natural that the monastic community had to be closely associated with the oracle. The closeness of this associa_ tion can be appreciated when we take note of two facts: (a) two senior monks of the monastery are chosen to become the mediums for the Rongsten Karmar; (b) all the rituals, ceremonies and performances connected with the annual oracle are Otganised and controlled by the dge-'dun or the Sangha of the monastery. It is also noteworthy that most of the activities and ceremonies are held within the monastery precincts.

Before assuming the role of the oracle, both of the monks chosen for the job strictly observe specifically prescribed ritualistic rules and enter into meditation retreat. This prepares them for the role of the oracle. During the course of this preparation·

. the monks give central importance to the rituals relating to the propitiation of Hevajra, the chief tantric deity ofthe Sakya sect. In this way we find that, on the one hand, the monks act as the medium of the oracular deities, and, on the other hand, perform their role as Sakya Gelongs or monks. If one examines the role of these monks it becomes clear that they simultaneously become bearers of two traditions, viz. the indigenous Little tradition and the Mahayana Great tradition. However, to avoid any misunderstanding, it must be added that although as oracles they may act as the bearers of the Little tradition, their basic roles and primary identity belong to the Great tradition. Inasmuch as the Mahayana tradition has incorporated the institution of oracles within itself, and not the other way round, it can be observed that the preeminence of the Great tradition is never in jeopardy. All the rituals performed by the monk-mediums are Mahayanist or Tantric in nature. In this connection it is noteworthy that during the preparatory period every day they have to seek and receive the blessings of the vajracarya, the Tantra master of the monastery. Thus, it can be noted that although the oracle of


th Rongsten Karmar has become an inseparable part of the in'~utional and ritualistic structure of the Mangto monastery, it

~:s in no way adversely af~e.cted either the pr~nci'pl~s ~nd prac-. es of the Mahayana tradItIOn or the monastlC dlsClplme of the

tlC , inonastery. , . . . , (3) The SOCIal slgmficance of the annual oracle of the Rongsten Karmar can hardly be understated. It acts as a direct link between the masses and the monastery. It provides an occasion to bring the people closer to the monastery. Time and 'again the religi~)Us .hold and prestige of the monastery and. its monastic order IS remforced and reaffirmed through the maSSIve participation of the people in the ceremonies and festivities relating to the oracle. Here it has to be kept in mind that the monastery and the people are organically linked to each other. On the one hand, the very survival of the monastic community rests on the support of the laymen and, on the other hand, the monastery provides great solace and assurance to the people. Though the lamas belonging to the monastery lead a cloistered life and are free from the troubles and responsibilities of the worldly life of a householder, still they are obliged to maintain viable links with the larger community which provides them all the moral and material support they need. Perhaps for a Mahayanist monk the maintenance of such links has an additional significance. If he upholds the bodhisattva ideal he will have to come closer to the people. Without getting close to the people he can hardly do anything for the alleviation of their suffering. With a complete sense of detachment he, in his own way, helps the people to face the vicissitudes of life. In, so far as the oracle draws masses to the monastery a'nd its monks and provides solace to the people in distress it is in accordance with the ideals of the Mahayana. Every year people in thousands from all over Ladakh visit the Mangto Monastery and get answers to their questions from the oracle of the Rongsten Karmar. The questions are concerned with all sorts of anxieties and problems relating to physical and mental health, family, economic well being, social prestige and the like. The oracle makes forecasts relating not only to personal or domestic problems but also to problems that concern the entire community. They predict what favourable or unfavourable events will occur in Ladakh in the coming year, which area will have better or worse crops

150 jIABSVOL.IONO.l

and what lies in store for the people of Ladakh in general. Undoubtedly the orade plays an important role both for the individual and the community. People not only get answers to their questions but they also get solace and assurance by the very presence of the oracular deities.

In this context it has to be noted that in its institutional form a religion fulfills various expectations of the people. Spiro holds that three types of desires-cognitive, expressive and substantive-are met by religion. I3 Of these three the substantive desires are most common and overt and have a greater positive connotation. The desire for prosperity and well being, the desire for sound health and protection from illness, and the desire for social prestige or power are examples of substantive desires. Such desires are very real for most people. If we examine the role of the Mangto orade from the point of view of the substantive desires of the people there is no doubt that the orade plays a role for which there can be no substitute whatsoever.

VI

The foregoing analysis of the Mangto oracle illustrates how the Mahayana Great tradition absorbed the elements of the indigenous Tibetan Little tradition into itself. The inclusion of the oracular deities known as Rongsten Karmar can be seen as a concrete example of the process of universalisation adopted by the early Buddhist sages, siddhas and monk-scholars in Tibet. The importance of Padmasambhava and his place in the religious and cultural history of Tibet and adjoining areas can be appreciated in this context. He was the grand initiator and the greatest charismatic practitioner of the art needed for the universalisation of the elements of the Little tradition.

At this juncture some questions, already referred to in the first part of this paper, invariably come up. How far was it necessary to follow the policy of universalisation? Did Buddhism not compromise its principles by incorporating almost indiscriminately a large number of the elements of the indigenous Little tradition? Did Buddhism not lose much of its purity by acquiring various traits of Bon, shamanism and folk religions in Tibet? Is there anything in Buddhist doctrine and tradition


hich approves of the process of universalisation? It is not easy '~anyone to provide final answers to these questions. N everthe-10 : it is in the fitness of things that an attempt is made here t~S ~lace such q.uestions ~ot only withi~ the socio-cult.ural fiaroework in whICh BuddhIsm was placed III and around TIbet, but also within the broader framework of the Mahayana tradi-~~& .

Many scholars believe that Tibetan Buddhism has incorpo-rated such a large number of non-buddhistic elements that the basic tenets and original purity of Buddhism has been sacrificed and magical and shamanistic traits have gained an upper hand. 14

If such an understanding of Tibetan Buddhism is to be accepted one is faced with one basic question. Which form of Buddhism is to be called the true one? In this context it should not be forgotten that the picture of Buddhism which can be gained froro the reading of Buddhist texts will always be different from the Buddhism in actual practice. Perhaps one cannot name a single Buddhist country where all the rules of the Vinaya were faithfully observed by the monks in the past or are being observed at present. Similarly, can one actually find anywhere such ideal upiisakas or upiisikiis as are often described in the Pali literature? As a matter of fact, when the issue under consideration is viewed in the right perspective two major points emerge. Firstly, one observes that the proverbial lag between precept and practice exists under all circumstances. Secondly, it becomes evident that the limitations imposed by space and time. on the one hand and society and culture on the other, very much affect the content and form of the institutionalised aspect of religion.

It can well be surmised that there can be as many forms of Buddhism as there are national cultures in the world. The variations in the institutional and cultural forms of Buddhism are easily noticeable even among the countries professing the same school of Buddhism. Complete uniformity in matters of religion is to be found neither among countries professing Theravada nor among those where Mahayana is professed. It is well known that Buddhism is preeminently a religion of monks, but it is also a fact that the traditional Buddhism among the Newars of Nepal is known as "Buddhism without monks". Keeping the socio-cultural diversities and the spatio-temporal factors in view one can say that each and every form of Buddhism is 'real' or


'true' in so far as it upholds the basic tenets of Buddhism and unequivocally adheres to its ultimate ideals. Any society or cOIll. munity, irrespective of its historical and cultural background, is to be treated as Buddhist if its members have faith in the basic principles of Buddhism and believe that the attainment of bud. dhahood-whether it aims at attaining arhathood or sarvajnatvii i.e., omniscience-is the highest pur14artha or the ultimate goai of man. If due to geographical, social, cultural and historical· variations people give a particular shape to the institutional and ritualistic structure of Buddhism it does not mean that they are not real Buddhists. The foregoing analysis has shown that the inclusion of the Rongsten Karmar deities in the Tibetan pantheon has in no way compromised the principles of Mahayana. As a matter of fact, in the form of the Rongsten Karmar the Mangto monastery only added two popular and powerful deities to the array of the protective deities. This addition has not in any way proved detrimental to the ideals and principles of the Mahayana.

Finally, let us see whether the policy of universalisation is in accordance with the Buddhist tradition. Is there anything in Buddhist doctrine which gives sanction to such a policy or strat. egy? From the Mahayanist viewpoint teachings, philosophical concepts, logic, rituals, meditation and the like are meaningful in so far as they are helpful in the attainment of buddhahood. All these belong to the domain of san:tvr:ti-satya or the "conven· tional truth." Paramartha-satya ot "ultimate truth" is not only unutterable and unthinkable, but it is also unteachable. One cannot speak about it, it can only be experienced. As the attain- . ment of buddhahood is the highest ideal of the bodhisattvaciirya in Mahayana, all beings are considered to be identical with Buddha. The bodhisattva considers the salvation of all sentient beings as his own good and this explains why he chooses to toil for the salvation of even the lowliest of beings. To attain this· end, any method is correct and proper provided it does not go against the basic tenets of the Saddharma. Nagarjuna says, "Buddhas have taught with a purpose the reality of the 'I' and the 'mine', as indeed have they the doctrine of the groups, elements and the bases."15 For the salvation of all sentient beings the votary of the ideal of bodhisattva can use his own discretion in the choice of proper means. Let us again quote the great Nagarjuna, who says, "As the occasion required, the Buddha has af-


fi rned the self or denied it, both affirmed and denied, or done ~~ither."16 According to the Madhyamika. doctrine there is no I"rnit to the number and nature of the deVICes that may be used ~ a person for leading others to the ultimate truth. 17 However, t Y search out and utilise any means appropriate for the attain;ent of the goal is not easy. It requires excellence, excellence 'n the choice of appropriate methods. This is nothing but up\yakaufalya, i.e., choosing the right methods and means suited ~o the needs, temperament and disposition of the beings in question. It is like prescribing and administering the right medicine at the right moment to a sick person. The Buddha was the greatest practitioner of this excellence. That is why he is called the greatest healer or the most skilled physician. Upayakausaly~ o:cupies such a major place in the ~ahayana .tradition that It IS accorded the status of a paramztii, the hIghest perfection. Upii~akauSalya is one of the. ten param.itiis.18

If upayakausalya or the excellence III the choIce of appropriate means and methods is very much part of the Mahayana tradition then it is evident that the strategy of universalisation adopted and perfected by the pioneer Buddhist sages, monks and scholars-both Indian and Tibetan-in the vast Himalayan ~egions in no way violated the tenets of Buddhism. The founding fathers and consolidators of Buddhism in these regions evolved such unique strategies of universalisation that they could easily accommodate those elements of the indigenous religious traditions which were well embedded in the social and cultural structures and were rooted deep in the Tibetan psyche. Here one is reminded of Candrakirti who says that no beneficiary of the Saddharma should be offended in any way. His likes and dislikes must be respected. Lord Buddha himself attached great significance to the accepted ways of the common folk. In one of his sayings he declares, "Whatever is lokasammata is acceptable to me. How can I accept anything which is not lokasammata". It is also in this context that the relevance of the classification of the Buddhist texts into neyartha and nitiirtha becomes evident. The former are the texts which speak of 'means' and the latter are those which speak of the ultimate end.

Thus, if one views the Mangto oracle of Ladakh in this light it is evident the elimination of the Rongsten Karmar deities was neither feasible nor necessary. For ages, the masses in Tibet


and the adjoining areas had deep faith in such deities. As such they were part and parcel of the indigenous cultural'itructure. They were the deities of the people. If Buddhism was to strike deep roots in the Tibetan highlands or the Himalayan regions it was incumbent upon its propagators to give due recognition to the social and cultural realities. There is no doubt that the upiiyakausalya of Mahayana Tantric Siddhas and iiciiryas, Indian and Tibetan both, has no parallels in the history of Buddhislll. The form of Buddhism prevalent in the Himalayan regions is as much a tribute to their ingenuity as to their unshaken and deep faith in the lofty ideal of the bodhisattva.

NOTES

1. The term "Tibetan" employed in this paper does not denote the political and administrative territory known as Tibet. It refers to Tibetan civilization and culture which in the past surely had Tibet proper as its centre. This cultural region has fairly wide dimensions and cuts across various national and political boundaries. The term "Tibetan Civilization" has a broader connotation. It should be treated on par with other similar terms such as "Chinese Civilization", "Indian Civilization", "Hellenic Civilization," etc.

2. D.L. Snellgrove is one of such leading scholars: He has used the term 'Buddhist Himalaya' for the Buddhist regions around the Himalayas. The very title of one of his books is Buddhist Himalaya.

3. In our opinion none of these approaches provides a completely satisfactory framework to interpret and understand the complex processes of cultural and social change. At best, each one of them can be of some help in the understanding of some aspects of those processes.

4. See R. Redfield, "The Social Organisation of Tradition," Far Eastern Quarterly 15 (1955-56). See also M. Singer, "The Cultural Pattern of Indian Civilization," Far Eastern Quarterly, 15 (l955-56).

5. See D.L. Snellgrove, Nine Ways of Bon, London, 1967. 6. See M. Marriot, "Little Communities in an Indigenous Civilization,"

in Village India: Studies in Little Communities, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955.

7. H.R.H. Prince of Greece and Denmark, "Tibetan Oracles," in Himalayan Anthropology, J.F. Fisher, (ed.), The Hague: Monton Publishers, 1978, p. 288.

8. Ibid. 9. Ibid.

10. The Nechung Oracle is also known as the State Oracle of Tibet. The Dalai Lama himself consults it whenever certain important decisions have to be. taken. The oracle of N echung came to India along with the present Dalai Lama.


:11. The basic information about the Oracle of Rongsten Karmar was athered by the author in 1979 when he visited Ladakh as a member of the ~'malayan Cultural Survey Team led by Prof. Jagannath Upadhyaya. The r. \hor is extremely grateful to Venerable Ludin Khen Rimpoche, the head ;\lI~the Mangto monastery, for kindly providing details about the oracle. The ,0 thor is also thank,ful to Sri J amyang Gyaltshan, an assistant professor at the t~ntral Institute of Buddhist Studies, Choglamsar (Leh), Ladakh, for his kind c::ooperation in giving relevant information about the ora.cle. Some add~t~onal information was also gathered later when the author pard two short VISIts to Ladakh in 19S3 and 19S4. The author also records his gratefulness to Yen. S.Rimpoche, Principal, Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath (Varanasi), who was kind enough to give the benefit of his knowledge about

.'Tibetan oracles. 12. A detailed account of the Mangto Oracle is contained in the paper

presented by the author at the All India Seminar organised by the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies, Choglamsar (Leh), Ladakh in August, 19S4. The title of the paper is "Himalaya Main Bauddha Dharma Thatha Puratan Dharmik-Sanskritic Paramparayen".

13. M.E. Spiro, "Religion: Problems of Definition and Explanation," in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion (ed.) M. Banton, (A.S.A. Monographs 3), London, Tavistock, 1966, pp. 109-117.

14. Scholars like L.A. Waddel, H. Hoffman and F.W. Rankehold such a view. They often use the term 'Lamaism' for Tibetan Buddhism. The usual connotation of this term more often than not gives a distorted picture of Buddhism in Tibet and the adjoining Himalayan regions. For instance, Waddel says that, "Lamaism has descended to the level of gross devil-dancing and Shamanistic charlatanism and plays upon the easy credulity of the people by the profitable pursuits of necromancy and sorcery." See L. Waddell, Buddhism and Lamaism of Tibet, reprinted New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1974.

15. See T.R.V. Murti, The Central Philosophy of Buddhism, Second Edition, London: George Allen and Unwin, 1960, p. 247.

16. Nagarjuna, Madhyamakashastram, XVIII, 6, Mithila Vidyapeeth, Darbhanga, 1960, p. 152.

17. Murti, ibid, p. 246. IS. It is noteworthy that 'Upayakausalya Parivarta' is the title of one of

the chapters of Saddharmapu1!rJarrka or the Lotus Sutra, the most important of all the Vaipulyasutras.

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II. REVIEWS

Essays.in Gupta Culture, edited by Bardwell L. Smith. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books, 1983. xvii + 360 pp.; 72 black and white plates. N.p.

India's Golden Age is the Gupta period, lasting about 200 years from the fourth to the sixth centuries C.E., a time when political peace secured by the Gupta dynasty, centered in the Gangetic basin, produced an unparalleled urbanity in which art, literature, religion, learning, and science flourished and reached "classical" perfection. The ten essays comprising this interdisciplinary volume address certain aspects of Gupta culture, and were first presented at a 1977 symposium sponsored by Carleton College, Northfield, MN. The essays are grouped into three overlapping thematiccategories: political power and its legitimation (Narain, Asher, Stein); religious pluralism (Basham, O'Flaherty, Gokhale); and literary and artistic expressions (Miller, Ramanujan and Cutler, Williams, Spink). Framing the essays are a general introduction written by A.L. Basham and two bibliographic essays by B. Smith and E. Zelliot. A brief summary of each essay will serve to introduce the volume's reach and range.

The Gupta period has often been heralded as an age of religious toleration and the Gupta kings extolled as generous patrons of a variety of religious sects. Using numismatic and other hard data, A.K. Narain surveys religious pluralism under each of the Gupta kings and argues that phenomena of religious liberty and tolerance, rather than being "bound up with the religious system and political theories of ancient India," were "the results of a consciously followed policy by the king or the state" to legitimate their authority and to maintain social order. Concluding that tolerati.on was not an essential part of the king's religious practice or of his riijadharma, Narain urges scholars to give credit to individual kings who were in fact tolerant when they need not have been.

F.M. Asher proposes that one factor motivating royal patronage of certain lithic images was an awareness that religious art could serve as political and historical allegory and hence could enhance, by means of analogy, particular people or events. He gives as examples of possible correlation: 1) Vi~I).u as the Boar rescuing the earth, at Udayagiri, and Candra Gupta II's consoli-

157

158 ]IABSVOL.IONO.l

dation of the empire; 2) Vi~l)u as the Dwarf traversing the world in three strides and subduing the demon Bali, at Lajampat in Kathmandu, and Manadeva's temporal conquests; and 3) the Descent of the Ganges relief at Mamallapuram and the Pallava king's control over water and irrigation. Asher admits that the evidence is circumstantial, and yet, his interpretations appear both apt and tenable. .

B; Stein's essay, "Mahanavaml: Medieval and Modern Kingly Ritual in South India," moves beyond the Gupta period to note some of the continuities and discontinuities of Gupta conceptions of kingship in post-classical times among the Vijayanagar kings and their successors. In the Gupta period, Stein says, dharmasiistra writers desacralized the king and prohibited the great Vedic sacrifices where kings acquired and displayed their kingly attributes. But whatever divine qualities were lost to the individual king accrued, eventually, to the institution of kingship: sacred kingship replaced the sacred king. In medieval South India, public kingly rituals, such as the "Great Nine Day" festival, were reinstated. However, in the medieval period, the differences between gods and kings did not dissolve in ritual as in the pre-Gupta period, but rather gods and kings complemented each other and together ritually established and maintained "the sacred condition." This essay, whose thesis Stein has established in greater detail in some of his other writings, appears somewhat out of place in this collection.

Eschewing the Sarnath Buddhas, the Boar incarnation at Udayagiri, the Ajanta murals, and Kalidasa's poems and plays, A.L. Basham declares that the "finest" and "most typical" relic of the Gupta period is the Mandasor inscription of the silk-weavers, composed by a "hack-poet," telling how a no longer extant Surya temple came to be built. Basham concludes that this Sanskrit courtly poem "reflects not only religious faith, but also love of the good things of this world," and that in it, "we can see the best qualities of the period-loyalty, fellowship, local patriotism, and honest pride in what one has achieved." Written with wit, grace, and unobtrusive erudition, Basham's essay shows how a small artifact encapsulates the ethos of an era; it is the central gem of this collection, and one of the best examples of exciting cultural-historical writing I have encountered.

In her article, "The Image of the Heretic in the Gupta Pura'flas," W. O'Flaherty, like A.K. Narain, sounds a note of realism, albeit a different one, about the Guptas' alleged tolerance. She argues that,in the Gupta period, Hindu attitudes to-

REVIEWS 159

. wards heretics and atheists became embittered. The Guptas, with their "need to maintain superficial political unity," were driven, she says, "to play an uneasy game of impartial patronage." Thus, even though the Gupta kings did patronize Buddhists, the Gupta purii'lJas, at the same time, "excoriated" Buddhists, especially in the myth ofVi~I)u's incarnation as the Buddha. In this "anti-Buddhist" myth, Vi~I)u becomes the Buddha in order to delude the wicked into forsaking the Vedas and hence to insure their eventual extermination. Similar to Asher, O'Flaherty also sees in the Gupta-era purii'lJas a political allegorical thrust: the writers' hope that the Gupta kings would destroy historical heretics of various stripes just as Vi~I)u-Kalki does in myth.

B.G. Gokhale presents an overview of the condition and state of Buddhism in the Gupta period. From his examination of votive inscriptions, reports from Chinese travellers, art works, and Buddhist texts, Gokhale indicates that while older Buddhist centers were in decay, newer centers, such as Nalanda, flourished and enjoyed royal patronage, though monastic centers increasingly came to have no organic relationship to the surrounding lay population as they became part of the emerging "feudal" economy of the Gupta state. Although Buddhism maintained its philosophical vigor, producing Prajiiiipiiramitii literature and the Larikiivatiira Sutra among others, Gokhale says that as a "religion," it was on the "defensive, increasingly overshadowed by emerging Tantric cults." During the Gupta age, Buddhist religion, in Gokhale's opinion, "seems to have been well past its original social purpose."

Focusing on dramaturgy, B.S. Miller notes that in an age usually described in terms of social harmony, the five major Sanskrit dramas of the Gupta period explore and display, to a remarkable degree, conflicting social values: stylized love dramas pit the demands of social duty against passionate love, while dramas of politics focus on the conflicting demands of statecraft and social duty. Conflicts are not left to stand, however, for one of the basic characteristics of Sanskrit drama, in contrast to Greek drama, is the attempt to reconcile "life's multiple possibilities."

A.K. Ramanujan and N. Cutler in "From Classicism to Bhakti" show how the saints of the Tamil devotional tradition were heirs to two classicisms: Vedic bardic poetry and Tamil Sangam erotic and heroic poetry, which interweave to form a distinctly Tamil devotional poetry. Focusing more on the heroic than the erotic and on VaiEjI)ava saints, they trace the evolution of the piitii'lJ-the elegy or praise poem of heroes and kings-in

--------------------~-~~


Sangam poetry into the devotional hymns of praise in Nammal:. . var's poetry. Progressively the king "slot" in the Tamil classical poems becomes filled by the deity, the hero's deeds become the deity's mythic exploits,. and the hero's ancestors appear as the deity's avatiiras. The elements that formerly signified heroism (or eroticism) are transposed into the new key of devotional love.

Is Ajanta part of Gupta art? This question animates J. Williams' study, "Vakataka Art and the Gupta Mainstream," a reconsideration and ultimate rejection of the label "Vakltaka-Gupta" for the fifth century style of North and Central Indian art. From certain peculiarities in Ajanta style as contrasted with the Gupta mainstream and as compared to works in the Vidarbha region of northern Maharashtra under the Vakatakas, Williams boldly hypothesizes that the Vidarbha Vakataka "idiom" is a "principal counterforce to the Gupta 'mainstream' if at times related"; it explains "much of what is peculiar to Ajanta" and some of the non-Gupta elements in the Western Deccan and in the early medieval period of Central India.

Turning his attention to the cave art at Elephanta, W.M. Spink contends that the Great Cave is earlier than generally recognized and is connected with the artistic tradition of the Gupta period. Specifically, he argues that it is not a seventh or eighth century work, but rather a circa 535-550 C.E. monument, a royal benefaction of King Kri1:lI,laraja of the early Kalacuri dynasty. He sees links between the Mahayana caves at Ajanta and the Saivite caves at Elephanta; both are products of one genealogical line: Hari~eI,la, the patron of the Ajanta caves, is the great-great-grandfather of Kri~I,laraja, the patron of Elephanta. Spink uses detailed art historical, epigraphic, and numismatic evidence, supplemented by the seventh century tale of princes, Da.sakumiiracarita by DaI,l<;iin, in support of his complex historical reconstruction, dating, and interpretation.

Following the ten essays are two lengthy bibliographic essays, one on religion and art by B.L. Smith and the other on history and literature by E. Zelliot. Both are especially helpful, providing a reasonably comprehensive selection of English language books and articles of varying levels of difficulty and from a variety of scholarly perspectives. Particularly important, the number of entries neither overwhelms the newcomer nor shortchanges the more advanced student. The bibliographic essays are one of the major strengths of this volume, making it a book that teaches and guides at the same time as it challenges more standard works and conventional wisdom, knowledge of which the volume assumes.

REVIEWS 161

Written by leading scholars in South Asian Studies, this is a strong collection of essays which increases in many different ways understanding of the Gupta age and its influence. One would be hard pressed to find anywhere else a better advanced introduction not only to Gupta culture, but also to the interdisciplinary study of Indian civilization.

Holly Baker Reynolds

Nagarjunas FilosoJzske. Vaerker, oversat og indledet af Chr. Lindtner, Indiske Studier II, K0venhavn: Akademisk Forlag, 1982. 263.pages; Miscellanea Buddhica, edited by Chr. Lindtner, Indiske Studier V, Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1985. 221 pages.

These two books belong to the same series (Indiske Studier) in which Professor Chr. Lindtner published his valuable Nagarjuniana, Studies in the Writings and Philosophy of Nagarjuna, as the fourth volume. This last book has been reviewed by us in this same Journal (Vol. 8, No.1, 1985, pp. 115-117).

Nagarjunas FilosoJzske Vaerker contains an Introduction in Danish in which Lindtnergives a succinct exposition of Buddhism and Nagarjuna's system, and also special information about the BodhicittavivararJa, Catuhstava, (Lokat'itastava and Acintyastava) , Mulamadhyamakakarika, Sunyatasaptati and Vigrahavyavartan'i. The principal part of the book is the Danish translation of the mentioned treatises. The Tibetan text, with Sanskrit fragments of BodhicittavivararJa and Sunyatasaptati, the Sanskrit text of Catultstava (both hymns) and the Sanskrit text and Tibetan text of Vigrahavyavartan'i has been edited by Lindtner in Nagarjuniana. The Sanskrit text of Mulamadhyamakakarika constitutes the first Appendix of this book. The second Appendix is the Tibetan text of the SunyatasaptatiV1:tti and the third Appendix is the Danish translation of the Chinese version of the PU ti zi liang lun BodhisaQhara(ka)?).

Miscellanea Buddhica is a collection of four articles edited by Lindtner, who is also the author of one of them. These articles are:

a. ].W. de Jong: Le GaI;lQavy iiha et La loi de la naissance et de la mort.


b. M. David Eckel: Bhavaviveka's Critique of Yogacara Philosophy in Chapter XXV of the Prajnapradlpa.

c. V.V. Gokhale and S.S. Bahulkar: Madhyamakah:rdayakarika Tarkajvala, Chapter 1.

d. Chr. Lindtner: A Treatise on Buddhist Idealism: Kambala's Alokamala.

a. De Jong's article (pp. 7-24) is a valuable review of Y. Imaeda's book, Histoire du cycle de la naissance et de la mort. Etude d'un te,x:te tibetain de Touen-Houang (Geneve-Paris, Librairie Droz, 1981). De Jong considers that Imaeda should have given a critical edition of the Tibetan text, since a mere translation of a text of Touen-houang without such an edition is of a limited value for the reader. De J ong observes also that in several places Imaeda does not translate the text as it is presented in the manuscripts and that it is necessary to guess the corrections he has introduced. De Jong thinks also that Imaeda should have given the passages of the Garj,qavyuhasutra that correspond to the text he edits, since, as Imaeda himself observes, the translation of that text is difficult, and even impossible, without referring to the Garj,qavyij,hasutra. Then de J ong examines several passages of Imaeda's translation; giving its Tibetan text and the corresponding Sanskrit text of the Garj,qavyuhasutra, and corrects Imaeda's translation.

Per Kvaerne, Wiener Zeitschriftfur die Kunde Sudasiens, 1985, pp. 229-231, also has written a review of Imaeda's book.

Along with Professor de Jong's severe but as always well founded and accurate judgment, let us mention, in order to rescue the positive elements of Imaeda's book the opinion of Kvaerne: "Imaeda has provided students of Tibet's religious history with access to an important document from a crucial period of religious confrontation and change. His work will also be of interest to a wider audience, including Buddhologists interested in the adaptation of Buddhism to indigenous religious traditions and historians of religion in general."

b. Eckel offers (pp. 25-75) an English translation of Bhavaviveka's Prajiiiipradipa, Chapter XXV, utilizing the Tibetan text edited by Lindtner in Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica, Vol. XXIx/2, pp. 77--'97. Bhavaviveka's text is very clearly analyzed and presented in Eckel's translation. It is also richly annotated. This text deals with the Imagined, Dependent and Absolute Natures, contrasting the Yogacara's and the Madhyamaka's points of view regarding them. It is preceded by an Introduction in which Eckel studies the contents and importance of Bhavaviveka's text.

REVIEWS 163

c. Gokhale's article (pp. 76-108) contains (a) an English translation of the Tibetan text of Bhavya's Tarkajvala, first chapter, (b) the Sanskrit text of the Madhyamakaht4ayakarika (MHK) (of which the Tarkajvala (TJ) is a commentary) and (c) an English translation of these karikiis. The Sanskrit text of the karikiis was taken by Gokhale from a manuscript of which photographs were provided to him by the late Professor G. Tucci and the IsMEO: this manuscript cannot be later than the tenth century. Its Sanskrit text corresponds almost exactly to its Tibetan translations (in MHK and TJ). The theme of this first chapter is "how a bodhisattva continues to strive even after his attainment of bodhicitta for the good of humanity (lokasan:tgraha)."

d. Finally Lindtner's article, "A Treatise on Buddhist Idealism" (pp. 109-220) is a critical edition of the Sanskrit treatise of Kambala, Alokamala (AM), together with its Tibetan translation (Snang ba'i phreng ba zhes bya ba'i rab tu byed pa). The edition of the text is accompanied by an English translation, a critical apparatus and many notes which indicate parallel passages in other texts. This edition is preceded by a careful introduction,

In this introduction Lindtner tells us that for the study of this treatise he had at his disposal (a) a unique manuscript preserved in the Tokyo University Library, (b) its Tibetan translation contained in the Narthang, Peking, Derge and Cone editions of the Bstan 'gyur, and (c) a Tibetan translation of an old Sanskrit commentary ascribed to Asvabhava and contained also in the four mentioned editions of the Tibetan Canon, Lindtner considers that Asvabhava's commentary is the main authority for the establishment of the text of AM. AM is a didactic poem and constitutes a simple introduction to the Yogacara system mixed with Madhyamika elements. The AM is so a syncretic work. Reminiscences of several authors of both schools and allusions to various sutras are found in it. According to the Colophon of AM its author was Kambala, probably (Lindtner thinks) the same author of NavaSloka, edited by Tucci in his Minor Buddhist Texts I. Lindtner assigns Kambala's floruit to a period placed between 450 and 525 A.D.

Both volumes, especially the second one, provide useful and excellent material for the study of Buddhist philosophy, and are another valuable contribution by Christian Lindtner.

Fernando Tola and Carmen Dragonetti


Tantric Concept of Bodhicitta: A Buddhist Experiential Philosophy (An Exposition based upon the Mahiivairocana-sutra, Bodhicitta-fiistra and Sokushin-jobutsu-gi), by Minoru Kiyota. Madison WI: South Asian Area Center, University of Wisconsin-Mac;lison, 1982, ix + 163 pp.

In his preface M. Kiyota states that this work is a supplement to his previous work, Shingon Buddhism: Theory and Practice. The three texts in his title are interpreted and translated because they provide the "doctrinal basis of Shingon's man-Buddha integration theory." All three present a theory of bodhicitta, the "agent of this integration."

This work should more suitably be titled the "Shingon Concept of Bodhicitta: ... " as it is a doctrinal study of this concept and its ramifications in the above three texts from the perspective of the Shingon tradition in Japan. The theory of attaining buddhahood with the present body (sokushin-jobutsu) is generally acknowledged to be the single most important teaching of Kukai. M. Kiyota wishes in this work to explain what the Shingon concept of bodhicitta is and how it relates to practices leading to sokushinjobutsu.

The work is divided into two sections: (I) Tantric Concept of Bodhicitta and (II) Translations. Part I begins by explaining to the reader how bodhicitta can be defined from a variety of perspectives. In the Buddhist Tantric tradition it is the agent of enlightenment as well as enlightenment per se. This section continues by outlining the contents of chiian one of the Mahiivairocana sutra and the other two works.

The explanation of the Mahiivairocana-sutra generally repeats what Kiyota has already written in Shingon Buddhism (six nirbhaya theory, bodhisattva practices, etc.). The often repeated statement (p. 14) that the first 31 chapters of the Mahiivairocanasutra deal with doctrine 1 hope will no longer be made, for, as anyone reading the sutra soon discovers, practices are discussed throughout the work. My article on the "Earliest Carbha Vidhi of the Shingon Sect" (lIABS 9:2 (1986) 109-146) points out that chiian four and seven especially deal with practices incorporated in the Shingon Carbha Vidhi. Kiyota's description of the Mahiivairocana-sutra and the Bodhicitta Siistra also include again partial descriptions of the meanings of the deities and the courts ofthe Garbhakofadhiitu and Vajradhiitu ma'flqalas respectively.

This work is recommended as presenting an accurate view of the Shingon concept of bodhicitta. However, it suffers from

REVIEWS 165

the same kind of shortcomings as earlier works on Shingon in English. While Kiyota gives an important bibliography the reader is never referred to any of the commentaries he lists. Kiyota does tell us that he referred to I-hsing's commentary to decipher ambiguous tantric doctrinal material in Part 1. However, the reader never knows if Kiyota's statements are a synthesis of Shingon doctrine based on all the authoritative commentaries he lists, or if they represent just I -hsing's views. Kiyota makes it difficult for the serious reader to trace and verify his statements. This is especially true with his discussion of the marpq,alas. Aren't the commentaries worth reading?

For example, on pp. 50 (bottom) and 51 (top) Kiyota refers to an interpretation of the Vajradhiitu marpq,ala termed in the Shingon tradition joden and geden. Joden means a meditation process leading from a cause to an effect, while geden is a meditation process leading from an effect to a cause, This interpretation apparently goes back to Shuei (809-884) and is incorporated into a commentary by Gengo (914-95; T. 78, No. 2471; see Kankai Takai, Mikkya Jisa no Taikei, p. 276ff.). By informing the reader that this is an early tradition of the Shingon school a judgment can be made about the historical importance and authority of this theory.

Another drawback I found in Part I was Kiyota's discussion of bodhicitta as both the thought of enlightenment (the causal aspect) and enlightenment (the resultant aspect). After reacling Part I, I was left with the impression that Kiyota thought the theory was flawed but he never tells the reader why. This is due to seemingly contradictory statements. On p. 7 he states "Buddhist Tantrism in general precludes the notion of becoming, in

. so far as enligh.tenment is concerned, because it presupposes that enlightenment is a universal quality inherent in all beings." Why then does he state on p. 10 and elsewhere that "practice cultivates bodhicitta." One might well ask, as Kiyota does (p. 44), why, if there is no becoming, do Mahayana and Shingon Buddhism place emphasis on meditation, on maintaining one's vows and not backsliding? Kiyota brings this issue to a head when he says (pp. 51-2), "However, despite the forceful rationale with which Kukai presented his sokushin-jabutsu theory, an annoying problem persists: Is the nature of man inherently pure ... This is an issue to which I am not prepared to respond with any degree of confidence at this time." Kiyota may well question the Shingon theory of bodhicitta now that he has explained it, but he should have at least explained why he thinks there is a problem.

166 J1ABS VOL 10 NO.1

Kiyota's translations of these difficult texts are generally satisfactory. Instead of adhering to literal translations, he has often given explanatory translations. Again, I would have preferred to see clear references to incisive Sino-Japanese commentaries. (Are there any? If not, he should say so.) This would help convince the reader that his translations are acceptable. Kiyota's translations ar~ also sometimes too wordy. I don't want to quibble with his translations but, in the following, I would like to point out omissions and questionable translations.

Mahiivairocana-sutra T. #848, p. Iff. P. Ic, lines 5 and 22 were deleted. P. 3a, 1. 22 Kiyota trans

lates as "What is field? That which cultivates things to realize benefit." This might better read "To always order your affairs and discipline yourself." P. 3b, 1. 2 is translated as "What is called 'emptiness' [is a state of mind which has] parted from [grasping the false notion of the reality of] sense organs and sense fields." A simpler translation is "That called emptiness is apart from the sense fields, lacks features and is without limits." P. 3c, 1.18 is translated "Because the original nature (of a phantom) is without essence." However, the Chinese says only "Because their original nature is pure." P. 4c, 1.1 is translated "Furthermore, Secret Master, just as rain produces bubbles, so, likewise, should it be known [that] the transformed bodies of the mantra practitioner [are produced by the Dharmakaya.]" Again, the Chinese says only "You should know that just as rain falling from the heavens produces bubbles, so the perfction of those mantras (produces) various transformations." (I am suggesting that it is better to stick to the original wording, and that an explanation of the meaning based on a commentary be given in a note.)

Bodhicitta Sastra, T. #1665, p. 572cff. Lines 13-17 on p. 81 in Kiyota's translation are written in

poor English. The sentence ends with a dangling -';llodifier. The original reads "All Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, who in the past had developed this mind in the causal stage, never forgot the (three components of this practice)-supreme truth, vow, and samiidhi as precept-until attaining Buddhahood." (p. 572c. 1. 11-13).

P. 573a, 1. 13 is deleted. On p. 88 Kiyota translates mudra as vow, which I believe is wrong (see my article on "The Meanings ofthe Term Mudra and a Historical Outline of 'Hand Gestures'," Mikkyo Bunka, #51, 1985, pp. 6-9). Mudra in the present context clearly refers to one form of meditation. Also, on p. 90 in Kiyota's translation long ah under item D should be short ah. The original

REVIEWS 167

reads "To enter means to 'enter' Buddha's wisdom, as in the case of the fourth syllable ah which signifies pariniTViirja. In general it means this-to be complete and perfected. e) The fifth syllable iih signifies the perfection of the wisdom of skill-in-means." Further, on p. 90 (bottom paragraph), Kiyota's translation " ... If one see's it just for a moment, he is the one who has realized supreme truth" is misleading. In the Shingon tradition, only after the full moon is visualized steadily for long periods,' expanded and contracted, is the realization of enlightenment strengthened. The original says "glanced (Chinese: chien; p. 574b, 1.9) enlightenment. "

Sokushin-jobutsugi, T. #2428, p. 361 ff. As Kiyota states in his Preface, there is another excellent

translation of this work by Inagaki. This generally superseded the partial translation ofY. Hakeda which is still helpful. Because this text is often so succint it invites various interpretations which can vary considerably. As with past translations, Kiyota's lacks any reference to commentaries (Again, Kiyota should tell the reader ifthese are useful or not). Although the three translations by Inagaki, Hakeda, and now Kiyota, all have their strengths and weaknesses, of these three I think Inagaki's work is still superior overall.

T. 361c, 1.7 Kiyota translates as "Perfection, according to the siitra, means clarity of understanding of the mantra [through meditation] and the means for realizing the Dharma-Buddha [Dharmakaya Mahavairocana]." This could simply be translated as "According to the siitra siddhi is understood as perfection of the dhiirarjzs and perfection of the Dharma (kaya)buddha."

Verses #1, 6, 7 & 8 as translated by Kiyota on p. 96 are difficult to accept. Hakeda's translations, I think, are accurate (T.361c, 1.17ff). Hakeda's translation of yuga is later borne out by Kiyota himself on p. 102 where the six elements are described as in a state of unison. T. p. 382b, 1. 13 is translated (p. 100, 1.13) "the Secret Master established the positions of the deities and the signs ofthe bijas." I think the original is better translated "The Master of Secrets established the positions of the deities in the maI:u;iala, their bijas, and their signs (cihna)." "Signs" are clearly designated in the following sentences of the original. P. 104, 1.9 reads "If he practices these forms of dedication to the secret words and realizes union, he would be one with dharmadhatu, the Dharmakaya Mahavairocana-which is like space." The original (p. 383a, 1.20 is more like "By these mudriis and secret words you empower yourself and realize the inherent wis-


dom of the Dharmadhitu, Vairocana Buddha, the Dharmadhatu body of space." P. 106, 1. 13 reads "These siitras explain the

. _ samadhi which makes possible the instant realization of the inconceivable superpowers." However, I preft;r the translation (p. 383b, 1.22). "These siitras explain the samiidhi of swift power and inconceivable superpowers." The last line of page 383 (compare Kiyota, p. 108, 1.18) reads "Also, (when) the KongochOgyo says [the KongochOgyo does not necessarily mean the Tattvasa'f(lgraha-sutra as Kiyota translates but any number of texts in the Tattvasa'f(lgraha lineage] 'the retinue of sixteen Mahabodhisattvas, like Vajrasattva, products of the svabhiiva' down to 'each produces countless Dharmakaya thunderbolts, etc.,' it also means, this."

There were numerous misspellings throughout this work, some of which I will give: v, 1.30, Prudent->Pruden; vi. L 2, stura; vi. 1.22 descrbing; vi. 1. 24 becuase; vii.1.9, implictly; p. 7 1.24 becuase; p. 24, 1.16 whomb; p. 40 1.1 Rayu->Raiyu; p. 51 1.10 buddahood.

Most of the problems I have mentioned above could have been avoided by better editing. Overall, I recommend this work, with its helpful glossary, to students of Shingon Buddhism. Although it repeats material in the author's earlier work, Shingon Buddhism, it is a good introduction to the "Shingon" theory ofbodhicitta as given in the three works translated.

Dale Todaro

Zen and Western Thought, by Masao Abe, Edited by William R. LaFleur. Foreword by John Hick. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985. xxiii + 308 pages, notes, index and glossary of Sino-Japanese Characters.

This volume makes available sixteen of Professor Abe's more important occasional papers. All were written during the last two decades, some composed originally in Japanese and some in English, and all except one have already appeared in English (the sole exception is the fifteenth essay in the collection entitled "Sovereignty Rests with Mankind"). Both the author and the editor, William LaFleur, deserve our gratitude for making this collection, since it brings together significant pieces by one of the most influential and sophisticated interpreters of Zen to the

REVIEWS 169

Western academic community, pieces which until now have been hard to find outside specialist libraries.

The volume is divided into four sections: "Zen and its Elucidation" (pp. 1-80); "Zen, Buddhism, and Western Thought" (pp. 81-202); "Three Problems in Buddhism" (pp. 203-228); "Religion in the Present and in the Future" (pp. 229-275). Abe's. style-and indeed his subject-matter-make summarising his thought difficult; for Abe, style and substance are inextricable, and his writing is rich, complex and allusive .. Whether one finds this frustrating or delightful depends on one's literary and philosophical tastes. Abe alludes continually to Hegel, Heidegger and Spinoza, and often uses such allusions as the framework for his exposition of key Buddhist thinkers (this is especially true in his treatment of Dagen). Within such a framework he often undertakes complex and precise textual analysis and exegesis, leavening the whole with the usual iconoclastic Zen stories. The flavour of all this cannot be captured in a short review, so in what follows this reviewer will simply offer brief comments on the major themes discussed, without attempting a systematic summary.

The three essays in the first section circle around the problem of making conceptual and verbal sense out of a tradition which claims, in some sense, to be about (non-referentially about, so, presumably, instrumental in the production of?) a realization "wherein ... all possible conceptualization and objectification, positive and negative, are completely overcome" (p. 14--author's emphases). In the first essay (pp. 3-24) Abe deals with this question by interpreting Wei-hsin's famous 'three understandings', in the second (pp. 25-68) by analyzing Dogen's views on Buddhanature, and in the third (pp. 69-80) by considering D.T. Suzuki's understanding of Zen. From these essays it emerges that: each of us really is (rather than has) a "true Self' (14ffand passim); that this is true not only of each human person, but also of the entire universe (pp. 34-36; 40-42); that this true Self is the same thing as Buddha-nature (pp. 36-41); that this Buddha-nature may be allowed to emerge as it really is through a process of double negation: initially of uncritically objectified dualistic experience and then of the emptied non-dualistic experience which results from the first negation (pp. 11-14; 42-46); and that the term Buddha-nature (and its synonyms, "emptiness" and so forth) refers to a dynamic non-substantial impermanent reality (pp. 48-55). None of these theses will be unfamiliar to afficionados of either Zen or the Kyoto school, and this is not the


place for a full discussion of them. Suffice it to say that Abe nowhere offers systematic arguments for them: in this he is fully representative of both Zen and the Kyoto school.

The pivotal essay in the second par( is that entitled "Zen and Western Thought" (pp. 83-120). In this piece the whole of Western and Eastern thought is interpreted through the tension and opposition between the matched pair of categories ji and ri, which Abe identifies provisionally as the "immarient" and the "transcendent" (p. 84). It should come as no surprise that Abe judges Zen to be the only genuine provider of the solution to this tension. In outliningthis position he offers some stimulating if almost complet.ely unsubstantiated and unsubstantiatable obiter dicta: for example, that "Aristotle, Kant, and Nagarjuna, while differing in time and place, have each in their own way arrived at some kind of absolute realization" (pp. 86-87); that the concept of nothingness never became a "basic metaphysical principle" in the West as it did for Buddhists (p. 99); that Nagarjuna "formulated. .. a profoundly metaphysical position" (p. 101); and that "Mahayana Buddhism's position of 'Emptiness' ... has ... essentially transcended Aristotelian 'Being' ... " (p. 108). Aristotle, and with him the whole of Western metaphysics, is dismissed summarily and almost contemptuously in several places, especially when compared with Buddhism (pp. 110; 119-120; 131), and in his explicit discussions of Christianity (pp. 170-185; 186-202) Abe often sounds more concerned to score debating points than to engage in philosophical analysis.

This reviewer is left with the impression that Abe finds the whole of Western (and especially Christian) metaphysical thought faintly amusing, rather like the admirable but necessarily inferior efforts of a student in a beginning logic class. The questions Abe raises are important, but they cannot be resolved or even any longer fruitfully discussed simply by trotting outfunyatii as the answer to Christian substantivism and essentialism. Did Nagarjuna, and after him the practitioners and theorists of the Zen tradition, really show that all concepts of enduring substance issue in incoherence? For that is what needs to be established, and established by argument, if Abe's passionate defences of mu and sunyatii are to stand. It cannot be assumed.

Professor Abe represents a style of Buddhist cross-cultural philosophizing which now seems oddly dated. Its representatives tend to see Western thought as a series of metaphysical errors mitigated only by Kant (who was critical but didn't go quite far enough), Nietzsche (who was at least anti-essentialist and icono-

REVIEWS 171

clastic), Whitehead (who rightly rejected substance and permanence) and Heidegger (who was gnomic and probably would

• have liked koans). They nowhere engage in the kind of complex and demanding argument necessary to establish their positions, and when pressed retreat to a kind of esoteric experientialism. It is possibl~ to see all of this in Abe's work, and yet to admire his literary style and his desire to communicate across cultural boundaries: if the future of cross-cultural philosophy lies with those concerned to argue rather than to assert, this collection of Professor Abe's work is one of the best available representations,

. of its past.

Paul J. Griffiths

CONTRIBUTORS

Mr. Lowell W. Bloss Dept. of Religious Studies Hobart and William Smith

Colleges Geneva, NY 14456

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Prof. Paul J. Griffiths Dept. of Thology University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, IN 46446

Prof. Paul Harrison Dept. of Philosophy and

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Prof. Minoru Kiyota Dept. of South Asian Studies 1244 Van Hise Hall University of Wisconsin-Madison Madison, WI 53706

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