JMA 11-2 – September 2017

Part I – The struggle for power – 1924-1926 FIRST SATURN-NEPTUNE CYCLE – EVOLVING PHASE

Before discussing the stages that marked the struggle for power between Trotsky and Stalin and

which resulted in the victory of the “Thermidorians”, I will deal with the relations of these two protagonists with Lenin. LENIN AND TROTSKY

Trotsky met Lenin for the first time in 1902, and their relationship shifted from mutual admiration

to a deep and mutual rejection to return to a close alliance. At the time of the revolution of 1905, Lenin, in a fit of frustration, had treated him as a balalaika, a layman, a careerist, a scoundrel, a liar, a swindler, a pig, and so on. This did not prevent him from calling him "the best Bolshevik" in 1917. The most intense moment of their relationship is perhaps on the evening of the October insurrection, when the first session of the Soviet Congress has just opened. Lenin, overwhelmed by emotion, could not present himself before the congressmen. Instead, he and Trotsky stretched out on blankets in an adjoining room, chatting peacefully. Lenin, exhausted, smiled : "The transition from clandestinity to the top of power has been too fast. I am dizzy". The putsch of October transformed the relations of camaraderie between Trotsky and Lenin in bonds of friendship.

Later, on December 22, 1922, Lenin spoke of Trotsky as "the most capable man of the present Central Committee". Lenin pays tribute to Trotsky's superior intelligence while pointing out his weaknesses, his arrogance and his propensity for brutally administrative methods. It was not personal considerations that brought the two men closer together, but the imperative need to bring radical solutions to the problems of the moment. Both Jacobins, they only dreamed of setting off the insurrection and of establishing the dictatorship, by terror if necessary. Moreover, in the minds of the public, the two leaders personified the Bolshevik dictatorship.

Lenin placed the greatest confidence in Trotsky's ability to exercise the functions of the dictatorship. Trotsky was his "iron commissioner," and Lenin applauded his pitiless nature. He was impressed by Trotsky's unwavering conviction that the proletarian world revolution was inevitable. After two years of civil war, Lenin himself was less optimistic, and both accepted the idea that it would not be possible to immediately ignite the blaze of an international conflagration: this had to be accomplished gradually. This "gradualist" approach resulted in the creation of communist parties throughout the world through the care of the Soviet Communist Party ; by creating illegal offices in the capitalist countries, by animating workers' movements and raising national liberation. A tactic that varied from assault to the seat - a seat left to last seventy years. Be that as it may, Lenin and Trotsky were convinced that only the unbounded terror and violence would save the Bolshevik regime. From 1917, until the death of Lenin, their collaboration was close and constructive. Trotsky then became not only the second character of the revolution, but closer to Lenin than any other by his radicalism and determination. Together they were the joint architects of the Soviet system, Stalin remaining in the position of a performer.

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After Lenin's coup in October, Lenin and Trotsky had a peer-to-peer relationship, but when Lenin fell ill in 1922 his relations with the other leaders grew stronger at Trotsky's expense. Thus the visits of Trotsky were more rare than those of Stalin or Bukharin. For his part, both in his history of the revolution and in his other writings, Trotsky invariably defended Lenin. He was determined to break the myth that Stalin was "the Lenin of today." In his theoretical and political writings Trotsky endeavored to demonstrate that he alone had always understood Lenin and that since October 1917 he alone had remained faithful to Lenin's ideas. When, on January 4, 1923, Lenin suggested that Stalin should be dismissed from the post of Secretary-General of the Party, Trotsky declined Lenin's proposal to enter into an alliance with Stalin on the occasion of the Georgian affair. this reserve remains a mystery.

Lunacharsky, who knew Trotsky and Lenin well, his comrades in battle, left a portrait of them.

From the first he said :

Trotsky looks at himself often. Trotsky cherishes his historical role and is undeniably ready to make any personal sacrifice, including that of life, to keep in the memory of humanity the halo of an authentic revolutionary leader.

And of the second :

Lenin never looks at himself, never gives a glance to the mirror of history, never even thinks what history will say about him... He is imperious in his work not because power is sweet to him, but because he is certain to be right and can not suffer anyone who spoils his work. His love for power comes from his prodigious assurance and the correction of his principles, and also, if you will, his incapacity - a very useful incapacity in a political leader - to adopt the point of view of his adversary.1

Having to deal with the struggle for power between Trotsky and Stalin after the political erasure and then the physical disappearance of Lenin, I am led to study the synastries between the natal chart of these three characters, that is to say the significant links - made of tensions or harmonics - that link strong positions in their respective birth chart. Most often, synastry is done by examining an element of a theme to an element of another theme (for example, a Mars-Neptune conjunction in one and a Mars-Pluto conjunction in the other, or a Jupiter-Pluto conjunction and a Jupiter-Uranus opposition in the other). These indications may provide interesting indications in the context of classical astrology. But as I practice mundane astrology, including the Transneptunians and energy wave flows connected to points of anchorage on the surface of the chart, I am aiming at a non-pointillistic but structural comparison. For this, the approach is based on the most significant elements of the classical theme (possibly supported by certain mid-points and by one or the other of the Transneptunians), I release in each chart a few sensitive zones (three or four most of the time). And it is on the scale of these sensitive zones that I proceed, in a second time, to the study of synastry. Thus, it is a whole network of one of the charts that will be related to the network of another chart, not a point in a theme with another point in the other chart. 1 VOLKOFF Vladimir, La Trinité du mal ou réquisitoire pour servir au procès posthume de Lénine, Trotski, Staline (The Trinity of Evil or the indictment for the posthumous trial of Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin), de Fallois editions / L’Âge d’Homme, 1991, p. 53.

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Lenin – Classic chart

Lenin – 22 avril 1870 (10 avril o.s.) – 21h42 – Simbirsk

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Lenin – Sensitives zones Lenin – 22 avril 1870 (10 avril o.s.) – 21h42 – Simbirsk

Fixed zones - SA-UR-MC-KR – SA/KR – 13°01 Verseau – 43 – IN : 20-65 – 43-88

Fixed zones - Zone AS-JU // SO-ZE Cardinal zones - MA-NE-NN-AD // SA-PL-KR

AS/JU – 27°13 Verseau – 57 MA/NE – 21°40 Bélier - 22

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To facilitate the entry into the global reading of a chart, I present the "classical" chart in three forms : a first circle, with all the planets, plus angles, North lunar node and MC/AS mid-point, with the classical aspects, including trigones and sextiles. A second circle, with the classical chart (without the Moon, Mercury and Venus) and the mid-points of Jupiter in Pluto, as well as mid-points of the Sun and Mars (thus about 20 mid-points).

This makes it possible to see, for example, that the Sun at 2° Taurus of Lenin is not only framed by Mars-Pluto but also connected to the Neptune/Pluto mid-point - which situates the character in the framework of the great cycle opened by the Neptune-Pluto conjunction of 1891. Let us recall that, according to Volguine, the framework of the Sun by Mars and Pluto denotes an adventurous native, inclined to risky enterprises, to poker shots, having the acute sense of rythm - of the kairos or favorable moment, authoritarian, badly supporting the contradiction. How best to depict Lenin, bubbling with impatience, aiming at the conquest of power and playing the whole for the whole with the poker stroke of the October 1917 insurrection, snatching by the force of his conviction the adhesion of the leadership Bolshevik reticent to this adventure ? But in doing so, with his Sun on the Neptune/Pluto axis, Lenin acts, no doubt without being aware of it, as an actor called to play his part in the first act of a new fundamental cycle, according to the characteristics of the figure Sun=Neptune/Pluto :

NE/PL=SU – Intelligence and will applied to a process of transformation, upheaval, reversal or in-depth development of a situation. A global vision and synthetic intelligence, with a cosmic or mystical sense, an attraction for the dissolution of forms and individualities within a cycle of death-renaissance or destruction-reconstruction. The supreme authority leading to the reversal or in-depth development of a situation, which can create uncertainty, illusions, and then disappointment. Ideal subject to the secret influence of a power from the depths.

In a third circle, I place the eight Transneptunians, as well as the main asteroids (Chiron, Ceres, Juno, Vesta, Pallas) plus Eris. This makes it possible to check if a particular point of the natal chart would not be marked strongly by the presence of one or other of these factors.

Besides the conjunction Mars-Neptune in Aries, which seems to be a frequent signature among activists strongly engaged on the left, we can note, in the classical chart, the Jupiter-Pluto conjunction in Taurus ; we note the fact that Jupiter is located at Venus/Uranus mid-point, which can be considered as one of the signs of passionate involvement in the revolution under the auspices of radical materialism.

Lenin – Sensitives zones In Lenin's natal chart, I identify three sensitive areas : 1° the zone of the Saturn-Kronos square, at the relay of the MC in H8 and Uranus in H16, around

the Saturn/Kronos mid-point at 13° Aquarius ; 2° the zone of Jupiter-Ascendant, at the relay of Sun and Zeus in H16, with the mid-point at 27°

Aquarius ; 3° the zone of the conjunction Mars-Neptune, whose mid-point is at 21 ° Aries. Two tools are available to researchers for a deeper study of these sensitive zones : 1° A list of mid-points (with their position in the Zodiac) : these are the mid-points that

participate in an energy wave flow connected to this or that point of anchorage, midpoints in the substrate of the chart, usually at a depth of H8, sometimes H16 - some might find even a pearl in the abyssal depths of the H32 (aspects of 11°15 and their multiples)…

2° The Numerical Index (NI) is a very powerful tool for linking a chart with other charts, whether

it be natal charts of personalities, charts of states and institutions, events, eclipses, and so on. This tool allows to detect important transits affecting a particular zone on the Zodique, to make exciting journeys through time.

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Trotski – Classic chart

Trotski – 7 nov. 1870 (26 oct. o.s.) – 23h11 – Ianovka

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Trotsky– Sensitives zones

Fixed zone - SO-NE-MC-HA-VU – SO/NE – 12°49 Verseau – 43 – IN : 20-65 – 43-88

Fixed zone – AS-LU-MA-SA-PL Mutable zone – ME-JU-UR-PO MA/PL – 24°17 Taureau – 54 JU/UR – 5°41 Sagittaire - 66

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Two oppositions strike at first in the "classical" chart of Trotsky : the Sun-Neptune opposition in the Taurus-Scorpio axis and the Jupiter-Uranus opposition in the Virgo-Poisson axis. In addition, we note the Mars-Saturn-Pluto triplice, with Saturn at the semi-square of the Mars/Pluto mid-point (at 25° Taurus, on Algol). Signature of a being fatally doomed to death, to terrible deaths, his own and all those he inflicted as leader of the Red Army and artisan, with Lenin, from civil war to impose their power on Russia after the Bolshevik coup of October 1917. The wheel of the classic mid-points (from Sun/Mars to Neptune/Pluto) reveals the Mars/Neptune mid-point at 16° Taurus, in the axis of the Sun (15° Scorpio) :

MA/NE=SU – Intelligence and will committed to energetic and determined action in the service of a mystic often confused, if not false or fraudulent, with disappointment and disillusion. The supreme authority displaying its bellicose tendencies by using force as well as deceit, cunning and lies. Authority facing the sneaky development of a situation that could lead to brutal action, confusion and uncertainty.

On the Ascendant (19° Lion) are grafted two half-points that unite the Sun, Mars and Pluto

SU/MA=PL + AS - Character and personality of a nation, a community, an institution or a personality marked by an ideal of energy, dynamism, action in the context of a transformation, an upheaval, an in-depth reversal of a situation. Reports of a supreme authority with others - allies or opponents - expressing themselves through voluntary and intelligent action, possibly under the pressure of a power from the depths, pushing passionately and impulsively into a process of death-rebirth or destruction-reconstruction, an action that can be expressed by force, even brutally. Note also, in opposition of Saturn, the presence of the Sun / Uranus mid-point : SU/UR=SA – Sudden blockage of a situation where a supreme authority is implicated in a climate of unexpected tension, agitation, excitement and nervousness, with eccentric or untimely statements. Intelligence and will, applied with a spirit of independence, in the structuring of a rigid and binding bureaucratic system, arousing fear and anguish. Or a confrontation of supreme authority with such a system.

Formula that can be combined with its complementary equivalent : SA/UR=SU – The supreme authority must face with intelligence and determination the sudden concentration of an unexpected and unpredictable tension causing agitation, excitement, nervousness, even eccentric or untimely statements. Confronting the sudden eruption of a blocking situation in a rigid system, creating a climate of fear and anguish, which requires a voluntary and intelligent response from the supreme authority. Ideal of a spirit of independence putting its will and its intelligence in the confrontation with a bureaucratic system, the rigidity of a strongly structured administration, which exercises under the constraint a rigid control. May concern fields related to energy, electricity, computers and cyberspace.

Trotsky – Sensitive zones In the Trotsky natal chart, I identify three sensitive areas : 1° the zone of the Sun-Neptune opposition, at the relay of the MC of Hades and Vulcanus, with

the Sun/Neptune mid-point at 13° Aquarius ; 2° the Mars-Pluto conjunction, at the relay of Saturn and the Moon at the Ascendant, with the

Mars/Pluto mid-point at 24 ° Taurus (conjoined to the fixed star Algol) ; 3° the Jupiter-Uranus opposition, at the relay of Poseidon and Mercury at 4° Sagittarius,

conjoined to the Jupiter/Uranus mid-point at 5° Sagittarius.

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Lenin * Trotski – Synastry Lenin – 22 avril 1870 (10 avril o.s.) – 21h42 – Simbirsk Trotsky – 7 nov. 1870 (26 oct. o.s.) – 23h11 – Ianovka

L1 * T1 et T3 – SA/KR of Lenin * SO/NE et JU/UR of Trotsky L1 - 20-65 – 43-88 - Fixed Zone - SA-UR-MC-KR – SA/KR – 13°01 Verseau – 43 T1 - 20-65 – 43-88 - Fixed Zone - SO-NE-MC-HA-VU – SO/NE – 12°49 Verseau – 43 T3 – 21-66 – 44-89 –Mutables Zone - ME-JU-UR-PO – JU/UR – 5°41 Sagittaire - 66

Lenin 1 Trotsky 1 and 3

SA/KR of Lenin * SO/NE of Trotski at 13° Aquarius – to the relay of JU-UR of Trotsky at 6° Sagittarius

Lenin * Trotsky – Synastry The identification of sensitive zones and their numerical indexing makes it very easy to relate the

sensitive areas of a chart to those of another chart, when there are points of contact between these zones. In the case of Lenin and Trotsky, we find that Lenin zone 1 (L1) is connected to the Trotsky zones T2 and T3.

At Lenin, it is the zone of Saturn/Kronos (13° Aquarius) which is in direct contact with the Sun/Neptune zone of Trotsky (13° Aquarius also) and indirectly in H16 with the Jupiter/Uranus zone at Mercury at 6° Sagittarius.

This is a powerful synastry, which particularly emphasizes the area of 13° Aquarius (and by extension of 13° of the Fixes, 4° and 28° of the Mutables, and finally of 20° of the Cardinals).

From this result it should be possible to examine how the two charts have reacted during the lifetime of these two personalities or after their death to various striking events that would emphasize the same zodiacal zones. This is the kind of research I will try to do further when I have time to do it. Let's just look here, out of curiosity, if areas were affected during the 1917 revolution and in 1989 when the Berlin Wall fell.

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On the eve of the most crucial moment in the life of Lenin and

Trotsky, when the ultimate preparations, in an overwhelming atmosphere, before the insurrection, which culminated in the capture of the Winter Palace and the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship over Russia, a Sun-Saturn square transits at 13° Scorpio-Lion, connected to the Uranus / Neptune axis (one of the signatures of the revolution) at 13° Taurus, as well as Mars / Jupiter, in H16, at 21° Cancer - a sign of victorious action. Despite Stalin's efforts to dissociate the two figures of Lenin and Trotsky, these two artisans of the October Revolution remain united forever in history, for better or for worse.

Let us now see if we find such a beautiful configuration for the fall

of the Soviet Empire, 72 years later, that is, a Day on the great clock of the Precession of the Equinoxes (whose duration is 25,920 years). Here, the main signature is that of the Pluto-Admetos opposition in the Taurus-Scorpio axis, whose mid-point falls at 14° Aquarius. At this time, the plutonian work of Lenin and Trotsky found its definitive completion, its liquidation. A week before the event, the Sun/Pluto mid-point, at 13° Scorpio, is at the three mid-points that Mars makes at Jupiter, Saturn and Neptune. Then inscribed in the Heaven, with Jupiter's opposition at the Saturn-Uranus-Neptune triplice, in the Cancer-Capricorn axis, the great doriphoria reported by Jean Phaure in his book Le cycle de l’humanité adamique (The Cycle of Adamic Humanity).2

LENIN AND STALIN

Close relations between Lenin and Stalin were not established until 1917; in 1915, Lenin was not

even able to remember the name of the future leader. It is in December 1905, that the first meeting with Lenin took place at the Tammerfors party conference. Stalin often felt displaced, useless in the midst of witty interlocutors, and filled with a feeling of internal irritation and intellectual mortification. In public, Stalin always displayed an unassailable loyalty until Lenin's death, but in his heart he seemed to have buried him for a long time, like Trotsky. Stalin continued to conform to Lenin's advice in the 1930s, albeit in his own way, shifting not hundreds, but millions of people, no longer abroad, but into concentration camps in the desolate the country. Lenin and Stalin had in common their confidence in themselves, the conviction of their infallibility, their absolute faith in the universal vocation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, their capacity to manipulate the masses, prudence and cunning, their implacable character. On the other hand, they differed greatly in their personal behavior.

The rupture between Lenin and Stalin was accomplished in December 1922. The old disagreements had become irreducible. the incartades of Ordzhonikidze in Georgia precipitate the official expression. It is therefore on the ground of nationalities (constitutionally and politically crucial) that there is first of all an opposition without any possible compromise. The first stage of this conflict was Lenin's very severe criticism of the "Draft Resolution on the Relations of the RSFSR with the Independent Republics", presented in September 1922 by Stalin. In a letter dated 27th of September to the Politburo, Lenin advocated a fundamentally different solution to autonomy, based on full equality of rights. Thus, in a letter addressed to the Bolsheviks of Georgia, Lenin says exactly what he thinks of Stalin. In Georgia, Stalin and Dzerzhinsky are making repression. Lenin observes, on December 30, 1922 : "Stalin played a fatal role there." He drafts a program letter on the national issue. 2 PHAURE Jean, Le Cycle de l’humanité adamique. Introduction à l’étude de la cyclologie traditionnelle et de la fin des Temps (The Cycle of Adamic Humanity. Introduction to the study of traditional cyclology and the end of time), Dervy-Livres, Paris, 1973, p. 571.

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His private secretary, L. Fotieva, said on April 16, 1923 : "Vladimir Ilyich regarded this article as a directive and attached great importance to it." The article, however, will not appear. Stalin will be appointed to present the report on Georgia to the 12th Congress. The notes dictated by Lenin on 30th and 31st of December are of a rare violence. Lenin treats Stalin in the terms he once used against class enemies. Lenin states :

As far as the Georgian nation is concerned, there is a typical example of the fact that a truly proletarian attitude demands that we redouble our prudence, carefulness and accommodation. [And he says about Stalin] The Georgian who disdainfully considers this side of the affair, which disdainfully launches accusations of "social-nationalism" (even though he is not only a true, authentic "social-national" but also a brutal Grand-Russian argousin), this Georgian actually infringes the proletarian class solidarity, for there is nothing which detracts from its development and consolidation as national injustice: there is nothing that is more sensitive to the national "offended" than the feeling of equality and violation of this equality. It goes without saying that it is Stalin and Dzerzhinsky who must be made politically responsible for this campaign, which is essentially a Grand- Russian. 3

In December 1922, Lenin's nervous system was markedly dilapidated. When Stalin learned that

Lenin had been authorized by the doctors to dictate, he had a violent telephone altercation with Krupskaya. She listened to her invective, weeping bitterly, and immediately wrote to Kamenev: "Because of a brief letter I wrote at the dictation of Vladimir Ilyich with the consent of the doctors, Stalin attacked me in the most crude manner". She concealed this incident from Lenin until March 5, 1923, when he appeared to recover. The next day, furious, Lenin dictated the last letter of his life, reproaching Stalin for his behavior towards his wife and demanding that he apologize to her, otherwise he would break all relations with him. Stalin's response to Lenin, expressed in a strictly confidential letter from Stalin to the Politburo, dated March 21, 1923, adopts a generally disrespectful tone. In 1923, the bureaucratic danger became an obsession for Lenin. Lenin knows himself condemned; during the last few months, he deals with only one question : the leadership of the party and the state. He thus wrote an article on the radical reorganization of labor and peasant inspection and insisted on its immediate publication. Bukharin refuses. Stalin, Molotov, Kuybichev, Rykov, Kalinin opposed it. Kuybichev contemplates an astounding trickery that speaks volumes about the moral and intellectual rotting of party cadres. He suggests issuing a single copy of Pravda, including the article, and deceiving Lenin. The humor does not lose its rights, the imaginative Kouybichev is appointed to the direction of the Central Control Commission.

According to Dimitri Volkogonov, the greatest secret of Stalin's invulnerability, of his diabolical power, lay in the monopoly he exercised over Lenin on the interpretation and "defense" of the Leninist heritage. This was one of the fundamental reasons for the stability of the totalitarian system set up by Lenin, and also of his inability to reform himself. Stalin made sure not only to embalm Lenin's body but also his ideas. The slogan was then : "Stalin is the Lenin of today"

It was an undeniable truth. Stalin was indeed the Lenin of that day. With diabolical ingenuity, he applied and developed Lenin's ideas on the dictatorship of the proletariat, on the class struggle, on total control, on a homogenized, sterilized culture, on the world revolution, and so on. To understand the role of Stalin in Soviet history, it is important to understand the evolution and nature of the relationship between him and Lenin. Why did Stalin inherit the throne ? What enabled him to win the victory in the struggle for power in the Party ? Had there been a close relationship between him and Lenin ? 4

3 ROUSSET David, La société éclatée (The exploded society), Grasset, 1973, p. 337-338. 4 VOLKOGONOV, Rise and Fall, p. 91.

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Stalin – Last Quartier – Classic chart

Stalin – Last Quarter – 17 déc. 1878 (5 déc. o.s.)– Gori - 3h04 TU

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Stalin – Sensitives Zones Fixed Zone – JU-NE-NN-AP Fixed Zone – MA-PL JU/NE – 22°18 Poissons – 82 MA/PL – 24°59 Verseau - 55

Mitable Zone – AS-UR-AD-PO Mitable Zone SO-LU-VE-SA-MC-ZE UR/AD – 6°16 Gémeaux – 66 SO/LU – 10°06 Scorpion - 50

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Lenin * Stalin – Synastry

Lenin – 22 avril 1870 (10 avril o.s.) – 21h42 – Simbirsk Stalin – Lats Quarter – 17 déc. 1878 (5 déc. o.s.)– Gori - 3h04 TU

L1 et L3 * S3 – SA/KR et MA/NE of Lenin * UR/AD of Stalin L1 - 20-65 – 43-88 - Fixed Zone - SA-UR-MC-KR – SA/KR – 13°01 Verseau – 43 L3 – 0-45 – 22-67 – Cardinal Zone - MA-NE-NN-AD // SA-PL-KR - MA/NE – 21°40 Bélier - 22 S3 – 21-66 – 44-89 –Mutable Zone – AS-UR-AD-PO – UR/AD – 6°16 Gémeaux - 66

Lenin 1 and 3 Stalin 3

SA/KR et MA/NE of Lenin * UR/AD of Stalin – MA/NE of Lenin opposition AS/PO of Stalin

L2 * S1 – AS/JU de Lénine * JU/NE de Staline L2 – 12-57 – 35-80 - Fixed Zone - Zone AS-JU // SO-ZE - AS/JU – 27°13 Verseau – 57 S1 - 14 – 59 – 37-82 – Fixed Zone - JU-NE-NN-AP – JU/NE – 22°18 Poissons – 82

Lenin 2 Stalin 1

AS/JUof Lenin * JU/NE of Stalin in H16 (JU/NE of Stalin square ZE of Lenin)

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Stalin – Classical chart Let us recall that I do not know the natal chart of Stalin. I approached it as much as possible by

drawing up the chart of the Last Lunar Quarter that precedes a day the date of birth, December 17, 1876 (in Julian calendar, December 6th, vigil of St. Nicholas in the Orthodox calendar ). This chart therefore concerns all natives born with a Moon in the Mid-Heaven that day. And among them, one came to the top of power within the framework of the Soviet Union. It would be fascinating to know the destinies of other natives with the same natal chart. One may imagine that one of them may have become bishop or higoumene in the Church persecuted under the communist regime...

What characterizes the "classical" chart is first the Sun-Moon-Saturn T-square in the axis of the meridian, at the dissonant relay of a Jupiter-Neptune square ; then the Mars-Pluto opposition at 25° Scorpio-Taurus, thus connected to the fixed star Algol. One could add the figure constituted by the Uranus/Neptune mid-point in opposition of Mercury (12° Cancer).

The large wheel indicates the presence on the MC/AS mid-point of the Sun/Uranus axis. We can point out, at 15° Mutables, the presence of the Satune/Uranus axes in Gemini and Sun/Pluto in Pisces. These elements are connected, as shown by the small circle of the Transneptunians and the asteroids, to Cupido and Eris. One can also record the position of Zeus at 27° Gemini, connected to the Sun-Moon-Saturn T-square .

Stalin – Sensitive zones I distinguish four sensitive zones in this chart : 1° the Jupiter-Neptune square, connected to Apollo, with the point of anchorage point at 22°18

Pisces ; 2° the Mars-Pluto opposition, with the mid-point at 25° Aquarius, Mars being conjoined to

Uranus/Hades and Hades/Poseidon, with the Mars/Pluto axis at 25° Aquarius ; 3° the Uranus-Admetos axis, connected to Poseidon, with the point of anchorage at 6° Gemini ; 4° the Sun/Moon axis, connected to Saturn, with the point of anchorage at 10° Scorpio. Lenin * Stalin – Synastry The two zones L1 and L3 are connected to the zone S3. The zones L1 and L3 are connected to

each other in H16, with the Saturn/Kronos axis at 13° Aquarius and the Mars/Neptune axis at 21° Aries. These two zones in the chart of Lenin resonate in that of Stalin with its Uranus/Admetos mid-point at 6° Gemini.

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One of the most significant

moments of combined transits on this area, activating the two axes of 13° Aquarius and 21° Aries, is the Jupiter-Saturn semi-square in dissonance of Hades in early June 1918. At that time, troops of the Czechoslovakian Legion, which stretched along the Trans-Siberian railway line to regroup in Vladivostok and to join their country through America, revolted against a blocusimposed by Trotsky and the Legion quickly

seized the cities of Penza, Omsk, Samara, Ufa and Simbirsk, eventually controlling all the Volga callus. During this time, Stalin is on a mission to Tsaritsyne (which will become Stalingrad), in charge of defending the city which controls the south of the country against the Army of the Volunteers installed in the Kuban and the Caucasus. In these moments that are particularly critical for the new Bolshevik power, the links between Lenin and Stalin are closer than ever.

Let us simply add that the Saturn-Pluto conjunction of 1947 (at 13° Lion on 11th of August), again

affects the two charts - Stalin appearing more and more in the eyes of the world as the continuator of Lenin after the victory over the Hitler's Germany, and on the eve of receiving the reinforcement of the immense Maoist China.

THE TESTAMENT OF LENIN

A famous "Letter to Congress" is referred to as the "Lenin Testament" that Lenin dictated, for

several days, between December 1922 and January 1923, in which he referred to the political, moral and intellectual qualities of Trotsky, Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin and Piatakov. On 24th of December and 4th of January he dictated a murderous postscript relating to Stalin. It was a period when Lenin was still able to speak, and dictated notes and letters between November 23, 1922 and March 2, 1923. Lenin insisted that this document, which had since been known as the "Testament of Lenin," remained strictly secret. Lenin's "Letter" fiercely intensified the struggle for power. On reading this text it is clear that Trotsky, despite his excessive arrogance, was regarded as "the most valuable man in the present Central Committee" when Stalin was "too brutal" and incapable of exercising power with the necessary caution. The result was that Lenin, who had wished to avoid divisions, had in fact accelerated the outbreak. The impact of the "Letter" was dramatic. It was brought to the attention of the delegates of the 13th Congress, but with the recommendation that Stalin be retained as Secretary-General provided that the shortcomings identified by Lenin were remedied. In any case, according to Volkogonov, the system created by Lenin would have found its Stalin.

Here is the judgment in Stalin and Trotsky's "Supplement to the letter of December 24, 1922", written by Lenin on January 4, 1923 :

Stalin is too crude, and this defect, perfectly tolerable in our milieu and in our relations between us Communists, became unbearable to the post of secretary-general. That is why I propose to the comrades to think of a way to remove Stalin from this post and to appoint to this place someone else who will have on Stalin a single advantage, namely that he will be more tolerant, more loyal, more polite and more attentive to the comrades, that he will also be less capricious. This remark may seem of little importance. But I think that in order to prevent a split in the Party and with the knowledge of what I wrote above about the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky, or it is such a detail that it may assume decisive importance.5

5 VOLKOGONOV Dimitri, Staline, Robert Laffont, Paris, 1995, p. 60.

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The Letter to Congress, drawn up in five copies, was placed in sealed envelopes. Lenin wanted in fact that his letter be made public directly to the Congress, without going through the censorship of the governing bodies. Volkogonov evokes a top secret document that reveals how the Politburo and the Central Committee's Control Commission succeeded in rejecting the publication of the "Testament".

For his part, David Rousset believes that Lenin has discovered the strategic value of the General Secretariat. This is to say that he has no illusions about the real state of the party (in 1922) ; on the atrophy of his political life ; on its functioning, which alone credited so much power to a technical organ which, two years earlier, had no political interest. The instruments of the split are therefore in the apparatus. However, Lenin only advocates firewalls inside the apparatus, he no longer evokes recourse to direct workers' intervention. David Rousset adds that Zinoviev is undoubtedly the only one after Lenin to have understood very quickly the strategic value of the secretariat. Lenin concluded that it was necessary to eliminate Stalin ; Zinoviev to the opportunity to ally with him. There are no differences in tactics, but in fundamental policy. The conclusion is a kind of paralysis of the adversaries of Stalin, the expression of a new Thermidor which puts an end to the workers' power resulting from the revolution :

The result is that the Thermidorians enjoy an enormous strategic advantage: their opponents are obliged to fight on the ground which is most unfavorable to them, by taking no initiative that can directly bring power into play.6

The final failure of Trotsky and his supporters of the left-wing opposition to Stalin found here its

fundamental explanation. STALIN AND TROTSKIY

Stalin has always been averse to Trotsky: he did not like Trotsky's assurance, his eloquence, his

authority, his ability to "put himself forward". However, despite a radical opposition between their two personalities, both remained typical Bolsheviks obsessed with violence, dictatorship and coercion. On this point, Vladimir Volkoff makes a judgment which is in line with that of Dimitri Volkogonov :

Trotsky and Stalin were not antipodes in Bolshevik ideology, but rivals struggling for power within its framework and bases. Trotskyism and Stalinism are not currents hostile to Leninism either, but various variants of its interpretation.7

One of the reasons for the failure of Trotsky was that he could not find support for Stalin among

the working masses, for he had cut himself off from work by his policy of coercion and militarization. Volkogonov insists on several occasions that Trotsky was one of those who installed totalitarian coercion in theory and in practice. A pertinent question had been put to Trotsky by the Bolshevik Abramovich; If socialism requires the militarization of labor, how does it differ from slavery in ancient Egypt ? Trotsky's answer was given by the band in a speech - approved by the Politburo - which he pronounced in 1920 before the Congress of Trade Unions. His exordium was based on the observation that man always seeks to avoid working and that he can be described as a rather lazy animal ; and he deduced from this that the only way to attract the labor necessary for the tasks of the economy was to introduce conscription for labor. It was with such conceptions in mind that the idea of using prisoners widely in the economy was born. Stalin was not the inventor of it : in the twenties, Trotsky, developing his idea of militarization of work, had advised : "The elements hostile to the state must be massively sent to the building sites of the proletarian state". But we can go back even further, from the beginning of the establishment of Bolshevik power. One of the significant aspects of Trotsky's speeches during the spring of 1918 relates to the organization of work in society, stressing the need for revolutionary order and discipline. In one of his speeches, dated April 14, 1918, the apology for this coercion took on messianic accents : "We, the working people, will build a paradise in this world forever."Thus Trotsky was one of the most fervent apostles of Russian Jacobinism. Trotsky was not only a shock debater, but he was also able to express a radical political position with clarity

6 ROUSSET David, La société éclatée (The exploded society), Grasset, 1973, p. 170. 7 VOLKOFF Vladimir, La Trinité du mal ou réquisitoire pour servir au procès posthume de Lénine, Trotski, Staline (The Trinity of Evil or the indictment for the posthumous trial of Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin), de Fallois / L’Âge d’Homme editions, 1991, p. 77.

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and precision. This is what earned him the title of "Danton of the Russian Revolution". Trotsky was the chief orator of the revolution. His favorite place for the meetings was the Cirque Modern. Volkogonov thus depicts his oratorical talent :

When one hears recordings of his voice, it appears that he was not only a talented speaker, but that he was completely impregnated and devoted to the misconceptions that he inculcated in the minds of the people. Paradoxically, Trotsky, who had only a superficial knowledge of the life of a worker, who had never known the life of a soldier or the existence of a student in Russia, was nevertheless capable of exciting the imagination and finding an echo among the workers, soldiers and students.8

For all that, not everyone accepted Trotsky as a leading leader. Among the Bolsheviks, some did

not forget his non-Bolshevik past, while for the broader population it was his Jewish origin that was at stake.

Trotsky was certainly very much affected by the failure of the revolution in Germany. During the civil war, Trotsky had firmly believed that the revolution was about to unfold in several other countries. He was disappointed by the failure of the revolutionary movements, which meant not only the collapse of revolutionary hopes, but also a deep personal injury. Another weakness was greatly detrimental to him after Lenin's death : for health reasons, Trotsky went to take care of himself in the south of Russia and was often absent for long periods as the decisive battle for power took place.

Trotsky * Stalin – Synastry

Trotskiy– 7 nov. 1870 (26 oct. o.s.) – 23h11 – Ianovka Stalin – Last Quarter – 17 déc. 1878 (5 déc. o.s.)– Gori - 3h04 TU

T1 et T3 * S3 – SO/NE and JU/UR of Trotsky * UR/AD of Stalin T1 - 20-65 – 43-88 - Fixed Zone - SO-NE-MC-HA-VU – SO/NE – 12°49 Verseau – 43 T3 – 21-66 – 44-89 – Mutable Zone - ME-JU-UR-PO – JU/UR – 5°41 Sagittaire - 66 S3 – 21-66 – 44-89 –Mutable Zone – AS-UR-AD-PO – UR/AD – 6°16 Gémeaux - 66

Trotsky 1 and 3 Stalin 3

JU/UR (and SO/NE in H16) of Trotsky * UR/AD of Stalin

8 VOLKOGONOV, Trotski, p. 84.

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The synastry between Stalin and Trotsky is complex and requires two distinct tables. The first connects T1 and T3 with S3, the second T2 and S2. In Trotsky's natal chart, the Sun/Neptune mid-points (13° Aquarius) and Jupiter/Kronos 6° Sagittarius are connected in H16. These two zones resonate with the Uranus/Admetos network of Stalin (6° Gemini).

At the time of the assassination of Trotsky in Mexico City on August 21, 1940, on the orders of Stalin, this zone of their synastry was activated by Hades, at the relay of the axes of Saturn/Neptune (19° Cancer) and Pluto/Poseidon (4° Virgo). A condensed reciprocal hatred and irreducible ideological conflict about the prospects for the expansion of socialism throughout the world.

The second table of synastry between Trotsky and Stalin connects their two Mars/Pluto axes,

which are in square, in Taurus at Trotsky, in Aquarius at Stalin (at 24° of the Fixes). T2 * S2 – MA/PL of Trotsky * MA/PL of Stalin T2 – 9 – 54 – 32-77 – Fixed Zone - AS-LU-MA-SA-PL - MA/PL – 24°17 Taureau – 54 S2 – 10-55 – 33-78– Fixed Zone – MA-PL – MA/PL – 24°59 Verseau - 55

Trotsky 2 Stalin 2

MA/PL of Trotsky in Taurus * square MA/PL of Stalin in Aquarius

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STALIN ET TROTSKY : THE STRUGGLE FOR THE POWER The period 1923-1924 marked the turning point in the political direction of the country and the

first stages of Trotsky's defeat against Stalin. Trotsky first saw his theses rejected several times and in January 1925 he lost control over the armed forces, a decisive step that left him defenseless against the attacks of Stalin, who created around him a "Troika" extended to a "Semiorka" in order to stifle any influence of his opponent in the Politburo. At first Stalin admired the "tribune," but he quickly realized that Trotsky wanted to play the role of heir, and the struggle was pitiless.

As early as January 1923, Trotsky emphasized his own ideas on how to govern the country in a memorandum addressed to the Politburo. And in the meetings of the Politburo, he regularly raised the question of the bureaucratic ossification of the system. On October 8, 1953, he sent the Politburo a fifteen-page letter addressed to all members of the Central Committee and the Central Committee, which contained a violent criticism of the Party leadership. The accusation of incompetence and lack of planning was justified, but went further, accusing the Politburo of abuse in personnel policy. Trotsky was then supported by the group of Bolsheviks who had signed the so-called "Platform of the 46". He saw there an opportunity to reiterate his ideas of "drastic concentration of industry", "radicalization of politics towards the peasantry", insisting again on the policy of "militarization of labor". On October 16th, when the letter was read at the Politburo, the Stalin-Zinoviev-Kamenev Triumvirate immediately ordered an emergency meeting of the Presidium of the Party Control Commission. During the audience, Trotsky could see that his voice was inaudible. "The ring" which surrounded him was more firmly tightened around him. Being himself a creator of the Bolshevik system, he could not understand that any attempt to improve it was doomed to failure, for the fundamental principles of Leninism, based on the monopoly of a single party, made reform impossible. The joint plenum of the Central Committee and the Central Control Commission condemned Trotsky, who was supported by only two out of the 114 who attended the meeting. Indeed, even before the start of the struggle for leadership in the party, Trotsky was isolated. Admittedly, in popularity, Trotsky yielded only to Lenin ; he was one of the most celebrated chiefs of October. But this popularity was not expressed by a large number of supporters. Isaac Deutscher emphasizes this splendid isolation :

Trotsky was so sure of his position in the Party and in the country, of his superiority over his adversaries, that for a long time he refused to engage in an open struggle for succession.

Thus maintained in the illusion of his excellence by the court of his disciples, Trotsky could only underestimate the taciturn Stalin. The latter had had little difficulty in gaining Zinoviev and Kamenev to his cause, for both of them, who had great ambitions - especially Zinoviev - feared Trotsky more than Stalin. Often, before a meeting of the Politburo, Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev met separately. This triumvirate was known by the other members of the Politburo under the name of "the ring" - which, in my eyes, evokes the fatal "Ring of Power" of Sauron in Tolkien's Legendary. David Rousset pointed out that the secret troika (Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev), which was created in mid-December 1923, was expanded in 1924 into a clandestine group of seven officials, the semiorka.

This seven-member college brings together six members of the Politburo: Zinoviev, Kamenev, Stalin, Bukharin, Voroshilov, Kalinin and the new president of the Central Control Commission, Kuybichev. The conspirators make a commitment not to polemize among themselves. They have a secret number for their correspondence. They extend their networks to all administrations; penetrate into all organisms; create a sort of closed order with its agents, disciplines, means of dissemination and abundant resources from the coffers of the State, the party and the trade unions.9

Trotsky soon realized that a plot was being organized against him. In June 1927 he declared

before the Central Committee's Control Committee :

Since 1924, there has existed a faction of the seven, regrouping all the members of the Politburo with the exception of myself. This group of seven is illegal and constitutes an anti-Party bloc, which has make the decision to decide the life of the Party behind its back.

9 ROUSSET, La Société éclatée (The exploded society), p. 167.

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Trotsky recounted that a few years later, when they had come to fight against Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev had revealed to him the secrets of the plot hatched against himself. An internal Politburo of seven members had been created, comprising all the other members except Trotsky, plus Kuybichev, who was at the head of the Supreme Economic Council. This center dealt with all questions in advance and its members were bound by secrecy. There were similar centers in the provinces under strict discipline in the center of Moscow, which had coded communications with it. The organizers of the Party were selected on the sole criterion that they were hostile to Trotsky. The death of Lenin in January 1924 allowed the conspirators to conduct their campaign in broad daylight.

It must be said that the campaign of Stalin benefited largely from the assistance of Trotsky himself. By practically withdrawing from daily life and tasks concerning the country and the Party to concentrate on his writings, taking frequent sick leave and remaining silent during debates on important current policy issues, he favored his enemies. He still believed in a final triumph even after Lenin's death and he was not prepared for the personal defeat that was falling inexorably on him. Faced with the powerful intelligence and brilliant personality of this creative individual, stood the dull but powerful machine of Party organization. The bureaucratic monster had arisen with incredible rapidity and was now able to transmit authoritatively and efficiently the orders from the center where Stalin constantly reinforced his position. The decisive battle still to come would not be equal : the defeat of Trotsky was certain.

Until Lenin's death, Trotsky was convinced in himself that the Politburo would appeal to him to replace the disappeared leader. However, Trotsky lost the fight from the beginning. The struggle itself was beyond a rivalry of personal ambitions or an incompatibility of characters. It was a competition between centrist and leftist tendencies in the Party, Stalin the center and Trotsky the left. But something peculiar happened, namely that Stalin supplied himself with the weapons provided by the left opposition in his program. He thus appropriated Trotsky's own methods and put them into practice. For Volkogonov, Stalin and Trotsky represent two different social types : one, pragmatic, conformist, anxious to build socialism in one country ; the other, the "nomad of the revolution", romantic, full of faith in the triumph of his ideals.

Isaac Brodski (1884-1939) is a Soviet painter who fits within the framework of "socialist

realism". He has produced two portraits of Lenin and Stalin as well as gigantic compositions on political themes. Although several of his paintings were destroyed during the Stalin purges, he succeeded in escaping from a precarious situation thanks to his numerous relations in the Soviet nomenklatura and in 1934 he was appointed director of the Russian Academy of Fine Arts.

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Among his historical paintings is an interesting picture of the funeral of Lenin, where some of the highest dignitaries of the Party are represented around the coffin of Lenin, but the figure of Trotsky is absent who did not attend Funeral of Lenin. From left to right are: A.I. Ulyanov-Elizarova (back) - Anna, Lenin's sister - an unknown (in profile), G.E. Zinoviev, L.B. Kamenev, N.K. Kroupskaya (at the height of Lenin's head), F.E. Dzerzhinsky, I.F. Stalin, M.I. Kalinin, an unknown, A.I. Rykov, Ja. E. Roudstak (in profile), A.S. Enoukhidze (foreground in profile), N.I. Bukharin (in the background), S.S. Kamenev (foreground).

Brodski carried out a first version of the work in 1924. From April of this year, the government, through the Central Commission for the perpetuation of the memory of VI Lenin, established strict control over all images the representative, justifying this by the risk that large sections of the population would assimilate a distorted image of the Chief. In March 1925, the painter sent a reproduction of the painting to the Commission and suffered a categorical refusal. In the same year, he prepared another variant of the painting. The patrons of the artist - the members of the Commission Abel Enoukhidze and Clement Voroshilov - approved the new version, authorizing its distribution. Transferred to the Lenin Museum of the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute in 1936, the painting was soon recalibrated in the reserve. In a circular dated October 16, 1950, the transfer of the painting was proposed for special protection to the Ministry of Security with the following note : "I. Broski. In front of the Chief's coffin. Hall of the Columns of the House of Soviets. On this picture are portraits of Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Enoukhidze ".

Trotsky was later to admit that he had made a grave mistake in being absent at Lenin's funeral. He declares that he was deceived by a telegram from Stalin sent to the local Cheka of Tiflis on January 22nd. The absence of Trotsky during the funeral created a very unfavorable impression among the population, especially among the Party members, many of whom took this as a sign of disrespect to Lenin's memory. This was perhaps the decisive event which led to the defeat of Trotsky. From May 22nd to 31st, 1924, the 13th Party Congress was held, which saw the official condemnation of Trotsky's theses. In accordance with Lenin's wishes, Krupskaya had sent to the Central Committee, a few days earlier, Lenin's Letter of 24th-25th of December 1922, as well as the supplement of January 4, 1923, both texts being re-written and enveloped. The plenum held the day before the Congress took the following resolution :

To communicate to the Congress documents read, in accordance with the will of Vladimir Illitch ; to communicate to each delegation, specifying that these documents should not be reproduced; the communication to the delegations will be made by the members of the commission that received the papers of Illitch.

It was the first Congress without Lenin. The political report was presented by Zinoviev. But

neither in his report nor in the report on the organization presented by Stalin did the questions raised by Lenin in his last letters were in fact addressed. When Stalin heard of Lenin's Letter, he offered his resignation. If it had been accepted, many things would have gone differently. This seemed an appropriate step, and in his place, any other Bolshevik would probably have acted in the same way. But to resign was not decisive. Stalin, in the twenties, proposed it twice, and the second, after the 15th Congress, in a still more categorical form. But at that moment his authority had grown, he personified in the Party the man who fought for unity, who stood implacably against the various factionists. His resignation was again refused. It seems that Stalin was convinced of this in advance and that his aim was to strengthen his position. At the 13th Congress, Kamenev and Zinoviev took all measures to ensure that Lenin's insistent recommendation for the dismissal of Stalin was not carried out. Zinoviev and Kamenev considered that the main point at this stage was to prevent Trotsky from reaching the highest positions on which they themselves counted. Trotsky was just waiting for him to be called.

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EG H4 – 1924 – Fourth quarter

Carré de Saturne en Scorpion au carré Zeus-Kronos sur l’axe Lion-Taureau – 35 Carré Jupiter-Uranus avec interférence de Mercure – 78

Deux phénomènes concomitants avec la Nouvelle Lune du 28 octobre 1924 Carré Jupiter-Poséidon avec interférence de Mars – 88 Carré Jupiter-Hadès avec interférence de Mars – 2

Entre l’Ingrès de Capricorne et la Nouvelle Lune du 26 décembre 1924

The graphic ephemerides table for the fourth quarter of 1924 indicates three zones of tension : at 5° of the Fixed signs, Saturn transits in dissonance of the square Zeus-Kronos, at the time of the New Moon of October 28th ; at the same time, at 18° of the Mutable signs, the Venus-Jupiter square transits in dissonance of Uranus. These two zones are connected in H8 and therefore vibrate at the same time. Then, in December, between the Ingress in Capricorn and the New Moon of 26th of December, Jupiter transits the Hades-Poseidon opposition, with interference of Mars which potentially activates a triggering effect. However, it is between the middle of October and the end of December that the tensions between Trotsky and Stalin took a final turn. It will be noticed that the transit of Mercury at the square of Pluto on October 16th finds an echo, from 15th to 21st of December, by the stationary transit of Mercury in opposition to Pluto during his retrogradation.

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The next stage of the confrontation at the summit took place in October 1924. On the 12th, the Pravda announced the publication of the October Lessons of Trotsky, which accused Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev of having betrayed the revolution. On October 16th, the triumvirate of Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev met in Kamenev's apartment. It was there that a detailed plan was drawn up for a first mass attack against Trotsky.

It will be observed that at the moment of this Full Moon there is a Cupido-Neptune conjunction at 21° Lion on the axis of the lunar nodes, which can be interpreted as the sign of a deceptive and illusory alliance, Stalin's transitory allies against Trotsky found themselves losers because, once Trotsky was eliminated, they themselves were victims of the Stalin purges, of which they helped to consolidate the supreme power.

NE/CU - Deception, falsehood, lying, fraud or uncertainty and confusion in social and community life or in negotiations. The system of alliances may be confronted with a loss of sense of reality, confusion, illusions, deceit, lies leading to disillusionment and disappointment.

The rupture became final after Stalin's speech at the plenum of the communist faction of the Trade Unions on November 19, 1924. The Secretary-General had titled his speech "Trotskyism or Leninism" and he indulged in a pitiless criticism of Trotsky. A month later, on December 20th, Stalin launched his slogan of building socialism in one country, which opposed Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution.

The New Moon of 28 October takes place around Saturn at 5° Scorpio, connected to the Zeus-Kronos square. At the time of the revolution of 1917, Saturn was conjoined with Zeus ; in 1924, seven years later, the Saturn-Zeus cycle goes from conjunction to evolutionary square. The proletarian revolution proclaimed by the Bolsheviks now leads to a bureaucratic dictatorship around the Secretary General of the Communist Party.

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The New Moon of December 1924 is directly connected with the Cupido-Neptune conjunction. The position of Jupiter, conjoined to the lunation, can be read as the triumph of the factious troika. A triumph that will rest on strength and on all sorts of baseness and villainy, with the relay of Jupiter at Mars conjoined to the Hades/Admetos axis.

HA/AD=MA – The greatest obstacle to an activity, to a voluntary and determined action, to the capacity to achieve. Strength and brutality at the service of a warlike passion, seriously damaging an underlying structural equilibrium. HA/AD=JU – The greatest hindrance to an expansion, a success. Disappearance of abundance and prosperity. Obstructing traditional values in the world of finance and justice or affecting legislative power or religious institutions. [Here the institution of the Communist Party, which makes atheism its religion].

In January 1925 Trotsky was relieved of his post as People's Commissar for Military Affairs and

President of the Military Revolutionary Council of the Republic. From then on he no longer represented a serious threat to Stalin ; as long as Trotsky had been in charge of the armed forces, Stalin had been afraid of him.

At the end of April 1925, the 14th Congress was held, the last one, during Stalin's lifetime, where criticism and self-criticism were still accepted in the assembly. Although in many respects inferior to Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukharin, Stalin had succeeded in raising himself to the pinnacle of power because he had chosen as his preferred weapon the "defense" of Leninism and that he presented himself as the chief interpreter of Lenin's ideas. It is there, in this claimed monopoly of fidelity to Lenin, that lies, the "secret" of the popularity of the Secretary-General.

Charles Ridoux

Amfroipret, August 29, 2017