khrushevs second secrei' speech

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TRANSlATEDEXCERPI'SPAGE 6:KHRUSHa!EVSSECOND SECREI'SPEECHdidn't deny it in the past. an d we d o n ~ deny it now. Therefore, on this, Stal in was a Marxist. an d heserved, and used all the methods available. He used them so that in this struggle to affirm [the new], hedestroyed his own people. His own people were destroyed (svoikh unichtozhal). Of course it's possible.This wa s in every party. There were always cases where someone was under the suspicion of being anagent provocateur. Sometimes investigations an d courts were used, bu t it later turned out that they hadbeen honest people. Were there cases Wee these? Of course there were. And it was the same in th ePolish party. It was everywhere. If there's an underground, if there's a struggle, then i ~ s always possible.And the fact that the enemy sends its agents is !mown to everybody, comrades. Its all a question ofintelligence, methods, an d abilities. Stalin had such views, he understood it well, an d tried to protecthimself. And in protecting the revolution, he got to th e point where, as they say, th e artillery fired on itsown army.Well, my dear friend, I c a n ~ say anything else. I would be dishonorable, if after his death, everythingwa s blamed on him. That w o u l d n ~ be very smart. We would then not have been Marxists, or we wouldnot have understood it an d explained it correctly. Stalin in particularly was a Marxist. A Marxist. Wethink so. The question of his mistakes on the questions of theory, an d in other instances, is not beingdiscussed right now, comrades. This wa s a man who devoted his body an d soul to the working class.There i s n ~ a single doubt about it.But... ..always, so to speak, humans are fallible. Something unpleasant is omitted, something pleasantis exaggerated. So this kind of lesson is not accepted as a valid source of history. I don't want to insultour elders, I myself am not young, but I !mow that sometimes .....[about events] forty to fifty years ago,everyone tells his ow n [version]...Stalin valued every revolutionary. It ha d to be seen. We sa w it. We're now talking about the negative[side of] history. But, Stalin, comrades, if I could talk about the good times, [Stalin's] attention an dcaring. 1bis was a revolutionary. He lived life, but he had a persecution mania (marilla presledovaniia)about somebody pursuing him .....And, because of it, he would never stop . ....He , even his ownrelatives .....He shot them. Because, he thought that the brother of his first wife-a Georgian woman, sh edied a long time ago. (From the audience: Alilueva. No, Alilueva's the last wife.) Svanidze. Svanidze. Her

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TRANSLATED EXCERPIS PAGE 4: KHRUSHCHEV'S SECOND SECRET SPEECHcollectively find the correct solution. Stalin was telling us that the capitalist world will fool us, that we're likeblind kittens. But, if Stalin came back now; we would show him what we've done after him, and how we'vecleaned up the atmosphere. I think that Stalin couldn't have done it, an d in ten years. And if he had lived alittle bit longer, then he possibly would have started another waLlisten! When Stalin died, l09 people were killed. l09 people died because everyone moved like a mob andsmothered them. This is just such a psychosis (psikhos). Some people, when they were in the hall near thecasket, started crying-What are we going to do now? Comrades, common people is on e thing, but howmany party members and Komsomol members thought when Stalin died, what will happen after hin1? Is itproper? Is it appropriate to imagine a hero, an d make everything dependent on him? Comrades, do wethen need the party? What is it? It means not believing in human judgment, not believing in the force ofd e ~ o c r a c y ; not believing in collective leadership. Comrades, then let's choose a king. The monarchists saytheir system is better, because all your elections depend on your voters, and they adapt [to each other), butou r monarch, he was given the power to rule and manage by God. Then we must agree with even such anabsurdity. And now; we're trying to break this myth of power an d infallibility. Some say; what would youhave done during the war, if you didn't have Stalin? Defeated the Germans. Defeated them-and defeatedthem sooner, with less blood [lost]. I'm sure of it. And maybe we could have avoided the waL Maybe, if ourpolicy was a little smarter, maybe, we could have avoided the waL Nobody knows. That is ho w I an d myfriends in our collective se e these things.listen, such absurdity. When Lenin died, no busts. Stalin died, there wasn't a single town or city where amonument to him was no t placed. We, when he died, we couldn't imagine what to name after him, toimmortalize him the day he died, because whatever we did would have been sigrillicantly worse than whathe had done during his lifetime. Ca n this be correct? Can this be correct upbringing? There was nomodesty; although he talked a lot about modesty. There were many; many shortcomings, which,unfortunately; we could not... ..We ourselves suffered from it. I vacationed with him on e yeaL I lived next[door]. I told my friends an d they understood it. They said that if you're still alive after this vacation, say"Thank God." Why? Because I had to dine with him every day. It means I ha d to be drunk every day. I be gyour pardon. Am I saying it too frankly; yes? (Voices from the audience [in Russian]: You're saying the truth.

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TRANSLATED EXCERPfSPAGE2:KHRUSHa:JEVS SECOND SECRET SPEECHcommunications] a r e n ~ bad. Here he gave such a report, he talked for three hours, really talked for threehours, tha.t such questions were presented, that such questions were really presented, an d that after that.they won .....so to speak. To each other.. ...there's such a situation among the diplomats, that Kluushchevflew to Warsaw, Ma.lenkov to London, Mikoian to Karachi, during a ba d state in the [Soviet] Fblitburo they'renot going to fly all over the world .....checking themselves. Because, really, let them ma.ke some noise;ma.ke some noise an d then they'll be left with nothing (na bobakh). But, we will only win from this, becausenow we have a colossal growth of party solidarity around the Central Committee, an d firmness amongparty ranks, an d i ~ s only natural that th e party receive satisfaction, tha.t we, so to speak, the CentralCommittee . ....under the party. ....He made the report to the party, because .....the reasons .....an d we'resaying how to cure wh y this could have happen ....( ..After reading this, you'd probably be indignant an d probably say, this is really an enemy of the people.(Voice from the audience [in Russian] No.) No? Comrades, comrades, you're saying no . I'm no t upset withyou. Yes, Comrades. But. you're saying this in 1956, aftermy presentation.Now; even a fool can be smart,as they say. But. you have to make the decision when the question is being discussed. Here, before you,sits your wonderfu l fellow-countryman, an d ou r friend, Rokossowski. He spent two years in jail. (Questionfrom the audience: .....Berezhkov) There is. Yes, there is. Here, in my report, I was talking about Meretskov:Meretskov; I d o n ~ know if he sa t for two years or no t bu t not for a long time. But now he's a completeinvalid. He was interrogated by Rados. This big man was interrogated by Rados. They ha d very smarttechniqUes. The doctors' case. I was sick, before my trip to Warsaw. Th e professor, Vinogradov came, whowas one of the saboteurs and had been in jail. An d then he wa s freed. I ask: 'So, what do you thinkVladimirNikitovich, ca n I fly to Warsaw?'' He says: "You can. Breathe carefully; through th e nose. Dont makespeeches outdoors. Do no t take off your hat." A doctor says that to a person who's not yet complete ly well.He was in jail. After jail he examined us. But I read his testimony myself. tha t he was a German spy. It sohappened that this doctor; Vmogradov; attended to me, and wa s at my place practically a da y before hisarrest. After my presentation to th e 19th congress, I fell ill.And I wa s laying in bed, for three day. And hewa s taking care of me, and I was already reading the protocols on his statements. The other doctors were

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434 EKATERINA OLITSKAIAFrom th e next bunk R. glanced over at me. She ha d an intelligent face and

bright, mocking eyes. I could hear he r whisper to Zina: "It would be sa d if it wereno t so funny."

On the top bunk somebody wa s having a hysterical fit. I h a ted hys teric s . but atle ast this time it pu t an en d to the song .

Who was I surrounded by? Who were these unfortunate women? Were they thebest daughters of the party or the refuse, the ballast? Wh y were th ey here 0 Whoha d prepared this fate for them , an d fo r what reason?

GLOSSARY

Black ravens- colloquial tenn for vans used by the secret police.Bolsheviks- the radical wing of the Russ ian Social Democratic Part y. Under V! . Lenin 's

leadership, the Bolsheviks took power in the name of the soviets in the October I') 17Revolution; renamed the Communist Party in 19 19.

Central Committee- nominally the mai n governi ng b(>dy of thL Communist Pany,elected at party congresses. In fact , all important political decisions were made by theCentral Committee's Politburo.

Ce ntral Executive Committee - the legislatur e of the Soviet Union from 1924 to \93rJ.Cheka- the Extraordinary Commission for Combating Coun terrevolution. Sabotage, cmd

Speculation; the name of the Soviet secret police from 191 8 tu 1922.Constituent Assembly- the body that was to determine the constitu tional future of Russ ia

after the February Revolution; elected in November 191 7. it was di ssoh cd hy theBolsheviks on its first meeting (in January 1918 ).

Cossacks- armed farmers organized into autonomous "armies '' (eleven in all at the timeof the revolution) that received grams of hmd in the imperial borderlands in exchcUJgefor military service; in the last decades of the Russian Empire Cossack units wereoften used to suppress slrikes and dem onstrat ions.

Decembrists- military officers who staged an unsuccessful liberal-constitutiona li st .:oupagainst autocracy in December 1825 , during a succession crisis fo llowing the death ofAlexander I. Five coup leaders were executed. and mo re than a hundred were banished to Siberia.

Desiatina- Rus sian measurement equivalent to 2.7 acres.Duma- Ru ssian word for parliament : the State Duma was cr.:ated by Tsar :\ ichol:ts II

following the 1905 revolution.February Revolutio n - the overthrow of Tsar Nich ola s II in Fehruarv I IIl 1922 Il l

1923 (renamed OGPU , 1923-34 ).Gymnasium- elite high school with emphasis on classical studies :UJJ the hum:mities.Kadets- the Constitutional Democratic Parry. the main liberal party in Russi:t before the

October Revolution.Kolkhoz- collective fann ; kolkhoznik-- and maternity kaYe.Komsomol- the Communist Youth League .Kulak- in official Soviet temunology. a rich peasant: ultimately a term of polit ical op-

probrium rather than an econom ic catego ry.Mensheviks- the mod erate wing of the Russian Social Democra tic Pcuty that su bscribed

to the "o rthodox" Marxist view that Russia must pass th rough the capitalist stage ofdevelopment before reaching socialism.

NEP- the New Econonuc Policy ( 1921-28) that permined small -scale pnvate trade andmanufacturing as well as some forei gn economic investmelll .

NKVD- the name of the Soviet secret police (fom1erly Cheka, GPL'. OG PU) from 1934to the Second World War.


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430 EKATERINA OLJTSKAI AAs 1was distributing the onions, 1 heard some grumbling: first in a whisper, and

then louder and louder. I had acted incorrectly, I was told. I should have dividedthe onions according to the size of the contribution, not into equal parts. Whywere the onions being distributed among those who had not paid anything (tothose, in other words, who did not have any money)?

"1 am not going home. I have got to save money . . ."I am not in a position to feed the poor . . . ""These are our last crumbs; we can't afford to give them away .At first I did not understand. Then I felt lost. I had known that I could expect

almost anything from these women, but this was a shock. They were supposed tobe Communists, after all' I think I even had tears in my eyes.

Prison had taken its toll on me as well. I was angry at myself for crying overthose miserable onions. I f only to fight back the tears, 1 started telling them aboutthe way imprisoned socialists used to live: how they would share their last crumb ,how they would not care who had contributed what, and how they would protectthe sick and the weak. I do not remember what else 1said, but the car grew silent.The onion issue was never raised again. I noticed, however, that the majority werenot happy with me. Many of those who had wanted me to be their representativewere now avoiding me . But some expressed their support for me. Tonia was oneof them.

Tonia Bukina was my age. At the time of the 1917 revolution she had been aworker in a Leningrad factory. Her wages had barely been enough to get by on.On February 23 she and her fellow workers had attended a demonstration. Therewas no going back for her: the revolutionary wave had turned her whole lifearound. Tonia had begun to devote most of her time to volunteer work and soonafterward joined the Bolshevik Party. She had worked and gone to school at thesame time. As an activist, she had been sent to a special training course. Then shehad become a women's organizer. She fell in love with one of her party comrades,but she had no time to spend at home, no time to raise her son. She spent all hertime traveling on party business. The year 1937 found her in Donetsk Province.

I asked Tonia about the show trials-she was still on the outside at the time.Tonia said:

''I can only tell you how they appeared to me . The first tri al took place in 1936.I remember hating the enemies of the people and the party who had betrayed theirmotherland and the revolution and sold themselves to the capitalists. I had totaltrust in the Central Committee and the organs of state security. The arrests ofmore and more people both scared and pleased me. We were unmasking ourenemies. But when our own provincial officials-our immediate bosses-werearrested, we became confused. How could it be that none of us had sensed ornoticed this treason in our midst? Along with all the others, I demanded the deathsentence . I spoke to factory women. explaining to them the desperate need for aruthless struggle. Bu t before we knew it, our comrades from the regional partyheadquarters had also been arrested. They were people who had worked by myside . I had close friends among them. We had been through the revolution together. We had been through the first trial s together. I thought I was losing my

MY REMINISCENCES (3) .J.\1mind. Everyone was turning out to have been a traitor . . . I did not know what orwhom to believe. I could not go on living. I would have gone mad , but , fortunately, I was arrested.

At first I thought I had been slandered by traitors and was certain that theinvestigation would establish my innocence. But the investigator did not want toestablish anything . He was not interested in anything. He just wanted me to signsome testimony that did not contain a single word of truth. He demanded that !l ieabout myself and others. I don't want to talk about the actual interrogation . I wastreated the same way everyone else was treated. But in the end I was sa\ed b y theordeal-saved because I understood that my friends were not traitors . Because Iknew the truth about myself. I knew that in my own work I had always folkm edCentral Committee guidelines."

"Did you sign the confession?" I asked."No," she shook her head."Did they beat you ?""I don't want to talk about it. I do not understand how it could ha w happened.

what all those horrors could possibly mean . And what could be more lwrrible th:mwhat I went through?!! The investigator told me that I w a Communi st and thatthe party required my signature on the confession. I did not sign. i\1y son, myfamily, and my friends consider me an enemy of the people . That is exactly whatI used to think about others before I was arrested."THE train moved slowly along. Every evening the guards would do roll call . Theywould warn us by banging on the door with a wooden hammer. Swearing. th.:ywould herd us all to one side of the car and then push us. one by one. into th eother half.

Nobody ever told us where we were being taken. but we knew that the train 11 a ,heading east. Once a day we would be given a revolting gruel. The door \l"llnldopen, and a vat filled with liquid that looked and smelled like slops would bebrought in. In addition, each inmate would receive three hundred grams of bread .A water tank--enough for about half a liter per person- would al so be brought in .We would be told to drink it or wa sh with it , whatever Wt ' prt'ferred. To p thetime, the women would start reciting poetry. Zhenia Ginzburg ' turned out to bea wonderful performer. A young, dark-haired woman who. I believe . had been :1teacher at the University of Kazan, she possessed :m amazing memory. With greatskill, she recited all of Eugene One gin, Polral'a, The Bron ;: c Horsclllan," and ( from Wit 7 When the guard heard her reading , he climbed into the c.u ami demanded that we surrender our books immediately. He absolutel y refused to believe that there were no books there . Cur sing furiou sly, he searched the whole car.but found nothing, of course.

Most of the women in our car were high-r:mk.ing Communists. Not a sin gleone considered herself guilty, and not one ever protested or expressed an y

' Evgenia Ginzburg (1 900--1977)-authur oi the famous camp me nwir Into th, \Vhi ri Hind. Poems by A. S. Pushk.in .7 Play by A. S. Griboedov ( 1822-2-l ).


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426 EKATERINA OLITSK AIAsurvive a trip like that. She started suffocating on the very first day. She told methat she had suffered from astluna ever since she had done hard labor time beforethe revolution, when she was an SR . After 1917 she had become a Communistand eventually had ended up in the Iaroslavl prison. Ou r train proved to be the endof her life's journey.

The other two were quite young. Prison life had destroyed their health. Afterone week on the train, their organisms could no longer tolerate the food we werebeing given.

It was on that train that I first got to know many of the women who had filledthe Iaroslavl Special Prison. Liusia Orandzhanian and I were the only socialists.Liu sia had been arrested in exile in 1936 and taken to laroslavl. Like me, she wasdesperate to see her comrades. She and I spoke the same language. But the rest?I looked at them with curiosity and interest. Judging by their sentences, they wereall political prisoners. With very few exceptions, they had all been sentenced toten years under the articles 5810-58 11 and 588: terror and complicity.

I looked at them, and could not believe my eyes or ears: it was a motley crowdthat had nothing but the prison uniform in common. Some of them were extremely agitated, others silent and submissive. Some believed that their innocencehad finally been established and that they were on their way to their place of ex ile;others thought that such a transfer of the whole prison population meant that therehad been no review of the sentences and that this could only be a transfer toanother prison or to a camp. Having spent years in tiny cells with only one otherinmate or in solitary confinement, these women could not stop talking . Each onewanted to tell the others about her case , her interrogation, her unjust sentence. Themost frightening thing was that they were all in prison for crimes they had notcommitted. I was amazed at the things they seemed to take for granted. Neverbefore had I heard about beatings or torture during interrogations. I was al soastonished to hear that all of them--or almost all-had signed fictitious confessions incriminating themselves and others. I could hear their conversations. Someof my bunkmates told me their own stories.

Two very young gir ls-Tamara and Nina-stood out in the crowd. They hadbecome friends in Iaroslavl and were trying to stick together. They had climbedup onto the top bunk, from where they could look down on us . Their faces werepuffy and sallow, like all prison faces , but their eyes were young and bri ght. Theywere happy to be out of solitary confinement, interested in what was going onaround them, and full of hope for the future. They had both received ten-yearsentences, but they did not believe for a moment that they would stay locked upfor that long. "We are learning about life," they used to say.

Next to them was an Uzbek woman or perhaps a Tajik--or "a national minority," as the other women used to say. 1 "Don ' t you recognize her?" s ome one askedme. ''Her portrait was in all the papers. She gave Stalin flowers. and he hugged

1 Natsmcn, an acronym for "national minority," was a new Sov iet term th3t origlnally refcrrl'd toany e thnic group residing on another ethnic gro up 's territory but was increasingly used to tk ,cnbemembers o f n on-European nationaliti es.

MY REMINISCENCE S (3 ) 4 //her. She was the first woman to discard her veil , the firs t to join the Komsomol.During her interrogation she had to stand for twenty-two hours st raight in a hotroom wearing her winter coat. She was not allowed to sleep for seven nights. Butshe is a true believer. She still thinks that we are all enemies of the people, andthat she is the only victim of a terrible mistake."

Directly across from me, on the bottom bunk, was a huge, broad-shouldereJwoman . Her face was bloated and flabby, ant.! her cheeks hung down like pouches.My neighbor told me her story:

"I met her in a cell for pregnant women. Before 1937 she useJ to be a campcommandant. A real animal , the y say. She was arre steJ after lagoua= was un masked. She slandered everybody at her trial-she thought she would get offeasily that way. When she first arri ved in our ce ll. she was as brojJ as a o u s ~ andfull of sel f-importance. "You are all enemies of the people ,'' she told us. "Youshould be shot." But then the beatings s tarteJ, and she qu ickly got J c tb teJ . Theykicked her and stomped all over he r -so she had a miscarriage. of course. rightthere in the cell. The next day the y came for her aga in.

"And what about your own child, where is he?" I asked"I spent eight months in a mother 's camp with him. Then they took him

away-literally tore him right out of my arms. 1have three in all. . l.t l c a s t t h ~ twoolder boys got to stay together after my ar rest, but this one . . don 't know if J" llever be able to find him again . He was such a cute , chubby li ttle thing. beganto cry."Why were you arrested?" I a sked, trying to distract her.

''Both my father and brother were oppositionists3 My fatha joined the Bol sheviks before the revolution. The y took him tirst, and then they arrestcJ mybrother. I kept taking parcels to them. I used to be a Komsomol member. but 1vhenmy father was arrested , l was kicked out of the Komsomol and my husband wasexpelled from the party. In 1937 we w ere both arrested. My father is a wonderfuLhonest person, and they wanted m e to denounce him. My two older boys a.re in anorphanage . Their teacher sent me news of them wh.i le I was st iI I 111 prison. hut thelittle one ended up i n a camp nursery somewhere."

Some of the other prisoners heard us talking about children. Among them wasZinaida Tulub, a small elderly woman with ama zingly bright eyes. Tulub did nottry to join our conversation- she simpl y started speaking aloud. We cou ld not tellif she was talking to herself or t o everyone there.

"You may not agree with me, but I think my case is the wors t. l have donenothing against our beloved C ommu nist Party. I have never belonged t o the party,but I have alwa ys been loyal to it. I am a loyal Soviet writer. I ha1e been wo rkingon my book, a long historical novel. For ten years l have been living in a di fferentage, totally engrossed in the story I was writing. My book was approved andaccepted for publication . I'll stay in prison. if l have to. I am not complaining.

2 G. G. l agoda ( 1891-1938)-


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Copyright 2000 hy Princeton University PressPublished by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street,Princeton, New Jersey 08540In the United Kingdom: Princeton University PressChichester. West SussexAll Rights Reserl'et!Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Puhlication DataIn the shadow of revolution : life stories of Russian womenfrom 1917 to the second world war I edited hy Sheila Fritzpatrickand Yuri Slezk.ine : translated by Yuri Slezk.ine.

p. em.Includes bibliograph.icaJ references and index.ISBN 0-691-01948-7 (cl: acid-free paper)ISBN 0-691-01949-5 (pb: acid-free paper)I. Women-Soviet Union-Biography2. Soviet Union-History-1917- 19363. Soviet Union-History-1925-1953I. f'itzpatrick. She ila ll . Slezkine, Yuri, I l56-DK37.:'. .15 20009470X-1'082-dc21 99-054904

This book has been composed in Times RomanThe paper u'ed in this puhlicationmeet:-. the minimum requirements ofANSIINISO 239.48-1992 (R 1997)(Permanenn u( Paper)www.pup.princeton. eduPrinted in the Un ited States of America10 '! X 7 6 410 9 X 7 6 5 4 3(phk.l

2

CONTENTS

PREFACEAC KNOWLE DGME NT S

I NTRODUCTIONSheila Fitzpatrick, Lives and Tim esYuri Slezkine, Lives as Tales

PART I. Civil War as a Way of Life ( 191 7-1 920)I . Ekaterina Olitskaia, My Rem iniscences (I )2. Anna Litveiko, In 19173. P. E. Melgunova-Stepanova, Wht're Laughrcr Is Nncr Heard4. Anna Andzhievskaia, A Mother 's Stan5. Zinaida Zhemchuzhnaia, The Roa d ro Exile6. Nadezhda Krupskaia, Autobiographv7. Tatiana Varsher, Things Seen and Suffered8. Zinaida Patrikeeva, Cavalry Bov9. lr ina Elenevskaia, Recollections10. Sofia Volkonskaia, The Way o f Bitrcrness

PART II. Toward "New Forms of Life'' (The llJ20s)II . Agrippina Korevanova, My L1je12. Anonymous, What Am I to Do ?13. Ekaterina Olitskaia, My Remini.I'Cf'nces (2)14. Paraskeva Ivanova, Why I D o Nor Belong in rite PartY15. Maria Belskaia, A r i n a ~ Children16. Anton ina Solovieva, Sent by tht' Komsomol17. Nenila Bazeleva eta!., Peasalll Narmril'l'.' ( I)18. Anna Balashova, A Worker's Life19. Valentina Bogdan, Studenrs in the First Fit e- Year Plan20. Alia Kiparenko, Building the Cirv rif Yowlt21 . Anna Iankovskaia, A Belomor Conj(ssirm22. Lidia Libedinskaia, The Grt'en Lmn p

PART Ill. "Life Has Become Merrier" (The lY30s)23 . Pasha Angelina, The Most lmprmant Thing24. Efrosinia Kislova et al., Pea sant Narmrires (2)25. Fruma Treivas, We Were Fighting for WI ldt'a-'26. N. I. Slavnikova eta!. , Speeches by Staklwnmites27 . Ulianova. A Cross-Examination

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khrushevs second secrei' speech

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