koha digest 60 (1995)
TRANSCRIPT
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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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Koha Digest # 60
EDITORIAL
ANNA KARENINA IN A STRIP-TEASE BAR
by VETON SURROI
The situation of the book today, cynics would comment, proves
that the only way Anna Karenina may incite the interest of the
public, is to have it presented in a strip-tease bar. The
possibilities of the mentioned Russian to do this would be
disputable, and why this is so, maybe a Mr. Tolstoy could say so
(and it has nothing to do with the members of the Contact Group whoare trying to convince the Serbian president that he should legalize
Greater Serbia with diplomatic means). Anyhow, in lack of reply, the
big question remains: why wouldn't any presentation of the above
Russian, for example in writing, be interesting? The general trend,
someone would say, because TV, film and computers have replaced the
interest of the human. It is partially true in the case of the
developed countries, even though there, despite the fact that
interest on electronic multi-media is big, the interest on the
written word as invented by Guttenberg has also increased. But, what
would the reasons be, for a underdeveloped society as Kosova? Thefollowers of the political events claim that a lack of interest, and
erosion of political senses of the Kosovan population are evident.
It could be thus, and social psychologists will say that these forms
of depression are manifested in long-term conflicts as is this one
in Kosova. In such a state, the explanation continues, a Turkish TV
broadcast or a video-cassette of polar values produced in Kosova
(all seem to be extracted from a huge minus) is more interesting
than a collection of media analyses served in a novel. It could be
so, and this will be proven by kitsch as the main subculture
category of present Kosova. Starting from the music which is produced (it is interesting to see how similar Albanian, Greek,
Serbian and Gypsy music are, especially played on the synth) and up
to wearing purple and the mimicry of the Istanbul market in many
people on the streets. But, is this all? I don't believe so. As many
other things, there are many coincidences. One month ago, in
Washington, I was explaining to some surprised people, that one of
the most authoritative newspapers of the world "Washington Post" is
cheaper than a sample of an Albanian daily in Kosova. (According to
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the average American income, it comes out that Washington Post is at
least 50 times cheaper than the daily Albanian in Kosova). When
someone asks how is the freedom of expression in Kosova breached,
this is the best example to explain how. This regime is in no need,
since long ago, of censorship and incarceration. Controlling howmuch will what cost with its measures, the cultural production has
taken the correct step to incite the interest of the people on
Turkish TV, polar video-cassettes and the Greek-Turkish periphery
synthesizer. In a strip-tease bar, if possible.
KOSOVA
DISCRIMINATION IN 32 IMAGES
by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina
On May 29, the framed trial against the 72 albanian policemen
started with the signs of discrimination against the "accused" and
other Albanians who in other ways participate in it. The indictment
was written and read in Serbian, despite the fact that all the
accused declared that they would defend themselves in Albanian.
After the reaction of the attorneys, the President of the Jury
finally remembered that the indictments should be translated, andtherefore he requested a recess until June 12. This process, since
the beginning, has also other discriminating, denigrating and
offending elements. All the accused were brought into the room with
their hand cuffed behind their backs. They remained thus for a long
time, while the members of their families were looking, from the
gallery of the former Assembly of Kosova, at the backs of those who
face responsibility for "endangering the territorial integrity and
the constitutional order" of the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia. Five
minutes before the Judge came in, as commanded "stand up", the 61
accused stood up and all of them were taken the hand-cuffs off. This
was the only time they turned their heads towards the gallery; someof their relatives greeted them with their hands, some with an
eyesight and others with tears. This happened in the institution
which, according to its name, is authorized to defend the rights of
the citizens. This is the way to demonstrate the force and the
offending and discriminating attitude the Serbian government has
been showing against Albanians since a very long time ago. These
movements can't be characterized as individual actions, for all of
them are regulated by Serbian laws. Looking through the list of the
adopted decisions and laws in the Serbian parliament, as well as in
the parliament of the unrecognized federal state, in some cases,clearly shows that no area of life and work in Kosova has been
exempted from discrimination. Even as the experts on the issue
claim, there is nothing more to do in respect of new legislature,
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apart from their broader application to all territories inhabited by
Albanians. Adil Fetahu, Secretary of the Jurists' Association of
Kosova and author of the book "Emergency Measures in Kosova", says
that the genesis of the discriminatory laws should be sought
somewhere in the eighties, when the YU Program on Kosova wasadopted, which was elaborated in details in another document, of a
cynical title, "The Program on the Establishment of Peace, Freedom,
Equality, Democracy and Prosperity in the SAP of Kosova" adopted in
March 1990. The laws and decisions later adopted by the Serbian
parliament are nothing else but the operationalization of the
determinations of this program, despite the fact that sometimes they
were contrary to the Constitution of Serbia nor "FRY". On the other
hand, the culmination of the ruin and the violation of the rights of
Albanians was achieved in June 1990 when the Law on the Activities
of the Republican Organs in Special Circumstances was adopted. The
notion "special circumstance" is a game of words, to trick theinternational community, and it reality it means the implementation
of the state of emergency in Kosova, which is still going on. So,
since then it was known what will happen in Kosova, as well as its
organs, which were suppressed with another act adopted in July of
that year, and further on in economy, education, health-care,
culture, judiciary, housing, property, use of languages... Mrs.
Nekibe Kelmendi, attorney at law, who has written (a yet unpublished
book) about all the Serbian discriminating laws, adds that apart
from legal and sub-legal acts, the violation of human rights and
Albanians is also done according to the order of a person or organof different levels. There are cases when the rights of Albanians is
proven on the decision of all judicial instances of Serbia, but its
realization is stopped because it doesn't suit a certain person. In
other words, these orders are verbal, so there are no traces behind.
Looked upon the aspect of time, Serbia created a discriminatory
legislature in a very short period of time, and it is only
applicable in Kosova and only against Albanians. Since June 26, 1990
and till the end of October 1992, almost on a daily basis the
parliament of Serbia and its government have adopted different laws,
decision and decrees aiming at the establishment of the "UniqueSerbia". In this period, 32 discriminatory and anti-constitutional
laws were adopted, along with 470 decisions on emergency measures
and 56 decisions on the discharge of Albanians from leading
municipal administration posts. Emergency measures served for the
discharge of 220 Albanian directors of producing and non-producing
enterprises who were replaced by almost 1200 Serbs and Montenegrins
and in the case of Dragash, also some Gorans, loyal to the Serbian
rule. The last figure includes also the members of the organs
appointed for the application of these measures. Kelmendi says that
after this period, there were very few laws adopted which wouldregulate any issue in Kosova. Not because Serbia wouldn't want this
to be, but because until then, it had managed to do them all. Later
on, a law on the suspension of all laws adopted by the Assembly of
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the SAP of Kosova was adopted, and it states that this law is
applicable until "the new multi-party parliament of Kosovo and
Metohija is constituted". In reality, the legislator refers to a
parliament according to its measure and not the wish of the
population in Kosova. Also, a new Labor act was adopted, and itallegedly suppresses the Special Labor Law which was applicable in
"special circumstances", but it states that all disputes that refer
to the period before the adoption of this act, must be solved
according to the old act. This in practice means that all those
Albanians who have started a judicial procedure after dismissal,
will have to "solve" them according to the act they were dismissed
on! A recent act is that on the Publication of Books, Auxiliary and
Educational Means, in which it is stated that all books are to be
published in Serbia and only in Belgrade, and if needed, they should
be translated to the languages of the "national minorities". The
same act suppressed the Provincial Institute for the Publication ofSchool Books and Auxiliary Means in Prishtina, which in the moment
the act was being approved, was under emergency measures. The organs
of the self-proclaimed federation adopted also some decisions and
decrees which mainly refer to the colonization of Kosova, as well as
the way to provide necessary financial means. The parliament of the
so called Yugoslavia witnessed the following statement: "Serbia has
deprived Albanians from power, however it has enabled them to grow
rich". This is where the request for the further continuation of the
discriminatory measures in the material plan relies. But, looking at
it realistically, even though it seems that Albanians hold thewealth in their hands, they, according to the official Serbian
statistics, have influence on only 8,2 of the capital as a whole.
This means that the other part is in the hands of the Serbs, if not
as a private capital, then as a state owned capital or as a part of
enterprises and institutions of Serbia. After the application of
emergency measures and the dismissal of 123 thousand Albanian
workers, the national break-down of the employed has drastically
changed, since from the majority of those who made up 70 of the
employed people in Kosova, Albanians today don't even make one third
of those who work in public enterprises. The massive dismissal ofAlbanians didn't only aim to make them lose power, but also deprive
them of everything they have created since a long time. On the other
hand, Fetahu says, the prolongation of emergency measures
represented a violation of all laws, even those adopted by Serbia.
They were prolonged until experts from Serbia didn't come to teach
the locals how the transformation of property was to be done. The
formula was: at least 51 of the property should be transferred to
enterprises of institutions in Serbia, while the workers, the ones
who are still employed can count only 17 of the property. The oneswho were dismissed because they didn't accept the Serbian laws, have
no right to have any shares whatsoever. Thus, 251 Kosovan
enterprises were transformed (sold), and this makes 90 of the total
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number of public enterprises Kosova had. The only municipality which
remained outside this process was Gjakova, which had done its
transformation based on Markovic's laws, but right now, these
enterprises are in a very difficult material situation, and under
constant police surveillance, a police which analyzes the modus oftransformation, for in the meantime, we had the adoption of another
act which foresees the revalorization of the transformation process.
The workers were discriminated in other ways too: even though
declared "technological surplus", they were not paid accordingly,
neither did they get 24 salaries. Now, since more than two years
since their dismissal have passed, they lost this status too, which
places them in the lists of the unemployed, without any material
support. In 600 cases, sometimes even without any legal grounds,
Albanians, mainly the ones dismissed, were also evicted from their
apartments. The open discrimination was evident even in the case of purchase of apartments, because the Albanians were requested to
present proof of employment, which they couldn't do. This provision
is not contained by any of the legal acts. Also, 274 thousand
children were deprived from the right to health-care protection. On
the other hand, there are special discriminatory provisions for
workers and/or owners of private enterprises, and it is manifested
by plundering. Around 17 thousand private firms, where only 10 are
not owned by Albanians, and about 40 thousand private shop owners,
are forced to pay special taxes, much higher than their colleagues
anywhere in Serbia. Last year alone, they and the other tax payerspaid a total of 440 millions dinars to Serbia's budget. The owners
of firms and shops are forced to keep all books and correspondence
in Serbian, meanwhile the inscriptions, not only in shops, but also
the inventory, must be in Serbian and Cyrillic alphabet. If they
don't respect this provision, they can be fined up to 50 thousand
dinars (as many DEM according to the official rate) or the
close-down of the firm. And, to have the absurd even bigger, the
campaign for the cyrillic inscriptions started in the place with
almost no Serbs - Gllogovc, and then continued throughout Kosova.
"The use of the Albanian language in Kosovo will be regulated
according to the statutes of the municipalities or that of theProvince" - says the Act on the Official Use of Languages and
Scripts, adopted in July 1991. And, if we have a case in which the
parties speak different languages, then "the language to be used
will be determined by the organ, i.e. organization". As Kelmendi
says, when it is obvious that these "organs and organizations" don't
have any Albanians, then it is obvious that the language chosen is
Serbian. But, the sole fact that this issue is to be regulated by
the statute of the municipality proves the kind of discrimination we
are dealing with. There are many proofs of discrimination: names of
localities, streets and institutions are written only in Serbian,mainly in Cyrillic. Private shops or enterprises owned by Serbs are
not obliged to have their inscriptions also in Albanian. The
municipal courts, prisons and different state institutions have
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inscriptions only in Serbian and in Cyrillic. To this, we must add
that, after the dismissal of Albanian judges and prosecutors,
Albanian is rarely used in trials. Otherwise, all police processes
and investigating procedure is done in Serbian, because 3,5 thousand
policemen were dismissed from these organs. Despite the fact thatthe law acknowledges the right of an individual of a "national
minority" to communicate in his/her own language, this right is
denied by the individual that represents the government. This
affects the personal life of Albanians, because even the simplest
documents, e.g. a birth certificate, or the ID card and passport are
issued in Serbian language and alphabet, apart from the name and
last name of the person. At the same time, information in Albanian
is banned, because thanks to a special law, Serbia takes all the
rights over the media. To claim that Prishtina Radio and Television
broadcasts in Albanian is absurd, because that would be listening to
a very distorted Albanian as dictated by the Serbian editor."Rilindja" is banned, or rather allowed only within the phantom
enterprise called "Panorama", has been replaced with the daily
"Bujku", which is nevertheless, facing many daily problems and
dangers. After the implementation of emergency measures in eight
private radio stations there is no more broadcasting in Albanian,
meanwhile in a competition to get hold of emitting frequencies,
Kosova is not supposed to be covered by them at all. This means that
no one who would be interested to have a private radio station in
this Albanian territory could apply for a frequency. Albanian
students, even though in very difficult conditions organized inhouses-schools, would lose all prospects if they would eventually be
educated pursuant the Serbian laws. The University Act, adopted in
August 1992, says: "The educational process at the University and in
faculties is developed in the Serbian language" and then continues
"studies at the University can also be conducted in the languages of
national minorities, of nationalities or a foreign language", but
"the decision must be adopted by the founder, after it receives the
opinion of the University, i.e., the faculty". This law doesn't
allow anyone else but the Parliament of Serbia to be the founder of
the University, in other words the same institution of power which
introduced all discriminatory measures against Albanians. This isthe reason why the use of Albanian at the (occupied) University of
Prishtina depends on the good mood and mercy of the Parliament of
Serbia. And this is not it, since "the Parliament of Serbia, with
the proposal of the Government, will establish the network of
faculties". "The adoption of this act...allows the University of
Prishtina to start functioning". Will the University of Prishtina
start working again in its premises or not, it will depend on the
Serbian government, but when it is known that it never even
discussed this problem, then it can be implied that it is not
planning to get a positive opinion about the issue. The same patternwas applied in the case of the high and elementary schools, attended
by 327 thousand Albanians. Even before the adoption of determined
laws and in the name of the fact that Albanians were refusing Serb
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dictates, Serbia stopped financing the education. Afterwards, out of
830 elementary schools, 139 underwent emergency measures, 26 were
closed for Albanian pupils, while high school students were expelled
from 62 high schools throughout Kosova, and seven superior schools
and 13 faculties of the University hold no more Albanian students intheir premises. This means that classes continue being organized in
160 private houses, without any normal conditions of work. Recently,
the Serbian government has adopted a decree and closed down two high
schools in Gllogovc, and the reason stated is that "there are no
Serb students"! Developing education in these conditions is
difficult enough, because they too, are persecuted by the Serbian
regime. But, according to the laws that regulate this area,
Albanians are practically allowed to have only elementary education
in their mother tongue and it should be done according to the
curricula and different decisions adopted in Belgrade, as well as
using the books published there. Some time ago, Rasim Gashi fromPrishtina was evicted from his house by the police. He had bought
it, ten years ago, from a Serb. The motive of eviction was the fact
that "he had forced the Serb to flee". Bardhi family from
Lutogllava, can't count on 3,5 hectares of land any longer, "because
it purchased it by pressuring the former owner". In fact, there is a
document issued by the police organ that the owner of the house was
not pressured by anyone to sell out her property. The Qeli family,
from Bec (Gjakova) was deprived of 1,7 hectares of fertile land,
because allegedly this was property of Milomir Obradovic, former
installed President of the Municipality. However, his ownershipcan't be proven by any document. There are certainly more examples
in which Albanians are deprived of their property. In April 1991,
the Serbian parliament adopted the Law on the Restriction of
Real-Estate Turnover. As of the first article, it is clear that this
is a discriminatory law, because it is applicable only in Kosova.
The right to transfer the property, without the consent of the
respective Serbian ministry is acceptable in the case of Albanians
only if inherited. Otherwise, all forms of purchase or sale are
prohibited, especially if the seller is Serb. Based on this law,
there are requests for the revision of all contracts signed betweenSerbs and Albanians since 1940. The purpose is to take away as much
property as possible from Albanians. According to the data provided
by Serbian authors, since the pre-war years and up to today, Serbs
have lost between 100 and 200 thousand hectares. According to the
requests heard in Serbian extremists meetings, then this land should
be taken away from Albanians, as well as the procedure for the
return of colonizers should be reactivated. It should be stressed
that these colonizers were given a total of 111.602 hectares of land
between two wars. This restriction too, aims at restraining the
living space of Albanians. If to this we add the laws oncolonization, which offer many benefits to the Serbs who come to
Kosova, then Albanians will have it hard to live here. Two acts
alone, ruin the urbanism plans of localities, which foresee the
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construction of orthodox churches in centers of towns, then the plan
is to construct 138 apartments for colonizers in Prishtina, 33 in
Prizren, same as in Peja, 20 in Ferizaj, 48 in Mitrovica, 5 in
Sknderaj, 7 in Podujeva, 8 in Istog, 24 in Zvean and 30 in Gjilan.
It is very interesting to stress that this law was declared
anti-Constitutional by the Constitutional Court of "FRY", because
the "owners of real-estates in one region are placed in an unequal
position compared to the others". However, this decision, as Nekibe
Kelmendi says, represents "res inter alias acta", i.e., something
that does not oblige. Adil Fetahu says that after the completion of
discriminating laws, Serbia has nothing else to do but deepen their
application. Another act is being prepared: the Citizenship Act,
which could represent the finale of all discriminating laws. If it
departs from the ascertainment that "there are 300 thousand
emigrants in Kosova and that it should be looked whether others havethe same origin", then many can be deprived of the right to continue
living in Kosova. According to the official figures of the former
Yugoslavia, there are only 712 emigrants from Albania.
Realistically, only they could be disputed the residence, but it
should not be a big surprise to see the Serbian policy invent
something new and expel Albanians from their lands. This law will
not allow the comeback of those who have established their residence
in former Yugoslav republics, now independent states, not to speak
of those who were born there. Also, all those who have solved theirstatus in a way in Western Europe will not able to come back either.
A recent feature is that of the Serbian border officers, who are not
allowing Albanians, who have spent a long time abroad, to come
inside Kosova. There is no special law that regulates this issue,
but the disposition of the official can declare one persona non
grata, because someone may have requested asylum abroad. This fact
can be a reason to deny the Albanians local citizenship. Therefore,
if it is true that there are around 500 thousand Albanian
asylum-seekers, then the fear is that they will become stateless
people.
DISCRIMINATION
KEEPING EYES CLOSED
In a quite voluminous manuscript, Nekibe Kelmendi collected all
discriminatory legal provisions against Albanians. This is why we
will concentrate only on the unwritten discrimination even for theinternational institutions which, according to Mrs. Kelmendi, as if
were closing their eyes to Kosova and the Albanians, especially in
the framed political trials.
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KOHA: According to you, is there something not comprised in the
described forms discrimination?
KELMENDI: Discrimination against Albanians in Kosova starts at
birth. If the born child is the fourth one, then according to theSerbian laws - he is outlawed. Analyzing the demographic processes
in Serbia, then it is easily concluded that this provision is
applicable in the case of Albanians, since they have large families.
I would add that since the dismissal of Albanian teachers in
kindergartens, the Albanian children are constantly in contact with
a different environment, the Serbian one. This means that this is
the place where the institutionalized work starts to make the
children get used to these circumstances.
KOHA: Albanians, despite the measures, don't oppose much thediscrimination. How is this situation resisted?
KELMENDI: It seems that traditional norms are still dominating
in our society, i.e., overcoming the misunderstandings outside the
judicial instances. Maybe this is better, because the people would
judge in a more qualified way than a judge delegated by Serbia. At
the same time, people is strongly lead by moral feelings and a hope
that what is going on is provisional and that one of these days
these laws, decisions and decrees will disappear.
KOHA: Is there a way to find a form of organization to solve the
issues outside the Serbian institutions?
KELMENDI: Not much chance for that, since all issues should be
officially solved. For example, selling real-estate is not possible
until the consent of a Serbian ministry is obtained. I believe that
we can do more if all of us would do our share in alarming the
international public. As it seems, we are more dealing with
politics, regardless of our capacities.
KOHA: Why are we relying so much on international institutions,when they don't do much for Kosova? I would just want to remind you
of the 161 Albanian ex-policemen facing trial right now, while the
trials are not followed by any international observer.
KELMENDI: You are right, taking into account the lack of
interest to follow the trials. I have sent letters to all
governments of the members of the EU, the OSCE and Amnesty
International. I invited them to come and follow these framed-up
trials, reminding them of the time when five Greeks were being
judged in Albania, the whole of Europe was alarmed, while here wehave 161 Albanians facing trial, and no international observers at
all. I am worried about one more thing: why aren't the documents on
Kosova being applied? Why doesn't Bourtos Ghali apply the Resolution
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of the Security Council, which foresees the establishment of
observers in Kosova and the return of the CSCE missionaries? Has the
world started treating Kosova only as a problem between the Serbian
government and the discriminated and persecuted Albanians?
INTERVIEW
ROBERT DOLE, Senator and Leader of US Republicans
EUROPE - INCAPABLE, USA - LACKS LEADERSHIP
Interviewed by VETON SURROI / Washington
Robert Dole, Republican senator from Kansas, is a long-terminfluential figure at the American Congress. Even though a veteran
of World War II, he still shows vitality and energy in his
presentations. Words expressed by Senator Dole, leader of the
Republican majority in the Senate, are carefully evaluated by any
American administration and since some time the American legislation
can't be even imagined without Dole's presence. And the American
administration is not the only interested in Dole. The days this
interview was being prepared, Czech premier Klaus, who was
officially visiting Washington, also asked to meet with Dole. The
Senator himself was taking care of the schedule going from onemeeting to the other. Still considered as a serious candidate for
the next presidentials, Dole keeps the interest of the domestic and
international public alive with his criticism of the present
administration. Finally, he does it also by making public his
foreign policy platform ("Nixonian", it was named), which is
supposed to lead the US towards a more active international role. In
the Balkans, where he is considered an "anti- Serb eagle", supporter
of the "Croatian separatists" or "Albanian separatists", he is maybe
the only US presidential candidate to had ever visited Belgrade and
Prishtina on the same day, Senator Dole gives his first interview to
an Albanian media.
KOHA: Which should be the basic postulates of foreign policy
under your leadership?
DOLE: America is the remaining superpower in the world and thus
its firm and consistent leadership is essential in the post Cold War
era, Simply put, we must say that we mean, mean what we say and
stick to our principles. America's core principles should be:
preventing the domination of Europe by any power; maintaining a
balance of power in Asia; promoting security and stability in ourhemisphere; preserving international access to natural resources
such as oil; and strengthening international trade and markets.
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KOHA: Is Europe still a priority in US political and military
involvement?
DOLE: Definitely. The United States will always remain committed
to a preserving the peace and prosperity of a free and democraticEurope. Our common heritage and our successful fifty year fights
against Fascism and Communism have only deepened that commitment.
KOHA: What would an optimal UN role be in a crisis like the
Former Yugoslavia? What would the US position be in defining such a
role?
DOLE: It is difficult to imagine an optimal role for the UN in
the Former Yugoslavia in wake of its ineffectiveness to date. Maybe
if UN forces had been sent to Croatia and B&H prior to the onset of
aggression against them, they may have had a deterrent effect.However, we are now in a situation where the UN has been discredited
because UN forces have failed to implement UN Security Council
resolutions. It seems to me that in this case, we will not get a
change in the international community's approach without US
leadership. The current crisis in the former Yugoslavia is an
example of what happens when a US administration does not lead and
waits for a consensus to happen.
KOHA: Is there a lack of ideas or interest in involvement in the
former Yugoslavia?
DOLE: In my view, what is lacking with respect to the Former
Yugoslavia is not ideas, but US leadership. Clearly, Europe is
unable to handle this situation successfully. The US should take the
lead in searching for a just solution in the Former Yugoslavia - not
just Croatia and Bosnia, but in Kosova as well. America's position
as the world's leader demands that we do so.
KOHA: What major obstacles affront your initiative to lift the
arms embargo on Bosnia?
DOLE: The Clinton administration's objections to lifting the
arms embargo on Bosnia is the chief obstacle to Congressional
efforts to lift the arms embargo on Bosnia. As earlier votes
demonstrate, the majority of the Members of Congress believe that
the arms embargo has furthered Serbian aggression and punished the
Bosnians who are the victims. Lifting the embargo would allow the
Bosnians to exercise their fundamental right to self-defense, a
right that is recognized in Article 51 of the UN Charter.
KOHA: What should the US policy towards Kosova be?
DOLE: Having visited Kosova and seen the oppression of the
Albanian people with my own eyes, I believe that the United States
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must keep the Milosevic regime accountable for its blatant and
continued abuse of human and civil rights there. That means that
sanctions against Serbia should not be lifted unless full human and
civil rights are restored to the majority Albanian population in
Kosova - that includes the restoration of political autonomy whichKosova enjoyed prior to the imposition of martial law in 1989. In
addition, the US must continue the Bush and Clinton administration
policy of drawing a line in the sand in Kosova.
KOHA: How does Shkupi fit into the picture of the US foreign
policy?
DOLE: The US has made a commitment in Macedonia by placing
American troops there in harm's way. I hope that Belgrade
understands that commitment.
KOHA: Are there any Congressional initiatives related to the
Former Yugoslavia?
DOLE: In addition to legislation to lift the arms embargo on
Bosnia and Herzegovina, there are provisions in and amendments to
the State Department authorization and Foreign Aid authorization
bills which would: 1) restrict US funding for UN operations in
Bosnia; 2) would seek to establish an official US government
presence in Prishtina; and 3) would set conditions on the lifting of
sanctions against Serbia, to include the restoration of autonomy andhuman rights to the people of Kosova.
KOHA: Is there any particular interest of the US in this region?
DOLE: I believe that the US has an interest in stability in the
Balkans which ultimately affects the stability and security of
Europe as a whole. Furthermore, I believe that America has an
interest in promoting and supporting democracy and human rights in
the region.
WEEKLY
THE TRIAL AGAINST 72 STARTED
Y.H. / Prishtina
On March 29, the trial against the 72 former Kosovan policemen
accused of attempting to create the "Ministry of Internal Affairs of
the Republic of Kosova" started. The "Trial Against the 72" is howthe largest political trial against Albanians ever organized is
called. It comprises former policemen from Gjakova, Ferizaj,
Kaanik, etc. Out of the 72 former employees of Kosova's police, 61
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appeared in court, while the other 11 are fugitive. In the
improvised room of the Assembly of Kosova (Parliament), where the
trial was being improvised, one could feel a very tense atmosphere,
with a large presence of guards and policemen. The accused were
arrested in November/December last and are accused of committing twocrimes: "...association for hostile activities" and "...endangering
the territorial integrity" sanctioned according to the Penal Code of
the self- proclaimed "FRY". Two other accused from Kaanik, T. aka
and B. Berisha, are also accused of illegal possession of weapons.
As the defending attorneys state, the court had made a series of
procedural mistakes, not informing the attorneys on time about the
session, among others. This was the reason why the trial was
postponed for June 12. During the first session, in fact, only the
general data on the accused were collected. A large number of
journalists were accredited to follow the trial, of both domestic
and international media. There were also some representatives ofhuman rights' NGOs, and it is expected that several Western
Embassies in Belgrade will send their observers.
KOSOVA
THE KEYS OF TIRANA'S OFFICE IN PRISHTINA
B.H. / Prishtina
A year passed since Kosova's office in Tirana closed down. Its
functioning lacked effectiveness because of the mixture of
competencies of the LDK and the Government. The office, as such,
created more dissatisfaction and problems, than it contributed to
the solution of the problems of Kosova Albanians. Our people there
didn't do much to propagate well the issue of Kosova. Since then,
even though quite an amount of money was invested in Kosova's
residence in Tirana, nothing was done to appoint a person to
represent Kosova, and try to help Kosovans solve their problems. The
last ones to lock the door of this office were Anton Kolaj andSknder Zogaj. Since then, nothing has been done. There were rumors
that the next representative would be Ilijaz Ramajli, Chairman of
Kosova's Parliament, but reliable sources tell us that he will not
accept this duty because of personal reasons. A former member of
LDK's Presidency told us that the keys to Kosova's office in Tirana
are in Prishtina! The problem of Kosova's offices in the world has
become a personal and private issue of individuals. The opening of
these offices in the world is being prolonged because of individual
interests of those who can't agree upon the representatives to be.
Six months have passed since the time when an American official
requested the opening of Kosova's office in Washington. In an
information published recently, it is said that Kosova's issue has
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lost importance in the American circles because of our negligence
and the lack of the vision of the "will" to solve the problem of
Kosova's issue. The same problem is with the office in Bonn: there
is a consent, but there is still no appointment.
UITUK
DIALOGUE, WHY NOT?
Recently an information was published claiming that the leaders
of the UITUK accepted a dialogue with independent trade-unions of
Serbia "Nezavisnost". This is the first and direct contact with a
subject from Serbia. The Chairman of the UITUK, Hajrullah Gorani
claims that this reply is in accordance with the motto "We are infavor of dialogue, what about you?", which UITUK cultivated from the
very first day. Gorani further states that there were other attempts
for trade-union contacts. However, all of them failed. The present
contact was done with the request of the international trade-union
organizations, concretely, EFTU's request. The request came on April
20, and after the UITUK leadership studied the circumstances, it
decided to reply positively to the initiative. The request was not
rejected because the initiative came from an international TU with
which we are in close cooperation. "We believe that dialogue can't
harm us and we will see what comes out of it". Gorani concluded bysaying that the topic of discussion will be only TU matters. "The
first thing will be to request form "Nezavisnost" to condemn all
persecutions the Serbian regime has subjected the Albanian workers
to. It is not our preoccupation to prepare the terrain for political
talks. If this suits someone, that is their matter of concern".
LORD OWEN'S RESIGNATION
The news of great importance to the international media is
without any doubt the announcement of the resignation of theco-chairman of the ICFY, Lord David Owen. The news which was
transmitted by some media, was first confirmed by his office.
"Instead of the loud requests for rapid military attacks in the
field, I suggest more patience for slow coversations", is said to
have been written by Owen in his advisory statement to his
substitute. Owen himself replaced Lord Carrington, held the post for
three years, the longest. For the time being, the reason of his
departure remains unknown, even though the dissatisfactions about
his work have been present for long. This even made him get another
slang name "Lord Owensky", because of his Slavophil tendency, andprecisely in times when his candidacy to the new chief of NATO was
being forecasted. Owen is the second British Lord who inherited the
post of the most important person for the solution of the problems
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in the former Yugoslavia. It is not certain whether Owen's
replacement will be from the list of "lords", however, French
prime-minister Jupp, whose country presides the EU, declared that
time should not be wasted finding Owen's substitute!
EX-YU
BIG PACKAGE, GREATER SERBIA, GREATER CROATIA...
by KOHA / Belgrade, Washington, Prishtina
Senior American diplomat Robert Frasure appears in Belgrade for
the second time, trying to convince the Serbian president to accept
a package which could put the conflict in Bosnia under control. Or
at least this is the intention. Western media have, so far, informedabout the first package that Frasure brought to Belgrade: B&H and
the self-proclaimed FRY would recognize each other, and this will be
a special task for Izetbegovic and Milosevic in a joint meeting. The
grounds for the reciprocal recognition would be the Contact Group
Plan which would convert Bosnia in a union of Karadzic's Serbian
Republic and the Bosnian Federation (Muslim-Croat). Then the
suspension (lifting) of the sanctions against the so called FRY
would follow. Up to this point, analysts say, everything was fine,
but at the topic of the sanctions, "the 15 consent which was to make
up the 100 , was not reached". The Contact group (Frasure acted infull concordance with the other four states) agreed that if
Milosevic would recognize Bosnia he would be rewarded in the area of
the sanctions. But they didn't agree that this sphere contains also
the sanctions in finances and oil imports. Even more, they wouldn't
agree in any way to fall in Milosevic's trap, to lift the sanctions,
and if the Contact Group would consider Milosevic's further
activities non-dignifying, then the sanctions would be implemented
again with the consent of the Security Council. This trick would
give Milosevic the advantage of Russia's veto in any future voting
of the Security Council in regard to the sanctions against Belgrade.
According to western evaluations, the one week long conversations
didn't end successfully because of the issue of sanctions. But the
fact that Milosevic has expressed his willingness to recognize B&H
was a signal to the diplomacies of the Great Powers to continue
seeking for the path to reach Milosevic's consent. And, the signal
was not stopping, it even became public with the public presentation
of Belgrade's Foreign Minister Jovanovic, who declared that Belgrade
had always considered that B&H should be recognized, and the only
thing to be discussed would be the conditions under which the
recognition would take place. Why this change in the relationsbetween the World and Milosevic? The truth is that there should be
no evaluations that there are any changes. Since June last, when
differences between Milosevic and Karadzic became public in Serbia,
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the West had set itself the task to bring Milosevic closer and make
him stand as far as possible from Karadzic. This is not a big
problem for Milosevic, because he controlled and still controls the
internal "political and security" scene, further more knowing that
he had previously given up on people he didn't need any more in thepast. The easing of the sanctions started as a reward for the verbal
support towards the Western efforts (and acceptance of international
monitors at the Serb-Bosnian border) The West (and Russia) on the
other hand, evaluated and still evaluate that isolating Karadzic
from Milosevic, will make negotiations about some kind of agreement
on Bosnia easier. After the crisis created following the NATO
bombings and the blue-helmets taken hostage in Bosnia (the moment
this article is being prepared, negotiations with Milosevic have not
ended and none of the over 400 hostages has been released), many
capitals of the world evaluated that the moment had come to make a
qualitative changes in the Milosevic-Karadzic relations, and thatrecognition of Bosnia should be brought on the agenda. This could be
Frasure's baggage for his last trip to Belgrade last week. This
time, as it is understood from diplomatic sources, he again comes
with a big package, but anew in full accordance with the other
states, members of the Contact Group. The difference between the
second and the first time is that the package has been expanded with
Bosnia's issue, maybe it touched Croatia, and indirectly even
Kosova. Again according to the same sources. This time, Frasure
offered Milosevic the suspension of the sanctions in finance and
fuel (some say by conditioning this also with the recognition ofCroatia) but always insisting on the term "provisional six months
suspension", and not their conditioned lifting. Milosevic could
agree to this package, taking into account the huge psychological
effect of lifting the oil embargo, even though cynics claim that
fuel is now cheaper in Belgrade than in Germany. But, this
agreement, if reached, would either have to be reached now, or
several days after Seselj's announced big meeting in Belgrade (17
June), i.e., after the euphoria of the "extremists" is over, and
when Seselj will not be able to gather any more people on the
streets. However, Frasure's expansion of the package is really
noticed in a small, technical detail, almost disregarding. Accordingto the proposals of the Contact Group, the whole process of
Milosevic's distancing from Karadzic should be followed by OSCE
monitors from the Serbian side of the border, who would replace the
monitoring group of the ICFY. If OSCE monitors are allowed back,
then Washington, as a reward, would engage itself in the integration
of Belgrade in this organization, which would represent a long-term
precedent of Milosevic's treatment by the international community,
because for the first time the recognition of what he calls
Yugoslavia would take place. This would be of double consequences
for Kosova: first, the process of the international recognition ofMilosevic's Yugoslavia would start with Kosova under occupation, and
second, the whole problem of Kosova would fall under OSCE
mechanisms, through the eventually renewed monitoring mission of
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this organization. Even though it is, really, not known what is
happening with the negotiations between Frasure and Milosevic, it
could be said for sure that this is a very important phase in the
solution of the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia. If these agreements
would be accepted in package, then some important columns in thefurther development of the crisis would be established. First, the
West in a way is telling Milosevic and Tudjman that they can go for
Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia, respectively. If the plan of the
contact group is realized as it is being drawn on the table,
Milosevic should only count on the time factor in order to develop
closer relations with the occupied territories by Serbs in Bosnia,
up to their annexation when the favorable time comes. The same
thing, but in the form of the Muslim-Croat Federation could be
attempted by Tudjman, by the end of this decade. But, since the maps
don't match, and Greater Serbia implies also the territories of Serb
rebels in Croatia, then it could easily happen to have secreteCroat-Serb negotiations for the exchange of territories, always
damaging the Muslims. And having this whole process followed by
constant fighting during this summer for the cleansing the enclaves
from "non wanted people" in the future territories of Greater Serbia
and Croatia, respectively. If the whole flow of events goes in this
direction, then the new diplomatic package which is on the table,
contains more explosives than the bombs released by NATO planes.
MACEDONIA
DIPLOMATIC VICTORY OF ALBANIANS
by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup
Mevlan Tahiri, PPD MP, demonstratively walked out from the
Commission which discussed and adopted the draft Rules and
Regulations of the Parliament of Macedonia. The main document of the
highest organ of government in Macedonia foresees that the only
language of communication in it is Macedonian. Immediately afterthis incident, Stojan Andov, Chairman of the Parliament declared in
Macedonian TV that Albanian MPs "were never promised that the
Regulations of the Assembly would support a determination which is
contrary to the constitutional regulation. The official language of
the statal organs in Macedonia and the Parliament, which is an organ
of state, is Macedonian only...At the Parliament, only aliens can
speak their own language. Languages of nationalities are not
official languages in the Parliament... These are final
determinations and I see no reason why Albanian MPs create
additional problems in this sense...", said Andov. On the otherhand, PPD's secretary Naser Zyberi giving a statement to KOHA,
declared that this "green light" to the draft is not final yet.
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Conversations with coalition partners still continue and this act,
itself, is closely followed by the European Council, therefore, we
must wait: "The topic of conversation is the document. There are
tendencies, especially expressed by Chairman Andov and his Liberal
Party, to adopt it without the provision which foresees the use ofthe Albanian language. We told the President, what we have repeated
many times, that Albanian MPs, at least those of the PPD have
nothing to in the parliament if this happens", said Ismet Ramadani,
PPD's Coordinator at the Parliament, after the meeting of the
delegation of his party, headed by A. Aliti, with President
Gligorov, on May 31. On this occasion, we asked Ramadani to comment
a statement made by Macedonia's #1 to the foreign press "...that
Albanians were not hard to include in the Government, because they
have not put any conditions for this". He said: "In a way, we also
spoke about this with Gligorov. We often listen to his or Andov's
statements, as if they were our advisors. Let's be totally frank: weare not children in politics any more, we know what we are doing. We
don't take their pronunciations seriously, because we are convinced
that our political action will be reasonable as long as our
activities are productive in institutions. We don't need others to
teach us. Nevertheless, there are signals: we are convinced that
this document will not pass, then we are getting convinced, in our
activities and meeting with international factors, that in moments
we have their support. I would just mention the recently finalized
visit of the English parliamentarian delegation, which unpleasantly
surprised the Macedonian party, when British MPs openly anddecisively asked why Albanians can't have a University in their own
language", concluded Ramadani. Really, the visit of the British
parliamentarian delegation, headed by Baroness David, surprised many
people in Macedonia: the Macedonian side because as commented by the
Macedonian Radio "the delegation was very well acquainted with the
problems of Albanians, and didn't know the name of the Premier of
Macedonia", but also the Albanians, because this was the first
delegation from the West that proved to have "ears" for the problems
of Albanians. This visit, maybe for the first time, has produced a
lot of points for the "Albanian diplomacy" in relation to the
Macedonian one: several months ago, British Foreign Office wasvisited by Ljubomir Frckovski, who was followed by A. Aliti. Shkupi,
jokingly comments that this was Aliti's first victory over
Macedonia's Minister of Interior...
MACEDONIA
RECTOR FADIL DEFENDS HIMSELF IN FREEDOM
Finally, after many promises and "bargaining" between Fadil
Sulejmani's attorneys and the Macedonian judicial organs about the
"price" he had to pay to be released and wait for the second
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instance judicial decision, on May 30, the Rector of the University
of Tetova was released from preventive detention where he had been
"staying" since February 17. The judicial organs gave no explanation
why instead of 200 thousand DEM, they accepted the payment of a 100
thousand DEM bail. "It is well known that we were detained, notbecause we were guilty, but because we put ourselves at the head of
an initiative, of a necessity of the Albanian population in
Macedonia, for education in Albania. They thought that with the
isolation of some professors and activists of the University of
Tetova, they will stop it. On the contrary, the University continued
working, because it has the support of the whole Albanian population
in Macedonia and the Albanian political factor. immediately after my
release, I visited the students and professors, and the premises
where the lectures take place. I was surprised to see such a good
organization. The things are flowing normally", stated Sulejmani. In
a statement given to the Macedonian press, he claimed that he wasnot mistreated while in prison.
MACEDONIA
LITTLE THINGS THAT MAKE LIFE
by ISO RUSI / Shkup
What happened in the past months in Macedonia, is another proof
that the Balkans are full of irrationalities. In one of the former
SFRY republics, which was lucky to win its independence without war,
and which at the same time had the most difficult path toward
international recognition, many things happened, thing which in
normal condition would "draw the deserved attention". There are many
examples of "strange" events played by culminating politicians, and
which at the same time confirm the thesis about the commodity, or
said in other words, of apathy, lack of reaction, of people who live
in the "peace oasis". Let's try to illustrate this with facts.
Recently, the President of the Republic of Macedonia, Gligorov,
visited Italy and the Vatican and at the end, held a press
conference. The questions asked had to do with the actual problems
in the relations of the two largest populations in Macedonia -
Macedonian and Albanian. The largest private TV station, A-1
broadcasted the whole press conference. What Gligorov declared about
the education in the languages of the nationalities, for example, as
the Constitution of Macedonia defines the other populations, is the
least disputable compared to what really exists in everyday life. If
it were true what Macedonia's President told the Italian public atthe press conference, with a modest participation of Italian and
foreign journalists, then it will be enough to solve the acute
inter-ethnic disagreements and the problem of the state he is
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leading. Especially having in mind that this can be a message
directed to the Macedonian public, because it was evident that there
were more Macedonian journalists than Italian ones! Concretely -
there would have been no problems in the area of education in any
language, of any nationality, if what Gligorov said were a part ofreality. The politically marginalised professor, promoted to a
national mega-star, as is Fadil Sulejmani, for sure wouldn't ask for
more, at least when it refers to Albanians in Macedonia. If our
hearing sense doesn't fail, Gligorov said that Albanians have
elementary and high school education in their own language, and that
in two pedagogical academies within two Macedonian state
universities, staff is being capacitated to conduct education in
those two levels. In regard to data about information in Albanian,
no comment! TV can stand anything. The same TV station, which one
day before this press conference, broadcasted a long interview with
Macedonia's Minister of Interior, Frckovski, created the sameimpression. The minister, who probably has reliable information
because of the work he preforms, which means that he probably knows
everything, was talking as if he were referring to another country
and not Macedonia! Frckovski's optimism, of the person who is in
charge of what is called political system, is really a phenomenon.
The impression is that the ordinary citizen of Macedonia is still
not aware of actually living in paradise and all the evil happening
in daily life, is happening to someone else. In the past days, the
same TV station broadcasted images of the open, official contacts ofthe Macedonian delegation visiting Italy. Because of the "nastily"
long sequences, many details slipped, details which themselves prove
something. Let's say: the large suite of Macedonian journalists had
been invited to Gligorov's apartment at the Grand Hotel. It's
ceiling had drawings of many suns (of 16 stripes), which actually
represent the object of dispute between Greece and Macedonia. The
comments of the large number of journalists are not worth mentioning
- they are tasteless. Broadcasting and filming the meeting of the
Macedonian delegation with the Pope, on which occasion the chief of
cabinet and two counsellors of the President were presented as
members of delegation; Gligorov, after the Pope's remark that theGreeks are jealous, mentioning both the Slavic and Greek Macedonias
commented: "...we'll reach an agreement", so "afterwards" he
continued talking about problems that the Pope is not well
acquainted with! Closely related to this topic, was the meeting with
the negotiators in this dispute, Vance and Nimitz. There was not
shooting from this meeting, therefore, several days after this
encounter, Athens sent the message that the Greek diplomacy is
encouraged with the "new exchange of messages" between Athens and
Shkup. At the same time, Macedonia's Defense Minister was being
hosted by his homolog William Perry. The suite of journalists whoaccompanied him didn't spend one word to explain the things that are
being talked about. As for example that the Macedonian minister
missed the row of honor which was standing there to homage him.
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Then, in a press conference which was the main event to him, he
ignited the thesis that "the Macedonian language, by melodic, is
close to Homer's language"! Not to mention the information,
according to the same sources, that it was mentioned on the press
conference that this minister, Hadzinski, speaks seven languages,including the neighbors' languages, which only provoked two Greek
journalists to ask him questions in Greek, and thus make his stay in
the US less comfortable! Instead, Hadzinski was harshly criticized
for having declared that there can be talks about the Macedonian
flag in the Macedonian-Greek talks. The journalists, who were
travelling with him, of course didn't publish this, even though they
commented it with their colleagues. A British parliamentarian
delegation visited Macedonia, invited by the Macedonian parliament,
at least this is what the lady heading the delegation stated. The
delegation met with the coordinators of the parliamentarian groups.
First the representative of the Social- Democratic Party presented
his postures, then PPD's representative presented the postures of
his party, totally opposite to those of the first speaker. Then,
finally, the representative of the Liberal Part, Ace Kocevski,
played his show. First he criticized the "steering committee" for
not giving him stand first, then he criticized the PPD to finally
end by criticizing the Brits. Later on they met with members of some
parliamentarian commissions, where they again asked uncomfortable
questions, which resulted with cynical comments of the media under
governmental control. An institute in Washington organized aseminar, one of the many of the kind, about the transition of a
Communist society into a democratic one. The same media, regardless
of the topic of discussion, were bothered by the fact that the
representative of the non-profitable private Foundation is Albanian,
and why so many Albanians were present in the meeting. And a local
TV in Shkup even stated that some of them are students of the
University of Tetova!! Naturally, no one disputed what was said
there. Maybe it may sound exaggerated, but the presented examples
could also be perceived as a proof of "small" events in the past
couple of months, which coincide with the post-electoral glory of
the League for Macedonia - or more precisely of that who personifiesit - a coalition which stopped existing after the elections. Despite
of this, it is clear that no one is upset, the ruling politicians
are cool which can also be interpreted as a groundless security but
also as arrogance. The opposition and the people are practically
mute... Even though it is clear that there is no "public", it is
unbelievable how some things don't even incite a basic public
evaluation or reaction.
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INTERVIEW
MARK KRASNIQI, Chairman of the Albanian Christian-Democratic
Party
WE LACK A POLITICAL CENTER
Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina
KOHA: How do you perceive the political relations, especially in
Kosova?
KRASNIQI: Right now, our situation is worse than the one we used
to have. And the reason is simple: Serbia doesn't want us to have
freedom and equality as the other people, and this policy was built
by Serbia in continuance. The tendency of the this policy is to makeAlbanians flee their ancient and historic lands. On the other hand
we haven't shown good organization either, we don't have a clear and
unique platform which all of us would try to realize. We are spread
in many parties and groupings and we are more dealing with ourselves
than the national problem, which is primary right now.
KOHA: Do you believe that Kosova should be politically active in
one center or many parties?
KRASNIQI: In the conditions we are living, I think that maybe itwould be better to have only one political center. Thus we could use
our intellectual, economic and political potential in one center -
in one direction. It is true that all of us are following the same
direction, that we all have a unique purpose: the realization of the
right to self- determination of the Albanian people. But, in this
journey, we are not using the same roads, but we are all spread is
small paths, which come together somewhere far away in the highway.
But, until we reach the highway, in the meantime we are wasting a
lot of energy. We are more concentrated on organizing different
parties, instead of a joint center, therefore political pluralism inconditions of monism is a need. But in the conditions of occupation
in which we find ourselves, under Serbia's occupation, this
political pluralism of Kosova Albanians is partitioned and we have
more than enough pluralism. Many parties, too many groupings, too
many wishes, too many particular purposes and preoccupations. Maybe
in these conditions it would be much better to have only one more
party which would correct the largest party because of the possible
monopoly. And no more.
KOHA: Then why, in our opinion, have the Albanians dispersed somuch?
KRASNIQI: The truth is that we don't have political experience,
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because we didn't have a state of our own. We had nothing else but
that autonomy of '74 where monism of the one-part system reigned.
But, we must not forget that we have been dealing with politics
since some time, some with more and others with less success, but we
should have learned something from this period, maybe even from theothers. However, the problem is that we are missing the
concentration of our forces and that we can't agree with each other.
Especially when it comes to the most important things and purposes.
Therefore, our success and realization will take time. Or it could
even fail totally. I will not say that it is all our fault. It is
also the fault of the others. But, this doesn't exclude our
responsibility for the lack of organization and cooperation. On the
contrary, we will lose the right to self-determination and our final
goal. What we have promised - the will of the people, which declared
itself unanimously in favor of the democratic and independent stateof Kosova.
KOHA: You are presiding one of the largest parties in Kosova,
also represented in Kosova's parliament. Have you ever been invited
by the Presidency or the Government and try to clarify the actual
dilemmas in Kosova?
KRASNIQI: No. The Coordinating Body of the Political Parties
exists. This is the only place where we have gathered. It is more
than one year that we have been invited by the Government or thePresidency to discuss about these problems - maybe there was not
need, even though I doubt it, but it would be better if we were
together in that Coordinating Body, which should assemble more
often, than it did so far.
KOHA: How many times have you been invited to the Coordinating
Body so far?
KRASNIQI: I believe that I participated only twice, and I just
told you that the Body has not gathered for over a year.
KOHA: Do you believe that there was no need for the Coordinating
Body to meet?
KRASNIQI: In this difficult situation, it is necessary for us to
meet and consult each other more often. We don't want to take over
any competencies of the government or the presidency, however, we
must consult more often. The conversations are welcome, especially
in this situation.
KOHA: Three years have passed since the elections in Kosova. Hasyou party requested the constitution of the parliament and have you
asked for any responsibility for its non constitution?
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KRASNIQI: We haven't asked for the constitution of the
Parliament, because we think that the conditions to have it
constituted here are not suitable. We don't need a parliament which
can't function.
KOHA: Then why were the elections held and what happen with
legitimacy?
KRASNIQI: Legitimacy is now being questioned. It is another
issue whether the Parliament can be constituted abroad and whether
it can function, to what I can't give an answer. What I am convinced
is that Parliamentarian commissions can function and thus do the
things that belong to the parliament.
KOHA: The opinion is that because of these political
deficiencies, Kosovan policy is going towards its erosion, the lackof political vision. What is your opinion?
KRASNIQI: It is evident the people are not enthusiastic nor
mobilized like two or three years ago. People have familial reasons,
different problems that are becoming more difficult, and it is
normal to see people try to take care of themselves and their
families. But, I think that political parties are functioning in a
way and the work is going on.
KOHA: The impression is that apart from enthusiasms andorganization, we have also lost the feeling of professionalism in
institutions of Kosova. How much are professionals included in
Kosova's institutions?
KRASNIQI: I believe that institutions such as the Academy of
Sciences and Arts, the Institute of History and Institute of
Albanology are obliged to show professionalism and scientific work.
But, in our conditions, I believe that we should make another
orientation - we must help the cause and our policy for the
realization of our rights. Therefore, jurists and historians should
contribute more in the realization of our purposes. So far, whateverhas been published, it was published only in Albanian, and this
won't help us. We would use translations in English, French, etc.
Serbs have published a whole literature about the issue of Kosova in
foreign languages. Around 120 publications. But all of these were
first written in foreign languages and were later translated to
Serbian. We must convince the world about our rights with scientific
arguments. This is what we miss.
KOHA: And how much is the Academy to blame for this?
KRASNIQI: The Academy has financial problems. But, it could have
done more - it could have. We must not concentrate on voluminous
things, symposiums, congresses, but we could directly deal with the
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historical, cultural ethnic and demographic laws and rights.
KOHA: Would you say that financial problems are the only reason
that doesn't allow production in this area?
KRASNIQI: If an individual is enthusiastic and decided to
contribute in the national plan, then he could do something more.
But, there is a disconnection between the financiers and the
institutions, which is trying to replaced by donors.
KOHA: Isn't it also a problem of the Government?
KRASNIQI: I don't have a clear idea about this. It could be a
problem of the Government or the Presidency. I don't know how much
money they have at their disposal, but I believe that the Government
should find money for such important tasks, because this would serveit and wouldn't serve the individual much. People must understand
the need of the political and national professional-scientific
orientation. The conviction is that science can't be politicized,
but Serbs did it. They extremely politicized science for national
purposes. Therefore, science should serve the national goal right
now, fighting back the Academy of Sciences of Serbia for a series of
lies about Kosova. We have some voluminous publications, 300 or 400
pages long, which we can't use, especially the foreigners won't read
them. The aliens would want to read something brief, let's say a 50
pages long brochure. We lack the kind of things. The Serbian publications don't have scientific back-up. They contain no
arguments. But our misfortune is that we are lacking the scientific
Albanian reply. We have never followed what is written about us, but
we rather concentrate on what "Bujku" says. We shouldn't care about
what "Bujku" publishes. It remains in Kosova and publications on
national issues must go aborad and not remain here.
KOHA: The impression is that all important people around Dr.
Rugova have left the LDK. Does this mean they are trying to evade
the responsibility?
KRASNIQI: I don't know who are the people around Rugova. But I
can say that Rugova is not alone, he has the Christian-Democratic
Party behind him. His politics has its deficiencies, but there are
also deficiencies in the internal organization and the not the
foreign politics he is leading. He, as a president, is very active
here and abroad. Maybe, and I say this conditionally, the teams
surrounding him are not professional enough. This is what he is
lacking, good advise from professionals. Believe me, we have the
people, but they remain outside these processes. They should be
rewarded if necessary to have them beside.
KOHA: So who is to blame? Do you think there is obstruction
inside the party or president Rugova himself is to be blamed?
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KRASNIQI: I wouldn't know. But as far as I know Rugova, he gives
all he has. He must be helped, especially by people around him. But,
there are people around him who believe that they should be
presidents of Kosova. They are harmful. I believe that the national
cause should be lead by the ones chosen by the people. And if thisperson is slow, we must hasten him, if he is soft, we must make him
harsher.
KOHA: Have you had a chance to tell President Rugova this?
KRASNIQI: Once I told him that he should use his fist and hit
the table. He told me that he is capable of doing that. And this
fact made me happy.
KOHA: You being a realist, tell us what is achievable right now?
KRASNIQI: I don't know, for it doesn't depend on us, but I know
what is the most justly thing for us. So any just solution is
achievable. Maybe we only need time.
KOHA: You meet quite many foreign delegations. What are your
impressions about the problem of Kosova?
KRASNIQI: What we are asking for is quite clear: and independent
and neutral state open to Albania, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia.
But some delegations tell us that there is no change of borders andthat all we should get is an advanced autonomy. National rights are
random mentioned, while the human and cultural rights always are.
They mean nothing to us. We, as usual, tell them that these are not
acceptable for us. An autonomy within Serbia keeps us under
occupation, in a worse position than the one we had ten years ago.
KOHA: Then, what do the delegations tell you?
KRASNIQI: That they will see, that for the time being this is
all they "offer" and that these are their political postures. There
may be political changes in the future, but for the time being, thisis it. I believe that there will be changes, as there were changes
in relation to the Former Yugoslavia.
KOHA: Do we have any political activities which wold make these
changes appear?
KRASNIQI: Yes. For example, the requests of Albanians in
demonstrations in Bonn, Washington, Bern, Stockholm, etc. The
demonstrators ask for the Republic of Kosova. I have said it and I
believe that we are not close to the realization of our nationalgoal. I believe that Kosova will soon be on the agenda. What I am
saying is that our goal is known, but it is not supported right now.
Our goal is to win an independent ethnic state.
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KOHA: Do you fear from a conflict with the Serbs?
KRASNIQI: Serbia is doing all it can to start a bloody conflict
in Kosova. I say this because Europe is allowing Serbs to do
anything they want. We are bearing apartheid and statal genocide inKosova in all areas, just to evade the conflict. I am not optimistic
that we will evade it.
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APPENDIX
J A V O R E / Albanian weekly
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38000 PRISHTINA
Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board
English Edition: KOHA
Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi
Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031
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