krätli 2008 - future scenario planning with wodaabe herders in niger

SECURING PASTORALISM IN EAST AND WEST AFRICA

FUTURE SCENARIO PLANNING

WITH WODAABE PASTORALISTS IN NIGER

(June-July 2008) IIED project code: 511

FINAL REPORT

Saverio Krätli

October 2008

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Saverio Krätli, Report to IIED, October 2008

INTRODUCTION

The WoDaaBe are organised along agnatic clans (sing. lenyol), further segmented into

sub groups (sing. taarde). Over time, a taarde can grow into a lenyol. All current

clans in Niger were generated in this way from two initial clans: the Degerewol and

the Alijam. This broad distinction still applies and is manifest, for example, in the

different ways of earmarking the cattle.

Administratively, the WoDaaBe are organised into ten ‘groupements nomades’, five

for the Degerewol and five for the Alijam, with ‘chefs de groupement’ (lamibe, sing.

laamido) and ‘chefs de tribu’ (ardobe, sing ardo).

Since the mid 1980s, many WoDaaBe have been organised into associations

pastorales and collectives, the latter grouping the pastoral associations within a

region. This form of association has seen a revival over the last five years, particularly

in the region of Tahoua/Agadez.

These notes summarise meetings and interviews with WoDaaBe pastoralists in Niger,

from the regions of Tchin Tabaraden (Tahoua) and Bermo (Maradi). A brief set of

interviews was also held with Peul agro-pastoralists in the village of Eguidi (Maradi).

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2. METHODOLOGY

The main goal of my trip to Niger was to carry out a technical survey for a

documentary on the WoDaaBe pastoral system (under IIED project code 840),

possibly to be filmed in 2009. Such a goal determined both the itinerary of my trip (as

I had to work with specific households) and its timing (as the documentary is

supposed to focus on the transition between dry and rainy season). The activities

described in this report were meant as an additional task, running parallel but

secondary to this main goal.

Itinerary

At the time of the trip (May-July 2008) mobility of foreigners within Niger was de

facto limited by the state of military alert following armed conflict in the north and

scattered episodes of banditry. Information from contacts in Niamey and the Niger

diplomatic representation issuing my VISA discouraged travelling north of the 15th

parallel. This excluded reaching the bush of Tchin Tabaraden, as the most

straightforward programme for the technical survey demanded. I left the UK with

plans for working either in Tchin Tabaraden or in the area of Dakoro, should a closer

look at the difficulties, once in Niger, confirm this state of affairs. In fact travelling

within the Tchin Tabaraden council turned out to be possible, and I ended up visiting

both locations. For the entire period of my trip I was accompanied by Abdoulaye

Denji, a BoDaaDo (sing. of WoDaaBe) of the Gojanko’en clan (Degerewol) who was

my research assistant during the twenty months of fieldwork for my PhD, and who is

now playing a key role in the activities in preparation for the documentary.

Tchin Tabaraden/Tahoua

The sensitive institutional environment in the area of Tchin Tabaraden made it

preferable to keep a low profile, avoiding calling a wide gathering of people. In this

location I had informal one-to-one meetings with some elders, the Chef de

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Groupement and the local ‘Conseiller’ (the first and only BoDaaDo elected as a

member of the Tchin Tabaraden Town Council). An informal meeting, with the Chef

de Groupement and a few community members, was also held in the locality of

Intusa, the most recent of seven small WoDaaBe settlements created within the

Council of Tchin Tabaraden over the last five years. In the area of my technical survey

(100 kilometres north of Tchin Tabaraden), unusually abundant dry pasture made the

transition from dry to wet season relatively smooth. The herders were not in a hurry to

reach areas with green pasture. After filming a first storm not big enough to bring on

the new grass, we were potentially facing another couple of weeks of waiting, before

the herds were set on the move. Thus we left the bush of Tchin Tabaraden, stopped in

town to carry out a few interviews and then travelled south-east, to Dakoro/Bermo,

hoping to find the season a bit more advanced over there. At this point the work for

the technical survey was almost complete, leaving the remaining few weeks in Niger

mainly for the activities around the Future Scenario Planning project.

Bermo/Maradi

In Bermo, we met with the local Chef de Groupement (the laamido Oumarou bii

Barade) and organised a small meeting of elders (at the laamido’s home) in order to

test the interest around the Future Scenario Planning and, possibly, to run the exercise

during a larger gathering at a later stage. A positive response from this preliminary

meeting led to a much larger gathering five days later. Back to Maradi, we travelled

some 80 km south to the village of Eguidi, on one of the transhumance corridors, in

order to talk about mobility with the local Peul agro-pastoralists and the herders

coming from Nigeria. The latter had not yet started to arrive but we held a few small

interviews with people from the local community. For the activities in Bermo/Maradi

I relied on the help of a facilitator, Abdoulaye Hassane, a French and English

speaking Peul introduced to me by Mansour Moutari (GARP).

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The preliminary meeting

The preliminary meeting, with ten elders (two ardobe), was held in the house of the

laamido in Bermo. I introduced myself as being part of an international network of

research institutes and independent scholars working on pastoral development. I made

clear that I was not bringing money or a project, and had no links with either the

government of Niger or foreign development agencies. I described the FSP

framework and said that I was interested to start a discussion about the drivers of

change and possible futures, with special attention to mobility.

A critical part of the meeting consisted in passing over information about the renewed

interest and on going change of direction in pastoral development at the international

level. In particular I explained how (at an international level) it is now understood that

mobility is key to pastoral production in the Sahelian conditions. This confirmed that

the herders have been right all along, whilst those who have seen mobility as an

obstacle to production have been wrong. This information made a strong impression,

helping to position me and setting up the tone of discussion during a larger gathering

a few days later. As I wanted to talk about mobility, and mobility has been for decades

a one-way argument a far as development was concerned, I felt it was better to qualify

my position up front, letting the participants know that I was not there to talk them

into sedentarisation or to be reassured about their intention to settle. I think that my

initial sign-posting also gave me some room to trust, as relatively genuine, the

references to on going settling processes made later in the course of the discussion.

The meeting raised a lot of interest. The participants decided to call a larger gathering.

It was decided to hold it in the bush, in a location relatively easy to reach by the

herders converging on Bermo for the weekly market (on Monday). A few options

were discussed over the following days until the Purel well was chosen, some 11 km

out of town.

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The meeting at the Purel well

The gathering took place by a tree, about a kilometre from the well, under an

improvised shelter of blankets. Some forty two elders were present, including the

laamido and fourteen ardobe. While the facilitator and I animated the discussion,

from a few meters away Abdoulaye Denji filmed the entire event. The meeting started

at half past ten, with a temperature of about 42ºC. The introduction repeated the

format used for the preliminary meeting, with the statements about myself and the

information about the current understanding of pastoral mobility in international

settings. We agreed on organising the meeting around the following three exercises:

! reflecting on past patterns of change;

! reflecting on current patterns of mobility;

! analysing the drivers and directions of change.

This format proved only partially successful. All three exercises prompted a wealth of

interventions and some lively discussion, but the last two were probably too ambitious

for the afternoon session, slowed down by digestion and interrupted by prayers.

All the material on tape was logged and translated from Fulfulde into English. This

translation is on paper, synchronised with the footage and ready to be used for

subtitling. The next section of this report provides a synthesis of the arguments

emerging from this body of data and presents the transcription of the most relevant

material captured on tape.

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To summarise, the activities conducted with regard to the Future Scenario Planning

project consisted of:

! the organisation and running of a small meeting at the WoDaaBe settlement of

Intusa (Tchin Tabaraden), the laamido and a few members of the local

community were present (1 hour ca., on tape) [1 day];

! a long interview with Bouba Doutchi, the first BoDaaDo to be elected into the

Tchin Tabaraden town council (in 2005) almost at the end of his mandate (almost

2 hours, on tape) [1 day];

! the organisation and running of a meeting with about forty elders in the bush of

Bermo, including the local laamido and forteen ardobe (4 hours ca. of

discussion, on tape) [8 days];

! a small extemporary meeting with seven Peul agro-pastoralists at the village of

Eguidi [2 days];

! a few short interviews including one in Bermo with Llabo Barade (a BoDaaDo

who was Member of Parliament during the 2001-2005 mandate), one with an

elder in Tchin Tabaraden, plus a number of extemporary conversations with

various herders on the topic of future and mobility [2 days];

! synchronised, translated transcription of the discussions on tape [3 days].

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3. DRIVING FORCES AFFECTING THE FUTURE OF WODAABE

PASTORALISTS IN NIGER

Discussion groups and interviews about drivers of change, mobility and future

scenarios involved WoDaaBe from the Gojanko’en clan (Degerewol) in the area of

Tchin Tabaraden and WoDaaBe from several clans in the bush of Bermo (mostly Ali

Jam). Although by no means exhaustive or fully representative, they are a valuable

indicator of current insiders’ visions of the forces that affect the WoDaaBe’s economic

security as livestock producers, as well as of their considerations around what they

perceive as the available options. In the course of all these discussions, the people

involved repeatedly returned to the two broad themes described below. The first one

can be wrapped up in the idea of an on going pressure leading to the overall

weakening of the pastoral household. I titled this theme 'Losing out'. The second

theme concerns a pressure in the opposite direction, in the form of a range of

measures (some of which relatively new) put in place by the WoDaaBe in order to

counteract this sense of losing out.

People talked openly about the ‘weak position’ of the WoDaaBe in the national

context, both in terms of straightforward power, economic control and political

representation. These processes are manifest both at the household level and at the

wider level of the network of producers.

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'Losing out': the household level

Decreased herd size

People emphasised that the herds are not as large in size as they used to be when they

were children (i.e. about forty years ago). A recurrent example was that herds of two

hundred head or more (once quite common) have become extremely rare. At the Purel

gathering, people debated the meaning of this phenomenon. They reached an

agreement on the idea that today there are many more WoDaaBe herding households.

Although they tend to have comparatively smaller herds, the total number of cattle

controlled by the breeding network has actually increased. It is also more common for

herds to include jokkereji (entrusted) cattle. Often these cattle belong to the extended

family, typically to households that do not have enough animals for a viable herd. In

the region of Bermo, WoDaaBe herders with small herds are also entrusted Azawak

cattle from town owners (Touareg and Hausa), which further affects their decisions

concerning herd management and mobility (but in these cases the real limitation is in

the unviable size of the owned herd). Households with viable herds are unlikely to

have jokkereji agreement of this kind.

Decreased animal production

People talked of a dramatic drop in milk production, from 5-6 to 1-2 litres per day.

Complementation with animal feed has become necessary during a good part of the

dry season.

Increased basic expenditure

There is greater exposure to markets, more needs, more need for cash and more

purchases. The now necessary animal feed can be so expensive that it is sometimes

more convenient to use millet, giving smaller quantities (as it simplifies the logistics).

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'Losing out': the network of producers

Environmental changes

The bush was said to have become poorer in diversity and quality of the pasture, with

less trees, ‘too many wells’ (making life easier but leading to overpopulation of the

range), and less rain (short cycles of two good years and a drought).

Eroded overall efficiency of the system

Households without a viable herd cannot afford the most intense and most effective

patterns of mobility. The necessity to integrate livestock production with a parallel

economic activity keeps them nearby settlements. Mobility and the most efficient

patterns of herd management are also hindered by the necessity to keep at least part of

the household near a village in order to secure the schooling of some of the children.

Usually this leads to splitting the herd, leaving a few milking animals in town (if there

are milking Azawak in the herd, they usually end up in this group). These animals are

typically neither sufficient or marketable. Thus even with a split-herd regime, herd

mobility ends up being limited, as the family members in the settlement are still

dependent on the sale of the livestock from the bulk of the herd (therefore the herd

must remain within reach).

Great relative loss with regard to the incoming flow of development resources

Political weakness and lack of access to development networks means that the

WoDaaBe are reached by development resources in any significant measure only

when development interventions deal directly and specifically with them.

References to this theme of 'losing out' were accompanied by descriptions of a

number of countermeasures and strategic adjustments.

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Strategic countermeasures

Investing in education. Over the last few years, many WoDaaBe have become acutely

aware of a link between lack of formal education and their difficulty, as a community,

to access the networks controlling the flows of public resources (development

agencies/projects and state administration). Many show a strong concern for securing

the skills and qualifications that would (in their view) enable this access.

Rooted in this concern is an increasing interest in formal education. As a

consequence, some family members today stay nearby a school or in the village

(although no more than a few families per taarde actually follow this pattern). Some

children are sent to school (usually the youngest) whilst the others take care of the

herd. This strategy unavoidably splits the family into producers and ‘schooled’ within

an education system that is still fundamentally antagonistic (when not openly hostile)

to mobility. This is the same model applied elsewhere with long-term negative

impact. Although the practice amongst the WoDaaBe is still very recent, even people

actively involved in the process and strongly supportive of education, have not failed

to notice a link between limited mobility and a steady decrease in herd productivity,

both in terms of milk production and calving rate.

Investing in visibility

Following some notable precedents — particularly the town of Bermo — WoDaaBe

clans and sub-clans appear to be investing considerable energy in the creation of small

WoDaaBe-only settlements. For the time being these settlements are often only

characterised by the presence of a handful of camps and a school. Nevertheless, they

are given a name and are usually associated with a traditional chief (the laamido or an

ardo) who uses his influence and political entrepreneurship in order to attract

development resources, typically starting from a school and, immediately after, a

well. These settlements quickly become a base for those households that have not got

viable herds or that, for various reasons, cannot afford the kind of mobility required

for the success of the WoDaaBe livestock production strategy. People see such

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settlements as a necessary interface with both the public administration and

development institutions. Compared to ordinary towns and villages, these new

WoDaaBe-only settlements in the bush, even when lacking basic structures, are seen

as offering the advantages of institutional visibility and close proximity of undisputed

pasture resources.

Strengthening political unity

The WoDaaBe, particularly in the regions of Tahoua/Agadez, seem to be going

through a process of political reorganisation, allegedly prompted by a growing

awareness of their own weakness outside the possibility of dealing with problems on a

united front. The formation of new associations and collectives of associations is part

of this process, accompanied by the disownment of the historical associations (now

perceived as high-jacked by urban elites).

A conversation in Tchin Tabaraden, with a Touareg woman with a lot of experience of

working with development projects, was enlightening in this respect. She remarked

that the economic pressure over the last twenty years has greatly increased inequality

amongst the 'Touareg rouges', undermining family ties and traditional institutions of

solidarity. Great concentration of wealth and equally great impoverishment have had

devastating effects on the fabric of the society. The WoDaaBe, on the other hand, have

overall been affected by more contained and homogeneous economic losses. Despite

their reputation for isolation and individualism, they appear to have reacted to

external pressures with an increased sense of social cohesion and a new drive for

(peaceful) organisation.

If we trust this insider's scenario, discussions with WoDaaBe leaders in which they

refer to 'les Touareg' (meaning the 'Touareg rouges') as a uniform category, would

suggest that they might not have yet fully realised the extent to which the Touareg

society has been broken down into highly unequal groups. Some of these subgroups

(typically the herders) are often in greater difficulties than most of the WoDaaBe

themselves, and would probably make good allies with shared interests around a

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common cause.

Networking outside the WoDaaBe society

Since 2004 the Collectif Djingo has organised annual meetings (Assemblée Générale)

designed to increase the visibility of the WoDaaBe at both the national and

international level. These meetings are held in a different WoDaaBe settlement every

year, and last for several days. Local and national authorities are invited together with

representatives of international organisations and development projects. The meetings

are widely publicised and designed to also attract tourists. This year's meeting (5-14

October) was held at Tagayet, a relatively large Peul and Touareg settlement (about

350 households) 33 km east of Abalak. The points for discussion were: access to

natural resources; conflicts between agriculturalists and pastoralists; privatisation of

land; Pastoral Code; transnational pastoralism (the complete programme is in Annex

D). Djiingo has been very active in attracting international interest, particularly in

Europe. They are online in French and English: http://www.djingo.net.

Increasing economic diversification

Particularly in the area of Bermo, household splitting into sub-groups with different

production strategies has become relatively frequent. Those households that have lost

the capacity for sufficient mobility, and have access to adequate land, tentatively

engage in cultivation (whilst also keeping some cattle). Another dimension of

economic diversification is the seasonal group-migration of women, sometimes as far

as Senegal and for as long as three-four months. Although the phenomenon is not new

(at least twenty years old), people emphasised that in the last few years it has

increased in scale and extended to younger women (with children).

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4. MORE SPECIFICALLY ON THE ISSUE OF MOBILITY

The WoDaaBe distinguish at least four forms of mobility: migration in response to an

otherwise uncontrollable crisis (perol); migration between two or more zones of

different ecological settings at the beginning and end of the fresh-pasture period, in

order to keep their herds ‘at the front of the season’ (baartol); movement between

pasturelands within the same ecological settings, in order to keep their herds on the

kind of pasture that is known to be most beneficial to them (goonsol); and adjustment

movements in order to secure the constant availability of such a pasture even around

the camp (sottol). However, whether they spoke of one or the other, the interpreter

always translated with 'mobilité' or 'transhumance', in the absence of more specialised

terminology in French (or English). Thus, the complexity and qualitative distinctions

within the category of 'mobility', characteristic of the understanding and practices of

the herders, began to be filtered out by the very process of addressing the issue at the

national and international level. As this phenomenon is bound to be very common and

broad, it is crucial to find ways of re-integrating in the discussion of mobility both

complexity and qualitative distinctions.

During the meetings in Niger, mobility was mainly discussed in the two meanings of

baartol and goonsol. These meanings strictly link mobility to production, prompted

not by scarcity but by the animals' need for a diversified diet and the better quality of

pasture in the north during the wet season. Both the WoDaaBe in Bermo and the Peul

agro-pastoralists in Eguidi said that they would not remain on their dry season

grazeland during the wet season even if there was enough pasture there to feed on all

year round. The herds, they said, need to go north during the rainy season. This

despite the consequences of leaving the range 'near home' open to incoming herders

(in Bermo, people were lamenting that whilst they spend the wet months in the region

of Abalak, herders from Nigeria come with their animals to 'eat all the range at

home').

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The patterns of baartol (movement across different ecological areas) are linked to the

efficiency of goonsol (movement within the same ecological area). In turn, this

efficiency depends on the competence of the herder and the herd. The Peul agro-

pastoralists in Eguidi said that whilst all of them go north (near Abalak) at the

beginning of the rainy season, some come back in October and others in January. This

difference depends on the availability of labour (either for watering the herd once

surface water has dried out, or for the harvest back home) and/or on the capacity of

the herd to exploit the northern pasture even once it has been dried up by the hot

winds of September. In the herders' words, 'not all the cattle are accustomed to that

pasture'. Whilst the 'accustomed' herds typically gain weight at the beginning of the

dry season, those that are not, loose it quickly and must return south. It must be noted

that these 'different' herds are all of the same breed (Red Bororo) and from the same

village (Eguidi), often belonging to herders from the same extended families. In the

case of these herders, the pattern of mobility is affected by labour force and by the

competence of their animals as selective feeders.

No obstacles to transhumance (baartol) were recorded, either in Tchin Tabaraden or

Bermo, except for problems of security when going south, near the border with

Nigeria, because of the risk of theft. Instead, many people (both in Eguidi, Bermo and

Tchin Tabaraden), insisted on the difficulty to access water (particularly in the bush of

Abalak). Water from public wells was said to often be monopolised by the settlers or

by some influential figure and sold to the incomers at arbitrarily high prices. In some

cases, even access to ponds is precluded, for example by surrounding the water with

cultivation and threatening fines if the animals damage it. Overall, accusations of

damaging cultivations are frequent.

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Specific enquiry on the utility and performance of livestock corridors was hindered by

a late transhumance. The herders were not in a hurry to leave the dry season

rangeland, which was still offering good and abundant pasture (if dry) after the

exceptionally good rainy season the previous year. With regard to the corridors of

transhumance, the agro-pastoralist Peul in Eguidi only pointed out the excessive

distance of the first ‘grazing area’ (about 50 km from the village; more than 60 km

from the previous area in the opposite direction), which makes it risky to use the

corridor (in case one finds no pasture on the grazing area). Some commented that the

corridor is too narrow. They pointed out that a herder needs at least 10 m of free

ground on each side of the walking herd in order to make sure that no animal crosses

onto cultivated fields. At present, the corridor by the Eguidi is 'fenced' by crops and

just large enough for a herd to walk along. Whilst appreciating that the corridor

significantly reduces conflict with the farmers (also the Chef du village manifested

this opinion) the herders found that the narrow size of the corridor still exposes them

to the risk of fines for damaging the crops. Transhumance corridors were not

mentioned during the Purel meeting, not even during the analysis of the recent

changes.

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6. RESULTS AND REFLECTIONS

Communication and networking

Receiving first-hand information with regard to the debate on pastoral development at

the international level raised a lot of interest. Overall, the WoDaaBe’s experience of

decades of development interventions appears to have been one of

disenfranchisement, with the incoming flow of resources being either directed

somewhere else or largely high-jacked or diverted by interfacing actors before they

could reach their final target. Work to change this trend at the national level is made

difficult by the very factors that have led to it in the first instance: lack of direct

involvement in the work of development and lack of political representation.

Today, there is a widespread feeling amongst the WoDaaBe that their only chance to

receive their share of development resources is to link directly with the source. They

value any opportunity to network with the international level (with important

implications with regard to opportunities for education/training and communication).

This is consistent with their resource-use strategy in livestock production: the

WoDaaBe are usually uncomfortable with open competition and tend to refrain from

disputes; they prefer to avoid competitors (even if at great cost) and place themselves

where they can be the only users with undisputed access.

At the same time, both in the region of Bermo and in that of Tchin Tabaraden, the

WoDaaBe are trying to enter the national political arena. They are presenting

candidates to the local elections despite enormous difficulties in building a basis of

consensus within a highly scattered community and, when elected, the challenge of

poor formal education and the often complete isolation within the assembly. The

arguments presented during the discussions hinged on the awareness of the herders'

contribution to the national economy as producers as well as their role in attracting

development resources into the country (e.g. the Bouba Doutchi underlining that the

wells now controlled by settled people with no livestock were initially built to meet

the needs of pastoral production).

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Format and timing. The work took place in June-July due to the timing of the

technical survey for the documentary project on the WoDaaBe’s breeding/production

system exploiting unpredictable variability as a resource (IIED project code 840).

This transitional period between dry and wet season was chosen because it is when

the system is under more pressure and therefore its peculiarities are more visible.

What made it the best period for the technical survey, however, made it the most

difficult for organising gatherings and group discussions. Households are scattering

after the first rains, and the heavy workload of the late dry season increases sharply.

The herders are tense and distracted by many concerns. That a gathering with more

than forty elders could be organised within five days out of the blue, should be taken

as a sign of great interest on the part of the herders.

The herders showed a keen interest in the opportunity for long term planning and

liked the idea of constructing future scenarios as a vehicle for both equipping

themselves to deal with the ongoing processes of change and to influence their

course. A fortunate analogy was particularly successful in conveying this notion: you

make a calf-rope even if you don’t have calves, because when the calves arrive you

can only keep them if you have a calf-rope. Somehow, therefore, making a calf-rope

positively affects your chances to have calves. Introducing the FSP exercise with a

preliminary meeting, in order to give elders time to think it over and discuss things

back at the camp before the actual meeting, proved successful, although time

consuming. In this way the actual FSP meeting was decided and organised by the

elders themselves, including time and venue. They also provided food and water and

took care of organising temporary shelter for people to sit in the shade. Having

concentric meetings (a small preparatory one followed by a larger one) also embedded

some degree of repetition, helping everybody to become familiar with the new

methodology.

Had the meeting taken place at a less demanding time of the year, the number of

participants would have been greater. However, forty people proved to be a big group

to handle. A considerable amount of time was spent in translation, which slowed

down the discussion. My personal involvement however also offered an advantage,

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particularly in giving out the message that there is a direct interest on the part of

actors working at the international level. Translation is of course problematic and

always somehow inadequate, but it is also unavoidable. To run FSP entirely in

Fulfulde, shifting the translation to a later stage, could smooth the process. Extreme

care would have to be taken in order to prevent the black-boxing of problems and

ambiguities and the externalising of complexity.

Concluding remarks

In the herders' own vision, as imperfectly grasped through the work on FSP,

successful development should center around the following key points (the last two

refer to what would need to happen for the preferred scenario to be realised):

! Securing WoDaaBe-only settlements as administrative reference points.

! Securing access to the networks that control the flow of public resources: a) by

establishing specific and direct links; and b) by securing skills and

qualifications through formal education.

! Strengthening mobility and supporting the actual producers in the bush.

! Supporting livestock-less households (or household members) who are forced

to remain in the settlements.

! Securing first-hand information on pastoral development policies and securing

communication with the international level.

! Incoming resources target the herders specifically and without intermediate

actors.

! The WoDaaBe gain communication skills (e.g. fluency in French or English)

and formal qualifications enabling them to access all levels of political

representation and of employment in the development sector.

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ANNEX A. Translated transcripts

INTUSA MEETING [TAPE 3]0:07:04 [The laamido] We are the people living at Intusa.0:07:10 We are gathered in the school of Intusa.0:07:23 The school that we managed to have built here, where the children come to learn to read and

write.0:07:27 The school of the herders.0:08:11 The school is three years old.x

0:08:27[The children] are at school for receiving the advantages of schooling.

0:08:50

0:08:55There is another project that has promised us a well, but we don’t know whether we will

have it or not.x

0:09:04We have one problem with regard to education, that I am going to say now.

x

0:09:10Our children are children of herders and the herders don’t stay always in the same place.

x

0:09:27If you set on leaving your child behind, the child will face difficulties.

x

0:09:37If there was a canteen, with food for the pupils, each herder would leave his children

without problems.x

0:09:43The herder would take care of his livestock and leave his children at the school, to learn,

without problems, until the holidays.0:10:08 There are 28 pupils: 14 girls and 14 boys.

0:13:11 We have created a village here at Intusa.x

0:13:21It was already our place, but we are herders and don’t remain always in the same place.

x

0:13:25It was a place of pasture for us…

0:13:26 …and when we wanted a school…0:13:27

0:13:39…we decided to settle here in Intusa in order to have a school…

0:13:40 …to have a well…0:13:42 …to have a village.x

0:13:45Before, it was Tchin Tabaraden that was our home. From our birth we have been here.

x But as we now want a school, herders cannot have a school. If they want a school they must

20


0:13:55 first find a place to settle.x

0:14:06This is why we have chosen Intusa, that is not far from Tchin Tabaraden, for creating our

own village.

WHY INTUSA?0:15:45

0:15:49Why did we chose Intusa? A herder with his animals cannot settle in Tchin Tabaraden…

0:15;49

0:16:00… and we are with our laamido, who is here at Intusa.

0:19:04

0:19:08The man of the bush belongs to the bush.

0:19:09

0:19:12The herders don’t like the town and the town is not good for the herders.

0:19:13

0:19:24It is better for the WoDaaBe herders to create their own village rather than settling in town

with Haousa and Touareg.0:19:25

0:19:28But if we have our own village here, we have no problems. All our animals are in the bush.

0:19:29

0:19:30Our cattle are in the bush, our sheep are in the bush, our donkeys are in the bush.

0:19:33

0:19:39We have to look far away for water… but we prefer doing so rather than settling in town

where there is water.0:21:00

0:21:07One day, when Intusa will be a large village.

0:21:10

0:21:26We will know how to do trading, our children who are now at school will have grown up,

we will have no fear of settling in town and at that point we will have no problems to be in

town.

0:25:38

0:25:44There are WoDaaBe who are settled and others who are in the bush with the livestock.

0:25:45 Even in Bermo there are old people who are at the village, the teachers are at the village, but

the others are in the bush with the livestock.0:26:02

0:26:06Even if we settle in order to learn at school, we are not going to abandon herding.

WHAT ARE WE EXPECTING IN 20 YEARS TIME? [TAPE 3.1]0:08:10

0:08:19[a woman: Mbodjoua Doutchi] We are suffering now. We don’t have water, we grind millet,

we cook, we look for firewood. Really we are suffering!0:08:20

0:08:25We have understood that we have suffered in the past and now we are looking for help so

that our children might be schooled.0:08:34

0:08:38For those who have settled… is because they have problems…

0:08:42 Some don’t have enough to make a living… there is no water.0:08:42

0:08:44They want their children to go to school but they have to look for water, for food…

0:08:45

0:08:46[old woman] some go to look for water…

0:08:50

0:08:52And this is why the school hasn’t worked very well with us.

0:11:20

0:11:22[A woman: Mariama Abdoulaye] What brought us here, is that before we had not

understood and today we have understood.0:11:22

0:11:29We settled here in order to enjoy our rights, that all incoming aid to us could be received.

0:11:30

0:11:35/36And everybody in the community, even those who are in the bush, we know where they are,

and if there will be aid, they too will be informed and will come.0:11:36

0:11:45In case of drought, if the president sends something or some aid comes from abroad, we

know where to find everybody.

21


INTERVIEW WITH BOUBA DOUTCHI [TAPE 9 – 0:03:15]

(member of the Tchin Tabaraden Town Council, elected in 2005)0:03:44 In Tahoua, and in all Niger, the WoDaaBe are not strong and don’t receive any aid.0:03:55

0:04:01The projects arrive… the WoDaaBe are not involved.

0:04:02

0:04:06Even when the government includes them for aid, they don’t receive it!

0:04:07 With the projects is even worse. They work only with Hausa and Tuareg.0:04:19

0:04:21This is what we are seeing.

0:04:22

0:04:27All the project directors are Haousa or Touareg.

0:04:28

0:04:32When you present your proposal [for aid] they bin it. That’s it!

0:04:33

0:04:39Whatever the proposal their people present, they will help them.

0:04:40

0:04:41Since they are the directors.

0:04:42

0:04:48The WoDaaBe present their requests, but they see nothing!

0:04:51

0:04:57I know, the others went to school and those who have gone to school help their own people.

0:04:59

0:04:07The WoDaaBe don’t have people who have gone to school and are working in projects.

0:05:08

0:05:17The WoDaaBe are 'Nigeriens', children of Niger. There are things that the country should do

for all its people.0:05:18

0:05:28If you take a look around in the area [of Tchin Tabaraden]… if you don’t just stay in the

house, you’ll see the reality here.0:05:29 There are a lot of boreholes (fonfoji) in the area, but they are all for the Touareg.

22


0:05:35

0:05:36

0:05:37The WoDaaBe don’t have a single one!

0:05:38

0:05:39But it is the WoDaaBe who have the livestock… a lot!

0:05:39

0:05:48But it is the Touareg who manage the boreholes, sell the water… whilst they have no

livestock.0:05:49

0:05:54Since they are strong, they get the money.

0:05:55

0:05:57They make a business [of the borehole].

0:05:58

0:06:01But the owners of the animals, the herders… and it is because of them that the borehole has

been drilled… the boreholes are not in their hands.0:06:01

0:06:08If you see a borehole where the WoDaaBe don’t have to pay for the water, it is because it

has been built through a direct contact with a ‘white’ [anasara].0:06:09

0:06:13Maybe a friend who has helped.

0:06:15

0:06:21For example Djouri [in Tanferigan, 30km E of Tchin Tabaraden]. It is a white who helped

him, through an association, to have a borehole… that is not operating yet.0:06:22

0:06:25Or Ortudu [Ajangafa, 15km SW of Tchin Tabaraden]. It is through an association that some

white built him two wells, one that worked for sometime before collapsing, and another that

is about to be completed. 0:06:26 Maadina too [Ekinewan, 20km W Tchin Tabaraden].0:06:28

0:06:40But the WoDaaBe don’t have a place where either the government or a project has built

them a well… There isn’t!

ON NEW FORMS OF ASSOCIATION0:09:--

0:10:--[Mentions the Collectif Djingo and the meeting to be held in Abalak in October 2008,

in French]

EXPERIENCE AS A MEMBER OF THE TOWN COUNCIL0:24:48

0:25:14[At the Council meetings], we vote on the budget in order to make wells, clinics for animals

and everybody, vaccination parks, cooperative stores in the bush…0:25:15

0:25:18… but we, the WoDaaBe, don’t get anything!

0:25:18

0:25:19This is why I raised an issue, I asked “Why?”

0:25:26

0:25:31We pay the [pro-capita] tax, we pay taxes on the sale of animals.

0:25:31

0:25:37Not so long ago we even had an animated argument.

0:25:37

0:25:41They accused me of ethnocentrism. I said “I am not ethnocentrist. It is you who are

ethnocentrist!’0:25:42

0:25:46Did you understand? The WoDaaBe have received nothing!

0:25:46

0:25:52One person alone, who stand up in a meeting… and who does not represent the majority…

people treat him like a fool.

ON SEDENTARISATIONx

0:29:47If you see the WoDaaBe settling in town, or settling in the villages of the Haousa… they

have run out of cattle!

23


PUREL GATHERING [TAPE 10]0:42:19 [Ibrahim Riskoua]0:42:24

0:42:36In the past, herding used to be different. The bush was vast and some parts of it were not

even used… all alone the herders herded their cattle.0:42:37

0:42:43They had enough, the herd grew and improved [jaudi mbaDi unfani, mbaDi yeeso] they had

good returns.0:42:24

0:43:00They found grass; they found GalaDi; they found Gajjaali [Cymbopongon giganteus]; they

found Senseni [Maerua crassipholia]; they found Fangunehi1; they found Hurdu-dumboore

[Cyperus conglomeratus]2 they found… a lot.0:43:00

0:43:06But now, for us there is nothing – even Amjahi [Boscia senegalensis] is missing and there is

no RuBBo [could be RuBBore, also Rayyere, Andropogon gayanus] anymore.0:43:06

0:43:10All the animals of the bush have gone.

0:43:10

0:43:13The animals of the bush have gone with its plants… and herding with them.

0:43:13

0:43:17There is no herding now. If you want to help us, help us to improve this situation.

[Rouada Aliu]0:43:39

0:43:43The plants of the bush have not changed. It is the times that have changed.

0:43:43

0:43:51Before, the WoDaaBe were deep in the bush, only… we were only in the bush.

0:43:55

0:44:02Now, all over Niger, wherever you find the WoDaaBe, they are in settlements (wuriire).

0:44:03

0:44:09The herders in one place and the elders [those who make decisions] in another… and they

send their children to school.0:44:09 They have teachers, they have settlements, everybody is attached to a well and a settlement.

1 Could be Sotoore [Tapinantus dissoluta], a parasitic plant growing on the Barkahi tree [Pilostigma

reticulatu] and used in the fuDngo na’i, the most important cerimony for increasing the fertility of the

herd (Bonfiglioli,1982: 47).2 With the exception of Gajjaali, all bushes and trees.

24


0:44:18

0:44:19

0:44:29The WoDaaBe will not stop herding, even the Hausa government officials

[functionnaires]… when they have money they buy livestock!0:44:32

0:44:33The livestock cannot be abandoned.

0:44:34

0:44:38Herding cannot be abandoned. Mobility [bangarol] cannot be dropped. Nobody has dropped

mobility.0:44:39

0:44:44It is the times that have changed. The grass has gone. It is a new time now.

0:44:46

0:44:51It is not even the case of asking… It is a new time that has come.

0:44:52

0:44:55Those who say that herding is finished speak empty words.

0:44:55

0:44:57But the WoDaaBe have settled [be ndeppache]

0:44:59

0:45: 02Now, whenever you find wells you see that the WoDaaBe have built settlements…

0:45: 02

0:45: 06… you find buildings, you find camps [sudi], you find people who have settled [ndeppibe].

0:45: 06

0:45: 11After this I have nothing else to say. It is to you WoDaaBe who know some, to speak.

[New intervention]0:46:10

0:46:14What we have seen as change in the environment [kama yeney saakitoke].

0:46:14

0:46:18When we got here, we were children.

0:46:18

0:46:21It is here that we found our people, here where we are sitting now.

0:46:22

0:46:25But they were going to Bororo [Bermo] to find water.

0:46:27

0:46:29And all around here there were no wells.

0:46:29

0:46:30There was only bush!

0:46:31

0:46:35The trees… you see, now we have to use blankets [in order to have shade]… but in the past

a tree was good enough to give shade…0:46:35

0:46:39…and its shade was good enough for us.

0:46:39

0:46:42Today those trees are no more.

0:46:43

0:46:48It is the environment that has changed. There are too many cattle in the bush.

0:46:49

0:46:51Water too has diminished… rain water.

0:46:51

0:46:52There is less rain than in the past.

0:46:55 This is what we call change in the environment: today there are many wells.

0:46:56

0:47:06Wherever you go you find wells.

IS IT A GOOD OR A BAD THING TO HAVE MANY WELLS?


0:48:42It has diminished the difficulties, but it has also weakened herding [durungol].

0:48:42

0:48:48In the past there were many cattle around a few wells.

0:48:48

0:48:56The wells were about 10-15 km far from one another, and all cattle gathered around… and

at the camps people were thirsty.0:49:00

0:49:04But today there are a lot of wells.

25


[Rouada Sabgari]0:49:28

0:49:31We have seen a lot of change in the environment. Us, it is here that we were born, and found

our fathers and our grandfathers.0:49:43

0:49:47But at that time, if we had a strong rain like that we had the day before yesterday…

0:49:47

0:49:51… the animals would have had plenty of grass.

0:49:52

0:50:00Because there were not so many animals, not so many people. The population was low.

0:50:00

0:50:02Today people are so many.

0:50:02

0:50:05And the cattle too are many.

0:50:06

0:50:09The change in the environment is that the bush has gone.

0:50:10

0:50:14The bush has gone, this is what we have seen.

0:50:15

0:50:19The years … if you had a good year [now], after you have a bad one!

0:50:23

0:50:30But the wells, it is good what we have now.

0:50:31

0:50:38Because if all the cattle that are in the bush now… if they had to be watered at the few wells

we used to have, they would not have enough.0:50:39

0:50:40It would be difficult.

0:50:43

0:50:49The bush… the cattle ate it!


0:51:16There is something I want to add…

0:51:16

0:51:17There have been changes in the bush.

0:51:17

0:51:23About the herds…

0:51:23

0:51:30…before a cow produced 6/7 litres…

0:51:30

0:51:36… but today it is 2!

0:51:36

0:51:41Before, we didn’t give millet on top of grass.

0:51:41

0:51:45Today we must buy feed for the cattle.

0:51:46

0:51:50Before we didn’t know about giving millet to the cattle.

0:51:51

0:51:57Before the milk was enough.

0:51:57

0:51:59Today it isn’t.

0:51:59

0:52:07Before the herders lived mostly of milk, but today they have to purchase other food.


0:53:01The millet, we have to give it even to the cattle… during the dry season.

0:53:01

0:53:10The millet is not just for the family. [now] we give it even to the cattle!

0:53:30

0:53:34There are many changes in herding…

0:53:34

0:53:38We consider ourselves ‘young’…

0:53:38

0:53:40…but what we found doesn’t exist anymore.

0:53:41 Because what we found… at this time [of the year] we would have had a lot of grass and the

26


0:53:48 cattle would be full.0:53:48

0:53:53It used to rain from the seventh month [May].

0:53:54

0:54:00But today the rain starts the ninth month [July] or even the tenth [August].

0:54:00

0:54:10Before, if you travelled either North or East… if you didn’t carry water with you the thirst

was going to kill you.0:54:10

0:54:18But today if you go to Agadez and you don’t carry more than a few litres, you will have no

problems.0:54:18

0:54:22But today, cattle are many, people are many, the bush has gone.

0:54:22

0:54:25This is the change… and on top, the rains are always late.

0:54:26

0:54:35… and when they arrive they stop quickly, before the grass has grown. We didn’t know [the

disease] when the cow cannot see at night.0:54:35

0:54:42But today, the herder feeds his animals just as they feed his family.

0:54:44

0:54:50We think that this is because of inadequate rains.

0:56:12

0:56:15And then, the settling of herders...

0:56:16

0:56:19People don’t settle abandoning herding…

0:56:19

0:56:27…they settle on request of the [pastoral] associations and the projects.

0:56:27

0:56:37And where they settle you might find buildings and people, but you also find buildings

without people…0:56:37

0:56:40Yet so far the WoDaaBe are still herding.

0:56:40

0:56:42They don’t have any other occupation.


0:56:46Then, those who settle don’t have enough to survive…

0:56:46

0:56:56…their cattle are far and one must travel far to get one to take it to the market and buy food

for the family.0:56:56

0:56:59This is our problem.

0:57:00

0:57:05But if those who settled receive some help, then there is no problem…

0:57:05

0:57:10…and those who are with the herds can go as far as necessary…

0:57:10

0:57:11… until the end of the wet season, and then they come back…

0:57:12

0:57:15,,,and at their return the place is not like during the rainy season… when there is nobody.

0:57:16

0:57:19Because people stay with their cattle. This is what they sell. This is what they eat!

0:57:20

0:57:26You, a herder, you sell your cattle, you eat, and then you stay put in the shade… and again

you go to get cattle to sell?0:57:26

0:57:30Who is the one who takes care of your cattle …and you are taking them to the market?

Nobody is going to accept this! 0:57:30

0:57:32This is why we are staying with our cattle.

0:57:32

0:57:36But if we had food available for those who are settled, this would represent a great help.

0:57:40

0:57:44If there is help… it is those who are settled who need to be helped…

0:57:44

0:57:49… helping pastoralism is this.

0:57:49

0:57:58Helping pastoralism means giving food. Now we cannot live of the cattle anymore. We herd

them only.

27


[People’s comments]0:58:00

0:58:15It isn’t the number of animals that is smaller, is that of people that is bigger.

0:58:18

0:58:21That’s right! It is not that there are less cattle, it is the people who have grown in number!


0:59:12Wait, wait. Us all, when we were children, we all watered the cattle at the same well

[Yalema well]. Today, should we all go there with our cattle, would there be enough for all

of us?

0:59:12 [Answer] Not at all!0:59:15 [Answer] They couldn’t drink!0:59:16

0:59:22It is not the cattle that are fewer, the people are more numerous! The herds have been

fragmented!0:59:34

0:59:36[People reply] It is not like this, It is not like this! [can hodjaka]

0:59:54

x[Another man] It is the cattle that are more numerous!

1:00:10

1:00:28[Another man] In the past there were herders with 200/300 head… we have see this! But

now there isn’t anybody like this!1:00:18

1:00:23And you say that the cattle are not fewer?

1:00:23

1:00:24They are fewer!

1:00:24

1:00:28[Another man?] There have been marriages, many! There are no cows!

1:00:28

1:00:32You had children, this wife had children, this one had children, the other had children…

1:00:32

1:00:34What stops there being too many people? Too many for the cattle.

1:00:35

1:00:40We must acknowledge, simply, that there are not enough cattle anymore!

1:00:40

1:00:43[voice over] the droughts have also killed many animals.

1:00:43

1:00:48If there are two good years, the third one is bad.

1:00:49

1:00:52There you are, that’s what has decreased the number of cattle!

1:00:52

1:00:54In the past we had drought every 10 years, but now there is one, then two good years and

the third is bad again!

[TAPE 11]


0:05:03Before, you could have two cows and that would have been enough for your family.

0:05:03

0:05:09Today you might have twenty and it is not enough for your family.

0:05:10

0:05:17The good pasture is gone.

0:05:17

0:05:26You have heard that herds are smaller… but in a few years they can be reconstituted!

0:05:28

xIf the good years are back, you’ll see!

0:05:-

0:05:46The trees are gone, all what is left is some minor variety of straw [iriel gote nder jeelol tan].

0:06:00

0:06:14Only one activity is not enough anymore.

0:08:41 [New intervention]

28


0:09:07

0:09:12We, the herders, all that can help herding is what can help us.

0:09:12

0:09:20All other activities we might have, we don’t master them very well.

0:09:20

0:09:26We learn them, but only a bit. But with regard to herding, it is there where we really know

well.0:09:26

0:09:31Anything to do with herding, we learn it quickly and make it worthwhile!


0:15:33In the past you took one bull to the market, you could sell it for 1000 FCFA or 1500.

0:15:33

0:15:42And with that money you could buy the food for the family, the clothes, the mats [for

sleeping]… all.0:15:42

0:15:45But today, the same bull you sell it at 300,000 FCFA, or 400,000.

0:15:45

0:15:50And you don’t buy anything for your family, you buy a tarpaulin for the rain!


0:20:03And now there are more needs.

0:20:03

0:20:23Now everybody wants to go to the market to satisfy his own needs, but before, the market

was far and it was the elders who went to buy for the family.

[Rouada Aliu]]0:23:—> [Rouada Aliu talks about the aid from projects & government never reaching the WoDaaBe:

‘all is chewed up along the way’].0:22:57

0:23:07From now on if there is help for the herders, it is crucial to place it directly in the hands of

the herders!

[Ibrahim Riskoua]0:41:59 [Ibrahim Riskoua says that there are more iririiji today than in the past]

WHY DO WODAABE CREATE SETTLEMENTS NOW? [TAPE 12]0:57:40

0:57:45There is a main reason why the WoDaaBe create settlements.

0:57:45

0:57:53From far away south, the WoDaaBe have moved this way [north] and the farmers have

followed them.0:57:53

0:57:58When they stopped somewhere to make a settlement, the farmers arrived.

0:57:58

0:58:01Until the WoDaaBe arrived at the Sahara.

0:58:01

0:58:06This is one of the reasons that brought the WodaaBe to make settlements.

0:58:06

0:58:15They thought that had they not made settlement now the farmers would have pushed them

into the desert.

[TAPE 13]


0:16:09You have come to meet the herders.

0:16:09

0:16:12You have not come to meet the farmers.

0:16:12

0:16:13You have come to help the herders.

0:16:13

0:16:15Now, even if there are farmers here…

0:16:15

0:16:20… we should not talk of farmers.

29


0:16:21

0:16:27Now we are talking of herding.

0:16:27

0:16:29Herding is weakened.

0:16:30

0:16:32We have talked of the problems of herding.

0:16:32

0:16:34At the root of the problem is [the issue of] water.

0:16:34

0:16:37So far… the herders… if you want to do anything good for them…

0:16:37

0:16:42…one should return amongst the herders and look into ways of helping them as herders.

0:16:42

0:16:45If it is to increase security…

0:16:45

0:16:46If it is the bush that is going to be helped…

0:16:46

0:16:49If it is looking at diseases…

0:16:49

0:16:53In all cases we are not meeting to talk about ‘gardens’.

0:16:53

0:16:58We met about gardens a few days ago. Now we have no scope for discussing it again.

[Rouada Sabgari]0:38:43

0:38:48We have heard often that there has been a lot given to pastoral associations, for the

herders…0:38:48

0:38:57The herders are surprised. Amongst the members of the pastoral associations some know

nothing about cattle.0:38:57

0:38:59They have no understanding of herding.

0:38:59

0:39:02They don’t even know how to water a herd at the well!

0:39:02

0:39:04And it is said that they are the leaders of the herders!

0:39:07

0:39:13The leaders of herders who have never been in the bush? Who have never gone to see the

cattle? Who have never gone to see the herders?0:39:13

0:39:15And now it is them who are the leaders of the herders?

[Ghide Rouada]0:46:49

0:46:51Whatever is given to you, if you have not been given enough information, not much has

been given.


0:47:20In the past, when we had truth…

0:47:21

0:47:23…we had regular meetings.

0:47:24

0:47:28When we had truth, when [help] was given...

0:47:28

0:47:30…at the time the laamido’s father was alive…

0:47:32

0:47:36… it was here, with the laamido, where the help was entrusted.

WRAPPING UP THE MEETING0:57:54

0:58:00Did you understand? Since projects have started to call meetings for doing sensibilisation

with the herders…0:58:00

0:58:08To start teaching them… it is at least twenty years.

0:58:09

0:58:16We have never seen somebody of whom we have been as happy as of you.

30


0:58:16

0:58:23[Talking to the interpreter] We are happy with him because he has not said that our mobility

is wrong.0:58:23

0:58:25He has recognised the importance of our mobility.

0:58:25

0:58:30We are all very happy. Might God give us all a chance.


0:58:45Had you come earlier… now is a difficult time… there would have been far too many

people for the shade of this tree.

[The interpreter is speaking]1:01:58

1:02:09He said, should he come back in October, after the Ramadan, would that be a good time for

a large meeting?

[Answers]1:02:09

1:02:19Very much! The number of people who will come will be huge [at that time]… there will

be very many people.

31


ANNEX B. Preliminary meeting in Bermo: list of participants

Name Role Taarde Lenyol

Oumarou Barade laamido Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en -

also ‘Kabawa’ (Ali

Jam)

Rouada Aliyu Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Tambari

Oumarou

Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Weli Oumarou ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Rouada Sabgari ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Bang’o Girka Siuwtel/ Bii Hamma’en

Saala Minnaka representing

ardo

Moddake

Djaanje Bii Korony’en (Ali

Jam)

Ndoula Bawa Bii Hamma’en

Maigari Bouba

Dudji Maunde Jamparanko’en Bii Hamma’en

Weli Naganamzo Hodoori Bii Hamma’en

32

Saverio Krätli, Report to IIED, work in progress, 06.08.08

ANNEX C. Gathering at the ‘Purel’ well: list of participants.

Name Role Taarde Lenyol

Oumarou Barade laamido Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en - also

‘Kabawa’ (Ali Jam)

Hasan Barade ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Kiro HoDande ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Rouada Sabgari ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Barto Maisibi ardo [Peul Bororo’en]

Ibrahim Riskoua ardo Yamanko’en

Deede Yuguda ardo Djanje Bii Korony’en

Weli Denji ardo Yamanko’en

Kiro Doula ardo Kubanko’en/

Biihamma’en

Bii Hamma’en

Weli Oumarou ardo Djadjwol Bii Hamma’en

Mokao Djaho ardo Kasawsawa

(Degereeji)

Berto Maounde ardo Kasawsawa

Jeereji ZaDo ardo Siuwtel Bii Hamma’en

Bang’o Gnirka ardo Siuwtel Bii Hamma’en

Dotchi Djajo ardo Mosakao Bii Hamma’en

Weli Rouada

Ali Maiwasa

Baleeri Sabgari

Arjo HoDande

Djouri HoDande

Orti Daro

MokuDire JobDi

Goga Girka

HoDi JobDi

Souralm Joodi

Sa’i Maounde

Weli Denji

Barka Rouada

Samaye Suralji

Hassan Sabgari

Rikoua Yaaro

Bang’o Oumarou

YaDDo Koine

Orti Sabgari

Moneji Suralji

Tchatche Djouri

Rouada Aliyu

Darrani Djouli

Alto Mosukabe

Ghide Rouada

33


ANNEX D. Programme of the General Assembly fo Djiingo 2008 (Tagayet)(from: http://www.djingo.net/en/)

October 5

! Welcome and evening dances

October 6

! Official opening

! Installation of visitors

! Fatiha

! Speech by Sanda Bammi, president of this year's edition

! Reading of the programme in Haussa, Fulfulde and French

! Speech by the Chef de Groupement

! Speech by the Governor of Tahoua / Préfet of Abalak / Mayor of Abalak

! Speech by the Minister

! Dances

! Parade

! Visit of the site

! Evening: Debate with the invited authorities about the pastoralist policy in Niger

October 7

! Consultative workshop about the African Union's initiative to formulate a Pastoralist Policy

Framework for the whole of the African continent in cooperation with the pastoralist populations

October 8

! Round table with the partners in development working in the pastoralists sector

! Projection of the documentary 'Kawriten ko’e meen, rassemblons nos têtes… ' by Sandrine

France

October 9

! Informative workshop about the advantages of mobile animal breeding systems

! Training for 40 pastoralist women in organizational skills and income-generating activities

October 10

! Training for 40 instructors in communication skills to change behaviour within the framework of

the fight against AIDS

October 11

! Information about the FORAS (solidarity engagements taken by several pastoralist groups)

! Lecture about SVVP (Service Vétérinaire Privé de Proximité) by PROXEL (Vets without

Frontiers Belgium) and information about animal health

October 12

! Debate with the tourists about 'Responsible Tourism'

October 13

! Plenerary reading

! Correction and adoption of the general summarising report

! Cultural night 'Nuit pastorale'

October 14

! Closing ceremony

! Camel race

! Public announcement of the assembly's report

! Petition towards the authorities

! Word of thanks

Wodaabe dancing and singing

Every day and night the colourful spectacle won't leave anyone indifferent, thanks to its originality and

strenght of expression. The beauty of the make-up, the harmonic and polyphonic singing, the gracious

movements, the traditional dress, hand clapping and foot stamping all come together in harmony to

delight the onlooker. Men as well as women have their own dance forms.

Exposition – shops

Craftsmen of all ethnic groups will expose the richness of the Nigerien craftswork. The Wodaabe

women will install their saga, where they put up their bowls and traditional decorative objects),

embroidered panes and garments, jewels, dance outfits etc. There will be a wide choice for tourists to

take home some precious souvenirs from this unforgettable experience.

34


Camel race and walks

At the end of the event, in the early morning the visitors will be able to watch astonishing riders rival in

dexterity in a dogged camel race. It's always an astonishing spectacle for all to see this assembly charge

at high speed into the bush.

For a modest price, tourists will be offered a ride around the grounds.

35


ANNEX E. Sample documents of one of the recent pastoral

associations in Tchin Tabaraden (attached)

36


krätli 2008 - future scenario planning with wodaabe herders in niger

Documents