Lines  in  the  Sand      

A  History  of  Mineral  Sandmining  on  Queensland’s  Barrier  Islands  

   

Figure 1 – Lines in the Sand, Fraser Island1

 A  History  Thesis  by  Colin  Sweett  

 Submitted  in  partial  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  for  History  Honours  at  the  

University  of  Queensland    

Supervisor  Prof  Peter  Spearitt    

May  30,  2008    

1 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994),145.

ii

To  Frank  Sweett  Scientist,  loving  grandfather  and  inspiration.    

   

iii

                 

Minjerriba    

Minjerriba  was  a  giant  in  the  sun  His  green  back  coated  with  cyprus  and  gum,  

Belly  bloated  with  rich  grains  of  sand,  Eyes  brimming  with  waters  so  cool,  He  stretched  for  miles  in  the  sun.  

And  Pacific  on  the  east  Quandamooka  on  the  west  Bathed  this  giant  in  the  sun.  

 But  Minjerriba's  back  is  now  broken;  Men  came  and  tore  out  his  guts;  Stole  his  rich  grains  of  sand,  

Stripped  his  cloak  of  cyprus  and  gum,  Drained  water  from  his  ageless  eyes  And  weakened  this  giant  in  the  sun.  

 Oh  man!  With  your  machinery  and  science,  

Your  greed  and  callous  disregard,  When  your  savage  looting  and  lying  is  done,  

Will  Gods  in  the  future,  If  future  there  is,  

Spare  you  your  place  in  the  sun?2  

2 Poem by Oodgeroo of the Noonucle Tribe

iv

 Acknowledgments  I   would   like   to   thank   a   number   of   people   who   were   instrumental   to   the  

preparation   of   this   thesis.   First,   my   supervisor   Peter   Spearitt   whose   guidance  

and  assistance  was  invaluable.  Secondly,  the  staff  at  the  State  and  UQ  Libraries;  

the  Redlands   Shire   Local  History   Library;   the   Southport   Local   Studies   Library;  

the   National   Trust   and   the   State   Archives   for   their   help   in   locating   various  

resources.  Thirdly,  to  John  Sinclair,  Drew  Hutton,  Ellie  Durbidge,  Peter  Newman,  

Shannon  Burns,  Dale  Ruska   and  Margaret   Iselin   for   imparting   your   knowledge  

and   for   your   valuable   insights.   Fourthly,   to   Consolidated   Rutile   for   providing  

valuable   information   and   historical   documents   relating   to   sand-­‐mining   on  

Stradbroke.   Fifthly,   to   my   parents   for   your   encouragement   throughout   my  

academic  endeavours.  Finally,  to  my  partner  Becky  for  your  support  throughout  

the  writing  of  this  thesis  –  I  could  not  have  done  it  without  you.  

 

Statement  of  Originality    I  certify  that  this  thesis,  and  the  research  to  which  it  refers,  are  the  product  of  my  

own   work,   and   that   any   ideas   or   quotations   from   the   work   of   other   people,  

published  or  otherwise,  are  fully  acknowledged  in  accordance  with  the  standard  

referencing  practices  of  History.  I  acknowledge  the  helpful  guidance  and  support  

of  my  supervisor,  Prof  Peter  Spearitt.  

 

Colin  Owen  Sweett  

30  May,  2008  

v

Abstract      

Sandmining  began  in  Australia  in  the  1930s  at  Bryon  Bay  in  New  South  Wales.  In  

these   early   days   mining   was   done   by   hand   as   the   rich   black   seams   were  

shovelled   onto   old   army   trucks   to   be   taken   for   processing.   The   industry   has  

progressed  to  become  a  multi-­‐billion  dollar  enterprise  with  operations  along  the  

east  and  west  coasts  of  Australia.  The  rich  and  easily-­‐accessible  mineral   seams  

along  Australia’s  beaches  are  a   thing  of   the  past;   today  miners  obtain  minerals  

from  high  dune  areas   such  as   Stradbroke   Island  where  mineral   concentrations  

are  as  low  as  a  few  percent.  Early  mining  operations  went  unquestioned  as  they  

provided   employment   and   helped   the   war   effort.   The   1970s   saw   the   rise   of  

concern   for   the   environment   and   sandmining   became   a   prime   target   for  

conservation   groups.   The   conflicts   between  mining   and   conservation   interests  

form  a  part  of  the  history  of  most  sand  islands  along  the  Queensland  coast.  This  

thesis   explores   three   major   sand   islands   –   Fraser,   Moreton   and   Stradbroke  

Islands  –  and  the  land  use  conflicts  of  sandmining  on  each  of  the  islands.  Today,  

both   Fraser   and   Moreton   enjoy   full   protection,   while   mining   continues   on  

Stradbroke.  A  number  of   factors  contributed  to   the  continuation  of  sandmining  

on   Stradbroke   Island.   These   include   the   early   development   of   the   Island  

resulting   in   a   substantial   residential   population   depended   on   the   mine   for  

employment;   strong   support   and   lack   of   regulation   by   the   Queensland  

Government   of   the   sandmining   industry;   the   inability   of   the   Stradbroke   Island  

Management   Organisation   (SIMO)   to   mount   an   effective   campaign   against   the  

mining   operations,   and   local   community   division   especially   within   the  

indigenous  community  which  has  undermined  the  campaign  against  sandmining.  

Table  of  Contents      

Chapter  I  –  Drawing  Lines  in  the  Sand  .......................................................................................  3  Chapter  II  –  Fighting  for  Fraser  ..................................................................................................  19  Chapter  III  –  Saving  Moreton  .......................................................................................................  36  Chapter  IV  –  Sacrificing  Stradbroke  .........................................................................................  50  References  ...........................................................................................................................................  81        

   

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List  of  Abbreviations      ACF   Australian  Conservation  Council  

AMC   Associated  Minerals  Consolidated  

BCC   Brisbane  City  Council  

BLF   Builders  Labours  Federation  

CJC   Criminal  Justice  Commission  

CRL   Consolidated  Rutile  Limited  

DME   Department  of  Mines  and  Energy  

FIDO   Fraser  Island  Defenders  Organisation  

MDL   Mineral  Deposits  Limited  

MIPC   Moreton  Island  Protection  Committee  

QCC   Queensland  Conservation  Council  

QLC   Quandamooka  Land  Council  

QTM   Queensland  Titanium  Mines  

SIAC   Stradbroke  Island  Action  Coalition  

SIMO   Stradbroke  Island  Management  Organisation  

TAZI   Titanium  and  Zirconium  Industries  

WPSQ   Wildlife  Preservation  Society  Queensland  

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Chapter  I  –  Drawing  Lines  in  the  Sand    Today approximately half of the world’s population live within 100 kilometres of a

coast1, in areas possessing “attractive natural characteristics”2 which are ecologically

highly complex. These zones are both easily, and profoundly, affected by human

activities. Queensland’s population was approximately 4 million in 2006, with south-

east Queensland constituting Australia’s most rapidly growing region. Many of the

land-uses of south-east Queensland’s sandy fringes and sandy islands “are in direct

conflict … [including] … housing and underground water supply, sand-mining and

national parks”.3 This thesis focuses on the history of mining of Queensland’s sand

islands and consequent environmental battles over the last forty years.

Mining is the world’s fifth largest industry.4 Australia depends heavily on mineral

extraction for its economic well-being. Queensland is also very dependent on the

mining industry, which contributed $15.3 million to the State’s economy in 2004-05.5

Unfortunately, “mineral extraction often reflects the negative social and ecological

impact of global economic forces”.6 There is conflict at the heart of the relationship

between society and the mining industry. On the one hand mining is “environmentally

destructive, subtracting from the pleasure that people gain from the environment”,7

and accordingly an unwelcome development. On the other hand, mining is an

“activity that pays wages and makes profits”.8

1 Joel E. Cohen and others, “Estimates of Coastal Populations,” Science 278, no. 5341 (1997): 1211. 2 A. Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining and Other Island Industries,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975 105. 3 C.H. Thompson, "Coastal Areas of Southern Queensland - Some Land Use Conflicts," in Stradbroke Island Symposium, ed. N.C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 109. 4 Paul Harrison and Fred Pearce, Aaas Atlas of Population and Environment, (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2000), 83. 5 Department of Mines and Energy, “Queensland Mining Industries - the Economic Significance of Mining and Mineral Processing to Queensland,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 2007), 21. 6 Harrison and Pearce, Aaas Atlas of Population and Environment, 83. 7 Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining,”105. 8 Ibid., 106.

4

The core of the thesis focuses on the three major sand islands along the Queensland

coast – Fraser, Moreton and Stradbroke Islands9 – and the environmental land use

conflicts arising from mining on each of the islands. Today, both Fraser and Moreton

enjoy full protection, while mining continues on Stradbroke. This thesis explores the

factors that have contributed to the cessation of sandmining on Fraser and Moreton

Islands, and investigates the reasons why sandmining on Stradbroke Island continues

today.

Methodology and Rationale

A key objective of this thesis is to document and discuss three campaigns against

sandmining operations along the Queensland coast. As environmental issues become

increasingly important in the twenty-first century, largely because of an increasing

environmental awareness combined with high levels of environmental destruction,

there is clear benefit in discussing the historical development of environmental

consciousness, and the role this has played in key conservation campaigns.

Furthermore an analysis of the factors influencing the success or failure of these

campaigns provides insight into other resource exploitation and environmental

protection campaigns.

The field of environmental history has developed since the 1970s as a response to the

growing concern about environmental issues. As Asdal says, environmental history

“grew from and was informed by strong, value-laden public involvement, and its goal

was to understand how people shape and have been shaped by their natural

environments”.10 A definition of the field provided by Dovers is “the investigation

and description of previous states of the bio-physical environment, and the study of

the history of human impacts on and relationships with the non-human setting”.11 The

field has developed in three main areas. First, material environmental history concerns

itself with developments in the natural world and how these have impacted on human

9 Note: Both Stradbroke Island and North Stradbroke Island are used throughout this thesis to refer to North Stradbroke Island. 10 Kristin Asdal, “The Problematic Nature of Nature: The Post-Constructivist Challenge to Environmental History,” History and Theory 42, no. 4 (2003): 62. 11 Stephen Dovers, “Australian Environmental History: Introduction, Review and Principles,” in Australian Environmental History - Essays and Cases, ed. Stephen Dovers, (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 4.

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societies – this strand is closest aligned with the natural sciences.12 Secondly, the

cultural strand emphasises how representations of the natural world have changed in

either artistic or literary depictions and what these reveal about the people who

produced them.13 The third strand relates to political environmental history, where the

actions of the state and other stakeholders over the environment are considered.14 The

content of this thesis relates most strongly to the third strand identified by McNeill.

A number of methods have been employed to compile resources for this project.

Research was conducted at a number of sites, including local history libraries, and the

Queensland State Archives, to gather information relating to the three sand islands.

While general background information is often sourced from secondary accounts,

primary sources have been the main reference for accounts of each campaign. The

primary sources used in this thesis are sourced from newspaper articles, company

reports, newsletters from conservation groups and material held by individuals. To

supplement these sources, interviews were conducted with a number of people

directly involved in the sandmining industry and the conservation campaigns. Key

people have been interviewed from the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation

(SIMO), the Queensland Greens, the Quandamooka Land Council (QLC), and

Consolidated Rutile Limited (CRL). Further insight was provided by a guided tour of

CRL’s operations on North Stradbroke Island through the assistance of Greening

Australia. This tour provided useful insight into the company’s operations.

Literature Review

The development of an environmental consciousness in Australia is complex and

multifaceted. Conservation practices have existed in Australia for perhaps 60,000

years. However the practices and the rationale changed radically in the last 200 years

after European settlement. There is considerable literature on the rise of

environmental consciousness in Australia. One of the first is Geoffrey Bolton’s Spoils

and Spoilers (1981) which explains the unique ecology of this island continent and the

12 J. R. McNeill, “Observations of the Nature and Culture of Environmental History,” History and Theory 42, no. 4 (2003): 6. 13 Ibid., 6. 14 Ibid., 6.

6

misunderstanding and mistreatment of Australia by European colonisers.15 Another

prominent early work, They All Ran Wild by Eric Rolls (1969), outlines the history of

the introduction of foreign plant and animal species into Australia by Acclimatisation

Societies.16 The Colonial Earth by Tim Bonyhady (2000) presents a more

sophisticated assessment which explores, inter alia, Bolton’s suggestion that

Europeans ‘hated trees’.

In contrast, Tim Flannery in The Future Eaters (1997) argues that European

colonisers felt indifference, if not hostility, to the Australian environment. Flannery

discusses the geological history of Australia before focusing on the ‘arrival of the

Future Eaters’.17 Flannery’s book displays the diversity of environmental history as

he approaches the issues from the field of the natural sciences. Bonyhady also

approaches his topic from an interdisciplinary approach using his background as a

lawyer and curator of landscape art to deliver new insights.18

The Australian environment movement, unlike its North American counterpart, does

not have a foundation text such as Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1963) or Aldo

Leopold’s Sand County Almanac (1966);19 instead the Australian movement is

defined by a series of campaigns. This view is supported by Kevin Frawley in his

chapter in Stephen Dovers’ Australian Environment History (1994). Frawley

attributes the rise of Australian conservation concerns to a number of key political

events that are both successes and failures in natural resource conservation, and which

include the important Fraser Island campaign.20 As Hall comments, “these campaigns

demonstrated the capability of conservationists to organise themselves into a

15 Geoffrey Bolton, Spoils and Spoilers - a History of Australians Shaping Their Environment, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1981). 16 Eric C Rolls, They All Ran Wild - the Animals and Plants That Plague Australia, (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1969). 17 Timothy Fridtjof Flannery, The Future Eaters - an Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and People, (Sydney: Reed Books, 1994). 18 Tim Bonyhady, The Colonial Earth, (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2000). 19 Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, (London: Penguin, 1963); Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac: With Other Essays on Conservation from Round River, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966). 20 Kevin Frawley, “Envolving Visions: Environmental Management and Nature Conservation in Australia,” in Australian Environmental History - Essays and Cases, ed. Stephen Dovers, (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 72.

7

politically potent force and to change public attitudes towards the preservation of the

natural environment”.21

William Lines’ two major works, Taming the Great South Land (1991) and Patriots –

Defending Australia’s Natural Heritage (2006) both define campaigns of Australia’s

environment movement, highlighting the obstacles that conservationists had to

overcome.22 Indeed, Bonyhady, Lines and Hutton and Connors all place the Fraser

campaign as one of the defining moments in Australian conservation history. In

Places Worth Keeping, Bonyhady charts a number of important moments in

Australian conservation history, with special emphasis on the Fraser Island

campaign.23

Hutton and Connors’ A History of the Australian Environment Movement identifies

four waves of development within the movement. They place the sandmining

campaigns within the third wave of the ‘campaigning movement’ where

conservationists had to assert themselves to gain protection for special places.24

Campaigns, such as Fraser Island, are widely recognised as grounded in earlier

preservationist and national park movements – “what began with isolated examples of

individuals or small societies interested in the preservation of areas for recreational

and aesthetic needs became a powerful organized lobby group operation at a national

level”.25 From meagre beginnings the conservation movement progressively gained

strength from growing popular support to become a powerful political force in

Australia. Green politics has helped to consolidate the environmental protection ethic

as part of the fabric of Australian culture.26

General histories of Queensland are another source of important background

information for this thesis. Ross Fitzgerald’s From 1915 to the Early 1980s – A 21 Colin Hall, Wasteland to World Heritage: Preserving Australia’s Wilderness, (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1992), 139. 22 William J. Lines, Taming the Great South Land - a History of the Conquest of Nature in Australia, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1991); William J. Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2006). 23 Tim Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping - Conservationists, Politics and Law, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993). 24 Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 25 Hall, Wasteland to World Heritage, 137. 26 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 266.

8

History of Queensland, discusses state politics which provides the political

battleground for the development of sandmining. Furthermore, Fitzgerald devotes a

considerable amount of his book to discussing sandmining on Stradbroke, Moreton

and Fraser Islands.27 A more recent work, A History of Queensland published in 2007

by Raymond Evans, provides an overview of Queensland’s history from the 1820s to

the present. Evans’ book, like Fitzgerald’s, provides useful background on state

politics though with less focus on environmental issues during the Bjelke-Petersen

era.28 Both these works are important for highlighting the interactions between

miners, conservationists and the state government.

Specific histories have been written on the development of the mining industry. These

works are usually commissioned by the mining industry and written from its

standpoint.29 The most important book on sandmining is Black Sands by Ian Morely,

published in 1981.30 Morely’s book chronicles the development of the industry along

the east coast of Australia. He discusses the development of the industry on Fraser,

Moreton and Stradbroke and is a vital source for this thesis. Morely provides a

comprehensive history of the industry; nevertheless it has a number of limitations.

While he focuses on the conservationist campaign to protect Fraser, he believes that

the environmental impact of sandmining can be mitigated by effective rehabilitation.

Thus Morely is quite critical of the conservation movement’s efforts to embargo

significant reserves of mineral in National Parks. Morely worked as a mining

engineer, and his account is very uncritical of the industry. While building on

Morely’s work, my account places the ecological consequences of mining at centre

stage.

Most of the literature on Queensland’s sand islands is focussed on Fraser Island. In

particular, conservationist John Sinclair aims to promote public awareness about the

Island and its need for protection. Sinclair’s books, which includes Discovering

27 Ross Fitzgerald, From 1915 to the Early 1980s - a History of Queensland, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1984). 28 Raymond Evans, A History of Queensland, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 29 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” Suppliment to Australia's Mining Monthly (1990); Christopher Jay, A Future More Prosperous - the History of Newcastle Steelworks 1912-1999, (Newcastle: The Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited, 1999). 30 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981).

9

Fraser (198*) and Fighting for Fraser (1994), focus on the history and ecology of the

Island, highlighting its natural significance.31 A number of local histories have also

been produced on the sand islands. North Stradbroke Island (2002) by Ellie Durbidge

and Jeanette Covacevich contains a detailed history of the Island while the edited

work Historic North Stradbroke (1994) presents a number of short articles written by

local residents.32 Shifting Sands – Memories of Moreton Island by Margaret Cook is a

collection of interviews while Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural

History by Anne Dagg is a short history written for the Tangalooma Resort.33 These

books provide a useful source for chronicling the development of opposition to

mining, but this thesis represents the first effort to study the fate of all three islands

synoptically.

Early history of mining

The first sandmining in Australia took place in Byron Bay in 1934 when Zircon-

Rutile Ltd was formed to mine the beach sands along the coast of NSW. Byron Bay

was chosen because the area had a high concentration of mineral sands which were

previously mined by gold prospectors.34 In 1935, a plant was constructed at Byron

Bay for treating minerals. By the following year they had already made a profit of

over $1 million.35 The company employed contractors to mine the beaches using

hand-mining techniques.36 The early days of the sandmining industry have been

likened to the excitement generated by the gold rushes in Ballarat and Gympie. There

have been fifty-six sandmining producers over the industry’s seventy year span; today

there are only four remaining companies in Australia.37 In its early years, the industry

31 John Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 2nd ed, (Surry Hills: Pacific Maps and Guides, 198*); John Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, (Sydney: Lansdowne Publishing, 1995); John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994); Fred Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island - Fraser Island's Definitive History, (Brisbane: Self-published by author, 2002); Elaine Brown, Cooloola Coast - Noosa to Fraser Island the Aboriginal and Settler Histories of a Unique Environment, (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 2000). 32 Ellie Durbidge and Jeanette Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 2nd ed, (Point Lookout: Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, 2004); Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbige and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, eds, Historic North Stradbroke Island, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994). 33 Margaret Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 2005); Anne Innis Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural History, (Brisbane: Tangalooma Island Resort Ltd, 1987). 34 Morely, Black Sands, 41. 35 Ibid., 45. 36 Ibid., 42-44. 37 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” 3, 14.

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rapidly expanded north along the coast into Queensland. In 1941, the Mineral

Deposits Syndicate acquired leases around Burleigh on the South Coast.38 The

industry established itself on the Coast with Associated Minerals Consolidated

(AMC) and Currumbin Minerals acquiring leases in 1946 and 1964 respectively.39

After the Second World War, the demand for mineral sands increased rapidly and the

industry promoted itself with headlines such as “Our sand makes the new jet age

possible”.40 Mining continued along the Queensland South Coast during the 1950s. At

this time, the miners had the beaches largely to themselves. One miner, Ivan Latimer,

recounts “[w]e all thought the developers were mad. During those days there were

very few visitors to the south coast and we just about had the beaches to ourselves”.41

However this isolation was short-lived as the emerging tourist industry heralded the

start of an uneasy relationship between mining and tourist interests. During the 1950s

the attractiveness of the beach for recreation increased as mass car ownership enabled

more urban dwellers to get to the beach for the weekend as distinct from the

traditional yearly holiday.42 Today the beach is considered central to Australian

culture and the golden sands have become part of our national cultural landscape.

Morely highlights this attraction:

The Australian east coast is often pictured as a place of sunshine and white beaches, with blue seas and surf breaking to the east, and green slopes and trees to the west. One of the attractions of this picture is the fine white-to-golden coloured sand on the beaches, which for a thousand kilometres enhances this unique surfing playground.43

From the early days, sandmining operations were in conflict with tourist development

on Australia’s beaches. As Morely states, “[t]hese circumstances have been a part of

the basis of the present conflict between sand miners and conservationists”.44

However, in contrast with Fraser and Moreton Islands, in the case of the Gold Coast,

sandmining has been a defining part of the tourist development of the area. The early

38 Morely, Black Sands, 50. 39 Ibid., 65, 160. 40 M. Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 61 (1960): 630; Jack Lunn, “Our Sand Makes the New Jet Age Possible,” The Courier Mail 27 January 1970. 41 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” 16. 42 Jim Davidson and Peter Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2000), Chapter 5 and 6. 43 Morely, Black Sands, 1. 44 Ibid., 2.

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identity of the Queensland South Coast was bound up with mining. The heavy mineral

concentration coloured the beaches black, and removal of these minerals changed the

colour to the more familiar gold. Interestingly, while the name change, from the

‘Town of the South Coast’ to the ‘Gold Coast’ in 1958, has often been regarded as an

astute piece of tourist marketing,45 Bob James, who worked for AMC, argues the

change of name can be partially attributed to sandmining.46

Sandmining played an increasingly important role in the development of the Gold

Coast. Much of the heavily developed foreshore at the Gold Coast is on land

previously mined. In the 1950s, the Gold Coast City Council favoured mining

because, apart from the economic benefits, miners were required to flatten off the

dunes leaving them ripe for development. As Peter Neumann Director of Currumbin

Minerals, remembers, “[w]e were essentially doing Council a favour. We would

flatten out the dunes leaving them ready for development or parkland. Much of the

Coast is built on mined land”.47 In some cases, mining companies left foreshore areas

as ‘made to order’.48 Local historian Andrew McRobbie explains, “the local

authorities regarded it [mining] as an excellent way of having land cleared for

development or creating parks – at no cost to the Councils”.49 Once sandmining had

given way to a succession of ever higher tourist structures the Gold Coast became

regarded by the rest of Australia “as a model of beach-front excess, to be avoided at

all costs”.50 In 1975, Fitzgibbons suggested that “tourism could be the major industry,

and possibly even the major threat to the Stradbroke area”.51 Ironically, CRL argue

that their mining leases on 60% of Stradbroke Island have protected Stradbroke from

“unwanted tourist development”.52 This thesis argues that sandmining has become

Stradbroke’s biggest threat.

45 Davidson and Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, 145. 46 Bob James, “Broadbeach Mining Heritage,” (Broadbeach: Associated Minerals Consolidated, 1997), 1. 47 Peter Neumann, “Personal Interview – Director Currumbin Minerals” 25 March 2008. 48 Doug Stewart, “Resort ‘Grew’ after Mining,” The Courier Mail 8 July 1981, 11. 49 Alexander McRobbie, The Fabulous Gold Coast, (Surfers Paradise: PAN News Ltd, 1984), 50. 50 Davidson and Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, 148. 51 Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining,” 105. 52 Rodenberg, Steve. “Mine Tour” 13 March 2008.

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Over one third of the east coast of Australia contains sand dunes of “significant

extent”.53 Mineral sands are formed through a combination of geological tidal and

wind processes. The minerals are contained within large granite rocks of the

Precambrian shield. Along the East Coast, these rocks are found in the Great Dividing

Range. Over geological time, rivers flowing from the Range to the ocean have eroded

the rocks and exposed the heavy minerals.54 Once deposited in the ocean, tidal action

washes the minerals back to the beach where they form seams (ranging from small

pencil streaks to rich black sands up to eight feet thick55) under a thin layer of silica

sand. For a commercially viable concentration to form, sufficient tidal action is

necessary to wash the mineral above the high water mark while leaving a protective

cover of sand. On high dune areas, such as North Stradbroke Island, the concentration

is formed by wind transportation, where mineral sands are blown into the high dunes.

Connah emphasises that “dune concentrations do not compare in grade with the wave

concentrations, but in areas of extensive dune development they can give rise to

important deposits of heavy minerals”.56

There are four minerals produced from sandmining. The two most common are rutile

and zircon. Rutile is essentially titanium dioxide which is used to produce titanium

metal used in the construction of aircraft. Rutile also produces a white pigment used

in paints and ceramics.57 Zircon is the source of zirconium, a metallic element which

has a high melting point and can be applied as a coating in foundries and nuclear

reactors.58 The two less common minerals produced from mining are ilmenite and

monazite. Ilmenite is a titanium-iron oxide which provides a white non-toxic pigment

that has a variety of uses in ceramics, textile, paint and dental applications.59 Monazite

is a mineral containing radioactive elements which are used in the nuclear industry.60

Monazite is also a source of material used to create an alloy in the manufacturing of 53 J. E. Coaldrake, “Coastal Sandmining and Landscape Rehabilitation,” Landscape Planning 6 (1979), 359. 54 Morely, Black Sands, 4. 55 T. H. Connah, “The Beach Sand Deposits of Queensland,” The Mining Journal 259, no. 6640 (1962): 489. 56 Ibid., 489. 57 Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 636; Bill Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, ed. Claridge Gordon, (Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1975), 5. 58 Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 632, 634; Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, The Titanium Age and Its Minerals, (Southport: Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, 1957). 59 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, The Titanium Age and Its Minerals. 60 Ibid.

13

steel and in the aircraft and missile industry.61 The mineral sands industry is quick to

emphasise the importance of these minerals for daily life in the modern world. An

AMC brochure in the ‘Project for Schools’ highlights their importance:

Mineral sandmining in Australia plays a significant role in the lives of people all over the world. As Australians, we enjoy the wide variety of products which these minerals help to make and also benefit from the high export earnings of the industry that produces them.62

Mechanised mining of mineral sands takes two forms. Dry mining involves bulldozers

removing the mineral sand to a concentrator on site where first stage separation is

undertaken.63 This process is only suitable for beach and foredune areas owing to the

difficultly operating the machinery in high dune areas. CRL concluded, in 1976, that

the process was not cost effective: “this method of mining, which is extremely labour

intensive, could no longer continue due to declining grades and spiralling wage

costs”.64 In 1976, CRL moved to dredge mining on the high dunes of North

Stradbroke Island (see Figure 2). This process involves a dredge floating in an

artificially construed pond scooping up sand which is then sent to a wet concentrator

attached to the dredge for initial processing. The dredge is continually moving,

leaving behind the tailings sand as it progresses.65 This process allows for the

economically viable mining of low grade mineral ores.

Sandmining is a highly destructive process that undermines the integrity of the dune

structure. The nature of sandmining is essentially similar to an open-cut mine where

the sand dunes and associated plant life are removed to obtain access to the heavy

mineral sands below.66 When vegetation is cleared to extract minerals from the sand,

landscapes are disturbed and ecosystem dynamics are degraded. Queensland

Conservation Council (QCC) campaigner Bill Huxley states, “[t]housands of acres of

vegetated areas, including mature forests, must be cleared to allow the attendant open

61 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 6; Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 634. 62 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Project for Schools Brochure,” (Southport: Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, nd). 63 Connah, “The Beach Sand Deposits of Queensland,”; K.S. Blaskett and S. B. Hudson, “Beach Sand Minerals,” in Proceedings from Commonwealth Mining and Metallurgy Congress, (Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, 1965), 316. 64 John Scott, “Consolidated Rutile Limited Dredging Operations, North Stradbroke Island,” in Australia: A World Source of Ilemenite, Rutile, Monazite and Zircon, (Perth: The Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, 1986), 69. 65 Blaskett and Hudson, “Beach Sand Minerals,” 318. 66 Coaldrake, “Coastal Sandmining and Landscape Rehabilitation,” 359.

14

cut mining to proceed”.67 Mining companies argue that effective rehabilitation of

post-mined landscapes justifies continuing mining operations. Bolte, from CRL,

argues that “it is possible in most current rehabilitated areas to achieve, over

approximately 10 years, plant densities and the full range of species present in the pre-

mining plant community”.68 Morely a strong advocate for rehabilitation, remarking in

1979 that Fraser Island “showed remarkable regrowth of trees up to two metres in

height and the mineral area was substantially revegetated … the detail of the

rehabilitated areas is difficult to distinguish as it merges into the undisturbed

landscape and vegetation”.69 However, Huxley argues that the destruction of

“[c]oastal sand dunes … will mean permanent loss of the original plant community.

Stabilisation is all that can be expected after mining as true restoration is not

feasible”.70 The effectiveness of rehabilitation is discussed further in Chapter IV.

The three sand islands have been recognised for their unique natural environments.

Fraser Island is listed as a World Heritage Site, Moreton Island as a National Park,

and Stradbroke Island’s Blue Lake is a National Park, while parts of Stradbroke are on

the interim-listed Register of the National Estate. The sand islands were identified by

Laycock as “unique as they include the largest island sand dune occurrence in the

world”.71 Director of the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) Dr Geoff

Mosley describes Fraser Island as “part of a unique natural region, including the

Stradbroke and Moreton Islands group”.72

As these sand islands are located in the humid sub-tropics, they each experience

strong vegetation growth. The dune systems on the islands support different forest

communities, ranging from dwarf woodlands and grassy forests to tall layered

67 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 3. 68 M Bolte, “Return of Native Plant Species in High Dune Post Mining Rehabilitation Situations on North Stradbroke Island,” In Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, ed. by Roger J Coleman and others, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 183. 69 Morely, Black Sands, 214. 70 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 34. 71 J. W. Laycock, “Hydrogeology of North Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 15. 72 Geoff Mosley, “Fraser Island – Introduction,” Habitat 2, no. 4 (1974): 3.

15

woodlands and rainforests.73 The hydrology of these islands is significant with all

three containing perched lakes. These lakes, such as McKenzie on Fraser and Brown

on Stradbroke, are maintained through a complex impervious layer that retains

water.74 The ecological similarities between Moreton and Stradbroke Islands are so

strong that the suggestion has been made that the Islands were connected in the recent

geological past.75

Figure 2 – CRL’s Bayside Dredge76

Crown Land and Mining Leases

Legal jurisdiction over land underpins all aspects of the campaigns to end mining.

Until 1989, the processes of obtaining a mineral lease in Queensland were regulated 73 J. Walker and others, "Plant Succession and Soil Development in Coastal Sand Dunes of Subtropical Eastern Australia," in Forest Succession: Concepts and Application, ed. D.C. West, H.H. Shugart and D.B. Botkin (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1981): 108. 74 Durbidge and Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 18. 75 Ibid., 14. 76 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1980).

16

under the Mines Act of 1968 (otherwise known as An Act to Provide for the

Encouragement and Regulation of Mining within the State of Queensland). As

environmental lawyer Douglas Fisher indicates, “[e]ncouragement of mining is

certainly the principal objective of the statute”.77 The Act sets out the process for the

application of authorities to prospect and for mining leases. Authorities to prospect are

granted by the Minister without public consultation and are the first step to proving

mineral resources. Mineral leases are obtained after exploration has successfully

proved the existence of commercially viable minerals.

An application for a lease is the only part of the process that is subject to public

scrutiny. If objections are made to the application then a hearing must be held by the

relevant Mining Warden. The Warden is obliged under 39(2)(a) to consider that the

public interest is not detrimentally affected by the granting of the lease. The Warden

then recommends to the Minister whether a lease should be granted. The final

decision rests with the Minister and “[n]o criteria are specified by the Act for making

these decisions”.78 The Act contains provisions for the continuous working of mineral

leases. If, for any reason, a lease remains un-worked for three consecutive days in a

fortnight then the lease is subject to forfeiture. To guarantee the lease, the holder must

apply to the Warden giving reasonable ground why the lease was not worked. This

section is important because it was used by the Fraser Island Defenders Organisation

(FIDO) to frustrate mining companies on Fraser Island who were not operating their

leases.

In 1975, the National Parks and Wildlife Act (Queensland) was passed. This

legislation provided for the creation of National Parks in Queensland. Prior to this

Act, declarations of National Parks were covered under the Forestry Act 1959

(Queensland) and the lesser Environmental Park under the Land Act 1962

(Queensland).79 The creation of National Parks was often a goal for conservation

groups campaigning to end sandmining. The declaration of a National Park over an

area provides protection from mining because provisions of the Mines Act do not

77 Douglas E. Fisher, Natural Resources Law in Australia - a Macro-Legal System in Operation, (Sydney: Law Book Company, 1987), 443. 78 Ibid., 444. 79 Neville J. Cook and David Muir, “Committee of Inquiry - Future Land Use - Moreton Island,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1977), 14.

17

apply to national and environmental parks. However, the Minister for Mines has a

right of veto over Park proposals where current mineral leases exist. Although

political will is necessary to declare a Park in the first instance, the veto given to the

Mines Minister is indicative of the lower priority given to the natural environment by

the Queensland Government. Huxley argues that this has in practice created a

situation where, “if land is of no other use it can be considered for park purposes”.80

The Commonwealth of Australia is limited in its legislative capacity to regulate

activities that fall under one or more of the heads of power outlined in s 51 of the

Commonwealth Constitution. The ‘environment’ or ‘natural resources’ are not

specifically mentioned in the Constitution, apart from one reference relating to water

use.81 Powers not specifically mentioned in the Constitution reside with the States,

thus it could have been interpreted that the Queensland Parliament had power over

environmental matters. However s 51 has been interpreted to give the Commonwealth

significant power over matters of national environment significance.82

Two powers have specific relevance for this thesis: s 51(i) allowing the

Commonwealth to control “trade and commerce with other countries”, and s 51(xxix)

the “external affairs” power. Section 51(i) has been interpreted to give the

Commonwealth power to “require that export and import approvals be obtained for

goods leaving and entering Australia”.83 Thus the government can choose to reject

export licences, thereby removing the overseas market for mineral sands. This power

was confirmed in a High Court challenge by Murphyores in 1976 which will be

discussed further in Chapter II.

The external affairs power of s 51(xxix) relates to the signing of binding international

treaties. When treaties are ratified by the government, “Australia thus takes on

international obligations under the treaty”.84 Environmental lawyer Gerry Bates

argues that legislation confirming the ratification of treaties makes up the majority of

80 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 2. 81 Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1901, s 100. 82 Douglas E. Fisher, Australian Environmetal Law, (Sydney: Lawbook Co., 2003), 100. 83 Gerry Bates, Environmental Law in Australia, 6th ed, (Chatswood: LexisNexis Butterworths, 2006), 59. 84 Ibid., 62.

18

Commonwealth environmental legislation.85 One of the most significant international

treaties is the Convention for the Protection of World Cultural and National Heritage

(the World Heritage Convention), ratified by Australia in 1983. This Convention is

enacted under the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act 1983 and is the basis

for the protection of Fraser Island as a World Heritage Area.

The following chapters consider three conservation campaigns to protect ecologically

important sand islands from mining. Chapter II – The Fight of Fraser considers how

John Sinclair, a local Maryborough boy, became the spearhead of a national

conservation campaign to protect the now World Heritage Fraser Island. For the first

time, the Commonwealth challenged the State’s rights in order to protect this Island of

national significance. Chapter III details the campaign to protect Moreton Island

which obtained similar success. Chapter IV considers Stradbroke Island where,

despite the efforts of local residents and conservation groups, mining continues to this

day. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the factors that have led to the

continuation of mining on Stradbroke Island.

85 Ibid., 62.

Chapter  II  –  Fighting  for  Fraser  

Fraser Island is the largest sand island in the world, extending 123 kilometres along

the Queensland coast.1 The Island is part of a chain of sand islands and contains

distinct forest communities, ranging from dwarf coastal heathlands and lowlands

through to tall layered woodlands and rainforests, with height ranges from 3 to 50

meters.2 Vegetation on Fraser Island has established over a long geological history of

approximately 700,000 years and is relatively undisturbed. It has long been

recognised as a special place by both Indigenous Australians and European colonisers,

with calls for the protection of Fraser Island originating as early as 1893 when the

Australian Association for the Advancement of Science short-listed the Island along

with three other areas as sites for the establishment of National Parks.3

Today the Island is World Heritage listed for its complex natural ecology4 and is a

popular eco-tourist destination.5 However, in the relatively recent past, the Island was

subject to both sandmining and timber harvesting operations. This chapter focuses on

the sandmining operations by DM Minerals and Queensland Titanium Mines (QTM),

in particular the significant campaign by John Sinclair and the Fraser Island

Defenders Organisation (FIDO) to end mining on the Island. This chapter first

explores the cultural and historical background of the Island. The Cooloola campaign

is briefly discussed, as it was the first organised campaign against sandmining in

Queensland and was the genesis of the Fraser campaign. The chapter considers the

Fraser Island campaign, exploring the dynamics of a successful anti-sandmining

campaign. The successful Fraser Island campaign represents a landmark case study

and was an inspiration for conservationists campaigning to protect Moreton and

Stradbroke.

1 Fred Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island - Fraser Island's Definitive History, (Brisbane: Self-published by author, 2002), xiii. 2 J. Walker and others, "Plant Succession and Soil Development in Coastal Sand Dunes of Subtropical Eastern Australia," in Forest Succession: Concepts and Application, ed. D.C. West, H.H. Shugart and D.B. Botkin (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1981), 108. 3 John Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 2nd ed, (Surry Hills: Pacific Maps and Guides, 198*), 143. 4 John Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, (Sydney: Lansdowne Publishing, 1995), 40. 5 Frances Chan, Hervey Bay and the Fraser Coast, (Rockhampton: Central Queensland University Press, 1999), 1.

20

Originally home to the Butchalla people, part of the Kabi nation, Fraser had between

2000 and 3000 indigenous people when Cook sailed past in 1770.6 The history of the

indigenous people on the Island is one of dispossession and disrespect.7 In 1860, the

Island was gazetted as an Aboriginal reserve.8 However, the discovery of timber

resources in 1863 took precedence, and the reserve was not established until 1870.

The conditions for Aboriginal people in the reserve were appalling as Sinclair

describes they were akin to the Jewish concentration camps of World War II in which

“unknown dozens died of malnutrition, dysentery, syphilis, influenza, and

tuberculosis”.9 The mission was finally abandoned in 1904 and the remaining

indigenous population relocated miles from their homeland to missions such as

Yarrabah, Woodford and Cherbourg. The last known member of the Butchalla was

deported from the Island to Cherbourg in 1930.10

Logging was the first industry on Fraser Island beginning in 1893. From 1919 to 1925

the timber was milled on the Island. After 1925 it was carted by tramline to the coast

and shipped to Maryborough. The growth of the timber industry resulted in the

Queensland Forestry Department enjoying almost exclusive management of the Island

until 1963. During the next decade management became fragmented between the

Forestry, Lands, Mines, and Tourism Departments; the Beach Protection Authority;

the National Parks and Wildlife Service; the Maryborough City Council and the

Hervey Bay Town Council.11 Sinclair argues this management situation, purposefully

created by the Queensland Government, resulted in “a mutilated, accidently

developed ‘ad hoc; managed hotch potch”.12 This management framework created a

situation that complicated effective management and planning for the future of the

Island.

Cooloola Campaign

The genesis of the campaign to protect Fraser began with a campaign to protect the

coloured sands at Cooloola from mining. The Cooloola sands are part of the Great

6 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 14. 7 Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island, 50. 8 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 15. 9 Ibid,, 15. 10 Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, 64. 11 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 149. 12 Ibid., 149.

21

Sandy Region which encompasses Fraser Island. The area was described in the tourist

magazine Walkabout in 1970 as, “a sacred beach to many people” lacking in

development it attracted “fishermen in their beach buggies, groups of field naturalists,

photographers, artists, spear fishermen and young surfies”.13 In 1963, QTM obtained

leases to mine at Inskip Point. Mining began in 1965.14 However concern from

conservationists mounted when, in 1970, the company planned to extend their

operations to the high dunes at Cooloola. On the 11th May 1970, the Gympie Mining

Warden met to decide the fate of Cooloola. Representatives of the Wildlife

Preservation Society (Caloundra Branch) and the Noosa Parks Development

Association filed objections to the mining lease applications from QTM and Cudgen

R.Z.15 With an imminent election, the state government was susceptible to pressure,

and the Cooloola Committee (formed from the groups represented at the Mining

Warden’s Court) targeted individual MPs with petitions from their local

constituents.16 The petitions, signed by over 24,000 people,17 were taken from leafy

Liberal electorates in Brisbane. In response Liberal MPs, concerned by the level of

community opposition in their electorates to mining Cooloola, coerced Bjelke-

Petersen to agree to a party room vote on the issue.18 “The vote went against mining

in the area and for a National Park”19. A National Park was finally declared for

Cooloola in 1975. Nonetheless the Cooloola Committee remained concerned that the

state government would renege on its decision and allow mining in the area.20

The Cooloola controversy, as it became known, demonstrated that should sufficient

pressure be applied, positive environmental outcomes were achievable. In fact, QTM

had no intention of mining the coloured sands, which were the main focus of

environmental outrage.21 The conservation campaign capitalised on the public

13 Vic McCristal, “Is This Worth Saving?” Walkabout May (1970), 18. 14 John Sinclair, Discovering Cooloola, (Sydney: Pacific Maps, 1978), 11. 15 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Fraser Island," Wildlife Newsletter, 29, (May/June 1970), 1. 16Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Cooloola Sands Under Threat." Wildlife Newsletter, 34, (February/March 1971), 6. 17 Queensland Conservation Council, "Cooloola Sands." EcoInfo, 1:12, (April/May 1973), 38. 18 John Sinclair, “Personal Interview – FIDO President”, 17 April 2008. 19 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Coolola Sands Under Threat." Wildlife Newsletter, 34, (February/March 1971), 6. 20 Queensland Conservation Council, "Coolola Sands National Park." QCC Newsletter, (October 1977), 9. 21 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Coolola Saved?" Wildlife Newsletter, 42, (May/June 1972), 3.

22

awareness of the coloured sands to create concern about mining of the area in general.

Clearly both the mining companies and the state government underestimated the

ability of the conservationists to apply political pressure particularly during an

election campaign. There were positive and negative impacts of the Cooloola

Controversy for Fraser Island. Undoubtedly the campaign highlighted the urgency of

protecting Fraser and galvanised the efforts of conservationists to obtain its

protection.22 However, protection of Fraser would be hard fought – the sandmining

companies were now aware of the conservationists’ tactics and their sights were

firmly focused on the Island as a great resource of black sands. Furthermore Premier

Bjelke-Petersen was determined not to let a ‘disaster’ like Cooloola happen again.23

The Premier’s determination to pursue sandmining on Fraser Island is something

rarely questioned in the narrative of Fraser Island. In 1971, a report commissioned by

the Premier and compiled by four senior public servants including the Co-ordinator

General, Sir Charles Barton, recommended “[m]ineral sandmining should proceed in

leases already granted”.24 The outcome of the report was already a foregone

conclusion; journalist Hugh Lunn commenting on the makeup of the report

committee, noted it was comprised of “one from the Mines Department, which

naturally wants mining, and another from the Forestry Department which exists

because of tree-felling”.25 The determination of Bjelke-Petersen to mine Fraser is best

described by William Lines

Bjelke-Petersen and Camm were determined there would not be a second time.

These two men embodied the relentless, fundamentalist frenzy that drove

miners, developers, and governments…[An]…imperative to dig up, transform,

re-engineer, conquer, and control propelled the partisans of mining.26

22 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 23 Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 147. 24 Queensland Government, “Survey of Fraser Island and Round Hill Head,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1971), 5. 25 Hugh Lunn, “Paper Duel over Fraser Island,” The Australian 8 November 1976. 26 William J. Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2006), 96.

23

However it is now known that the Premier faced internal opposition over his

unwavering support of the industry. On September 15th 1969, the Member for Isis, Mr

Blake, wrote to the Minister for Labour and Tourism, Mr Herbert, to “indicate that I

share the concern expressed to you…with regards to the possible destruction of Fraser

Island by mining”.27 He believed that “[t]he Island’s great and long term future surely

rests on tourist development”.28 Further Blake displayed a lack of faith in the ability

of the mining companies to successfully rehabilitate the Island, “[n]one of these

natural assets can be restored after sandmining”.29 The 1968 Conference of the

Country Party provides further evidence that alternatives to mining were considered.

The Conference concluded, “that the needs of the Tourist Industry take precedence

over those of sandmining, and that the Country Party give priority to the preservation

of all areas of scenic value”.30 However this apparently strong motion was softened by

the statement that “it would seem to be necessary to determine each case on its

relative merits”.31 Clearly for Bjelke-Petersen, Fraser did not embody the necessary

scenic value.

27 Queensland State Archives: Labour and Tourism Department; Series ID 9187, Batch Files; Item ID 294327, General correspondence: Code 22 (G) - Sand mining and tourist development on Fraser Island, Letter from the Member of Isis J.R.H. Blake to the Minister for Labour and Tourism J.D. Herbert, 15 September 1969. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 Queensland State Archives: Labour and Tourism Department; Series ID 9187, Batch Files; Item ID 294290, General correspondence: Code 22 (G) - Sand Mining at Cooloola, Australian Country Party Conference Labour and Tourism – Tourist Industry, 1968. 31 Ibid.

24

Figure 3 – Map of Fraser Island – Showing Sand-mined areas32

32 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994)

25

Fraser Island Sandmining

Two mining companies developed an interest in Fraser Island, QTM and a partnership

between Dillingham Constructions Ltd and Murphyores Holdings Ltd, DM Minerals.

In 1966, Murphyores obtained four leases over 8665 hectares to mine on Fraser.33

They undertook exploration work on these leases but lacked the capital to begin

operations. In fact the company was in a dire financial position, experiencing

significant losses in 1969 and 1970.34 The company sought a partnership with an

American company Dillingham Constructions, and on 5th October 1970 the option

was exercised for Dillingham to participate in a mining venture on the Island.35 The

Annual Report of 1970 remarks “[i]t now appears that the Murphyores,

Dillingham…faith in the Fraser Island potential has proven to be well founded”.36

Sinclair remarked that the partnership between the two companies was negotiated

when Dillingham approached Murphyores for the loan of a bulldozer for their

operations and the foreman jokingly asked if they wanted to buy the company.37

Exploration continued under the partnership with planning “directed towards the

commencement of mining operations on Fraser Island in April 1975”.38 However

operations did not go to plan due to “the harassment and constant attacks the

partnership has been subjected to by anti-mining interests”.39 Owing to the

campaigning efforts of the Fraser Island Defence Organisation, it was not until early

1976 that operations finally began on Fraser.40 DM Minerals became the major

mineral sands company on Fraser with leases totalling 12 000 hectares.41 QTM’s

interest in Fraser occurred as a consequence of the Cooloola Controversy. The

company was unable to expand their operations along the coast so focused their

interest in Fraser. In December 1971 the company began mining along the south-

33 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 143. 34 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1969, 1970), 1. 35 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1970), 1. 36 Ibid. 37 Sinclair, per. comm.. 38 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1974), 1. 39 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1975), 1. 40 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1976), 1. 41 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 146.

26

eastern coast of Fraser.42 By 1976, around 10% of the Island (13,000 hectares) was

under mineral lease.43

As DM Minerals applied for further leases over Fraser, conservationists decided to

form an organised opposition. FIDO was born in February 1971.44 The driving force

behind FIDO was President John Sinclair, a Maryborough resident who worked for

the Department of Education as an adult education officer. His connection with Fraser

began when his parents took their honeymoon on the Island in 1935.45 Sinclair was

passionate about conservation, despite his conservative upbringing. In 1967, he was

the foundation secretary of the Maryborough Field Naturalists Club, and a year later

he was instrumental in the Club becoming an active branch of the Queensland

Wildlife Protection Society (WPSQ). Before his involvement in FIDO, Sinclair was

president of the Maryborough branch of the Country Party and member of the party’s

State Management Committee.46 In his campaign to protect Fraser, Sinclair would

find himself persecuted by his former party.

The Campaign to Save Fraser

In the campaign to protect Fraser, FIDO employed a number of strategies. The

organisation decided against a direct action approach in which sand miners would be

frustrated by marches, blockades and sabotage. Instead a subtle campaign of legal

challenges, intensive lobbying and public persuasion was favoured to save Fraser.

Sinclair recalls this strategy was advised by Lou Wyville who worked on the Cooloola

campaign as the legal representative. He argued that the goal could be achieved

through the generation of public concern.47 The tactics of FIDO included the

involvement of unions in an attempt to institute a green ban on Fraser; legal

challenges in the Mining Warden’s Court; and intensive government and community

lobbying for the environmental values of Fraser.

42 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 43 Tim Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping - Conservationists, Politics and Law, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993), 9. 44 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 45 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 4. 46 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 4. 47 Sinclair, per. comm..

27

FIDO’s strategy to persuade the Union movement to impose a ‘green ban’ on the

mining operations stemmed from the hope that progressive unionists would protect

Fraser. The ‘green ban’ movement emanated from the heyday of progressive

unionism within the NSW Builders Labours Federation (BLF).48 When approached by

concerned residents, the BLF issued ‘stop work’ orders to protect important buildings

or public spaces from unwelcome development. The local community was strongly

involved in this campaign and were involved in protecting what they considered

important to their heritage. However by the mid 1970s, the power of the NSW BLF

was waning as the right of the union movement had intervened to stop what they saw

as dangerous anti-development policies.

Despite the reluctance of the union movement to engage in ‘green bans’, FIDO was

able to gain the support of the Queensland Trades and Labour Council to issue a

ban.49 A number of factors combined to make the Council’s ‘green ban’ ineffectual.

First, by the time the ban was issued DM Minerals had already completed

construction of their plant on Fraser.50 Secondly, both the Australian Workers Union,

who covered mining workers on the Island, and the Australian Council of Trade

Unions did not support the ban. Thus the ban only affected the shipping of minerals

from the Port of Brisbane, and DM Minerals were able to bypass the ban by shipping

the minerals out of Sydney.51 FIDO had more success with the strategy of legal

challenges to mining leases.

The main tactic FIDO employed to challenge the mining operations was a series of

objections to lease applications and extensions in the Mining Warden’s Court.

Although it was unlikely the Warden would rule against the leases, Sinclair wanted to

focus public attention on Fraser Island. The first major challenge was an application

by DM Minerals for two new leases for 5400 hectares. In response to the persistent

challenges in the Court by conservationists during the Cooloola campaign, Mines

Minister Ron Camm amended regulations to allow costs to be awarded as an attempt

48 Meredith Burgmann and Verity Burgmann, Green Bans, Red Union : Environmental Activism and the New South Wales Builders Labourers' Federation, (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1998), Chapter 1. 49 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 147. 50 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2-3. 51 Ibid., 2-3.

28

to make the Court a less attractive forum for public debate.52 For future challenges

Sinclair arranged his affairs in such a manner as to protect him from incurring legal

costs.53

Wyville and Sinclair put immense effort into preparing their applications to the Court

calling on expert witnesses to corroborate their case. While the case was hard fought,

extending fourteen days, State Cabinet nonetheless approved the leases, even before

the Court had handed down its judgement.54 The case clearly raised the ire of DM

Minerals. Their 1971 Annual Report states, “[i]mmediately after the applications were

lodged a newly formed conservation group led an attack by conservationists on the

granting of these lease applications. The Court hearing…lasted some three weeks and

received much publicity”.55 Publicity was exactly what Sinclair was after; he wanted

the issue of Fraser to be kept in the public eye. In a decision designed to placate

public concern, the government declared a National Park on 24,800 hectares of the

Island (or one sixth of the Island). The declared area had already been discounted by

mineral sand companies as not worthy of exploitation.56 As a report from the

Geological Survey on the proposed park states, “the scenic and scientific merit of

much of the proposed National Park is regarded as debatable, and it is apparent that

the area has been designed to exclude economic…areas”.57

FIDO had their greatest success in opposing the application for QTM to extend their

operations on Fraser. As before, Sinclair objected to the applications from QTM for

two new leases stating that, “Until it can be shown that it is in the public interest to

grant a mineral lease over the area, no such lease should be recommended”.58 Sinclair

was relying on regulation 39(2)(a) of the Mining Regulations of 1971 that states,

If the warden is of opinion that the public interest or right will be prejudicially affected by the granting of an application for a mining lease, he shall, whether

52 Sinclair, per. comm.. 53 Ibid. 54 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 11. 55 Murphyores Holdings Ltd Annual Report 1971 56 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 11. 57 Queensland State Archives: Survey Office; Series ID 8566, Batch Files; Item ID 282197, Sand mining operations in Coastal areas, Geological Survey of Queensland National Park Proposals for Fraser Island, 15 December 1970. 58 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Barwick C.J, 2(a).

29

a certificate of application has been issued or not, recommend to the Minister that such application be rejected.59

As expected, the Warden ruled in favour of QTM. However he made the mistake of

publishing his reasons. The Warden held that “Mr. Sinclair is representing the views

of a section of the public and I am unable to conclude from this evidence that the

interests of the public as a whole would be prejudicially affected by the granting of

the leases.”60 The publishing of the decision allowed Sinclair to appeal. The decision

was appealed to the High Court on the basis that the Warden failed to consider his

obligations under the Act to consider the public interest in mining applications. It was

the first case to come before the court on a matter of national environmental

significance.61

The appeal to the full bench of the High Court ruled in favour of Sinclair. High Court

Judge Sir Ninian Stephen ruled that the Warden had misunderstood his requirements

to weigh the benefits of mining against those of conservation due to QTM’s

admission of the poor mining prospects in part of these new leases. As the judgment

states, “it is perhaps difficult in these circumstances to see how any proper approach

to the question of public interest could lead to a recommendation favourable to the

respondent”.62 The case was seminal in defining ‘the public interest’. The High Court

judgement did not stop sandmining on Fraser as Murphyores leases were already

approved. To end mining on the Island it was necessary for FIDO to pursue the issue

to the federal government.

Enter the Whitlam Government

In 1972, a major change occurred in the national political landscape with the election

of the Whitlam Government. After twenty-three years of conservative government in

Australia, conservationists were hopeful that areas of environmental significance like

Fraser Island would receive protection. Sinclair worked hard lobbying Canberra

politicians to revoke export licences given to the sand miners. No federal government

had at that time made use of the power in pursuit of environmental protection. There 59 Queensland Government, Mining Regulations (Queensland) 1971, 39(2)(a). 60 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Barwick C.J, 6. 61 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 3. 62 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Stephen J, 8.

30

were promising signs in 1975. Whitlam passed the Australian Heritage Commission

Act which established the Register of the National Estate.63 The purpose of the

Register was to protect the heritage of Australia. The Act used the term place to

describe an area that could be listed, the definition of place was suitably broad, “a site,

area or region”64 and thus could be used to include a landscape or ecosystem.

Furthermore Moss Cass, Whitlam’s Environment Minster passed the Environment

Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974. The Act enabled “the Minister to require

the supply of information for the purpose of consideration…of the necessity for

environmental impact statements or public environment reports”.65 This was a major

recognition by the government that environmental issues should be considered when

planning future development.

In November 1973, Whitlam and his wife Margaret visited Fraser on the invitation of

DM Minerals. Margaret commented in Woman’s Day that “for the most part it is a

barren wasteland.”66 That was the first that Sinclair had heard of their visit and it did

not bode well for Fraser’s protection.67 It would seem that the Whitlams’ failed to

appreciate the biodiversity of the Island. Environmental historian William Lines

comments that this attitude is common within ‘the cosmopolitan left’ as Whitlam was

more interested in the conceits and artifice of human civilisation than the living reality of Australia, he shared his urbane manner, internationalism, and facile cleverness with many left intellectuals. They admired him as indeed they admired themselves. Impressed by arrogance and overt intellectuality, by glamour over substance, they disdained the crass, barren wastelands of the Australian continent.68

Further evidence of Whitlam’s distaste for Fraser was the decision taken between

Whitlam and his Minister for Resources, Rex Connor. On the 13th of December, four

days before the Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act became law,

Whitlam and Connor secretly agreed, without the knowledge of Cabinet, to approve

export licences for Fraser.69 This was a great blow to the campaign. Cass challenged

63 Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975. 64 Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975, 3(1)(a). 65 Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974, 6(2)(a). 66 Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141. 67 Sinclair, per. comm.. 68 Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141. 69 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 148; Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141-2; Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2.

31

the decision at the next Cabinet meeting and when the vote was taken Cabinet sided

with Cass. However, when Connor threatened to resign “rather than ‘be dictated to by

the lunatic fringe of a pack of conservationists”70, Cabinet backed the approval.71 The

only course open to Cass was to establish the Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry.

Cass used the new powers under the Act that stated “the Minister may direct that an

inquiry be conducted in respect of all or any of the environmental aspects”72 to

convene the Inquiry. The Inquiry, set up in 1974, did not report until 1976, after the

Whitlam Government had been dismissed from office in the Constitutional Crisis of

1975.

Malcolm Fraser’s Decision

The Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry headed by Arthur Hicks and Dr John

Hookey took submissions from sand miners, conservation groups and the general

public. By mid 1975, concern mounted that the government was poised to extend DM

Minerals’ export licence. In response, the Inquiry Commissioners released a

preliminary report recommending that Fraser Island be recorded as part of the

National Estate and “any proposed approval as to whether to grant blanket approval

for the exportation of minerals…be deferred until after the Commission’s Final

Report”.73 When the final report was released in 1976, the Inquiry recommended that

“all exports of minerals (including minerals that have been subjected to processing or

treatment) extracted or which may hereafter be extracted from Fraser Island be

absolutely prohibited”.74 They further recommended that “the whole of Fraser Island

be recorded as part of the National Estate as soon as possible”.75 These

recommendations mark a milestone in Australian environmental protection. The next

step to ensure the Island’s protection was the enacting of these recommendations by

the federal government.

The Inquiry handed down its report when Malcolm Fraser’s Liberal/National Party

Coalition Government was in power. It was unknown whether Malcolm Fraser would

70 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2. 71 Ibid., 2; Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 142. 72 Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974, 11(1). 73 Arthur Hicks and John Hookey, “Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry - Final Report,” (Canberra: Commonwealth Government, 1976), Appendix 4. 74 Ibid., 206. 75 Ibid.

32

take action to protect the Island. However in an extraordinary decision taken on 10th

November 1976, he decided that export licences would be cancelled, effective from

31st December 1976. This decision effectively ended mining on the Island, as the

major markets for the minerals existed overseas. The decision shocked

conservationists, sand miners, and the Queensland government. Murphyores in their

Annual Report for 1977 stated that the decision “renders your company’s major asset

valueless”.76 They presented a “factually documented and well researched” report to

government seeking $23 million in compensation, however were only offered the

‘token amount’ of $4 million by Fraser.77 Muryphores threatened to take their

compensation claim to the International Court of Justice78, however in 1984 settled

the claim for $1 million with the government.79 Urgent talks were held between

Bjelke-Petersen and Fraser with the Premier trying to persuade the Prime Minister to

change his decision. The Courier Mail reported, “[t]he Federal Government was

having second thoughts on the Fraser Island inquiry recommendation, the Premier

said last night”.80 Pressure to revoke the decision came from within the Coalition, as

Deputy Prime Minister Doug Anthony, stated that he believed the Government should

review its decision.81 However Malcolm Fraser stood firm and mining ended on the

Island.

Murphyores challenged the Commonwealth’s decision in the High Court. The case

was an important landmark in justifying the Commonwealth’s power to legislate for

environmental protection. Murphyores argued that the Environment Protection

(Impact of Proposals) Act of 1974 was constitutionally invalid and thus any Inquiry

constituted under the Act should not be considered when making determinations on

export licences.82 High Court Judge Sir Ninian Stephen ruled that “the plaintiffs’

attempt to prevent the Minister from taking into account, in the future, environmental

matters in considering applications for approval for the export of prohibited exports

must fail”.83 The full bench of the Court ruled that the Act was valid and findings of

76 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 77 Ibid. 78 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1979), 1. 79 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1984), 1. 80 “Joh's Mining Hopes for Fraser Island,” The Courier Mail 5 November 1976. 81 “Hint at Island Mining Again,” The Courier Mail 12 May 1977. 82 Murphyores Incorporated Pty Ltd V Commonwealth, 136 Commonwealth Law Report 1 (1976). 83 Ibid., Stephen J, 15

33

Inquiries constituted under it could be considered when determining export licences.

As Bonyhady remarks, the case is significant as it “was the first case in which the

High Court held that the powers of the Commonwealth extended to protecting the

environment”.84

The motivation behind Malcolm Fraser’s historic decision is not fully known. The

Inquiry was established by the former Whitlam Government and could have easily

been ignored by its successor. Sinclair believes that Malcolm Fraser’s association

with the establishment of the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) illustrates

the Prime Minister’s conservation ethic.85 It is important to recognise that post-

Whitlam the Commonwealth assumed the responsibility for protecting Australia’s

nationally significant environmental assets, of which Fraser Island is one.

Furthermore the Commonwealth derived no direct benefit from the sandmining

operations as the royalties went to the Queensland government and the profits to the

overseas shareholders of Dillingham’s. Perhaps seen in this light, Malcolm Fraser’s

decision to protect Fraser Island was simply an assertion of a Commonwealth

responsibility. A number of other theories are presented to explain Malcolm Fraser’s

motivations. One is that the decision was taken to placate environmentalists over his

later decision to allow uranium mining; another is because the market for mineral

sands was waning and it was not seen as an industry worthy of national support.86 The

Fraser Island campaign marked a number of firsts in the Australian political

landscape. The Government became “the first federal administration to stop a major

resource project…on environmental grounds”.87 Furthermore it was the first time the

export powers had been used to stop mining on environmental grounds, and the first

time a Commonwealth inquiry had been convened on an environmental matter.

Final Protection for Fraser

While Malcolm Fraser’s decision halted mining in 1976, final protection for Fraser

was not achieved until 1991 when the Island was proclaimed a World Heritage Area.

Until that time the Bjelke-Petersen Government promoted the continuation of logging

on the Island and refused to consider proposals from FIDO to preserve the Island as a 84 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 15. 85 Sinclair, per. comm.. 86 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 149. 87 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 15-6.

34

National Park.88 In fact even though the export licences were refused, sandmining

leases continued to be active on the Island until it became World Heritage Listed.89 In

1989, the Goss Labor Government was elected. During the campaign, Goss had

committed to protecting Fraser Island however Sinclair was concerned, believing that

Goss’ “conservation credentials were shaky”.90 However, instead of proclaiming the

area a National Park immediately, the state government decided to establish an

inquiry chaired by Fitzgerald, a move which angered FIDO who believed the

environmental values of Fraser had already been proven.91

The inquiry reported in 1991, recommending the protection of Fraser and the

establishment of a World Heritage Area. Sinclair argues the eighteen month delay

bought the new government valuable time to placate the Maryborough community,

which was part of a marginal electorate that voted Labor for the first time in the 1989

election.92 The final act was to take the nomination to the World Heritage Committee

administered by UNESCO in Paris for consideration on the World Heritage List. The

initial proposal included the whole of the Great Sandy Region, encompassing Fraser

Island and the Cooloola Coast, in the World Heritage submission.93 However only

Fraser Island was included because in the federal government’s submission Fraser

could be portrayed the most intact and continuous section representing the

landscape.94 Other areas of the Cooloola Coast had extensive pine plantations and less

intact natural habitat. At the World Heritage Committee’s meeting in December 1992

Fraser Island was inscribed on the World Heritage List95 marking an end to FIDO’s

twenty year campaign to protect the Island.

88 Sinclair, per comm. 89 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, " Ahern renews leases on Fraser Is.." WPSQ Newsletter, 115, (September 1989). 90 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994), 183. 91 Ibid., 184. 92 Sinclair, per. comm. 93 Fraser Island World Heritage Area Scientific Advisory Committee, “Fraser Island World Heritage Area : Review of Outstanding Universal Value,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, Environmental Protection Agency, 2004), 9. 94 Sinclair, per. comm.. 95 Fraser Island World Heritage Area Scientific Advisory Committee, “Fraser Island World Heritage Area,” 9.

35

This chapter has provided an overview of the campaign to protect Fraser Island. The

success of the campaign can be attributed to a number of factors. First, there was a

growing public awareness of the significance of Australia’s natural environment and

its need of protection. Secondly, the campaign of FIDO harnessed this public

awareness though the passion and commitment of John Sinclair highlighting to a

nation the importance of protecting Fraser. Thirdly, DM Minerals arguably displayed

a lack of foresight by underestimating the appeal and tenacity of the conservation

campaign. Fourthly, the committed work of Moss Cass, the Environment Minister in

the Whitlam Government, who recognised the conservation value of Fraser and set up

the Inquiry that would recommend its protection. Finally, the political circumstances

of the day that led Malcolm Fraser to remove export licence approval. The World

Heritage status Fraser Island now enjoys is fitting not only for its natural qualities but

marking the success of the committed conservationist campaign. However Sinclair

stresses that “continual vigilance is necessary to ensure protection for these special

places”.96

Due to the success of the Fraser campaign it became a model for conservation battles

on Stradbroke and Moreton Island’s. As discussed in the following chapters,

conservationists sought to repeat the success of FIDO. Both the Moreton Island

Protection Committee (MIPC) and the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation

(SIMO) have sought to raise public awareness about the conservation value of the

sand islands. Furthermore, as Fraser set the precedent for federal government

intervention on matters of environmental significance, this encouraged

conservationists to campaign for Commonwealth intervention to secure their goals of

ending sand mining.

96 Sinclair, per. comm..

Chapter  III  –  Saving  Moreton  

Moreton Island, located 35 kilometres east of Queensland’s capital is the only sand

island within the proximity of Brisbane to escape major development. As such it was

a good candidate for protection. Building on the success of Fraser Island conservation

groups, including Moreton Island Protection Committee (MIPC) and the Queensland

Conservation Council (QCC), undertook a committed campaign to persuade the state

government to declare Moreton a National Park. This was achieved in 1992. This

chapter discusses the factors that resulted in the protection of Moreton Island. It

examines state government proposals for the future development of the Island, and the

campaign by the MIPC to protect the Island. Furthermore, this chapter shows how the

mining operations on Stradbroke became a potent symbol for conservationists to

argue that Moreton should be protected.

Archaeological evidence of shell middens provides evidence of indigenous occupation

by the Nugui people on the Island for approximately 20,000 years.1 Due to the

proximity of Stradbroke Island, the indigenous populations of both Islands

intermingled and intermarried creating close bonds within their communities.2 It is

estimated that at the time of European arrival on Moreton, in 1824, there were around

one hundred people living on the Island.3 Moreton Island is significant for the

relatively undisturbed preservation of indigenous archaeological evidence. As Robins

states, Moreton “contains a pattern of archaeological evidence relating to a system of

Aboriginal settlement and subsistence over at least the last 2000 years.”4 Other

Islands, such as Stradbroke, are not so fortunate, having been subjected to mining and

urban development which has disturbed many of these significant sites.

The first European settlement on Moreton was a pilot station located at Bulwer, in the

north-west of the Island. The Bulwer Station had been previously located at Amity on

North Stradbroke but was moved in 1848 after the Sovereign was shipwrecked 1 Margaret Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 2005), 23. 2 Ibid., 26; Margaret Iselin, “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. 3 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 24 4 Richard Robins, “Cultural Resource Management in Practice: The Moreton Island Example,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1985), 39-40.

37

attempting to cross through the South Passage (the passage that separates North

Stradbroke and Moreton Islands).5 There were significant concerns about shipwrecks

on Moreton, which prompted the Navy to introduce horses, pigs and goats to the

Island in 1865 to provide sources of food for stranded sailors.6 These animals

continue to roam wild around the Island today.7 To further aid the navigation of ships,

a lighthouse was constructed from sandstone at Cape Moreton in 1857.8

Moreton’s resident population post-European settlement remained small, with a

community of four families settled around the area.9 The only major industry

established on Moreton, apart from sandmining, was a whaling station at Tangalooma

which opened in 1952. The whaling station on Moreton, which was situated in the

path of the annual migration of humpback whales, harvested up to 600 humpback

whales per season.10 Ex-whaler Bob Emmet recollects that “the water was so thick

with whales”.11 However the numbers decreased, due to an over-estimation of the size

of the whale population and an increased exploitation of whales in the Antarctic,12 and

in 1962 the station closed.13 The station site was bought in June 1963 and was

developed into a tourist resort. Although whales remained the attraction, interest

changed from harpooning to photography. Today Moreton Island attracts thousands of

tourists each year.

Moreton is the least developed of the sand islands discussed in this thesis, and as such

it represented a prime candidate for conservation. Historical circumstance, in

particular accessibility, has protected Moreton Island from development. Local

historian Margaret Cook states, “[t]he Island is relatively difficult to access and has

remained largely undisturbed by the encroachment of human activity.”14 This was

5 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 31. 6 Margaret McVey, “History,” in The Future of Moreton Island, eds. Gordon Claridge and Kerry Davies, (Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1977), 10. 7 Ibid., 10. 8 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 32; Anne Innis Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural History, (Brisbane: Tangalooma Island Resort Ltd, 1987), 12; McVey, “History,” 10. 9 McVey, “History,” 10. 10 Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island, 15. 11 Bob Emmet in Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 72. 12 Rod Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay: A Saga of Lost Dream,” in Brisbane: Moreton Bay Matters, ed. Murray Johnson (Brisbane: Brisbane History Group, 2002), 113. 13 Ibid., 113. 14 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 9.

38

confirmed by the finding in the state government commissioned Heath Report that,

“[m]ajor impacts of human land use up-to-date are confined almost entirely to within

500 metres of the beach.”15 The importance of the Island to conservationists is

primarily because it “represents the last opportunity in south-east Queensland to

preserve in a relatively pristine condition a large area containing samples of a range of

habitats and scenic attractions that were once characteristic of the Moreton Bay

region.”16 The wilderness value of the Island was a key reason why conservationists

argued for its protection. Slogans such as ‘Keep Moreton Natural’ and ‘Moreton

Island – Brisbane’s Wilderness’, used in the conservation campaigns of the MIPC

throughout the 1980s, to highlight the unique natural circumstances of the Island.17

Nonetheless sandmining enjoyed the support of the Bjelke-Petersen State Government

during the 1970s and 1980s, and environmental advocates had a difficult battle to

secure the Island’s protection.

Early Mineral Leases

Sandmining on Moreton was not undertaken consistently. Some early prospecting and

mining was completed in the early 1950s, however full scale mining was not proposed

until the 1970s. In 1947 Tangalooma Minerals was granted prospecting rights. The

following year the company was granted leases and mining commenced at

Tangalooma, in the south-west of the Island. According to Morely, no production was

recorded in the early operations on Moreton Island18. In 1955, a joint operation was

established with Titanium and Zirconium Industries (TAZI) who, already well

established on Stradbroke, this company was seeking to extend their mining

operations.19 This operation sought to mine at Eagers Swamp, on the central-eastern

shoreline, but by 1958, this small mining operation was concluded as economically

unviable, having only shipped 6,200 tonnes of rutile and zircon.20 This ended the first

attempt of mining on Moreton Island.

15 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study and Strategic Plan,” (Brisbane: A. A. Heath and Partners, 1976), 1. 16 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 10-11. 17 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” ed. Don Henry, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 1975-1983), held by Fryer Library. 18 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981), 83. 19 Ibid., 83. 20 M McVey, “History,” 11; A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” 104.

39

Historian Rod Fisher notes the Moreton operation “was very limited and hardly

profitable compared with Stradbroke where water supply and access were superior.”21

Moreton Island was fortunate that the early mining was only conducted on the

beaches thus leaving the ecologically valuable high dune areas undisturbed.22 Despite

the initial lack of profitability, by 1977 applications and granted leases covered 60%

of the Island.23 In the late 1970s, mining recommenced with the strong support of the

Bjelke-Petersen Government. In 1978 the Moreton Island Protection Committee

(MIPC) was formed with the objective to “facilitate public awareness and

appreciation of Moreton Island as a natural area and encourage support for its

preservation and management”.24

The Value of Moreton

At the time of the formation of the Moreton Island Protection Committee (MIPC) in

1978, the ecological values of Moreton were already widely recognised. In 1966, the

area around Mt Tempest covering 15% of the Island was declared a National Park;

this was later extended in 1971 to cover 42%.25 The Brisbane City Council (BCC)

acquired Moreton as part of its local government area in 1974.26 The BCC were quick

to realise the value of Moreton and rezoned the Island “Open Space” in 1975.27 These

early gains, coupled with the lack of development on Moreton, provided hope for

conservationists that a National Park might soon be declared. It further justified the

involvement of groups such as the Queensland Conservation Council (QCC) which,

having few resources was prudent to focus on ‘winnable campaigns’.28

The circumstances of the Moreton conservation campaign were significantly different

from that of Fraser. In particular, there were no established industries on Moreton

Island and therefore no local community dependent on them for employment. A

21 Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 112. 22 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 88. 23 McVey, “History,” 12. 24 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Statement of Aims," MIPC Newsletter, 9:3, (May/June 1987), 2. 25 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 89. 26 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 90; McVey, “History,” 12. 27 McVey, “History,” 12; Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 118. 28 Drew Hutton, “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March 2008.

40

significant National Park declared in 1966 had already established the conservation

credentials of the Island.29 Furthermore, the BCC became an important advocate for

the protection of the Island. Despite the widespread recognition of Moreton’s

conservation value, the state government, as a consequence of the Fraser Island

decision, persisted with plans to establish sandmining operations on the Island. The

BCC was powerless to intervene as the Mining Act took precedence over the Local

Government Act.30 The Bjelke-Petersen Government reconfirmed this by passing

amendments to the Mining Act in 1979 to allow for the state government to veto the

jurisdiction of the City Council over Moreton.31

State Government Plans for Moreton

In order to justify renewed mining on Moreton, the state government commissioned a

number of reports relating to the natural significance and the viability of resource

extraction on the Island. The first was submitted to Cabinet by the Minister of Survey,

Valuation, Urban and Regional Affairs in 1975. The findings were widely leaked with

the report recommending only 5% of Moreton for mining.32 In November 1975, a

further environmental impact study was commissioned for the Co-ordinator General’s

Department. This report, known as the Heath Report, was presented in April 1976.33

The Heath Report presented two strategies for consideration: Strategy A aimed to

“maintain the island as almost wholly natural landscape”.34 This strategy responded

strongly to public concern expressed to the report committee and “provides for

recreational activity and tourist enjoyment”.35 Strategy B aimed to “maintain the

island predominately as a natural landscape while accommodating commercial

activities, including sandmining”.36 Sandmining is thus permitted “in areas of low

environmental value and particularly where the landscape is already degraded”.37 The

29 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 89. 30 M. C. Challoner, “The Local Authority Role in Planning the Future of Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 121. 31 Morely, Black Sands, 205; Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 118. 32 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island,” EcoInfo, 3:1 (October 1975). 33 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” i. 34 Ibid., 3/43. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid.

41

report envisaged that 7% of the Island would be mined.38 Importantly, the report’s

authors state that both strategies complied “with the specification of the brief … to

preserve most of the island in accordance with the desires expressed in the Social

Attitudes Survey”.39 Given that the brief was from the Co-ordinator General’s

Department of the Queensland Government it appears possible the government never

considered full scale mining on Moreton a possibility.

In October 1976, a “Committee of Inquiry” was established, chaired by the Valuer-

General to determine the preferred strategy.40 The resulting report, the Cook Report,

recommended that mining be allowed on 6.4% of the Island.41 The area suggested was

along the east coast of the Island from Cape Moreton to Eagers Swamp, including the

area around the perched Blue Lagoon.42 While the report supported limited mining it

recommended that 91.2% of the Island be gazetted as a National Park. Furthermore it

accepted that “the future of Moreton Island in the long term be that of a National Park

providing recreation for the public”.43 Despite this recommendation, the National Park

would not be fully gazetted until 1985.

While the Bjelke-Petersen Government was keen to implement the Cook Report’s

proposal of mining 6.4% of Moreton, they moved slowly to implement its

recommendation to increase the National Park on the Island. In 1982, the National

Park was extended to cover 54% of the Island after Mineral Deposits Limited (MDL)

relinquished an authority to prospect over the area.44 However it was not until 1985

that the conservation recommendation of the Cook Report was fully implemented so

that the Park extended to 91.2% of the Island. As the MIPC recorded, it was “not

before time [given] it had taken 10 years to see this recommendation …

implemented.”45

38 Ibid.,1. 39 Ibid., 3/49. 40 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island Update,” EcoInfo, 3:4 (December 1976). 41 Neville J. Cook and David Muir, “Committee of Inquiry - Future Land Use - Moreton Island,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1977), 14. 42 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981). 43 Cook and Muir, “Committee of Inquiry,” 14. 44 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "National Park Declaration," MIPC Newsletter, 4:9, (September 1982), 1. 45 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Only 6.4% to go," MIPC Newsletter, 7:7, (October/November 1985).

42

A probable reason why this recommendation was not implemented earlier was

concern that the mining companies would press for compensation. This concern was

highlighted by the Heath Report. Commenting on a situation where no sandmining is

permitted the report states, “[t]his could lead to problems in determining and meeting

claims for compensation.”46 Murphyores, who obtained leases in 1969,47 was one

company keen to assert their right to compensation. In their 1981 Annual Report they

detailed that “substantial amounts have been spent”48 on prospecting their Moreton

leases and they were keen for “the matter … to be resolved with the Queensland

Government.”49 As the company was seeking compensation, the government

negotiated, in March 1984, to swap the Moreton Island leases of Murphyores and

MDL for leases on Inskip Point south of Fraser Island.50 This agreement facilitated

the further extension of the National Park.

While the government publically supported the Cook Report, in 1988 a leaked

consultants’ report, the Cameron McNamara Report written two years earlier,

revealed the full extent of government’s plans for Moreton. The Cameron McNamara

Report proposed that Moreton Island should be developed to expand the number of

settlements and increase the resident population, and that these towns should be

supported through the expansion of industries such as sandmining and tourism.51 It

further recommended that a number of artificial islands be created near Moreton with

the opportunity for resort development.52 The Report revealed that, while the

government publically favoured limited mining and a National Park for Moreton,

privately they were evaluating options for extensive development of the Island which

would have been incompatible with its National Park status.

46 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” 1. 47 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, “Moreton Island Threat,” WPSQ Newsletter,19 (January/February 1969). 48 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1981), 2. 49 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1982), 1. 50 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Mining Lease Swap," MIPC Newsletter, 6:5, (1984). 51 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Bay Improvement Plan," MIPC Newsletter, 11:4, (September/October 1988), 1. 52 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island Mining,” QCC Newsletter, 9:3 (September 1988).

43

53

53 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” ed. Don Henry, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 1975-1983), held by Fryer Library.

Figure 4 – Map of Moreton Island - Prepared by MIPC

44

Campaigning for Moreton

The MIPC’s campaign to protect Moreton used a number of the strategies that had

proven successful in the Fraser Island campaign. The first was to gain public attention

and support for the Island; secondly, challenges were made in the Mining Warden’s

Court to lease applications; and thirdly politicians were lobbied in an effort to obtain

their support for protecting the Island. MIPC presented a plausible alternative to

mining on Moreton Island, assisted by their charismatic President Don Henry, who

like John Sinclair was committed and energetic in the pursuit of the protection of the

Island.

One of the initial strategies of the MIPC was to educate and inform the community

about the value of Moreton. A programme of public meetings was organised in 1980

accompanied by necessary publicity to promote the values of Moreton.54 An MIPC

pamphlet boasts

Moreton Island, Brisbane’s Wilderness is situated just 35 kilometres from the city centre. It is part of Brisbane, but it offers a complete contrast to the urban environment; windswept giant sand dunes, sparkling lakes, unique wildflowers and unpolluted beaches. Moreton Island is natural … a sanctuary where we can take a break from the pressures of living.55

To provide evidence of the public support for the protection of Moreton, the QCC

undertook a survey sampling 300 individuals, with results showing that 68%

supported conserving the Island’s natural amenity.56 Despite this campaign, in June

1981 the government announced it had accepted the findings of the Cook Report,

announcing that 6.4% of the Island would be mined.57

In 1982, MDL applied for three leases on Moreton within the 6.4% of the Island

recommended for mining.58 The area under application included a number of

54 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Don’t Mine Moreton," MIPC Newsletter, 2:8, (July 1980). 55 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” held by Fryer Library. 56 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981). 57 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Moreton Island Protection Committee, "City Council Elections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (March 1982), 1. 58 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "New Mining Scores for Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 4:6, (June 1982), 1.

45

important indigenous archaeological sites and was located close to Blue Lagoon.59

The MIPC challenged these leases in the Mining Warden’s Court.60 The MIPC’s

objection received support from the QCC, the Wildlife Preservation Society of

Queensland (WPSQ), the BCC and the Australian Labor Party which is likely to have

bolstered the credibility of the case.61 Over 90 objections were received by the Mining

Warden demonstrating that the “value of Moreton Island to our lifestyle is now

appreciated by a large number of people.”62 The MIPC’s evidence asserted that the

economic benefits of mining would be negligible compared to the potential economic

gain from developing nature (or “eco”) tourism, especially considering that visitor

numbers had already increased in excess of predictions.63

Important information had become known about dune formations and significant

indigenous archaeological sites located on the Island since the Cook Report was

published. These indigenous sites situated within the lease boundary risked disruption

from mining. Furthermore, the ‘degraded dune formations’ which in the Cook Report

formed “[t]o a large extent the case for sand mining”64 were in fact found to be both

natural and ecologically significant dune formations.65 MDL planned to mine using

dredge concentrators which would have caused widespread disturbance of vegetation

and dunes. Also the company wished to construct an airstrip near Blue Lagoon.66

In response to the objections received by the Mining Warden, a hearing took place

between October and December 1982 to determine the future of sandmining on

Moreton Island. It was not until May 1983 that the Warden presented his report. In an

historic decision the Warden recommended against granting the leases, resulting in

“the first major sandmining lease applications in Queensland to be rejected by a

59 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Island Mining Lease Application," MIPC Newsletter, 4:7, (July 1982), 2. 60 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Here We Go Again," MIPC Newsletter, 4:6 Supp, (June 1982), 1. 61 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Island Mining Lease Application," MIPC Newsletter, 4:7, (July 1982), 2. 62 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Update on Mining Lease Objections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:8, (August 1982), 1-2. 63 Ibid. 64 Cook and Muir, “Committee of Inquiry,” 46, 65 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Federal Government Still Considering Future of Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 5:1, (January 1983), 1. 66 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Latest Developments in Mining Warden’s Court" MIPC Newsletter, 4:10, (October 1982), 1.

46

Mining Warden.”67 In his decision the Warden recognised that the economic benefits

of tourism would at least equal the mining operations while causing less

environmental impact. However, in August 1984, the Mines Minister Ivan Gibbs

overturned the ruling and granted the leases.68

Hawke’s Intervention

Despite the Bjelke-Petersen Government’s support of mining on Moreton Island, the

hope remained that the Fraser Federal Government would reject the export licences.

The MIPC became heavily involved in lobbying federal politicians to support the

protection of Moreton. In September 1982, the then Federal Environment Minister

Tom McVeigh visited Moreton and remarked, “Queensland is the home of three

pieces of heaven. They are the Darling Downs, Stradbroke Island and Moreton

Island.”69 The next month the MIPC learned that Associated Minerals Consolidated

(AMC) had applied to the federal government for export licences for minerals.70 The

Fraser Government was still considering the export licences when, in the 1983

election, the Hawke Labor Government came to power. The new government

continued to deliberate over the issue until February 1984 when Hawke’s Government

rejected AMC’s application for export licences.71 Whilst this suggested the end of

mining on Moreton, the state government continued to support mining proposals and,

in 1987, announced that mining would soon begin on Moreton.

The Hawke Federal Government and the Liberal controlled BCC could not persuade

Bjelke-Petersen and the National Party to accept the protection of Moreton; despite

the BCC being the primary land holder, the state government controlled mining

leases.72 In February 1987, the government announced that mining would soon begin

on AMC’s leases from Cape Moreton to Blue Lagoon. The mining would circumvent

67 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Reprieve," MIPC Newsletter, 5:5, (May 1983), 2. 68 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Mining Warden’s Recommendations Overturned," MIPC Newsletter, 6:6, (October/November 1984). 69 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "National Park Declaration," MIPC Newsletter, 4:9, (September 1982), 1. 70 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Latest Developments in Mining Warden’s Court" MIPC Newsletter, 4:10, (October 1982), 1. 71 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Background Notes on the Mining of Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 6:2, (February 1984), 1. 72 Challoner, “The Local Authority Role in Planning,” 121.

47

the Federal export ban because the minerals would be used in the domestic market.73

Two days before the July election, Hawke visited Moreton and pledged that no

mining would commence on the Island.74 Hawke’s strong stance on Moreton can

partially be attributed to the rise in public environmental consciousness during the

1980s. This public concern saw Hawke use Commonwealth powers to protect the

Franklin River in Tasmania; in this case “what was right was also popular”.75 The

threat of mining finally abated in December 1987 when the new Queensland Premier

Mike Ahern announced that he was moving to ban mining on the Island.76 It took the

end of the Bjelke-Petersen Government for the value of Moreton to be recognised.

However it was not until 1992 that the Goss Labor Government paid $5 million in

compensation to MDL and AMC, allowing for National Park status to be declared

over the former leases.77

The sandmining operations occurring on Stradbroke Island were seen to represent a

possible future for Moreton. The contrast between the two islands is best summarised

by Don Henry,

Looking to the South, a large sandmining scar graces Amity Point, North Stradbroke Island, an island divided by exploration tracks, exploited by sandmining and threatened with large scale residential development and even a bridge to the mainland. To the North stretches an untouched Moreton Island with its glistening ocean beaches, she-oak graced foredunes, tall forests, lakes and sand dunes … For how long will we have a natural Moreton Island?”78

Clearly rather than trying to end mining on Stradbroke, its key value was its potential

to protect Moreton. Don Henry comments in The Courier Mail, “[w]hat has happened

on North Stradbroke is so terribly sad. But some good might come from it if the

73 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Mining Gets Go Ahead," MIPC Newsletter, 9:2, (March/April 1987), 1. 74 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "PM Pledges No Mining," MIPC Newsletter, 9:5, (September/October 1987), 1. 75 Graham Richardson in Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 237. 76 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Mining to End?" MIPC Newsletter, 10:1, (January/February 1988), 1. 77 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Best News of 1992," MIPC Newsletter, 14:4, (November 1992), 1. 78 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "City Council Elections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (March 1982), 1.

48

government recognises what has happened and what is at stake on Moreton and is

prepared to do something about it.”79

The declaration of a National Park for Moreton in 1992 was the end of a fourteen year

campaign for the protection of the Island. The relatively undisturbed condition of the

Island was an important factor in its declaration. The success of the campaign can be

predominantly attributed to the dedication of Don Henry and the MIPC who worked

to foster and demonstrate public support for the Island and convinced both federal and

state politicians of the need for its protection. The BCC was another important

advocate for Moreton. The Council applied pressure to the Bjelke-Petersen State

Government not to mine the Island. The Liberal Lord Major from 1985 to 1991,

Sallyanne Atkinson, stated

I am committed to the preservation of Moreton Island’s natural environment. Those of us who share this view must be unashamedly vigilant in our commitment and must be prepared to express our views in a forthright manner when required.80

In interviews, a number of people suggested that an agreement existed between the

conservationists and the state government to protect Moreton in exchange for

unimpeded mining on Stradbroke. Ellie Durbidge from the Stradbroke Management

Organisation (SIMO) believes that “a deal was done and Stradbroke was sacrificed to

the mining companies”.81 Durbidge believes the agreement occurred in the mid 1970s

before the MIPC was formed. However, Drew Hutton, former leader of The

Queensland Greens, is more cautious, believing that “if it happened at all, it would

have happened in the early 1980s. If there was one, it would have been a ‘wink-wink,

nudge-nudge’ type of agreement”.82 Hutton believes that it is more likely that lack of

resources meant conservation groups had to campaign for what they saw as the most

likely win: “maybe they decided they just didn’t have the resources to fight for

Stradbroke”.83

79 Don Peterson, “Historic Sites Destroyed on Stradbroke,” The Courier Mail 11 March 1982. 80 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Lord Mayor’s Letter to MIPC," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (September/October 1988), 2. 81 Ellie Durbidge, “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary” 11 April 2008. 82 Hutton per. comm. 83 Ibid.

49

The speculation that an agreement existed to protect Moreton in exchange for mining

on Stradbroke could partially explain the success of the MIPC campaign to protect

Moreton. While conservationists were concerned about state government intentions

for Moreton, it appears mining was never contemplated except on the small area

recommended by the Cook Report. The long-term plan was that the whole Island

would be constituted as a National Park. Given that Moreton represents “the last great

resources of black sand available on the east coast of Australia”84 it seems

inconsistent that the Bjelke-Petersen Government would promote conservation when

it conflicted with such a valuable resource of mineral sands. While it could be argued

the state government was persuaded by the conservationist campaign and public

support for protection ultimately Bjelke-Petersen may have needed a compromise

agreement to protect the Island. While it appears that an informal agreement may have

existed between the state government and voluble conservation interests to protect

Moreton from mining the evidence is circumstantial.

It appears that the key reason for the protection of Moreton was the concerted

conservation campaign. The campaign benefited from an increasing public concern

for environmental protection in the 1980s. This increasing concern enabled the Hawke

Government to justify intervention on matters of national environmental significance.

Moreton Island acquired this significance through the lobbying work of Don Henry

While the federal government was supportive of Moreton it took the ousting of

Premier Bjelke-Petersen for the state government to protect Moreton. The new

Ahearn Government in Queensland was willing to forgo such a valuable resource of

mineral sands in favour of ceasing further legal, public opinion, and federal

government battles. The factors that have resulted in the continuation of sandmining

on Stradbroke will be considered in the next chapter.

84 Morely, Black Sands, 205.

Chapter  IV  –  Sacrificing  Stradbroke  

North Stradbroke Island, situated approximately 40 kilometres east of Brisbane, is one

of the closest sand islands to the State’s capital. The ecology of Stradbroke is

described as containing “a complex mosaic of microhabitats … each with its

distinctive suite of plants and animals”.1 Today, the Island represents a popular

getaway for Brisbane residents and tourists.2 However, it is also the location of

industrial sandmining operations. These dual land-uses have caused tension between

local residents and environmental groups. This tension forms an important theme of

this chapter which explores some of the reasons why mining has continued on the

Island.

The sandmining industry on Stradbroke Island grew from modest beginnings, from

hand mining using shovels and trucks which developed over time to large-scale

dredging operations. Today mineral leases cover approximately 60% of the Island.3

CRL argue that these leases have protected the Island from unwanted tourist

development.4 However many local residents view the situation differently and

strongly oppose the mining operations. In a public meeting at the Point Lookout Hall

in July 1978, the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation (SIMO) was formed.

This group quickly became the focal point for opposition to increased mining on the

Island. While there has been a strong local campaign against mining, supported by

Brisbane-based conservation groups, mining on the Island continues. Historical

circumstances in part have influenced and supported the continuation of mining; the

sandmining legacy has been strengthened by its early development on the Island

which resulted in a significant resident population dependent on employment by the

sandmining industry.

1 R. L. Specht, "Stradbroke Island: A Place for Teaching Biology," in Stradbroke Island Symposium, ed. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 81. 2 Jennifer Craik, “Natural Tourism! Options for North Stradbroke Island,” In Whose Island? The Past and Future of North Stradbroke, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1992), 5.3 3 Ann Ferguson, “Sand Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 35. 4 Steve Rodenberg, “Mine Tour” 13 March 2008.

51

In addressing the question of why sandmining has ceased on all sand islands in

Queensland except for Stradbroke, this chapter first considers the Island’s history and

pre-mining development with a specific focus on the indigenous community. It

explores the early history of sandmining and the associated development that

sandmining brought to the Island. The chapter then details the opposition to

sandmining, charting the important moments in the campaign against mining on the

Island. The focus of the chapter is an exploration of the three central factors that have

contributed to the continuation of sandmining on Stradbroke Island: first, the

Queensland Government’s strong support for mining; secondly, the less active support

from conservation groups; finally the division within the local community over

sandmining on Stradbroke.

Stradbroke Early History

North Stradbroke Island has a long and rich indigenous history. Indigenous

occupation of the Island dates back to the Pleistocene Era.5 There are two tribes on the

Island, the Noonucle in the north and the Goenpul in the south. The main evidence of

indigenous settlement are middens or food dumps. One site at Wallen Wallen Creek,

south of Dunwich, dates back 40,000 years.6 However few, if any, important

archaeological sites remain on the island, owing to approximately 50 years of

sandmining. As Durbidge states, “Dredges working the length of the ocean beach

frontal dunes destroyed all middens in their path”.7 The arrival of Europeans at

Moreton Bay was devastating for the indigenous people of the region. In particular it

was devastating for Stradbroke Aborigines, as the Island was the first to be colonised

by Europeans8 when the settlement at Moreton Bay was established in 1824. As

Fisher states,

5 Ellie Durbidge, “Land of Kabool the Carpet Snake,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 9. 6 Margaret Iselin and Ellie Durbidge, “The Shellfish Gatherers,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 24. 7 Ellie Durbidge, “Aboriginal Middens, North Stradbroke Island,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 10. 8 M. O’Keefe, “Some Aspects of the History of Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 89.

52

The Aborigines were almost annihilated by a deadly cultural cocktail: disease, especially smallpox, alcoholism and venereal disease; conflict, including armed confrontation on Stradbroke Island between 1831 and 1833, … usurpation of land, prime sites and resources; relocation, willingly or otherwise, to an alien environment; and assimilation, including the attraction of European commodities and employment as dugong fisherman, oystermen, boatmen, servants and rouseabouts.9

In 1839, when Moreton Bay became a free settlement, settlers began to arrive and

consequently a site was required for a quarantine station to protect the colony from

disease outbreaks. Stradbroke was recommended due to its relative isolation, and the

Island became a Quarantine station in 1850.10 However, this land-use was short-lived

and in 1864 the station was moved to Peel Island, making way for another

government institution to be established on the site. The Dunwich Benevolent Asylum

provided employment for many of the Island’s residents.11 Lawson, writing in 1973,

suggested that Stradbroke had been chosen as it “removed a social nuisance out of

sight and therefore out of mind”.12 The closing of the Asylum in 1947, marked the end

of 120 years of government controlled institutions on the Island. In the words of

Durbidge and Covacevich, “the removal … of the Dunwich Benevolent Asylum

closed a chapter in the history of Stradbroke. It was the end of an institutionalised

island.” 13

The Myora Mission at Moongalba was established on the Island in 1892.14 While

government policies directed towards the removal of indigenous people from their

traditional lands into missions was undoubtedly harsh, the indigenous people of

Stradbroke, through a quirk of fate, were able to retain “uninterrupted occupancy of

tribal lands throughout the history of contact and colonisation.”15 This situation may

9 Rod Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay: A Saga of Lost Dream,” in Brisbane: Moreton Bay Matters, ed. Murray Johnson (Brisbane: Brisbane History Group, 2002), 101. 10 Ellie Durbidge and Jeanette Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 2nd ed, (Point Lookout: Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, 2004), 83. 11 Ibid., 84. 12 Jenny Cooke-Bramley and Ellie Durbidge, “Dunwich Benevolent Institution,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 51. 13 Durbidge and Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 86. 14 Ellie Durbidge, "The Myora/Moongalba Mission," in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 12. 15 Regina Ganter, “Facilitating Change - an Introduction,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 3.

53

probably account for the fond memories that many Stradbroke indigenous people hold

toward the Mission. For Stradbroke indigenous people the Mission represented “much

more than a place of learning. It was the seat of authority, the centre of social events

and … the grandpa, grannies and the aunties were no more than a stone’s throw

away”.16 This close connection between the generations enabled indigenous people to

pass on knowledge. In 1947 the mission closed. This, coupled with the closure of the

asylum in the same year, left the indigenous people on the Island without employment

or support. Indigenous Elder Margaret Iselin recalls, “our fathers were out of a job

and the Aboriginal people had to fend for themselves.”17

The creation of the Mission on the Island had significant impact on the social

dynamics within the indigenous community. Indigenous people from around the State

were brought to the Mission at Stradbroke. This created complexities within the

community as traditional tribal relations were disturbed. The consequences of both the

institutions and the settlement of peoples from outside of Stradbroke contributed to

the current division within the indigenous community over sandmining.18 These

divisions will be discussed later in this chapter.

Early Mining

Just as the Benevolent Asylum and Mission closed and the ‘institutionalised’ Island

came to an end, a new institution on the Island was beginning – sandmining. Mineral

sandmining companies began their operations on Stradbroke in August 1946.19 Iselin

recalls that for the indigenous community the mining companies came at a time of

severe unemployment and depression within the community: “the mining came, and

what a Godsend. Jobs for our husbands, fathers, sons, and daughters”.20

16 Fiona Walker, “A Very Different Mission: Myora Aboriginal Mission on Stradbroke Island, 1892-1940,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 14. 17 Margaret Iselin, “Growing up at One Mile,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 7. 18 Dale Ruska, “Personal Interview – Indigenous Activist” 11 April 2008.; Ellie Durbidge, “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary,” 11 April 2008. 19 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981), 83. 20 Iselin, “Growing up at One Mile,” 7.

54

Small-scale beach mining began with contractors employed by Titanium and

Zirconium Industries (TAZI). Between twenty-five and thirty men were employed in

beach mining at any one time.21 In these early days of mining, minerals were readily

accessible on the beach and foredunes. As miner Noel Surawski explains: “[y]ou

might only have to scrape four foot of white sand for three inches of eighty to ninety

percent mineral”.22 Miners worked in teams of two; one man shovelling the minerals

into a pile on the beach ready for the truck, and the second man driving the truck. As

Frank Candile recalls, often the digger “stayed on the beach behind the dunes in tents

… they would at least have a load of mineral ready for when the vehicles could get

down on the beach”.23 As the early beach mining took place without the use of heavy

machinery its impact on the environment was minimal when compared to later

operations.

These small-scale operations were short-lived. TAZI quickly saw the lucrative

opportunity that the Stradbroke sands presented. Mechanisation of the industry began

in 1956 when TAZI opened an aerial ropeway designed to transport mineral sand

quickly across the Island. By the 1950s, TAZI was looking to expand its operations

further. Confident in the industry’s future, the company moved away from beach

mining. TAZI constructed dredge concentrators to mine the foredunes. As part of this

plan, the sand was pumped to central station to undergo first stage processing. It was

then bagged and transported via the ropeway to Dunwich to undergo second stage

separation.24 The sandmining industry was firmly established on Stradbroke and about

to expand with another company, Stradbroke Rutile, which acquired eight leases on

the high dunes in 1963.25 As George Khan, who worked for both TAZI and

Consolidated Rutile Limited (CRL), states, “suddenly Consolidated Rutile was on the

Island and they started a plant. So you could see, then, that it was going to affect the

Island’s economy. It was going to grow”.26

And grow it did. The new company, CRL, formed in 1965 to take over the interests of

Stradbroke Rutile, quickly established sandmining operations. Production commenced 21 Fred Tuffs, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 61 – Sand miner” 13 September 2003. 22 Noel Surawski, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 25 – Sand miner” 10 April 2003. 23 Frank Candile, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 102 – Sand miner” 7 April 2006. 24 Morely, Black Sands, 101-2. 25 Ibid. 26 George Khan, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 52 – Sand miner” 29 August 2003.

55

in June 1967.27 Dry mining was conducted on leases on the high dunes using

bulldozers. The company saw long-term potential in its operations, demonstrated by

its commitment to build twenty-five houses for staff on the Island.28 However in 1969

a downturn in the industry forced CRL to sack sixty workers.29 The downturn was

more serious for TAZI whose parent company, Conzinc Riotinto, decided to pull out

of the industry.30 On the 31st March 1969, TAZI’s leases were sold to the Gold Coast

mining company, Associated Minerals Consolidated (AMC).31 The acquisition of

TAZI’s leases was seen as a positive move by AMC as it “provide[d] the Company

with a complete mining and processing complex and substantial reserves on North

Stradbroke Island”.32 In February 1970, AMC concluded operations on its dredge at

South Stradbroke and moved the structure to its newly acquired lease at Swan Bay on

North Stradbroke.33

After several years of a depressed market for mineral sands during the 1970s and

lower profits in 1977, CRL concluded that their dry mining process was becoming

unsustainable.34 Khan explains: “we wouldn’t survive dry mining because fuel prices

had gone up and we were using around about two hundred thousand gallons of diesel

fuel a week”.35 The solution to this problem was technically ambitious for the

industry. CRL decided to dredge mine on its high dune leases. The process

“increase[d] ore yield and decrease[d] the area disturbed by mining. It … also

allow[ed] for lower grade ore to be mined.”36

George Khan explains “we were the first company to actually put a dredge into the

high dunes anywhere in the world. It was quite unique”.37 This process was essentially

experimental, with the directors making an ambitious gamble that might have cost

them their company. It cost $18 million to build the Bayside dredge plant, but in its

27 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1967), 1. 28 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1966), 1. 29 Khan, per. comm. 30 Morely, Black Sands, 113. 31 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1969), 4. 32 Ibid. 33 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1970), 11. 34 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 35 Khan, per. comm. 36 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 37 Khan, per. comm.

56

first full year of operation CRL’s profits increased.38 Khan explains “the rewards were

there. We paid the debt off in two years”.39 The dredge mining operations had severe

environmental consequences for Stradbroke. However, after CRL began dredge

mining operations in 1978, the company established a profitable base for its

operations.

When the miners came to the Island, the only substantial infrastructure was that left

by the Myora Mission and Benevolent Asylum. Margaret Iselin describes how the

indigenous population used kerosene lamps and candles as there was no electricity,

and there were only two telephones on the Island.40 According to miner George Khan

the infrastructure on the Island was ‘fairly primitive’ without any medical services

and little accommodation for visitors.41 For the success of the industry it was

necessary for the mining companies to upgrade the facilities on the Island. TAZI

constructed a trans-island road to transport their mineral sands, while CRL, TAZI and

AMC upgraded the electricity supply and built housing for their workers. AMC

boasted that “power lines commissioned by the Company, provide power to

communities which would otherwise remain without this service”.42 CRL’s

construction of twenty-five staff houses was supported by the Queensland Housing

Commission to promote mining interests on the Island.43

CRL prides itself on being a strong supporter of the North Stradbroke Island

community. This community support – for example, funding a medical officer in

1973;44 providing a new boat for the Air and Sea Rescue Service in 1988,45 supporting

the upgrade of the University of Queensland’s Moreton Bay Research Station in

1998,46 -- is often used to justify the continuing benefit of mining operations.

However while these projects have generated some benefits for residents on the

Island, they were not entirely altruistic and have generally had a direct benefit to the

mining companies. The Redlands Shire Council disagrees with CRL’s assertion that it

38 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 39 Khan, per. comm. 40 Margaret Iselin, “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. 41 Khan, per. comm. 42 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1970), 12. 43 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1966), 2. 44 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1973), 2. 45 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1988), 3. 46 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 9.

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has “helped local government authorities deliver extensive physical and social

infrastructure and education services on North Stradbroke Island”.47 The then

Chairman of Redlands Shire Council, Councillor Wood, wrote in 1974 that many of

the facilities the mining companies use have been provided by Council, such as the

maintenance of roads and the reticulated water supply. In other words, “the mining

companies which contribute very little in rates, have not provided all of these

[facilities] and have done very little for the well-being of the island community.”48

One significant benefit that mining brought to Stradbroke is employment for the

Island’s residents. The mining operations were a major reason why many people

settled on Stradbroke in houses provided by the mining companies. CRL states that

out of its current workforce of 250 employees, 50% are Island residents, and that

mining represents 49% of the Gross Regional Product of Stradbroke’s economy.49

Thus CRL argues that the “[g]rowth of the North Stradbroke Island economy and the

mineral sands industry would appear to be inextricably linked for the immediate

future”.50 Many indigenous people on the Island are also employed as a result of the

mining operations. The reliance on the mine for steady employment for many of the

Island’s residents contributes to continued support for mining on the Island.

Furthermore the level of indigenous employment in the mine has meant the

community has faced difficult choices between supporting their culture and protecting

their livelihoods.

The State Government under Premier Bjelke-Petersen strongly supported sandmining

on Stradbroke Island. In 1979 then Mines Minister, Ron Camm, visited Stradbroke at

the invitation of AMC and CRL to ‘inspect’ their operations. After speaking to mining

company representatives he concluded, “From what I saw. I am convinced

sandmining brings only good to an island. I do not see what these conservationists are

screaming about”.51 In response to this, SIMO Secretary Ellie Durbidge questioned

whether the Minister had seen any of the areas affected by mining that are often “not

47 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited - Mineral Potential, Sustainability, Environment,” (Brisbane: Consolidated Rutile Limited, nd). 48 E.G.W. Wood, “Stradbroke Is ‘Mutilated’,” The Courier Mail 3 May 1974. 49 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited”. 50 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1985), 7. 51 Linda Smith, “Miners Say They Have Game “Sewn Up”,” The Redland Times 23 May 1979.

58

included in conducted tours to impress the public and the Minister.”52 There were

further statements from Bjelke-Petersen Ministers strongly supporting the

continuation of mining. Martin Tenni, Mines Minister in 1988, reaffirmed this

commitment stating that, “his government was firmly committed to ensuring a

continuation of sandmining”.53 Clearly if SIMO and others who wished to see

Stradbroke protected they would not find support from the Bjelke-Petersen

Government.

Opposition to Mining

During the early development of sandmining on the Island, concern was expressed

over the Island’s future. This concern was expressed not by environmental groups, but

by councillors of the Redland Shire Council. Councillor Dickson, writing in 1964,

believed that in the interests of tourism, no further mining leases should be granted on

the foredunes of the Island. While he did not oppose mining outright, he believed that

more income would be generated for the government by opening up the beachfront to

development than from mining royalties.54 A cost benefit analysis by Fitzgibbons in

1975 similarly concluded that national income could be increased by reducing

sandmining operations on Stradbroke, paving the way for tourist developments.55

Nonetheless, sandmining operations continued and Brisbane-based environmental

groups, such as the Wildlife Preservation Society of Queensland (WPSQ), became

concerned over the sandmining operations on Stradbroke during the 1970s.

Unfortunately for Stradbroke conservationists, this concern quickly shifted to the

Cooloola Sands and Fraser Island campaigns, leaving Stradbroke to the sand-miners.

In June 1978, at a public meeting held at the community hall at Point Lookout, the

SIMO was formed.56 Secretary Ellie Durbidge states SIMO wanted to redress the

balance which saw Stradbroke “subjected to whatever the other two great sand islands

52 Ellie Durbidge, “The Other Side of Sandmining,” The Redland Times 6 June 1979. 53 “Tenni Firm on Sand Mining,” The Sun Brisbane 22 September 1988. 54 Dickson, “Sand Mining Could Ruin Stradbroke Island,” Wynnum Herald 9 September 1964. 55 A. Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining and Other Island Industries,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 105. 56 Durbidge, per. comm.

59

of Fraser and Moreton don’t want”.57 The original objective of the group was to

oppose a proposed bridge to Stradbroke. SIMO believed that “[p]ublic opinion is

overwhelmingly against the proposed bridge … [and] … [n]ot one shred of research

has been published in support of the proposal”.58 Locals believed that for too long

decisions concerning the Island had been made without regard to the interests of

residents. To express this concern the aim of SIMO was “to ensure that government

environmental impact studies are open to all interested individuals and

organisations”.59

It was not long before the group extended their concern to mining and by their first

Annual Report of 1979/1980, members had submitted an unsuccessful objection to the

granting of a mining lease over Native Companion Lagoon, which became the Gordon

mine, in the south of North Stradbroke Island.60 The organisation is concerned with

advocating appropriate development for Stradbroke, including tourism. In 1988,

SIMO defined themselves as:

“shar[ing] a common vision of Straddie as a tourist destination with a difference. The character of the Island would lend itself to a low-key, inexpensive, semi-wilderness experience whilst affording comparative comfort and close proximity to Brisbane.”61

SIMO has continued to promote this vision which has included support for curtailing

of mining on the Island.

Mining Warden’s Court – An Early Success

SIMO had some early success in 1984 campaigning against mining lease ML1180.

The lease was sought by AMC to mine the dunes at Point Lookout. This area

contained the last frontal dunes on the Island that were not covered by mining leases.

SIMO and indigenous groups were involved in an objection lodged with the Mining

Warden. Prominent poet and Aboriginal activist Oodgeroo (Kath Walker) was deeply

concerned that important indigenous sites would be disturbed if the lease was granted.

57 Ellie Durbidge, “The Changing Face of Stradbroke,” in Whose Island? The Past and Future of North Stradbroke, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1992), 12. 58 Queensland Conservation Council, “Stradbroke Island,” QCC Newsletter, 4:3 (April 1983). 59 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Objectives” SIMO Newsletter 1 (August 1978). 60 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Annual Report 1979-80,” SIMO Newsletter (July 1980). 61 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “President’s Report,” SIMO Newsletter (August 1988).

60

The QCC provided overall support and coordination for the conservationists’ case,

recognising the importance “that this is the last unmined dune area on North

Stradbroke Island.”62

The hearing began in 1974 with 500 objections lodged. However it was surprisingly

adjourned, at the mining company’s request, for nearly ten years,63 by which time

SIMO had formed. In an unexpected decision, the Mining Warden recommended that

the leases not be granted.64 He cited reasons of protecting valuable indigenous cultural

sites, conservation and the public interest.65 Nonetheless, “[u]nfortunately but not

unpredictably, the Minister for Mines, Mr. Ivan Gibbs, by granting Associated

Minerals Consolidated a mining lease, reversed the Warden’s recommendations”.66

Giving reasons for his decision, the Minister stated, “[n]ow that export licences are

refused for Moreton Island it must continue on Stradbroke.”67 This statement provides

support for the view that achieving protection for Fraser and Moreton Islands made

the protection of Stradbroke more difficult. Furthermore members of SIMO felt

betrayed as they had withdrawn opposition for another lease at Amity on the

understanding that Point Lookout would be protected.68 As mining commenced at

Point Lookout in August 1984, SIMO vowed they would learn from their tactical

mistake.

The actions of Oodgeroo, in opposing ML1180 because of the indigenous significance

of the area, opened an important avenue for the anti-sandmining campaign. With the

growing recognition of the importance of Aboriginal heritage, the Commonwealth had

enacted the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage (Interim Protection) Act in

1984. This created new potential for Commonwealth intervention to protect

Stradbroke. However to be successful the indigenous community on the Island had to

present a convincing case that their heritage was under threat from mining.

Dissatisfied at the decision of the Minister to grant mining on Point Lookout,

62 David Call, “The Battle for Stradbroke Continues,” The Redland Times 3 March 1984. 63 Bill Ord, “Mine Hearing - after 9 Years,” The Courier Mail 14 September 1983 64 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “M.L. 1180,” SIMO Newsletter (September 1984). 65 Jan Martin, “Island Mine Causes Upset over Relics,” The Redland Times 10 July 1984. 66 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “M.L. 1180 Point Lookout,” SIMO Newsletter (November 1984). 67 Martin, “Island Mine Causes Upset over Relics”. 68 Durbidge, per. comm.

61

Oodgeroo approached the federal government, urging them to put their new law into

practice.69 Her actions exposed deep divisions within the indigenous community on

the Island over sandmining.

Oodgeroo’s campaign was undermined by this division with some members of the

community speaking out in favour of mining. After a meeting of indigenous people in

1984, Rose Borey spoke out against Oodgeroo’s stand. She stated that the community

depended on the mining company for their livelihoods and claimed “there is not one

Aboriginal family here that has not money from the mining company at one time or

another”.70 The State Government capitalised on this public division with Redlands

Minister John Goleby gloating, “the real voice of Aboriginal people on Stradbroke

Island has at last been heard”.71 Shortly afterwards the Federal Government

announced its 1984 decision not to intervene. One benefit that came from this setback

was the formation of the Quandamooka Land Council (QLC).72 Despite the public

tension in the community, Oodgeroo was nominated to serve on the Council. The

Land Council would give the Island’s indigenous community greater power in

representing their views on the future of the Island.

69 “Feds to Look at Stradbroke Mine,” Redland News 13 July 1984. 70 Jan Martin, “Island Families Back Sand Mining,” The Redland Times 10 August 1984. 71 “Stradbroke Aborigines Support Sand Mining And... Kath Walks Out!,” The Local News 18 July 1984. 72 Dan Lape, “Kath Loses Battle but Wins Acclaim,” The Redland Times 17 August 1984.

62

Figure 5 – Map of Stradbroke Island – Showing CRL’s Sandmining Operations.73

73 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1985).

63

Stradbroke’s Environment Suffers

The significance of Stradbroke’s environment has been acknowledged through a

listing on the Register of the National Estate. In January 1984, SIMO submitted to the

Australian Heritage Commission that environmentally significant areas of the Island

should be listed on the Register. Their submission attempted to avoid areas under

mining lease, however some “outstanding landscape features conflicted with mining

interests”.74 In February 1988, the Commission nominated 10,000 hectares of the

27,520 hectare Island as deserving of listing.75 Both CRL and the Redlands Shire

Council objected to the proposal. The Council was concerned that the listing would

threaten the water extraction programme on the Island. The Chief Executive Officer

of CRL, John Scott, stated in the company’s Annual Report, “it is considered that it

would not be in the best interests of the company and Australia as a whole, should the

listing take place in its originally proposed form.”76 The response of CRL and Council

was an overreaction given that the listing had no legal effect, with control over land

use remaining with the Council and State Government. In 1991, after objections from

mining companies were resolved, four sections of Stradbroke totalling 17,300

hectares were nominated on the interim list of the Register of the National Estate,77

vindicating conservationists’ claims about Stradbroke’s environmental significance.

Nevertheless, many of the areas listed remained threatened by sandmining.

Sandmining on Stradbroke has generated significant environmental consequences.

The scale of operations, and associated environmental impacts, increased markedly

when CRL began dredge mining on the high dunes in 1979. In March 1980, soon after

dredging operations started, concern was expressed by Ellie Durbidge and SIMO to

the Department of Mines and Energy (DME) about the dumping of tailings near the

boundary of ML1001 (Bayside). Their concern was justified, as evidenced by a sand-

slide that displaced four hectares of vegetation, disrupted fish habitats and reformed

the coastline of the Island. The slide occurred despite CRL’s activities complying with

74 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Submission to the Australian Heritage Commission Register National Estate,” SIMO Newsletter (February1986). 75 “Listing Bid for 4 Sites on Straddie,” The Courier Mail 12 February 1988;Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy - a Report Prepared for the Premier's Department,” (Brisbane: Premier's Department - Queensland Government, 1983), 4. 76 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1988), 2. 77 Ben Robertson, “Island Nets Four Berths in Aust Heritage Listings,” The Courier Mail 14 May 1991.

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the Mine Plan approved by the DME in March 1982. Soon after the sand-slide, CRL

created a boating recreation area for public use on the site.78

Unfortunately for Stradbroke, environmental ‘incidents’ resulting from CRL’s

operations continued. In 1987 at Bayside, perched Lake Kounpee was partially

drained after the mining operations breached the impervious layer. By 1998, CRL had

spent over $300,000 in rehabilitating the area, attempting to fill the damage with

Bentonite.79 However the Lake “has never recovered, turning a clear freshwater lake

into the reedy waterhole it is today”.80 CRL have admitted that they cannot repair the

damage to the Lake.81 A Freedom of Information (FOI) request, by Courier Mail

journalist Wayne Sanderson, revealed that Condition 24 of CRL’s original lease for

ML1001 required that it “shall not … permanently disturb or damage those features

known as Lake Kounpee, Blaksley Lagoon and Black Snake Lagoon”.82 However,

when the lease was renewed only months after the incident, this former DME

condition was “replaced with a less onerous clause requiring the lessee to ‘cause all

steps and things to be taken and done’ to prevent damage and giving the Mines

Minister discretion over whether to act against the company”.83

Renewed hope for improvements in CRL’s environmental performance came in 1989

when the company acknowledged as one of its key objectives, “operating in a manner

compatible with the highest standards of environmental management”.84 However two

years later up to 100,000 litres of diesel spilled into Amity Swamp. The incident was

not reported to the DME until 1994. In response, a rather sympathetic letter was sent

to CRL on 19th May 1994 stating that “while the environment branch appreciates

being recently notified of this accidental spill, it is preferable that the branch be

notified immediately such an event occurs”.85 It was not until 1997 that the incident

was acknowledged in CRL’s Annual Report which merely stated that the spill was

78 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1983), 2. 79 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 2. 80 Wayne Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” The Courier Mail 9 April 1997, 13. 81 Susan Martin, “Should Sand Mining continue on North Stradbroke Island,” SIMO Newsletter 8:2 (July 2004). 82 Qtd in Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 83 Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 84 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1989), 1. 85 Qtd in Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13.

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expected to be cleared by 1999 – eight years after it occurred.86 In 1994, CRL was

awarded a commendation in the inaugural State Government Award for

Environmental Excellence, casting further doubts on the competency of government

regulators.87

With these continuing environmental ‘incidents’, conservation groups expected that

the Government regulator would become involved. The only time that CRL faced

possible sanctions was in October 1996 when uncontrolled seepage from the Gordon

mine, at the Native Companion Lagoon site, inundated several low-lying areas outside

of the lease boundary. The incident was described in the CRL Annual Report as

having caused “material environmental harm”.88 Prompted in part by the public

campaigning of conservation groups, the DME took its strongest action ever against

CRL, issuing them with a ‘show-cause’ notice to explain why their lease should not

be revoked.89

Nonetheless, no fine was imposed after CRL produced a Groundwater Management

Program for the affected area.90 The only action the DME took was to increase CRL’s

security deposit.91 The overall lack of action can be attributed to the organisational

culture within the Mines Department. A leaked departmental report in 1993 gives

some insight into this culture. The report states that “in an appeasement approach we

politely request the industry to comply but not insist”.92 Thus it became clear to many

conservationists that the Department was not going to actively regulate the industry.

The lack of effective sanctions against CRL has prompted Hutton and Leggate to

comment that “the CRL operation was certainly a useful case study in how mining

companies could act irresponsibly and get away with it”.93 The combination of the

environmental damage occurring to the Island and lack of action by the DME

86 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1997), 3. 87 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1994), 1. 88 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 3. 89 Brian Williams, “Mine Pollutes Stradbroke Island,” The Courier Mail 13 November 1996. 90 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1997), 2. 91 Wayne Sanderson, “Pollution Fear Sparks Call to Suspend Mining,” The Courier Mail 28 April 1997, 5. 92 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “The ‘Mission’ of the Mines Department!” SIMO Newsletter (February 1993). 93 Drew Hutton and Jim Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,” 2008.

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prompted conservation groups to intensify their campaign when CRL announced the

commissioning of a new mine.

‘Campaign Heats Up’

In 1997 CRL commissioned a new mine at the Ibis-Alpha ore-body. The new mine

became a focal point for the anti-mining campaign. Conservation groups were

concerned as the new mine was located near to the environmentally sensitive Ibis

Lagoon – interim-listed on The Register of the National Estate – which included the

last undisturbed high dunes on the Island.94 CRL’s previous environmental record

concerned conservationists; and when a hydrology report on the Gordon seepage

warned of a similar situation at Ibis, these fears grew.95 For this campaign Brisbane-

based conservation groups, including the QCC and the Greens, formed the Stradbroke

Island Action Coalition (SIAC) which also included the QLC, now strongly opposed

to mining. The group produced a leaflet highlighting their concerns and asking why

Stradbroke did not enjoy the same level of conservation as Fraser and Moreton

Islands: “Fraser Island … World Heritage. Moreton Island … National Park. Straddie

… 60% mining lease”.96 SIAC member Ann Ferguson clearly affirms the groups

rational.

SIAC calls for an end to mining on the grounds that the process of sand mining is ecologically destructive, … the spectacular lakes and lagoons must be kept intact for future generations to know and enjoy. The mining is destroying areas of great significance to the Aboriginal people, many of whom … have renewed their struggle to end the mining in the current campaign.97

The SIAC organised a number of protests on the Island to highlight their concern

including a public rally, held in August 1996,98 followed by a blockade of the road to

the new mine site which caused delays in the commissioning of the mine.

The blockade continued for over a month; however the campaign ended after

disagreements developed within the QLC, compounded by a lack of community

support.99 While the campaign re-focused important public attention on poor mining

94 Queensland Conservation Council, “Ibis Lagoon,” Ecosphere, 17:2 (June 1996), 6. 95 Sanderson, “Pollution Fear Sparks Call to Suspend Mining,” 5. 96 Stradbroke Island Action Coalition, “Sand Mining Stradbroke Island,” [leaflet], Stradbroke Island Action Coalition, 1998. 97 Ferguson, “Sand Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” 41-2. 98 Anthony Marx, “Protestors Attack Straddie Mine Bid,” The Courier Mail 19 August 1996, 5. 99 Drew Hutton, “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March 2008;Ruska, per. comm.; Rachael Templeton, “Island Mining Protect Digs In,” Bayside Bulletin 3 June 1997, 3.

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practices and community concerns, it failed in its overall objective of ending mining

and this was largely due to divisions within the community. It did not help that SIMO,

long involved in keeping the mining companies accountable, was not involved in the

direct action campaign. Their newsletter stated, “[b]ecause the aim of the groups is to

stop sandmining, SIMO did not participate. While SIMO does not condone

sandmining, this organisation feels that sandmining is too firmly entrenched to

stop”.100 SIMO’s conciliatory viewpoint was further expressed in The Redland Times,

“SIMO members are keen to point out that the miners and conservationists [are]

happy to meet in the middle and try to compromise.”101 Drew Hutton suggested that

the campaign was too confrontational for the conservative SIMO.102 As SIMO had

been a strong advocate against sandmining, their acceptance of the Ibis mine

undermined the campaign to end mining on Stradbroke.

The QCC was a strong supporter of the Ibis mine campaign, allocating a portion of

their funding to employ a Project Officer to help promote the campaign. In March

1995, Frances Herbert was employed as the Project Officer with responsibilities for

coordinating the QCC’s mining campaign.103 By June 1997, however, the QCC

‘Gossip Column’ reported that Herbert had obtained a job with the mining

company.104 She had become CRL’s Public Policy Officer. Hutton commented that,

“apparently Frances finished the week at QCC and then on Monday morning she’d

got the job with CRL. There was no indication of what she was planning”.105 Despite

what was a clear setback, the QCC maintained in 1997 that “[t]he Straddie campaign

will remain an important one”.106 An article in the same issue entitled Stop

Sandmining Straddie Campaign Heats Up states, “[t]he campaign to put a permanent

end to sandmining on North Stradbroke Island is intensifying”.107 However the focus

of the QCC mining campaign changed to pressing for the establishment of an

100 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation. “Consolidated Rutile Limited Sandmining Operations.” SIMO Newsletter 1:1 (May 1997). 101 Miriam Lowe, “Bridge Gap on Island Environment,” The Redland Times 20 October 1991. 102 Hutton, per. comm. 103 Queensland Conservation Council, Ecosphere 16:1 (March 1995), 11. 104 Queensland Conservation Council, “QCC Gossip Column,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 2. 105 Hutton, per. comm. 106 Queensland Conservation Council, “QCC Gossip Column,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 2. 107 Queensland Conservation Council “Stop Sandmining Straddie Campaign Heats Up,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 6.

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environment protection authority to effectively regulate the industry.108 While the

failure of the Ibis campaign cannot solely be attributed to the defection of Herbert, it

nonetheless removed a significant amount of momentum from campaign.

The fears of conservationists were confirmed when, in 2000, an environmental

incident occurred at the new Ibis mine. In similar circumstances to the incident on the

Gordon lease, uncontrolled seepage was occurring from the dredge site into nearby

Ibis Lagoon.109 The Lagoon, interim-listed on the Register of the National Estate, was

extensively damaged. In August 2000, CRL was again issued with a notice to ‘show

cause’ by the DME. CRL stated that “the problems were addressed quickly”110 and in

response “the Minister imposed a fine and advised that his department would take no

further action”.111

Mining Regulation

The Ibis campaign was part of a larger project by conservationists to call the mining

industry and the State Government to account for the environmental degradation

caused by the industry. Hutton states, “we thought Stradbroke was a good target, it’s

close to Brisbane and easily identifiable, something people can relate to.” However

the purpose was to “highlight the actions of the mining industry throughout

Queensland and develop a broader anti-mining campaign”.112 The crux of the

campaign was the poor regulation of environmental impacts by the State Government.

The poor regulation and compliance of the mining industry under Premier Bjelke-

Petersen was shown by the Government’s attitude to reforming the Mining Act of

1968. Reform of the Mining Act had been a goal of conservation groups since the

1960s, when the Cooloola Sands were threatened. In a submission to the Mines

Minister in 1967, the South East Queensland Federation of Progress Associations

stated, “[w]e seek recognition under revised Mining Acts of the requirements of our

108 Queensland Conservation Council Spinifex (September 2003), 17-8. 109 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “CRL ‘Show Cause’ Notice for Ibis Seepage,” SIMO Newsletter 4:4 (November 2000). 110 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 2000), 4. 111 Ibid. 112 Hutton, per. comm.

69

natural landscape and … the preservation of parts of the coast line intact without

interference by mining”.113 Unfortunately these concerns fell on deaf ears. The only

substantial amendments to the Act were proposed in 1987 to remove the Mining

Warden’s Court and transfer the power to a Registrar.114 This was a significant change

for conservationists as it removed the opportunity to publically oppose mining leases

and “avoid[ed] government embarrassment when a Warden has recommended against

an application”.115 Conservationists were thus hopeful that the election of the first

Labor Government in Queensland for thirty-two years in 1989 would offer

improvement in environmental regulation.116

In 1989, Wayne Goss became the Labor Premier of Queensland ending thirty-two

years of National Party rule. The QCC stated, “[t]he election of the Labor

Government … should herald a new deal for conservation in Queensland”.117 One

reason for this optimism was that conservation groups had extracted commitments

from Labor to reform mining legislation. However two years later, concern was

mounting that the Government was not living up to expectations and that “genuine

fundamental reforms remain elusive”.118 Hutton and Leggate argue that Goss never

intended to make the substantial reforms to mining regulation, arguing that Goss was

instead instructing senior public servants to ‘back off’ from enforcing regulations.119

Nevertheless, conservation groups continued to press for an improved regulatory

framework.

The persistent campaigning of Hutton and Leggate led, in 1994, to the Criminal

Justice Commission (CJC) holding an Inquiry into the Improper Disposal of Liquid

Waste. The Inquiry devoted three days to consider evidence of environmental damage

caused by the mining industry. The hearing was described by one senior figure in the

mining industry as “the worst three days in the history of Queensland mining”.120

113 South East Queensland Federation of Progress Associations, "Submissions to the Honourable R.E. Camm, Minister for Development, Mines, Main Roads and Electricity, Regarding the Proposed Revision and Consolidation of the Mining Acts," Nambour, 1967, 2. 114 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland WPSQ Newsletter, 109 (June 1987), 4. 115 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 8:3 (June 1987), 4. 116 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 12:2 (June 1991), 6. 117 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 10:3 (December 1989). 118 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 12:2 (June 1991), 6. 119 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,”. 120 Hutton, per. comm.

70

Evidence on environmental damage caused by a number of mining companies, as well

as inadequate rehabilitation provisions, was presented at the hearing. CRL’s

operations were not considered relevant to the Inquiry as there was contention over

whether they generated liquid waste. The CJC Inquiry highlighted the inability of the

DME to regulate an industry that it “devotes the bulk of its energy and resources to

the facilitation of”.121 A key recommendation of the Inquiry was the “establishment of

an independent statutory Environmental Authority”.122 In 2000, this recommendation

was enacted.

The recommendation of the CJC Inquiry that an Environmental Authority be

established was a strong signal that the DME was failing in its regulation of the

mining industry. Hope was renewed that such an agency would be established when,

on May 10th 1999; Cabinet approved the creation of an Environmental Protection

Agency with responsibility for “environmental enforcement of all mining tenements

and environmental authorisation for exploration permits, mineral development

licences and mining leases”.123 Unfortunately the new body was to be an Agency not

an Authority; the key difference is that an Authority would have been independent

from direct government interference.124

However it appeared that the powers of the Agency would be watered down. As

Shannon Burns from the QCC commented, “the alchemists in the bureaucracy may

have managed to turn political and environmental gold into worthless base metal”.125

It appears that the Government had made contradictory promises to conservationists

and the mining industry over the creation of the EPA. Hutton and Leggate claim that

“the trust placed in Premier Beattie had been betrayed”.126 The subsequent series of

political decisions led Hutton to argue that, “if anything, mining regulation may have

actually got worse under the EPA, everything is now presented with an environmental

121 Criminal Justice Commission, “Report by the Criminal Justice Commission on Its Public Hearings Conducted by the Honourable R H Matthews Q.C. Into the Improper Disposal of Liquid Waste in South-East Queensland - Volume 1 Report Regarding Evidence Received on Mining Issues,” (Brisbane: Criminal Justice Commission, 1994), 25. 122 Ibid. 123 Queensland Conservation Council, Spinifex (June 1999), 4. 124 Shannon Burns, “Personal Interview – QCC Research Officer” 14 April 2008. 125 Queensland Conservation Council, Spinifex (December 1999), 27. 126 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,”.

71

spin”.127 However, Burns is more optimistic, believing that there has been overall

improvement in mining regulation in Queensland.128

CRL was resistant to the development of more stringent environmental requirements

of the Beattie and Goss Governments. In 1991, a letter written from CRL’s CEO John

Scott to the Director General of the DME suggested that the company was having

difficulty in accepting environmental responsibilities.129 In 1991, the company was

drafting a new Plan of Operation which was rejected by the Department. In response

John Scott wrote,

The tone of the letter [from the Department] is, I believe, a direct attack on the professionalism and integrity of Senior Executives of this company, and consequently, the contents of the attached letter are totally rejected … As demonstrated in the past, and hopefully in the future, CRL will continue to co-operate with the Officers in your Department, but we will not be "messed around with". (their emphasis)130

As Hutton and Leggate comment, this is “clearly not the tone of a mining executive

who was used to dealing with an assertive regulator”.131

Considering the evidence of the failure of both the DME and the EPA to effectively

regulate the operations of CRL an argument can be made for regulatory capture. This

concept, originating from political science, is applied to situations where the regulator

becomes ‘captured’ by the industry they are responsible for. Regulatory capture can

occur when an agency is weak or under-resourced or when a relationship is

established where “the regulator … make[s] judgements and exercise[s] discretion

about whether to enforce rules, or whether to negotiate compliance”.132 Hutton and

Legatte conclude “the EPA, is mired in a culture of non-enforcement, receiving no

pro-regulation signals from its bureaucratic or political leadership and the safety net

of public participation rights is being quietly pulled away”.133 Their argument finds

support in a Queensland Public Sector Union survey of EPA staff undertaken in 2005.

Over 40% of staff stated they believed the EPA had an organisational culture of

127 Hutton, per. comm. 128 Burns, per. comm. 129 Letter from John Scott, Chief Executive Officer, CRL to P. Breslin, 26 July 1991. qtd in. Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”. 130 Ibid. 131 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”. 132 Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment - Ideas, Activism, Policy, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 290. 133 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”.

72

unethical or unprofessional practices, and 34% believed they had received political

pressure to achieve unreasonable objectives.134 It appears possible that the EPA may

have become a victim of regulatory capture and would require comprehensive reform

to uphold mandated obligations to regulate the mining industry. Conservationists

aware of the poor regulation of the sandmining industry are concerned that this puts

effective rehabilitation of mined areas in jeopardy.

Mining Rehabilitation

The effective rehabilitation of mined dunes is a contentious issue. Mining companies

claim they can effectively rehabilitate the high dunes of Stradbroke and return them to

a pre-mined state, while conservationists argue that the rehabilitation programmes are

inadequate. Rehabilitation of mine sites became a criterion written into mining leases

when the Mines Act came into force in 1968.135 Rehabilitation requires that “all

mining areas must be restored to a condition similar to that existing before mining”.136

Mining companies were under no obligation to rehabilitate areas mined before 1968.

However many frontal dunes were re-mined after the Mines Act, at which time they

required rehabilitation.137 In 1971, four years after CRL commenced mining on the

Island, the company claimed to have successfully restored frontal dunes up to 400 feet

high.138 In 1976 CRL stated, “[t]he company is proud of its excellent rehabilitation

work in the high dune areas, the results of which are becoming increasingly more

evident each year”.139 Initially the goal of many rehabilitation programmes was to

‘improve’ the land. The AMC programme states, “[t]he basic approach to

rehabilitation on the frontal dunes of North Stradbroke Island was to create a natural,

varied landscape which was aesthetically pleasing”.140

134 Moreton Island Protection Committee, MIPC Newsletter 27:2 (April/June 2005), 4-5. 135 Alan Fouche, “Careful Planning Does Bring Landscape Restoration – C.R.L.,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 89 August (1988): 330. 136 Consolidated Rutile, “Consolidated Rutile,” Mining Magazine August (1986): 87. 137 R. McMillan, J. Scott, and D. E. Moore, “Mining on North Stradbroke Island - Past, Present and Future,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 110. 138 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1971), 3. 139 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1976), 9. 140 Dennis R. Brooks, “Frontal Dune Rehabilitation: Sand Miners near the End of a Project over 45 Km,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 81 (1980): 220-222.

73

Figure 6 – An example of the detailed rehabilitation inspections conducted by Mines Minister Ron

Camm under Bejekie-Petersons Government.141

The sandmining companies have promoted their rehabilitation schemes as ‘world’s

best practice’. In 1975, the Australian Mining Industry Council sponsored botany

Professor Bradshaw from Liverpool University to visit Australia. He stated that he

was ‘impressed’ with the rehabilitation on North Stradbroke and that he “did not

know of anywhere else in the world where a mining company was more concerned

with rehabilitation than on North Stradbroke”.142 Today CRL argues that it has

maintained ‘world’s best practice’ in its rehabilitation programme, “[o]ne of CRL’s

key environmental management differentiators is our expertise in immediately

rehabilitating our mine sites”.143 However company commentary during the authors

mine visit casts doubt on that claim, as it appears that CRL’s rehabilitation

programme is considerably behind schedule due to staffing cutbacks.144

When mining began on Stradbroke, there was little professional knowledge about how

to rehabilitate sand islands. In consequence, “experimentation had to be carried out

141 “Replanting Nature,” The Courier Mail 18 August 1973 142 “Mining Rehabilitation “The Best”,” The Courier Mail 19 July 1975. 143 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited”. 144 Rodenberg, per. comm.

74

thereby vastly increasing knowledge of rehabilitation techniques in such areas”.145

However as Dr Errol Stock of Griffith University’s Australian Environmental Studies

School states, “the end result … [of rehabilitation] … is nothing like the topography

that was there before”.146 Stradbroke has become a testing ground for experiments on

rehabilitation techniques. As Durbidge states, “Stradbroke was sacrificed to the

mining companies who had no accurate knowledge of how to rehabilitate the Island,

[and] unfortunately a lot of irreparable mistakes have been made.”147

Unfortunately many of these rehabilitation ‘experiments’ have proved disastrous for

the ecology of the Island. In early attempts to rehabilitate the high dunes, exotic grass

species were introduced upsetting the ecology of the area.148 Furthermore CRL’s

Amity lease was extensively rehabilitated using Acacia shrubs. It was expected that

the Acacias would act to stabilise the sand while native species established. However

instead the Acacias dominated and a monoculture was created.149 Problems such as

these have been acknowledged by CRL, who argue it has learnt from past mistakes

and its rehabilitation programme is now successful. Alan Hayter claims,

“[e]nvironmental best practice and rehabilitation needs are integrated into every step

of our mining operation right from the start”.150

A key question posed by this discussion is whether the rehabilitation requirements set

down by the lease conditions are realistic for CRL to achieve on Stradbroke’s high

dunes. The company argues that it is not technically feasible for them to recreate the

pre-mined dune structures. Perhaps, it is a question of cost. Burns believes that if the

rehabilitation requirements were enforced to their fullest extent then the cost of

rehabilitation could send mining companies bankrupt.151 Furthermore it is likely that

the cost of rehabilitating former mining leases would be a significant cost for the State

Government. The DME rejects the assertion from conservationists that mining

rehabilitation is a ‘worst case scenario’ where the State covers the cost of inadequate

145 McMillan, Scott, and Moore, “Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” 110. 146 Bob Wilson, “Dilemma of the Dunes," The Sun 31 May 1989. 147 Durbidge, per. comm. 148 Consolidated Rutile, “Consolidated Rutile,” 89. 149 Durbidge, per. comm; Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Meeting with Consolidated Rutile,” SIMO Newsletter 1:3 (October 1997). 150 Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 151 Burns, per. comm.

75

rehabilitation.152 However while the DME denies that incomplete rehabilitation is a

concern, the issue remains. According to SIMO leases on Stradbroke are not being

returned to their pre-mined state as required by the lease conditions. SIMO remains

concerned that future generations will inherit “a Stradbroke with a flattened

profile”.153 Rehabilitation is poorly enforced because the costs of compliance with the

mining conditions are too high. From these experiences, it seems that the effective

rehabilitation of high dunes is not being achieved, with Stradbroke’s ancient

undulating dunes being changed into flat featureless hills.

One Island Many Visions

The absence of community consultation with Stradbroke residents on the future

development of the Island was one of the key motivating factors for the formation of

SIMO. Since 1978, when SIMO was formed to stop a bridge from the mainland,

“members have engaged in many campaigns to protect Stradbroke Island’s special

environment and to lobby for conservation, sustainability and wise development.”154

Town planners Kozlowski and McGowan state that in the case of Stradbroke planning

decisions are “derived from economic and rather short-term considerations”.155

Instead they argue planning decisions should be based on “a comprehensive analysis

of all aspects which might be affected … – social, economic and ecological”.156

The potential for inappropriate development was identified in a 1984 report by

Cameron McNamara, The North Stradbroke Development Strategy.157 The Report

identified how community viewpoints were ignored in development proposals. The

Report projected an expansion of the Island’s population to 32,000 by 2006 with the

creation of two to three new townships.158 These areas would cover former mining

leases and it was suggested that “new lease conditions could require lessees to … 152 Department of Mines and Energy, “Mining and the Environment Facts,” Queensland Government, http://www.dme.qld.gov.au/mines/environmental_facts.cfm. epartment of Mines and Energy, “Mining and the Environment Facts,” Queensland Government, http://www.dme.qld.gov.au/mines/environmental_facts.cfm. 154 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Objective of SIMO” SIMO Newsletter (Spring 2007). 155 J. Kozlwski and S. McGowan, “North Stradbroke Island - the Case for Rational Environmental Planning,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1985), 393. 156 Ibid., 393. 157 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “North Stradbroke Development Strategy,” SIMO Newsletter (September 1984). 158 Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy, 20.

76

rehabilitate land to a form suitable for residential use”.159 Furthermore, the Report

assumed the construction of the bridge would take place without posing alternative

scenarios, “[t]he location of the proposed bridge … [has] … not been investigated

further”.160

SIMO would prefer to see the Island become an ecologically responsible tourist

destination as “[t]he character of the island would lend itself to a low-key,

inexpensive, semi-wilderness experience whilst affording comparative comfort and

close proximity to Brisbane”.161 While appropriate tourist development is welcomed

by SIMO as population pressures in south-east Queensland increase “the development

potential of Stradbroke looks ever more attractive”.162 However this vision of the

Island was not shared by the then politicians and planners who saw the Island’s future

tied to sandmining or large-scale development.

The QLC however had an alternative vision for the Island. When the historic Native

Title Act was passed by the Commonwealth in 1993, Indigenous people could claim

rights over their traditional land. The indigenous people on Stradbroke were among

the first to lodge a claim under the new legislation and were considered to have a

strong case, the strength of which derived “from our continuous connection to our

traditional lands and seas”.163 Dale Ruska, one of the traditional owners of North

Stradbroke, states that “Indigenous people should have the right to determine what

activity takes place on their traditional lands”.164 CRL was concerned about the

impact of native title. While their current leases were secure, a successful judgement

would threaten future operations. However the claim has not since progressed, despite

time and legal resources given to the QLC by other indigenous groups. It seems that

factors related to the division within the indigenous community have caused the claim

to stagnate.165 If such a claim was successfully established, it could give indigenous

159 Ibid., 6/38/9. 160 Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy, 4. 161Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “President’s Report,” SIMO Newsletter (August 1988). 162 Craik, “Natural Tourism! Options for North Stradbroke Island,” 53. 163 Penny Tripcony, "The Native Title Mediation Process in Relation to Quandamooka: An Overview," in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 61. 164 Ruska, per. comm. 165 Ibid.

77

people on the Island more power to determine what activities would be permitted and

thus create an alternative future for the Island.

During early mining operations, mining companies failed to recognise the value of

consulting with indigenous people on the Island. Concern over the passage of the

Native Title Act initially created a difficult relationship. However in 1994, as native

title became an issue for the mining operations, CRL stated that they believed the

company had a “well established relationship” with the Aboriginal community.166 In

1998 they signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the QLC aimed at securing

the future of their mining operations.167 Margaret Iselin believes that the mining

companies now “consult with the Elders because they know [the Elders] know the

land. They also get Aboriginal people to help with the rehabilitation programme”.168

However Dale Ruska believes that the mining companies only consult with the

indigenous people who already agree with their operations. As Ruska says, “[t]hey

only talk to a few of us who already support them, to say they consult with indigenous

people”.169 For instance in 2001, CRL gave a total of $80,000 to community groups.

Some of this money was given to indigenous groups under a Goodwill Agreement

developed in that year.170 It is likely that a united indigenous community could be a

powerful force in keeping the mining operations accountable; however the current

divisions within the community, coupled with the apparent selective consultation by

CRL, have resulted in division within the community and ineffective representation of

their concerns.

Future in the Balance

As the minerals on the Island are depleting, CRL have applied to the Bligh Labor

Government for permission to sell ‘excess’ sand to the building industry for the

production of concrete.171 If permission is granted, the mining company could

indefinitely extend their operations; otherwise mining is expected to finish in twenty

166 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1994), 7. 167 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 11. 168 Iselin, per. comm. 169 Ruska, per. comm. 170 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 2001), 5. 171 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation,“Is it the beginning of the end for the island’s sand heart?” SIMO Newsletter (Autumn 2006); Brian Williams, “Concern over Sand Sell-Off,” The Courier Mail 17 March 2008.

78

years with rehabilitation continuing for a number of years thereafter.172 There is a

shadow of uncertainty over the future of Stradbroke. Shannon Burns believes that the

Government is waiting for the leases to expire, at which time much more of the Island

will finally be gazetted National Park.173 Ellie Durbidge, together with other members

of SIMO, are less trusting of the Government’s intentions towards Stradbroke.174

Their concern appears reasonable as approval of CRL’s plan currently rests with the

EPA and it is possible that the plan has already been approved. SIMO is currently

considering legal action against the EPA for non-enforcement of mining regulations

against CRL.175 If this case progresses, it will have important ramifications for the

mining industry in Queensland as a whole.

The focus of this thesis has been on three key conservation campaigns to protect

Queensland’s sand islands from sandmining. The Fraser Island campaign,

spearheaded by the charismatic campaigner John Sinclair, was a defining moment in

the history of the conservation movement. For the first time the Federal Government

intervened to protect an area of international environmental significance under the

aegis of its submission to the World Heritage Committee. Protection of Moreton

Island came at a heavy cost to Stradbroke Island. Moreton remained the focus for

conservation interests as it represented the ‘last great opportunity to secure wilderness

close to Brisbane for future generations’. While the claim of SIMO members that

Stradbroke was sacrificed to protect Moreton cannot be proved, it does seem likely

that Moreton was favoured over Stradbroke as a superior candidate for protection.

When the miners came to Stradbroke in the 1940s the Island was already partially

developed, having played host to various Government institutions for the preceding

120 years. The mining industry quickly established itself as an essential component to

the Island’s community by providing much need employment and infrastructure. This

interdependence continues to this day and is a key factor in the continuation of mining

on the Island. This interdependence is particularly significant within Stradbroke’s

172 Rodenberg, per. comm. 173 Burns, per. comm. 174 Durbidge, per. comm. 175 Jennie Truman, “The continuing saga of the disorientated Ibis dune, or what EPA did next,” SIMO Newsletter (Spring 2007).

79

indigenous community as their support for sandmining has conflicted with attempts to

establish native title over the Island. Without alternative employment opportunities

elements of the Stradbroke community will continue to rely on and support the mining

operations on the Island.

The Bjelke-Petersen Government never wavered in its championing of sandmining on

Stradbroke. It was an enthusiastic advocate for the continued expansion of the

industry resulting in 60% of the Island being covered by mineral leases. This

enthusiasm also encouraged a lax regulatory environment that contributed to many of

the environmental disasters catalogued in this thesis. It is clear that state government

support for sandmining on Stradbroke continued into the Labor administration of

Wayne Goss, but Goss was susceptible to conservationist pressure. While the DME

did issue two ‘show cause’ notices to CRL, they were merely to placate

conservationist concern. The Department meanwhile accepted the mitigation strategy

proposed by CRL, and the environment continued to be irreparably damaged by the

mining operations.

SIMO became an important advocate for the concerns of Island residents. They

quickly became a prominent force in keeping the mining companies accountable. The

Stradbroke campaign employed similar tactics to Fraser, such as generating public

awareness and appealing for Federal Government intervention, but with no success.

While SIMO undoubtedly worked tirelessly to protect Stradbroke, they lacked the

inspiration and focus of a John Sinclair or Don Henry to propel the campaign. The

commissioning of CRL’s Ibis mine was one of the few moments when momentum

was behind the campaign and there was a chance of success. At this time Brisbane-

based conservation groups, and anti-mining interests within the indigenous

community were strongly advocating the end of mining on the Island. But at this key

period SIMO did not participate, preferring instead to maintain a dialogue with the

mining company. This stance has given SIMO a confused identity, on one hand

arguing that sandmining is destroying the environment of Stradbroke, while on the

other hand maintaining a dialogue with the mining company. The result is that

opposition to sandmining has been compromised.

80

Stradbroke Island is the last major sandmining operation on the east coast of

Australia. However while sandmining on the Island has been a constant feature since

the 1940s, it is unlikely to continue for much longer. SIMO will undoubtedly play an

important role in this transition, as they have been encouraging the development of a

sustainable tourism industry. The future of the Island is currently in the balance. CRL

could continue on the Island indefinitely if they are permitted to export sand to the

building industry. Or in the next few years we will see whether there is sufficient

public awareness and environmental understanding of the importance of Stradbroke

for the bulk of the Island to be gazetted a National Park and, like Fraser and Moreton

Islands, protected for future generations.

81

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Interviews and Personal Communication Burns, Shannon. “Personal Interview – QCC Research Officer” 14 April 2008. Candile, Frank. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 102 – Sand miner” 7 April 2006. Durbidge, Ellie. “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary” 11 April 2008. Hutton, Drew. “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March

2008. Iselin, Margaret. “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. Khan, George. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 52 – Sand miner” 29 August 2003. Neumann, Peter. “Personal Interview – Director Currumbin Minerals” 25 March

2008. Rodenberg, Steve. “CRL Employee Conducted Mine Tour” 13 March 2008. Ruska, Dale. “Personal Interview – Indigenous Activist” 11 April 2008. Sinclair, John. “Personal Interview – FIDO President” 17 April 2008. Surawski, Noel. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 25 – Sand miner” 10 April 2003. Tuffs, Fred. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 61 – Sand miner” 13 September 2003.