linking agroecology and household food security: producer

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Linking Agroecology and Household Food Security: Producer Experiences at the Tianguis “Comida Sana y Cercana” in Chiapas, Mexico By Sarah Horne A Thesis Submitted to Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Masters of Arts in International Development Studies November 2012. Halifax, Nova Scotia Copyright Sarah Horne, 2012 Approved: Dr. Ryan Isakson Co‐Supervisor Approved: Dr. Anthony O’Malley Co‐Supervisor Approved: Dr. Helda Morales Reader Approved: Dr. Tony Charles Examiner Date: November, 2012

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LinkingAgroecologyandHouseholdFoodSecurity:ProducerExperiencesattheTianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”inChiapas,Mexico

By

SarahHorne

AThesisSubmittedtoSaintMary’sUniversity,Halifax,NovaScotiaInPartialFulfillmentoftheRequirementsfor

TheDegreeofMastersofArtsinInternationalDevelopmentStudies

November2012.Halifax,NovaScotia

CopyrightSarahHorne,2012

Approved: Dr.RyanIsakson Co‐Supervisor

Approved: Dr.AnthonyO’Malley

Co‐Supervisor Approved: Dr.HeldaMorales

Reader

Approved: Dr.TonyCharles Examiner

Date:November,2012

ii

Abstract

LinkingAgroecologyandHouseholdFoodSecurity:ProducerExperiencesattheTianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”inChiapas,Mexico

By

SarahHorne

Abstract:Theattainmentoffoodsecurityhaslongbeenanimportantissueinthefieldofdevelopment.Interestingly,alargepercentageofthoseconsideredto‘foodinsecure’belongtothehouseholdsofsmall‐scaleagriculturalproducers.Thepracticeofagroecologyisemergingasanaccessibleandsecuremeansofproductionforsuchhouseholds.Moreover,ithasbeenarguedthatproducerscanearnhigherincomesduetotheincreasingdemandforcertified‘organic’products.Usingthecaseofsmall‐scaleproducersinChiapas,Mexico,thisthesisseekstoexploretheimpactthatagroecologicalpracticescanhaveonfoodsecuritywithinproducerhouseholds.Asitshallbeargued,thediversityandstabilityinherentinthepracticeofagroecologyprovidesproducerswithameansofachievinghouseholdfoodsecurity.Moreover,producerparticipationwithinalocalfoodmarket,whichprovidesthemwithfairsellingconditionsandasenseofcommunity,strengthenssuchconditions.

November2012

iii

Acknowledgements

Thankyoutomysupervisor,Dr.RyanIsakson,forhisguidancethroughoutboththisthesisprojectandmuchofmyacademiccareer.ManythankstoDr.HeldaMorales,forinvitingmetoSanCristóbalandsupportingmyfieldresearch.Aswell,thankyoutoAnneGreenbergforherassistanceduringinterviewsandinsightintoagroecologyinChiapas.Tomyfriendsandfamily,fortheirconstantencouragementandsupport.Aboveall,IwouldliketothanktheproducersoftheTianguisfortheirpatience,hospitalityandenthusiasmthroughoutmyfieldresearch.

iv

TableofContentsChapterOne:Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1

1.1ThesisProblematic.………………………………………………………..……………………11.2Methodology………………………………………………………..……………………………..41.3ThesisOutline………………………………………………………..……………………………7

ChapterTwo:LiteratureReview……………………………………………………………………….9 2.1FoodSecurity………………………………………………………..…………………………….9 2.1.1Availability…………………………………………………………………………..13 2.1.2Accessibility………………………………………………………………………...13 2.1.3NutritionalValue………………………………………………………………….15 2.1.4FoodSovereignty………………………………………………………..………..17 2.2FoodSecurityandAgriculturalProduction…………………………………………20 2.2.1CurrentPractices:ConventionalAgriculture…………………………23 2.2.2ConsequencesofConventionalAgriculture……………………………26 2.3Agroecology………………………………………………………………………………………32 2.3.1CriticismsofAgroecology.…………………………………………………….35 2.3.2ThePotentialofAgroecology………………………………………………..41 2.4OrganicCertificationandLocalFoodMarkets…………………………………….44 2.4.1TheNeedforCertification…………………………………………………….45 2.4.2CriticismsofOrganicCertification………………………………………...46 2.4.3“BeyondOrganic”:ParticipatoryGuaranteeSystems……………..50 2.4.4BenefitsofLocalFoodMarkets……………………………………………..52ChapterThree:TheMexicanContext……………………………………………………………...57 3.1FoodInsecurityinMexico………………………………………………………..………...57

3.2OrganicAgricultureinMexico………………………………………………………..…..583.3TheMexicanNetworkofOrganicMarkets…………………………………………..60 3.3.1Limitations………………………………………………………..…………………62

ChapterFour:CaseStudy‐Tianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”………………………63 4.1TheEvolutionoftheTianguis………………………………………………………..…...63 4.2HouseholdCharacteristics………………………………………………………..………..70 4.3AgriculturalPractices………………………………………………………..………………74 4.3.1AgriculturalInputs…………………………………………..…………………..77 4.3.2TheImportanceofAgroecology……………………………………………80 4.4FunctioningoftheTianguis……………………………………………………………….82 4.4.1PricesattheTianguis…………………………………………………………..84 4.5ProductionandConsumptionPatterns………………………………………………89 4.5.1ChangesinProduction…………………………………………………………91 4.5.2AdditionalPurchasingPower……………………………………………….94 4.5.3PurchasedFoodItems………………………………………………………….94 4.5.4DailyEatingHabits………………………………………………………………98 4.5.5DietaryChanges…………………………………………………………………100

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4.6OverallImpactofParticipationintheTianguis…………………………………103ChapterFive:Discussion……………………………………………………………………………….107 5.1LocalFoodMarkets………………………………………………………..………………..107 5.1.1ImprovedSellingConditions………………………………………………107 5.1.2TheImportanceofCommunity…………………………………………...109 5.1.3TheImpactofConsumerDemand……………………………………….110 5.2Agroecology………………………………………………………..…………………………..112 5.2.1Productivity………………………………………………………..……………..112 5.2.2MinimalDependenceonPurchasedInputs………………………….113 5.2.3ImprovementstoLandHoldings…………………………………………114 5.2.4TheImportanceofKnowledge……………………………………………114 5.3FoodSecurity………………………………………………………..………………………...116 5.3.1TheImportanceofProducingforHouseholdConsumption….116 5.3.2ImprovedHouseholdNutrition…………………………………………..118ChapterSix:Conclusion………………………………………………………..……………………….120References……………………………………………………………………………………………………..124AppendixA:InterviewGuide………………………………………………………………………..134

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AcronymsCAT TechnicalAssistanceCommittee(ComitédeApoyoTecnico)CSA CommunitySupportedAgricultureDFID DepartmentforInternationalDevelopmentEP EquipoPromotorFAO FoodandAgriculturalOrganizationGlopolis PragueGlobalPolicyInstituteIAASTD InternationalAssessmentofAgriculturalKnowledge,Scienceand

TechnologyforDevelopment IPC InternationalPlanningCommitteeforFoodSovereigntyIFOAM InternationalFederationofOrganicMovementsKcal KilocalorieMXN MexicanPesoNAFTA NorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreementNGO Non‐GovernmentalOrganisationNOSB NationalOrganicStandardsBoardPGS ParticipatoryGuaranteeSystemREDAC MexicanNetworkofOrganicMarkets

(RedMexicanadeTianguisyMercadosOrgánicos)USD UnitedStatesDollar

ListofFiguresFigure1:WealthIndexSurvey…………………………………………………………………………...70Figure2:TheLivelihoodStrategiesofProducerHouseholds……………………………….72Figure3:HectaresofLandUnderProductionperHousehold………………………………76Figure4:ProducerAttendanceonMarketDays………………………………………………….82Figure5:TheTenMostCommonlyPurchasedItems…………………………………………..95ListofTablesTable1:PricecomparisonofTianguisandcentralmarketproducts…………………….85

ChapterOneIntroduction1.1 ThesisProblematic

Foodinsecurityandhungerhavelongbeenimportantissuesintherealmof

development.Intheattempttocombatfoodinsecuritythroughouttheworld,apush

wasmadetodrasticallyincreaseagriculturalproduction,asitwasbelievedatthe

time,thatconditionsoffoodinsecuritywereaconsequenceofinsufficientfood

supply.Theagriculturalpracticesthatemergedrelyheavilyoninputssuchas

specializedseeds,chemicalfertilizers,pesticidesandirrigationandthetechniqueof

monocropping.

Thoughthesepracticeshavegreatlyincreasedoverallproductionlevels,very

littlehasbeenaccomplishedinthewayofeliminatingfoodinsecurity.Infactas

Weis(2007:11)states,“therehasneverbeenmorefoodavailableperpersonona

globalscalethanthereistoday1”,yetlargeportionsoftheglobalpopulation

continuetoliveinconditionsoffoodinsecurity.

Theconsequencesofmodernagriculturalpracticesarewidespreadandfar‐

reaching.Notonlyhasfoodinsecuritycontinuedtopersistbutthespecializationof

agriculturehasledtoanincreasinglysimplificationofdietsworldwide.Itis

estimatedthatasmanyastwobillionpeoplecurrentlysufferfromsomeformof

1Thoughitisrecommendedthatapersonconsume2,200caloriesdaily,enoughfoodisproducedworldwidetoprovide2,800caloriesperperson(Chappell&LaValle,2011:6).

2

nutrientdeficiency(Frisonetal.,2006:168),oftenreferredtoas“hiddenhunger”

(Kennedy2003;Pisupati 2004). Suchconditionsareaconsequenceoftheincreasing

inabilityofmuchoftheglobalpopulationtodiversifytheirdietsandaccessfood

itemscontaininghigherlevelsofmicronutrients.

Theenvironmentalandsocialconsequenceshavealsobeendevastating;

leadingtoanextensivelossofbiodiversityandtheerosionanddegradationofthe

verylanduponwhichtheglobalpopulationssubsists.Thedependenceoncostly

chemicalinputshasplacedmanyproducersinapricesqueeze,inwhichtheir

expensescontinuetoriseastheirprofitsdrasticallydecrease.Infact,thoughthey

themselvesareproducingfood,small‐scaleproducersandtheirhouseholdsaccount

for“halfofthehungerworldwide”(UNMilleniumProject,2005:104).Itisbecoming

increasinglyclearthatthecurrentsystemofagriculturalproductionisboth

insufficientinmeetingtheneedsoftheglobalpopulation,aswellasunmaintainable.

Avarietyofpathwaysforwardhavebeenpresented,oneofwhichisthe

practiceofagroecology.Relyingontheuseoflocallyavailableandaccessible

materialsandtechnologies,asopposedtothepurchaseofvariousinputs,

agroecologyisthoughttopossessthepotentialofreshapingagriculturalpractices.

Moreover,itisoftenstatedthatthroughsuchpracticessmall‐scaleproducerscan

earnhigherprofitsandsubsequentlyimproveconditionsoffoodsecuritywithin

theirhouseholds.Inordertodosohowever,producersneedaccesstosuitable

marketsandthecertificationofagriculturalproductsisoftennecessary;whichin

itselfprovidesmanyobstaclesthatcanimpedeasmall‐scaleproducerfromfully

3

benefiting.Withthisinmind,newinitiativesarecommencing,whichseekmore

easilyfacilitatecertificationforsuchproducers,aswellasgeneratelocaldemandfor

theirproducts.

Thefocusofthisthesisprojectisthereforetwo‐fold.Firstly,itistoexplore

theimpactthatagroecologicalproductionpracticescanhaveonthehouseholdfood

securityofsmall‐scaleproducers.Subsequently,theseconddimensionistoexplore

thepotentialbenefitsthatproducerscanderivefromsellingsuchgoodsandbeinga

participantinalocalfoodmarketsystem.Thiswasaccomplishedthroughfield

research,workingwithagroecologicalproducersinChiapas,Mexico.Thecommon

denominatoramongtheseproducersisthattheyallretailsomeportionoftheir

productsatalocalfarmer’smarket.Therefore,theTianguis“ComidaSanay

Cercana”providesaperfectenvironmentinwhichthesetwoelements‐production

andretail‐intersect.

ThroughoutthisthesisIwillarguethatthediversityandstabilityinherentin

thepracticeofagroecologyprovidessmall‐scaleproducerswithameansof

achievinghouseholdfoodsecurity.Moreover,producerparticipationwithina

certifiedlocalfoodmarketprogram,whichprovidesthemwithfairselling

conditions,strengthenssuchconditions.

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1.2 Methodology

Toaddresstheobjectiveofthisthesisproject,bothanextensivereviewof

relevantliteratureandfieldresearchwereundertaken.Fieldresearchwas

conductedoverasix‐weekperiodbetweenOctoberandDecember2011,withthe

focusofcapturingtheexperiencesofagroecologicalproducersparticipatinginthe

Tianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”2,or“HealthyandLocalFood”market,locatedin

SanCristóbaldeLasCasas,Mexico.Themainsourceofdatawascollectedthrough

fourteenstructuredinterviewswithmembersoftwelveparticipatinghouseholds3.

Multiplemembersfromtwoofthehouseholdswereinterviewedbecausethefamily

representativeswhosellattheTianguisarenotfullyactiveintheproduction

processandwerethusunabletoconfidentlyanswerkeyquestions.Insuch

instancesresponseswereoftenverysimilar,withonlyfewandminordiscrepancies.

Thesampleofhouseholdsinterviewedwaslargelydeterminedbythe

availabilityoftheproducersbutwasalsoselectedtoreflectthediversityofproducts

andexperiencesamongthoseparticipating.Ofthetwelvehouseholds,sixsold

vegetablesattheTianguis.Amongthosesixhouseholds,fourproducean

assortmentofvegetableswhiletheremainingtwomarketmorespecialized

productsattheTianguis.Twohouseholdssoldprocessedgoods(namelycheeseand

mangoproducts)whileanotherthreehouseholdssoldpreparedgoodssuchas

2HenceforthreferredtoastheTianguis,whichistheNahuatlwordforopen‐airmarket.3Interviewswerecompletedthroughtheaidofatranslator,whoprovidedbothaclearunderstandingandconsistencythroughouttheresearchperiod.

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candiedfruits,tortillasandtamales.Theremaininghouseholdraisedlivestockand

soldavarietyofanimalproducts.

Toaccommodateproducers’schedules,interviewsweregenerallyconducted

attheTianguisduringmarkethours.Howeverduetovariousreasons,notall

producerswerepresentformarketdaysandinsomecases,producersonly

participateonaseasonalbasis.Assuch,ahandfulofinterviewswereconductedin

therespectivecommunitiesofcertainproducers.Byconductingsuchinterviews,

experiencesthatmightotherwisehavebeenoverlookedwererecordedand

providedthepossibilityoffurtheranalysisregardingtheextentofproducer

participationandtheimpactoftheTianguisonfoodsecurity.

Observationsduringmarkethourswerealsoakeyfactorinthedata

collectionprocess.Additionally,ahandfulofproducersextendedaninvitationto

visittheirrespectiveresidencesandplots.Suchopportunitiesmadeitpossibleto

triangulateaccountsprovidedduringinterviewsandprovidedimportantcontext

regardingthefunctionsoftheTianguisaswellashouseholdconditions.

Inadditiontointerviews,afoodrecallstudywasconductedinordertogaina

betterunderstandingoftheproducers’dailyeatinghabits.Inordertogeta

completeunderstandingofconsumptionpractices,participantswereaskedtorecall

thepreviousday’sdietonmultipleoccasions.However,theshortnessofmy

researchperiod,combinedwithirregularattendanceofcertainproducersatthe

Tianguisposedaslimitationstothissurvey.Intotal,twenty‐sevenrecallswere

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conducted,inwhicheachproducerinterviewedparticipatedatleastonce,though

oftentimestwotothreetimes.Additionally,notesweretakenofmealseatenduring

fieldvisitsandaddedtothetotalnumberofmealsrecorded.Inthiswaytheitemsof

28breakfasts,29lunches,28suppers,aswellasdetailsofsupplementarysnacks

throughouttheday,wererecordedorobserved.Afurthercomponentofthefood

recallwastobetterunderstandfromwherethefoodcomes,andthereforeforeach

itemconsumedtheproducerswerealsoaskedtoidentifywhetheritwaspurchased,

acquiredthroughanon‐monetaryexchangeorgrown/raisedbythehousehold.

Thefinalsteptakenduringtheresearchperiodwasasemi‐structuredkey

informantinterviewwithoneofthemembersoftheEquipoPromotor,thebodythat

managesandregulatesparticipation,aswellasthegeneralfunctioningofthe

Tianguis.Thisinterviewprovidedimportantcontextualinformationand,onceagain,

offeredanopportunitytotriangulatedataandgaininsightfromadifferent

perspective.

Theoriginalintentofthisthesisprojectwastocomparetheconditionsof

householdfoodsecurityofbothagroecologicalandconventionalproducers,

howeverinaccordancewithadviceprovidedbyhostresearchers,agroecological

producersbecamethesolefocusofthiswork.Thereasonforthisislargelyduetoa

strongsuspicionofoutsidersamongsuchproducers,andworkingwithalimited

budgetandsubsequenttimeconstraints,itwassimplyunfeasibletoestablishthe

leveloftrustthatwasfelttobenecessaryinordertoworkwithconventional

farmers.Inacceptingthislimitation,allfieldresearchwasconductedwith

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producersparticipatingintheTianguis,withwhomhostresearchershadastrong

connection.Albeitasmallsample,theseproducerswereawillingandengaging

group,withwhomIwasabletointeractwith,individuallyandasawhole,multiple

timesthroughoutmyresearchperiod;thereforeobtainingadetailedcompositionof

theirexperiences.

1.3 ThesisOutline

Throughouttheproceedingfivechapters,myargumentwillbepresentedin

full.Chaptertwoprovidesareviewoftheliteraturerelevanttothisthesistopic;

beginningwithanoverviewofthenotionoffoodsecurity,howourunderstandingof

thetopichasbeenshaped,aswellasanycriticisms,whicharelargelyderivedfrom

supportersoffoodsovereignty.Additionaltopicstobediscussedincludethecurrent

practiceofconventionalagriculture,thealternativepracticeofagroecology,aswell

asthelimitationsofeach.Lastly,adiscussionontheevolutionoforganic

certificationandthedevelopmentoflocalfoodmarketswilltakeplace.Asitshallbe

examined,acommoncriticismisthatsmall‐scaleproducersareoftenunableto

accessbothcertificationprogramsandlargemarkets.However,alternative

processesinbothinstances,whichseekingtobemoreinclusiveforsmall‐scale

producers,areemerging.Adiscussionoftheirpotentialandlimitationswillbe

examined.

8

Chapterthreeprovidesthecontextinwhichtheempiricaldatawillbenested.

InformationisprovidedregardingtheconditionsoffoodinsecuritywithinMexicoas

wellasthegrowthofthecountry’sorganicsectorofagriculture.Thischapteris

concludedwithanoverviewoftheMexicanNetworkofOrganicMarkets(REDAC),of

whichtheTianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”isamembermarket.

Chapterfouriscomposedofasynthesisofthedatacollectedduringmyfield

researchinSanCristóbaldeLasCasas.Here,keyfacetsoftheagroecological

practicesaswellasconsumptionandpurchasinghabitsoftheproducersare

discussed,inadditiontothefunctioningoftheTianguis.Thesubsequenttwo

chapterswillcontainanalysisanddiscussionofkeyfindings(ChapterFive),aswell

asmyconclusionsandrecommendations(ChapterSix).

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ChapterTwoLiteratureReview2.1 FoodSecurity

Sincethenotionoffoodsecurityservesasaprimefocusofthisthesisproject,

afirmunderstandingoftheconceptisessentialforanalysis.Thenotionoffood

securityhasbeenevolvingovertime,somuchsothatamultitudeofdefinitionsare

claimedtoexist.Theterm,however,originatedinresponsetotheworldfoodcrisis

in1972‐1974(Maxwell,1996:156).Originally,foodsecuritywasdefinedasthe

“availabilityatalltimesofadequateworldfoodsuppliesofbasicfoodstuffs…to

sustainasteadyexpansionoffoodconsumption…andtooffsetfluctuationsin

productionandprices”(QuotedinMechlem,2004:633).Atthetimediscussion

concerningfoodsecuritysolelytookplaceatthestatelevel,whichasPatel

(2009:676)notes,greatimpactedthedevelopmentoftheterminsomuchthatit

wasbelievedthatfoodwouldbeaccessibletoallthroughstateredistribution

mechanismssolongasavailabilityassufficient.Therefore,thisoriginaldefinition

aroseoutofconcernsoveragrowingglobalpopulationandthecapabilityof

producingenoughfoodforall(Patel,2009:676),andasPottier(1999:11)states,

conditionsoffoodinsecuritywerefirstunderstoodastheresultof“aglobalsupply

problem.”Atthetime,thefocuswaslargelyplacedonachievingfoodsecurityatthe

globalandnationalstages;however,thisapproachprovedinsufficientinfully

addressingthesituation.Asufficientquantityoffoodatthenationallevelisnot

synonymouswiththefairdistributionoffoodor“foodproduction”amongtheentire

10

population(Scialabba,2007:6)andconditionshaveproventhatsufficientquantity

isnotenoughtoensurefoodsecurityforall.

Thenotionoffoodsecurityunderwentasignificantreorientationinthe

1980s,largelyattributedtotheworkofAmatyaSen(Maxwell,1996:156)andhis

influentialnotionoffoodentitlement.Proposedasawaytoexplaintheoccurrence

offaminesandhungerevenintimesofanoverabundanceoffood,Senarguesthat

withinthecurrentsystemfoodisnotdistributedequally;thataccesstofoodmust

be“earned”andismediatedthroughwhatheterms“entitlements”(Sen,1999:162).

Thisistosaythatpeoplesufferfromhungerorfoodinsecurityduringtimesof

plentybecausetheylacktheentitlementorabilitytoacquirethefoodthathasbeen

produced.

Underthisapproach,itwasdeterminedthatanindividual’sentitlementisa

functionofmultipleconsiderations.Thefirstistheidentificationofone’s

endowment;beingthe“productiveresources”thatanindividualpossesses,and

whichhasvalueinthemarket.Typicallyanendowmentisderivedthroughan

individual’sabilitytoworkandearnawage,thoughitcanalsomanifestintheform

oflandownershiporfinancialcapital(Sen,1999:162).Itisthroughtheuseofthese

endowmentsthatanindividualgeneratestheirentitlement,ofwhichSen(1981:2)

identifiesfourgeneralcategories:a)trade‐basedentitlement;b)production‐based

entitlement;c)own‐labourentitlementandd)inheritanceandtransferentitlement.

Thesecondconsiderationarethepresent‘exchangeconditions’,through

whichthevalueofone’sendowmentsiscontrastedwiththecostofobtainingother

goodsandservices;essentiallydeterminingtheamountoffoodthatcanbeacquired

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withanindividual’sentitlement.Sincefoodandendowmentsareunequally

distributed,circumstancesmayariseinwhichthevalueofone’sendowmentisno

longerenoughtoobtainsufficientsustenance.Thereforewhilefoodisavailable

peoplemayfacehungerbecausetheirendowmentisn’tsufficientenoughtoensure

theirentitlementoffood(Sen,1999:162‐163).Insuchcasesparticularly,the

availabilityofsocialsecurityprogramscanplayanimportantroleinensuringan

individual’sentitlementtofood(Sen,1981:6).

ThroughtheproposaloftheEntitlementApproach,Senultimatelyshiftedthe

focusoffoodsecurityfromthesupplysidetotheabilitytodemand(Pottier,1999:

12).Additionally,ithasbeenarguedthatpoorerhouseholdsarelesslikelyto

produceasurplusoverandabovewhattheythemselvesrequireforimmediate

consumption,whilehouseholdswiththisabilitycantransformthissurplusinto

otherformsofassets,whichenablesthemtoenduretimesofuncertainty(Maxwell

&Frankenberger,1992:12).

AsSenillustrated,thoughasurplusofagriculturaloutputmaybeachieved,it

ispossiblethatmanywillbeunabletogainaccessandsubsequentlyareforcedtogo

without.Thereforeaccessisakeyvariableintheattainmentoffoodsecurity.Access

canbeachievedeitherthroughmarkettransactions,whereindividualsand

householdsusetheirincometopurchasefood;subsistencefarming,wherebyfoodis

producedforconsumptionwithinthehousehold,oragovernmentguaranteeor

socialsecurity.Whenfoodispurchasedthroughmarkettransactions,accessibilityis

highlyimpactedbythestateoffoodpricesatthetime.Highpricescanplacefood

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outsideofthereachofmany,leadinginsteadtogreaterfoodinsecurity(Gani&

Prasad,2007:313‐314).

Sen’sproposaloffoodentitlementsaddedgreatlytothediscussionasit

revealedthatfoodsecuritymaynotbeachievedonanindividualorhouseholdlevel,

eventhoughsufficientfoodisavailable(Mechlem,2004:634).Perhapsmost

importantly,however,Sen’stheoryplacedimportancemoresquarelyonaccessand

entitlementsasopposedtoproductionlevels(Maxwell,1996:157).Nolongerwas

increasedagriculturalproductionseentobethesolerequirementforfoodsecurity.

ThesubsequentdefinitionputforthbytheFoodandAgricultural

Organisation(FAO)illustratesthemultiplicityexistentwithintheconceptoffood

security,andtheneedforabroaderfocus.TheFAOstatedthatfoodsecurityexists

“attheindividual,household,national,regionalandgloballevelswhenallpeople,at

alltimes,havephysicalandeconomicaccesstosufficient,safeandnutritiousfoodto

meettheirdietaryneedsandfoodpreferencesforanactiveandhealthylife”

(QuotedinPatel,2009:677).Thisdefinitionillustrateshowthefocushasshifted

fromsimplythemerequantityoffoodtothatofqualityandaccessibility,andnow

includesacknowledgementofthevariouslevelsofanalysisatwhichfoodsecurityis

achieved(Mechlem,2004:637).Whilediversityconcerningtheclassificationoffood

securitycontinuestopersist,typicallyalldefinitionscontainthreekeyfeatures;

namely‘Availability’,‘Accessibility’and‘NutritionalValue’.

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2.1.1 Availability

Thoughavailabilityisnolongerthesolemeasurementusedtodetermine

levelsoffoodsecurity,itcontinuestobeancriticalfactorofconsiderationasfood

securityatanylevelcannotbeachievedwithoutobtainingalevelofagricultural

productionthatcansustaintheneedsofthepopulation(Gani&Prasad,2007:313).

Inthisway,Maxwell&Frankenberger(1992:4)referto“sufficiency”offoodstocks,

arguinghoweverthatgenerallyitisthesufficiencyofcaloriesreceivedthatisthe

primaryfocus,notproteinandnutrientcompositions,nor“foodqualityandsafety”.

LovendalandKnowles(2007:64)describeavailabilityasthe“physicalpresenceof

food”,whichatthehouseholdlevelcanbeachievedthroughself‐productionor

markettransactions.Onceagainhowever,thoughasufficientquantityofavailable

foodiscertainlyaconcernoffoodsecurity,Tweeten(1997)notedthateventhough

foodmaybeavailable,fairandequaldistributionisnotnecessarilyachieved

(Scanlan,2001:234).Thefactalonethatenoughfoodisproducedtofeedtheglobal

populationandyetlargeportionsofsaidpopulationcontinuetoliveinconditionsof

hungerandinsecurityindicatesthatthemereavailabilityoffoodisnotenoughto

achievecompletesecurity(Chappell&LaValle,2011:8).

2.1.2 Accessibility

FollowingSen’swork,MaxwellandWiebe(1999:828)addedadditional

characteristicstotheunderstandingofaccessibility.Theyarguethatinorderto

achievemeaningfulaccesstofood,itmustbe“sufficient”intworespects;that

accessiblefoodmeetscaloricrequirementsandsecondlythataccessisensuredover

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thelong‐term.Simplyput,“ahouseholdcanhardlybeconsideredfoodsecureifitis

abletomeetitscurrentnutritionalrequirementsonlybydepletingorsellingits

endowmentofresources‐yetthisiswhatanuncriticalfocusonaccessand

sufficiencyimplies.Ontheotherhand,accesstofoodmustalsobesufficientunder

allpossiblecircumstanceswithinanyparticularperiodoftime,whichraisesthe

notionofvulnerability”(Maxwell&Wiebe,1999:828).Thispositionissupportedin

Maxwell&Smith(1992)whereitisarguedthatadiscussiononfoodsecuritymust

includereferencetovulnerabilityandactionsofriskavoidancewithinalivelihoods

strategy.Theliteratureonlivelihoodsisdenseandwithinthisdialoguewillnotbe

examinedinitsentirety4,howevertherearekeyinsightspertainingtofoodsecurity

thatcanbedrawnout.

ChambersandConway(1992:6)statethat,“alivelihoodcomprisesthe

capabilities,assets(stores,resources,claimsandaccess)andactivitiesrequiredfor

ameansofliving…”MaxwellandSmith(1992:4)arguethattheachievementoffood

securitymustbenestedwithinthecontextoflivelihoods,statingthat“itis

misleadingtotreatfoodsecurityasafundamentalneed,independentofwider

livelihoodconsiderations:peoplemaygohungrytopreserveassetsormeetother

objectives”.Similarly,theresearchofDeWaal(1989)isusedasacasestudyto

illustratehowpeopleattempttosustaintheirlivelihoodsattheexpenseofincreased

hungerandtherefore,foodsecurity(Maxwell,1996:158).Supportiveofthisstance

isadiscussionwithintheworkofIsakson(2009:60)pertainingtoLipton’snotion

4For Further readings see Chambers & Conway (1991); de Haan & Zoomers (2005); Scoones (1998; 2009)

15

ofthe‘safety‐firstdecisionrule’,inwhichconditionsofvulnerabilityencourage

individualstoemployactionsof‘riskaversion’.Insuchcases,actionsaregenerally

undertakennotbecauseindividualsandhouseholdsbelievethattheywillproduce

thegreatestreturnbutsimplybecauseitisbelievedthatsaidactionswillensure

someformofstability.

VulnerabilityisofkeyconcernbecauseasYoung(2004:4)interjects,some

populationsaroundtheworldaresusceptibletoseasonalfluctuationsregardingthe

availabilityoffood,acircumstancethatmustbetakenintoconsiderationinthe

attempttoachievegenuinefoodsecurity.MaxwellandWiebe(1999:828)notethat

vulnerabilityisderivedthroughavarietyofmeans,suchaslowproductivitydueto

environmentalcircumstancesaswellaschangesinwagesorprices.LikeYoung,

theymaintainthatvulnerabilityisnotalwaysstaticbutcanalsoappearasa

seasonal“unpredictability”.Therefore,vulnerabilitytorisk,aswellasthestabilityof

thelivelihoodstrategypursuedisarguablyofgreatconcern.

2.1.3 NutritionalValue

Additionally,foodmightbeavailableandaccessiblebuttruefoodsecurity

remainsunachievediffoodislackinginbasicnutritionalbenefits.Thereforethe

finalbasiccharacteristicoffoodsecurityistheoverallnutritionalvalueoffood

consumed.Tweetenreferstothisas‘foodutilization’,arguingthatfoodsecurity

mustbemeasuredbymeansotherthanmerecaloricintake(Scanlan,2001:234).

Thenutritionalvalueoffoodconsumedishighlyimportantasdietslacking

beneficialproteinandnutrientscanleadtoincreasesinthespreadandseverityof

16

diseasesandepidemics,aswellasdecreasesinlifeexpectancyduetomalnutrition

(Young,2004:4).

Interestinglyenough,ithasbeenarguedthatobesityisquicklybecominga

veryvisiblesymptomoffoodinsecurity.AsTanumihardjoetal(2007:1968)state,

“whenfoodinsecurityexistsinacommunity,sufficientorevenexcessiveenergy

maybeprovidedbythelimitedfoodsavailable,butthenutritionalqualityand

diversityofthefoodsinthedietmaynotsupportahealthynutritionalstatusduein

parttoinadequatemicronutrients”.Inthiswayithasbecomeapparentthatinmany

dietsworldwide,qualityoffooditemsisbeingscarifiedintheattempttoassure

greaterquantity;oftenthroughtheconsumptionoffooditemsthatarehighinboth

carbohydratesandfats,whilegreatlylackingnecessarynutrients(Tanumihardjoet

al.,2007:1968).

Together,concernsofavailability,accessibilityandnutritionalvaluehave

formedamorecomprehensiveunderstandingoftherequirementsforfoodsecurity.

Thoughthisconcepthascertainlyevolvedinordertomorefullyaddressthecore

conditionsofhungerandmalnutrition,itisnotwithoutitscritics.

17

2.1.4 FoodSovereignty

ThetransnationalpeasantmovementLaViaCampesinaarguesthatfood

securitycannotbeachievedwithoutfirsttheachievementoffoodsovereignty,a

popularnotionoftheirowncoining.Thoughthetwoconceptsareoftenplacedin

oppositiontooneanother,ithasbeensuggestedthat“differencebetweenfood

securityandfoodsovereignty[isthat],thefirstone[isconcernedwith]settingthe

goal,theother[isconcernedwith]definingthewaytorealizeit”(Glopolis,ND:1).In

thisway,foodsecuritycanbethoughtasa‘technical’approach,whereasfood

sovereigntyisdistinctively‘political’.(Lee,2007:5).Theseobservations,infact,

serveasthekeycriticismagainstfoodsecurity;insomuchthatbyfocusingpurely

ontheendgoalofensuringthattheentireglobalpopulationhas‘accesstosufficient,

safeandnutritiousfood’,nothingissaidabouttheconditionsthroughwhichthis

goalisachieved(Pateletal.,2007:90;Rosset:2003:1).

AsPateletal.(2007:90)states,“foodsecurityisagonisticaboutthe

productionregime,aboutthesocialandeconomicconditionsunderwhichfoodends

uponthetable”.Insubsequentwritings,Patel(2009:677)continuesthisargument,

maintainingthatbyneglectingtoaddressconditionsofproduction,foodsecurity,as

ithasbeendescribed,iseasilyachievablewithinimprisonedpopulationsorunder

theruleofadictatorship.Moreover,Rosset(2003:1)maintainsthattruesecurityis

hardlyattainablewhenapopulation’saccesstofoodisdependantonthewhimsand

volatilityoftheglobalmarketorthepoliticalagendasofexternalbodies.Inthisway,

foodsovereigntyisseentobeanissueofnotonlyfoodsecuritybutofnational

18

securityasawhole.Thereforefoodsovereigntyseekstogobeyondthelensoffood

securityinaddressingissuesoftradeandproductionconditions.

Similarlytothatoffoodsecurity,thedefinitionoffoodsovereigntyhasalso

undergoneaprocessofalterationandre‐thinking.In1996,LaViaCampesina

definedfoodsovereigntyas“therightofeachnationtomaintainanddevelopits

owncapacitytoproduceitsbasicfoodrespectingculturalandproductivediversity.

Wehavetherighttoproduceourownfoodinourownterritory.Foodsovereigntyis

apreconditiontogenuinefoodsecurity”(LaViaCampesina,1996:1).The

InternationalPlanningCommitteeforFoodSovereignty(IPC)outlinedfour

priorities,or“pillars”ofthefoodsovereigntymovement.Theseinclude:

a)encouragingtheuniversalrightto“safe,healthyandculturallyacceptablefood”

forallindividuals;b)fosteringconditionsofimprovedaccesstoresourcesrequired

forproduction;c)advocatingforthewideradoptionofagro‐ecologicalmethodsof

agriculturalproduction,andd)fightingtowardstheeliminationoftradepolicies

thatnegativelyimpactfarmers,suchassubsidiesandlowpricemechanisms(Lee,

2007:6‐7).

Subsequenttransitionsinthedefinitionoffoodsovereigntyhavebeenwell

recordedandanalysedbyPatel(2009:666‐667),beginningwiththatwhichwas

releasedin2002:

Foodsovereigntyistherightofpeoplestodefinetheirownfoodandagriculture;toprotectandregulatedomesticagriculturalproductionandtradeinordertoachievesustainabledevelopmentobjectives;todeterminetheextenttowhichtheywanttobeselfreliant;torestrictthedumpingofproductsintheirmarkets;andtoprovidelocal

19

fisheries‐basedcommunitiesthepriorityinmanagingtheuseofandtherightstoaquaticresources.Foodsovereigntydoesnotnegatetrade,butrather,itpromotestheformulationoftradepoliciesandpracticesthatservetherightsofpeoplestosafe,healthyandecologicallysustainableproduction.

Thoughthebasisofthisdefinitioncontinuestogenerallyreflectthe

fourpillarspreviouslydiscussed,Patelnotesthatthecollectiveprocess

throughwhichitwascreated,becomeshighlyevidentduetotheinclusionof

awiderangeoftopicsaswellasscales.Asanexampleofsuchoccurrences,he

highlightsthepresenceofthebroadconcernof“sustainabledevelopment

objectives”,aswellthosespecifictothecircumstancesofsmall‐scalefishing

communities.

Themostrecentdefinitiondescribesfoodsovereigntyasfollows,

therightofpeoplestohealthyandculturallyappropriatefoodproducedthroughecologicallysoundandsustainablemethods,andtheirrighttodefinetheirownfoodandagriculturesystems.Itputsthosewhoproduce,distributeandconsumefoodattheheartoffoodsystemsandpoliciesratherthanthedemandsofmarketsandcorporations.Itdefendstheinterestsandinclusionofthenextgeneration.Itoffersastrategytoresistanddismantlethecurrentcorporatetradeandfoodregime,anddirectionsforfood,farming,pastoralandfisheriessystemsdeterminedbylocalproducers.Foodsovereigntyprioritiseslocalandnationaleconomiesandmarketsandempowerspeasantandfamilyfarmer‐drivenagriculture,artisanalfishing,pastoralist‐ledgrazing,andfoodproduction,distributionandconsumptionbasedonenviron‐mental,socialandeconomicsustainability.Foodsovereigntypromotestransparenttradethatguaranteesjustincometoallpeoplesandtherightsofconsumerstocontroltheirfoodandnutrition.Itensuresthattherightstouseandmanageourlands,territories,waters,seeds,livestockandbiodiversityareinthehandsofthoseofuswhoproducefood.Foodsovereigntyimpliesnewsocialrelationsfreeofoppressionandinequalitybetweenmenandwomen,peoples,racialgroups,socialclassesandgenerations(CitedinPatel,2009:666).

20

Inthisdefinition,Patelonceagainemphasisesthecontradictionsitcontains,

namelythattheuseofsweepingstatements,suchasthereferenceto“thosewho

produce,distributeandconsume”,whichcouldallowfortheinclusionand

legitimizationofthedesiresoftransnationalcorporations.Itisarguedthatsuchan

inclusiveprocesshasthepotentialtorallyvaryinggroupingstowardsacommon

goal,howeverisitonlybeneficialsolongasacoresetofideasareestablishedto

anchorthemovement.

Inanimportantcritiqueoffoodsovereignty,Menezes(2001)arguesthat,

thoughanimportantelement,foodsovereigntyitselfisnotenoughtoensurefood

security;insomuchthattherightofapopulationtodeterminetheitemsthatthey

chooseto“produceandconsume”doesnotensuresufficientaccesstofoodforall.

Henoteshowever,thatmanyofthevastchallengesconfrontingthefoodsovereignty

movementarefirmlyintegratedintheglobalizedsystemandareoftentimeswell

outoftheinfluenceofrallyinggroups.

2.2 FoodSecurityandAgriculturalProduction

Therehasbeenmuchdiscussionregardingtherelationbetweenfood

securityandmethodsofagriculturalproduction,generallyconcerningproductive

capabilitiesandenvironmentalconsequences.Aspreviouslydiscussed,genuinefood

securityisencapsulatedwithinalivelihoodstrategyandrequiresthatfoodis

21

available,accessibleandnutritious.Thereforevariousmethodsofagricultural

productionwouldarguablyhavegreatimpactsontheachievabilityoffoodsecurity.

Inlinewiththeearliernotionthatfoodinsecurityissimplydueto

insufficientsupply,manysawtheneedforagriculturalproductiontotakeanintense

focusonincreasingtheavailabilityoffoodthroughincreasedproductivity(DFID,

2004:7).However,asithasalreadybeennoted,theincreaseinagricultural

productionachieved,hasdonelittleinthewayofeliminatingconditionsoffood

insecurity.

Itshouldalsobenotedthatanattempttosimplyredistributetheglobal

surplusoffoodwillbeinsufficientinfullyaddressingtheissueoffoodinsecurity

andcouldmoreovergenerateharmfulunintendedconsequencesonruraleconomies

andpopulations(UNMillenniumProject,2005:103).Therefore,whileitisgenerally

acceptedthatinordertocontinuetofeedtheworld’severgrowingpopulation,

higherlevelsofagriculturalproductionwillbeneeded(Pretty,2009:1).Itis

moreovernecessarythatsuchincreasesinproductionareconcentratedinlocales

wherethepopulationresidesinconditionsoffoodinsecurity(Altieri,2002:2).With

thissaid,thesolutionwillrequireamoreequitabledistributionofthemeans

necessarytoincreaseproductivity(UNMillenniumProject,2005:103),andnot

simplyofexcessfoodstocks.

Althoughsuggestionsforthefuturearebeginningtoemerge,aconsensus

regardingthepathwayforwardisstilllacking.Ononesideistheargumentfor

furtherintensificationthroughtechnologicaldevelopments,whicharearguedto

22

haveservedtheglobalpopulationwellinthepast.Howevercriticspointtothe

detrimentalenvironmentalandsocialconsequencesofsuchmethods,aswellasthe

factthatanexclusivefocusonagriculturalproductivityhasdonelittletoensure

foodsecurity(Kasturi,2009:164).

AsGliessman(1990:367)states,“mostofmodernagriculturalsciencehas

beenbasedonmorenarrowinterpretationsofproductionproblems.Researchhas

beendirectedatmaximizingproduction,ratherthanoptimizingitwithina

particularfarm’sagroecosystemlimits.”Thealternativethatmanyarenowpointing

toiswidelyreferredtoasthe‘sustainableintensification’(Pretty,2009;Badgleyet

al,2006)ofagriculture,whicharguesthatmethodsemployingminimalornoinputs

arebettersuitedtoincreaseagriculturalyieldsandmendenvironmentalconditions.

Resultsareachievedbyskilfullyemployingnaturallyavailableinputsasopposedto

syntheticfertilizersandpesticides(DFID,2004:18;Prettyetal.,1996:4‐5).Forhis

part,Pretty(2009:3)arguesthatthesolutionwillnotbeaone‐size‐fits‐all

approach,asitmustbemalleabletoavarietyoflocalandenvironmentalconditions.

Moreover,itwillbeessentialthatsuchagriculturalpracticesareaccessibleto

thepopulationsinthegreatestneed.Itisthereforeimportanttoalsotakeinto

accountthefinancialconstraintsthatmanyoftheworld’sagriculturalproducers

face.Inthislight,thesolutionwillneedtobeavailablecheaplyandlocally,as

expensiveinputsaresimplyinaccessibleformanyproducers(Pretty,2009:2).

23

2.2.1 CurrentPractices:ConventionalAgriculture

Largelypresentononesideoftheargumentisthecontinuationand

expansionofconventionalagriculture5,thepracticeofwhichisgenerally

characterizedbythetechniqueofmonocroppingaswellasaheavilyusageof

capital,irrigationandexternalinputs,suchaschemicalpesticidesandfertilizers.

Thefunctionoftheseinputsistwo‐fold;astheycompensateforthecontinual

removalofnutrientsfromthesoil,aswellaslesseningthepotentialforyieldlosses

duetonaturalcompetitionandpests(Beus&Dunlap,1990:594;Chappell&

LaValle,2011:5).Thisapproachisaproductofthemodernizationtheoryof

development,whichadvocatesforthecompletetransformationofasocietyfrom

‘traditional’and‘primitive’toonethatisinnovativeandindustrializing(e.g.Rostow,

1960).Thisisviewedtobetheonlypathtodevelopmentandbyadheringtothe

actionsandprescriptionsofdevelopedcountriesthesamelevelofeconomicgrowth

canbeachievedbydevelopingcountriesaswell(Parayil,2003:277‐278).The

primarygoalofmodernizationistoincreaseeconomicgrowth,whichwill

eventually‘trickle‐down’tothepoor(Harrison,1988:154).Whilethisproposalhas

beenmetwithcriticism,itcontinuestobehighlyinfluential.Inaccordancewiththe

notionofmodernizing,traditionalknowledgeisviewedas“inefficient,inferior,and

anobstacletodevelopment”(Agrawal,1995:413).

Withinthisprocess,theintensificationoftheagriculturalsectorisseentobe

theprimaryrequirement.Byindustrializingtheagriculturalsector,itbecomesmore

5Alsoknownas“IndustrialAgriculture”(Chappell&LaValle,2011:5).

24

productivewhilerequiringlesslabourinputs,whichenablesmoreworkersto

relocateintootherburgeoningindustries,fuellingeconomicgrowth.The

intensificationoftheagriculturalsectorisalsosaidtohavethebenefitoflowering

foodcosts,therebyincreasingtheamountofincomethatthepoorcanusetowards

theacquisitionofotherbasicnecessities(Grove&Edwards,1993:136)and

loweringrealwagessothatanemergingindustrialsectorcanbecostcompetitivein

globalmarkets.

ThehistoryoftheGreenRevolution,whicharoseoutofresearchregarding

advancesinagriculturalproductionduringthe1950s(Parayil,2003:975),isoften

citedbythosechampioning,aswellaschallenging,conventionalagriculture

practices.Bydevelopinghigh‐yieldingcropvarieties,whichwerehighlyreceptive

tochemicalfertilizersandirrigation,itwasbelievedthatglobalconcernover

populationpressureandlimitedavailabilityoffoodwouldbesoothedanda

reductioninpovertywouldbenotedindevelopingcountries(Buckland,2004:156).

TheGreenRevolutionhasbeenarguedtobeanexampleof“a‘successful’technology

transferevent”,insomuchthat‘modern’practicesthatwerefirstimplementedin

theNorthwereintroducedandappliedwithindevelopingcountriestoincrease

agriculturaloutput(Parayil,2003:977).However,thispracticewasdependanton

“theadoptionofa‘modern’packageofagriculturaltoolsandpractices”(Parayil,

2003:975),whichrequiredthatthelandandsurroundingenvironmentbeadapted

totheneedsofthetechnologyapplied(IAASTD,2009:10).Throughthisprocess,

farmersnolongerplayanactiveroleinthedevelopmentand“processof

25

innovation”.Insteadtheymerelybecome“recipients”ofproductsdesignedin

laboratories.Insuchaway,thefarmerandthetransferofknowledgethrough

generationsarenolongeressentialtothecontinuationofproduction(Weis,2007:

30)

ThoughGreenRevolutiontechnologyhasbeensuccessfulindrastically

increasingyieldswithoutconvertingfurtherlandholdingsforagricultural

production(Uphoff,2002:3;Weis,2007:165),itsachievementsarenotwithout

limits.ThoughGreenRevolutiontechnologiesinitiallycontributedtodramatic

increasesinagriculturalyields,Power(1999:188)arguesthatthereisnoevidence

thatthistrendwillcontinue.Moreover,advocatesofconventionalpracticesfailto

considertheenvironmentalimpactsofmoderntechnologies(Chappell&LaValle,

2011:7).Infact,inrecentyearsharvestshavebeenseentodrasticallydecreaseor

languish(Uphoff,2002:5),thereasonsforwhichwillbeclarifiedinsubsequent

discussions.Moreover,thedamagedstateoflandcurrentlyundercultivationmayin

factincreasethedesiretoworknewlandholdings(Power,1999:188).

Moreover,theyieldincreasesachievedbytheGreenRevolutionintheend

didnoteliminatetheglobalissuesofhungerandmalnutrition.Thoughfoodprices

dropped,accesstofoodcontinuedtobeproblematic(Chrispeels,2000:3).Instead

ofsolvingtherootissue,theGreenRevolutionsimplyintroducedanewformof

dependence,inwhichachievementsinagriculturalproductionwerecontingenton

theheavyuseofindustrialinputs(Freidmann,2005:243).

26

2.2.2 ConsequencesofConventionalAgriculture

TheadvancementoftheGreenRevolutionbroughtforthavarietyof

criticisms.WhileGreenRevolutionpracticesgreatlydemonstratedtheirpotentialto

produceimpressivelyhighyields,theyoftendidsowithenvironmentallyand

sociallydisastrousconsequences;manyofwhichwillbefurtherdiscussedinturn.

Loss of Biodiversity 

Biodiversityplaysanimportantroleinthesuccessandcontinuationof

agriculturalproduction,howeveritisalsogreatlyhinderedbytheverynatureof   

monocroppingtechniques,whicharedominantinconventionalagriculture

practices.Biodiversitycanbeexpressedthroughvariousdimensions,twoofwhich

areofkeyimportanceinreferencetoagriculturalproduction.Thefirstiswith

regardtogeneticdiversitywithinaspecies(Srivastavaetal.,1996:2),whichis

fundamentallyimportantbecausethepresenceofvaryingtraitsenableaspeciesto

reactandadapttochangesintheirenvironment(Atta‐Krah,Ketal.,2004:184).

Thedisappearanceofthisdiversity,oftenreferredtoasgeneticerosion,has

becomeofgreatconcernduelargelytocropspecializationanduncertainties

regardingtheadoptionofnewvarietiesofseedsandtheirpotentialtodrivelocal

varietiestoextinction.Byreducingdiversitywithinagriculture,cropscanbecome

morevulnerabletopestsanddiseasesandshocks,thereforeheavilyimpactingthe

stabilityofproduction(Brush,1992:148‐149;Ehrlichetal.1993:10).Forherpart,

Thrupp(2000)highlightstheimmenseimportanceofmaintainingbiodiversityin

relationtobothagriculturalproductionandfoodsecurity.Intermsofagricultural

27

production,geneticdiversityallowsfornaturalinterbreedingandevolutionofcrops

aswellasconditionsofincreasedresiliencyandstability.

Thesecondimportantdimensionofbiodiversity,regardingagricultural

production,issimplythepresenceofnumerousuniquespecies(Srivastavaetal.,

1996:2‐3),aswouldbefoundinapolyculture.Theimportanceofthisdiversitylies

inthefactthatthecultivationofmultiplespecieshelpstoensurethatthefailureof

onedoesnotnecessarilytranslateintoafailedharvest(Power,1999:187).

Diversityamonginsectsisalsohighlybeneficialforagriculturalproductionin

regardtonaturalpestcontrol.Notallinsectshavethesamedamagingeffecton

crops;infactsomeserveasanaturalenemytocroppeststherebylimitingcrop

losses.Thus,theapplicationofchemicalpesticidesmayhavetheparadoxicaleffect

ofmakingcropsmoresusceptibletopests;thecycleofwhichisreferredtoasthe

“pesticidetreadmill”andwillbediscussedshortly.

Thelossofdiversityisnotonlyfeltinthefieldsbutalsointheconsumption

patternsoftheglobalpopulation.Currently,only30cropsaccountfor95percentof

thecaloriesandproteinsconsumedworldwide(Weis,2007:16‐17).Furthermore,

theglobalpopulationacquiresapproximatehalfof“allplant‐basedcalories”through

theconsumptionofthreecrops:rice,wheatandmaize(Hillel&Rosenzweig,2008:

333).This“one‐sidednessofagriculture”(Stadlmayretal.,2011:693),asaresultof

thepastconcentrationonincreasingtheproductionofcerealcrops,hasleadtothe

28

emergenceofincreasinglysimplifieddietsandwidespreadnutrientmalnutrition

(UNHumanRightsCouncil,2010:12).

Soil Depletion

Likewise,bothEhrlichetal.(1993)andThrupp(2000)observethatthe

maintenanceofbiodiversitywithinthesoilitselfisalsoessential.Itistheworkof

manyvitalorganismswithinthesoiltoensurethefertilityandhealthofthesoilas

wellasthecollectionandretentionofnecessarynutrients.Thrupp(2000)also

argueshowever,thatthedestructionofbiodiversityandsubsequentimpactson

productionandfoodsecurityisnotnecessarilyapreconditionforallmethodsof

agriculturalproduction.

However,thesuccessofconventionalagricultureishighlydependantona

fewkeyfeaturesthatoftengeneratedadversesideeffects.Thefirstwasaheavy

applicationoffertilizers,whichhelpedfarmerstoachievehigheryieldsduetothe

factthattheseedsrespondfavourablytotheadditionalinputsofnitrogen.However,

suchdramaticincreasesareoftenachievedattheexpenseofthe‘naturalnutrient

cycles’withinthesoilitself(Ehrlichetal.,1993:11‐12),aswellasthatofnearby

watersourcesandaquaticecosystemscausedbyseepageofresidualchemicals

(Weis,2007:31).

Theenvironmentalconsequencesofagriculturalproductionisofgreat

concernnotonlyforthesake,andimportance,ofbiodiversityitselfbutalsoforthat

factthatsuchneglectsubsequentlyservestodecreasethefutureproductive

29

capacityofthemethod,whileatthesametime,generatescircumstancesofgreater

foodinsecurity(Thrupp,2000:269).Thereforetheproductiveandenvironmental

consequencesofthemethodsofagriculturalproductionemployedaredirectly

relatedtotheachievementoffoodsecurity(Nijkamp&Vindigni,2002:495).

Furthermore,ithasbeennotedbyscholars(Ehrlichetal.,1993;Thrupp,

2000)thatwhilegreatprogresshasbeenmadeintermsofincreasingagricultural

output,ithascomeatthesteeppriceofbothqualityandquantityofnatural

resources.Thelossofvitaltopsoil,groundwaterandbiodiversitycangreatlyhinder

thepotentialforincreasedagriculturaloutputandtheprogresstowardsfood

security.Intermsofsoilloss,itisnotonlyquantitybutalsoqualityofcultivatable

landthatiscauseforconcern.Somemethodsofagriculturalproductionhavethe

tendencytonegativelyimpactsoilconditionsandwhensoilerodesordeteriorates

atamorerapidpacethanitcannaturallyregenerate,theoverallproductivityof

agriculturalpractisesisgreatlydiminished(Ehrlichetal.,1993:8)andfuturefood

productioniscompromised.

The Pesticide Treadmill 

It’sarguedthattherepeateduseofchemicalpesticideslocksproducersintoa

cyclicalpattern,identifiedasthe“PesticideTreadmill”(Perfectoetal.,2009:54;

Moore‐Lappéetal.,1998:54),fromwhichisitdifficulttoescape.AsPerfectoetal.

(2009:53)highlight,pesticidesareindiscriminatewhenitcomestotheorganisms

thattheykill.Thereforewhileapesticidemayeliminatepests,italsowipesout

30

insectsthatwouldotherwisehadservedasnaturalpredatorstopests.Moreover,

pestshavebeenknowntodevelopresistancetotheaffectsofpesticidesafter

repeatedapplication(Moore‐Lappéetal.,1998:54).Coupledwiththediminished

populationofnaturalenemies,pestpopulationsonceagainincrease,forcing

producerstoadoptmorepowerfulchemicals,whichmightservetostemthe

problemintheshort‐termbutovertimesimplycontinuestoreinforceproducer’s

dependenceonsuchmethods(Perfectoetal.,2009:54).

Asimilarpatternhasemergedpertainingtotheuseanddependenceupon

chemicalfertilizers.Priortothecreationofchemicalfertilizers,producersensured

thattheirsoilmaintainedthenutrientsrequiredforagriculturalproductionthrough

variousmethodsthatincludedtherotationofcropsandreutilizingoforganic

materials.Howeverwiththeadventofchemicalfertilizers,producersbeganto

forsakethesepastpractices,whichensuredthatthesoilascomposedofsufficient

organicmaterialsandwasproperlymanaged,andbegantorelayexclusivelyonthe

applicationoffertilizers(Smil,2001:21).Inthecyclethatfollowed,themore

fertilizerapplied,leadtotherecyclingoflessorganicmaterialinthesoil,which

consequentlygeneratedtheneedformorefertilizer,continuingthesequenceof

dependence(Perfectoetal.,2009:56).Thoughhemaintainsthattheglobal

populationcouldnotbefedwithouttheuseofchemicalfertilizers,Smil(2001:205)

doesconcedethattheyhavegeneratedmany“undesirableconsequences”

pertainingtosoilquality.Suchconditionsincludethereducedabilitytomaintain

waterandincreasedvulnerabilitytoerosion,aswellastheaforementionedlackof

31

organicmatter.AsPerfectoetal.(2009:56)state,thereasonforthiscycleisless

understoodthanthatofthepesticidetreadmillbutitisassumedthattheapplication

ofchemicalfertilizersdistortsthenaturalcycleofnitrogeninthesoil.

Inappropriate Technology 

IrrigationisalsoanessentialfeatureofGreenRevolutionagriculturebutit

toocomeswithunaccountedenvironmentalcosts,suchasincreasedsalinization

andwaterloggingofthesoil.Moreover,thecostsassociatedwithinstallingand

maintaininganirrigationsystemhascontinuedtoclimb,makingitanunfeasible

optionforthoseexperiencingreductionsinthepriceofcrops(Ehrlichetal.,1993:

11‐12).

Likewise,ithasbeennotedthatnotallfarmersbenefitedequallyfromthe

implementationoftheGreenRevolution.Sincethesetechnologieswereengineered

tothriveunderthebestconditionspossible,theyweregenerallyinappropriatefor

usebypoorfarmerswhocultivatemarginallands(Grove&Edwards,2003:137;

Uphoff,2002:9).Themerecostofinputsensurethatthosewhohavemoneyor

accesstonecessarycreditarefavouredoverthosewithout(IAASTD,2009:64),and

consequentlyenableslargerlandholderstousurpthelandofsmallerproducerswho

cannotaffordthetechnologyandthereforeareunabletocompete(Weis,2007:

108).WhiletheGreenRevolutiondidincreaseagriculturalproductivity,thebenefits

oftheinitiativeweredistributedinahighlyinequitablemannerandthenotionof

increasedproductionleadingtoareductioninpovertylevelsdidnotholdtrue

(Buckland,2004:157;Parayil,2003:976).

32

Asaresult,theGreenRevolutionwasoftendevastatingforbothfarmersand

thelandscape.Ascropdiversitygavewaytothepracticeofmonocropping,farmers

becomecaughtina“doublepricesqueeze”,wheretheyaretrappedbetweenthe

raisingcostsofinputsanddecliningprofits,andwithnodirectcontactwiththe

market,areoftentimesforcedtoselltoamiddleman,whosubsequentlyclaims

muchofthesurplusgeneratedonthefarm(Friedmann,2005:243;Weis,2007:82).

Asithasbeenstated,“anagriculturalsystemrequiringfinancialsuicideonthepart

ofthefarmercannotbesaidtobesustainable”(MaddenquotedinChappell&

LaValle,2011:11).

2.3 Agroecology

Aspreviouslymentioned,inlightofthelimitationsofcurrentconventional

practices,acallhasgoneoutforashiftinboththefocusandthinkingsurrounding

agriculturalproduction,andhassubsequentlyledtothere‐emergenceoftraditional

knowledgeandpracticesinagriculturalproduction.Agroecologyhasemergedasa

methodofagriculturalproductionthatfallsinlinewithPrettyetal.’s(1996:5)

notionofsustainableintensification.Thefocusofthisapproachisagroecosystems,

whichAltieri(2002:8)describesas“communitiesofplantsandanimalsinteracting

withtheirphysicalandchemicalenvironmentsthathavebeenmodifiedbypeopleto

producefood,fibre,fuelandotherproductsforhumanconsumptionand

processing.”Itisbyrecognizingandappreciatingtheseexchanges,thatagroecology

seekstogenerategreaterlevelsofproductivity,withtheminimaluseofadditional

33

inputsandthesubsequentcreationofenvironmentallyandsociallyharmful

consequences(Altieri,2002:8).

GroveandEdwards(2003:139)arguethatunlikeindustrial‐input

technology,whichrequirestheimplementationofacomplete“technological

package”,agroecologicalapproachesarebettersuitedtoadapttochangingand

imperfectcircumstancesinthefields.Embeddedinagroecologyisthenotionthat

humanbeingsshouldemployagriculturalmethodsthataretailoredtotheirlocal

environment(Alteri,1995:55).Inthisway,agroecologydiffersgreatlyfrom

conventionalagriculture,whichhasundergoneaprocessof‘distancing’,inwhich

technologyandpracticeshavebeenconstructedindependentlyofthe

environmentalconsiderationsinwhichtheywillbeapplied(Norgaard&Sikar,

1995:28‐29).Furthermore,whileconventionalagriculturalpracticesrelyheavily

onnewinnovationsregardingmachinery,pesticidesandfertilizerstomaintain

productivecapabilities,agroecologyiscomprisedofavarietyoflessintrusive

methods,includingcroprotations,theplantingofpolycultures,integratedpestand

nutrientmanagement,useofcropcovers,waterharvestingandlivestockintegration

(Pretty,2006:13;Altieri&Nicholls,2005:33‐34).Unlikethetechnologydeveloped

throughtheGreenRevolution,agroecologicalpracticesarenotapackagetobe

appliedinthesamefashioninallenvironmentsandcircumstances,andtherefore

mustconformtotherealityofmanydifferingsituations(Altieri,2002:16).

TheUnitedNationsHumanRightsCouncil(2010:10)haslabelled

agroecologytobea“knowledge‐intensive”approach,insomuchthatitcombines

34

breakthroughsinecologicalsciencewiththelocalknowledgeandpracticesof

farmersthemselvestoimplementagriculturalpracticesthatareenvironmentally

sustainableandproductive(McAfee,2006:10),andbyextension,demonstratesthe

validityofvaryingepistemologies(Norgaard&Sikar,1995:21).However,thehigh

levelofknowledgecanalsoposeasalimitationtotheadoptionofagroecology.

Moreover,aproducercannotsimplystopapplyingchemicalinputsand

expecttoachievesimilaryields;moreover,theprocessofconvertingfrom

conventionalagriculturetoagroecologicalmethodscanoftentimestakeyearsto

complete(Altieri,1995:192).Therefore,Pretty(2009:4)arguesthattomakethe

transition,producers“mustfirstinvestinlearning”.Duetothepushtowards

specialisationandmonocropping,producersmustre‐familiarizethemselveswith

practicesthatencouragediversity,oftentimesthroughon‐farmexperimentationor

informationalsessions.However,asWeis(2007:30)notes,itisoftendifficultfor

farmerstoregainknowledgethathasbeenlost.Forherpart,Scialabba(2007:6‐7)

arguesthatsocialorganisationcanhelptonegatesuchlimitations.Aspartofa

largergrouping,producerscanlearnfromoneanother,allowingmanytoovercome

theirlackofinexperienceandknowledge.Suchorganisationscanresultin

improvementstoproductivitylevels,thedesignationofhigherimportance

regardinglocalknowledgeandmethods,aswellasagreatersenseofcontrolover

theagriculturalsystem.Assuch,thoughsuccessfultransitionsrequireaccessto

informationandknowledge,socialorganisationscanbeusedasameansto

overcomethisoftentimes,insurmountableseemingobstacle.

35

Therefore,ashifttowardsagroecologyshouldnotbeinterpretedasashift

awayfromscientificknowledgeanddevelopmentasfurtherresearchisrequiredto

understandtheinnerworkingsofvariousenvironments(Weis,2007:170).Pretty

(1996:5)arguesthatcriticsareoftenquicktolabelitasa‘backward’approachto

agriculturalproduction.Howeveragroecologyshouldinsteadbeunderstoodasan

approachthatabsorbslessonsfrombothtechnologicaladvancesandthetested

practicesoffarmersandappliestheminamoreenvironmentallysustainableand

productivemanner.

2.3.1 CriticismsofAgroecology

Therearehowever,manywhocontinuetostronglyvocalizethesuperiority

andgeneralneedforthecontinuationandimprovementofconventionalagriculture

practices.CurrenteffortsarebeingmadeatrevivingtheGreenRevolutionwitha

distinctivelyAfricanfocus;relyingheavilyontherepackagingofconventional

practicessuchasimprovedseedvarieties,irrigationandchemicalinputstoimprove

theproductivityofsmall‐scaleproducers(RockerfellerFoundation,2006:9).Forhis

part,Seavoy(2000:31)arguesthatsuchmodernizationofisanecessaryfacetin

achievingeconomicdevelopment.Moreover,Borlaug(2000:488)passionately

denouncesthosewhosupportanalternativemethodasahindrancetofurther

progressandachievement.

Criticismsconcerningtheagroecologicalapproachfallintoavarietyof

categories,withitsproductivepotentialandneedofnaturalfertilizersoftenacting

36

asthestartingpoint.Anadditionalconcernisthegreateruseofhumanlabour,each

ofwhichwillbediscussedinturn.

Productivity 

Ithasbeenarguedthattheimplementationofagroecologicalpracticeswould

haveminimalimpactonoverallfoodproductionsincelargeportionsoftheglobal

populationalreadyemploylow‐inputmethods;lackingthemeanstoacquirethe

equipmentnecessaryforconventionalagricultural(Chrispeels,2000:3).However,

Badgleyetal.(2006:88)statethatthoughalargepercentageofagricultural

productionindevelopingcountriesisachievedthroughtheuseoflowintensive

methods,designatingthem‘agroecological’wouldbeinappropriateand,infact,

yieldincreaseshavebeendocumentedinsuchsituationswhenaconversionto

agroecologyhastakenplace.

Itshouldbenoted,asMcAfee(2006:5)argues,thatcritiquesbasedon

productivityaregenerallyfaultyduetotheirlimitedperspective.Productivityis

generallymeasuredby“yieldsperunitofsurfacearea”butthisignoresaspectssuch

assoilqualityandfutureproductivecapacity.Therefore,asMcAfeecontends,itis

contentioustoplaceimportanceontheshorttermoverthelongterm,asdomany

whocalculatetheproductivityofthesetwoapproaches.

Withthatsaid,thedebatesurroundingyieldsislargelybetweenthe

techniqueofmonocroppingversuspolycroppinginwhichtheformer"implicitly

regardsagricultureasamechanicalprocess,withinputsbeingconvertedinto

37

outputsbysomefixedformula,whereaspolycroppingrecognizestheinherently

biologicalnatureofagriculture”(Fernandesetal.,2002:29).Whencompared,

Uphoff(2002:15)statesthatlarger,moreextensiveoperationsseldomsurpass

smaller,moreintensivelymanagedonesintermsofoutputperunitofland.Though

largefarmsmightbedeemedmoreprofitablethansmall‐scalefarms,itwouldbe

wrongtoassumethemtobemoreproductive.Instead,“substitutingcapitalfor

labourthroughmechanizationinlargerholdingdoesnotnecessarilyraiseyields,

thoughitcanraiseprofitsforownersofcapital,especiallyifsubsidized”(Uphoff,

2002:15).

Altieri(2009:105)notesthatwhentheoveralloutputofsmall,diversified

farmistakenintoconsideration,insteadofmerelyfocusingontheyieldsofasingle

crop,suchfarmsarefoundtobemoreproductivethanlarger,monocropped

landholdings.Thisislargelyduetothetechniqueofpolycropping,otherwiseknown

asintercropping,inwhichavarietyofcropsareplantedinterspersed,each

possessingspecificattributesthatarebeneficialfortheirneighbors(Liebman,1995:

108‐109).Thisisreferredtoas“facilitation”,inwhichacropisabletoenhancethe

surroundingenvironmenttotheadvantageofothercrops(Altieri,2002:10;Power,

1999:186).

Increasedstabilityandpestresistancearealsocitedasbenefitsof

polycroppingtechniques.AsScott(1998:269)states,“diversityistheenemyof

epidemics”.It’sarguedthatdiseaseandpestsarecapableofspreadingatamore

rapidpacewhencropsare“geneticallyuniform,numerousandovercrowded”(Hillel

&Rosenzweig,2008:332)andthattheseconditions,whicharegenerallyfoundin

38

monocroppedfields,canleadtowidespreadcroplosses.Converselywithin

polycultures,iftheproductionofonecropishindered,itispossiblefor

neighbouringcropstoincreasetheirownproductivity,usingthenowavailable

resources,apossibilitythatcouldnotarisehadthecropsbeenplanted

independently(Power,1999:187).Thereforepolyculturesarecapableofachieving

higher“productivityintermsofharvestableproductsperunitofarea”,realizable

becausetheirstructureleaveslittleroomforweeds,encouragespestanddisease

resistanceandmoreefficientlyprocessesavailableresources.(Altieri,2002:10;

Holt‐Giménez&Patel,2009:113;Liebman,1995:108‐109;Power,1999:186).

Inadditiontoamoreefficientuseofresources,Chappell&LaValle(2011:

10)citea“relativelyhighlabourquality”,whichisgenerallyduetofamily

participationintheproductionprocess,throughwhichmembershavea“stakein

farmsuccessratherthanalienatedoutsideworkers”,aswellasanindependence

frompurchasedinputsasadditionalreasonswhysmall‐scaleproducersaremore

productive.

Inresponsetocriticismsregardingthevastenvironmentalconsequences

generatedbyGreenRevolutiontechnology,Dr.NormanBorlaugarguesthatinorder

toachievesimilarlevelsofproductivity,intheabsenceofsuchtechnologies,it

wouldhavebeenobligatorythatmillionsofhectaresoflandwereconvertedinto

farmland.Hefurthermorequestionstheenvironmentalimplicationsofsucha

transformation(Borlaug,2000:488).Howeverforherpart,Power(1999:188)

argues,“thereisnoconvincingevidencetodatetosupportthenotionthat

39

increasingproductivityofagriculturalsystemswillprotectneighbouringnatural

areas.”Infact,shecontinuesbysuggestingthatattractiveprofitsachievedthrough

increasedproductivitycouldservetogeneratehigherinterestinthefieldand

subsequentlytheconversionofadditionalland.Insupportofthissuggestion,

Chappell&LaValle(2011:7)citecasestudiesinwhichitwasconcludedthat

agriculturalintensification,achievedbywayofincreaseduseofcapital,didinfact

ledtoincreaseddeforestationandconversionoflandforagriculturalpurposes.

Conversely,intensificationachievedthroughincreasesinlabourdidnotencourage

furtherdeforestation,andmoreoverhastheaddedpotentialofreducingrural

unemploymentandurbanisation(Chappell&LaValle,2011:7).

Moreover,comprehensiveresearchconductedbyBadgleyetal.(2006)

suggestedthattheintensiveapplicationofagroecologicalproductionmethodscould

“contributesubstantially”toensuringsufficientproductionlevelsrequiredtofeed

theglobalpopulation;doingsoinawaythatsuchproductionlevelscouldbe

achievedthroughtheuseoflesslandthaniscurrentlybeingfarmed.Suchfindings

alsonegatetheargumentthatadditionallandwouldberequiredforagroecological

methodstoachievethesameresultsasconventionalagriculture.

Limited Availability of Natural Fertilizers 

Dr.Borlaugisalsoamongthosewhoquestionthequantityofnatural

fertilizersavailable.Hisargumentthattheglobalpopulationcouldnotbefed

withouttheuseofchemicalfertilizersisbasedontheassumptionthatproduction

40

levelscouldnotbematchedwithouttheuseofsuchfertilizersandthatanyattempt

atamassingasufficientsupplyofnaturalfertiliser,viaanimalmanure,would

requirevasttracksoflandtobeconvertedintopasturesforlivestock(Hesser,2006:

184).AssimilarargumentisputfourthbySmil(2001:204),whostatesthatit

wouldbeimpossibletofeedtheglobalpopulationwithouttheuseofchemical

fertilizersandmoreoverthatbillionsofpeopleowetheirveryexistencetothe

creationofsuchfertilizers.

Inlightoftheseobjections,astudybyBadgelyetal.(2006:91‐93)examined

thepotentialofgreenmanure;aninputcomprisedofcropsthataretilledintothe

soiltoenhancenitrogenlevelsandactasafertiliserforsubsequentyields.This

practicealone,notinconjunctionwithadditionalagroecologicaltechniquesthat

couldalsoenhancenitrogenlevels,wasfoundtogeneratemorenitrogenthanis

currentlyusedunderconventionalmethods,notonlyachievingcomparableyields

butalsoleadingtoimprovedsoilfertilityandretentionofwater,aswellasinsome

situations,resiliencytodisease.

Greater Need for Labour 

Intermsoflabourrequirements,itholdstruethatagroecologicalapproaches

aregenerallymorelabourintensive,howeversomewouldarguethatthis

characteristicshouldnotbeviewedasanegativeconsequenceoftheapproach.In

fact,theindustrializationofagriculturalproductionhasleadtolossofemployment

inthissectorandsubsequentlyfoodinsecurityofportionsoftheglobalpopulation

(McAfee,2006:7).Additionallysincethedemandforlabourisgenerallyrequired

41

yearround,agroecologicalmethodsofproductionpossessthepotentialofre‐

stimulatingdemandforagriculturallabour,generatingrelativelystableconditions

ofemploymentforruralpopulation,contributingtofoodsecurityinfurther

householdsaswellaspossiblystemmingurbanmigrationandthespreadof

shantytowns(Altieri,2009:106;Badgleyetal.,2006:94;McAfee,2006:7).

2.3.2 ThePotentialofAgroecology

Havingreviewedthecriticismofagroecology,itisclearthatsuchconcerns

aregenerallyunfoundedandinfact,inonespecificcase,namelythatofthegreater

needforlabour,thesupposedcriticismcouldactuallybeanadvantage.Thepractice

ofagroecologypossessesadditionalbenefitsaswell,especiallyforthose

populationswho,asAltieri(2002:2)argues,couldbenefitthemost.

Accessibility

AsstatedbyAltieri(2002:15)“farmerscannotbenefitfromtechnologies

thatarenotavailable,affordableorappropriatetotheirconditions.”Withitsfocus

ontheuseofavailabletechnologiesandtechniques,agroecologyisperfectlysuited

toaddressthisreality,andmoreover,hasthepotentialtogreatlyimprovethelives

ofsmallscalesproducersbybreakingthecycleofcontinuedindebtednessthatis

oftengeneratedfromadependenceoncostlychemicalinputs(Scialabba,2007:6).

Furthermore,sinceagroecologicalmethodsareadaptedtosuitthe

environmentinwhichtheyareapplied,theyarebeingusedtogenerategreater

42

levelsofproductioninverymarginalconditionsandaresubsequentlyimproving

thefoodsecurityofhouseholdsthatoftenfacehighlevelsofinstability(Uphoff,

2002:11‐12).

Environmental Benefits 

Asidefromproductivitylevels,Pretty(2009:6)statesthatagroecological

practicescanalsogeneratepositiveenvironmentalconsequences,limitednotonly

toimprovedsoilfertilityandreducederosionbutalsocleanerwaterandgreater

biodiversity.Environmentalimprovementscaninturngreatlyenhancethe

sustainabilityandlongevityofaproducer’slivelihood,asinthecaseofnatural

inputssuchasmanureandcompost,whichnotonlyvastlyimprovesoilqualitybut

alsostrengthenthehealthofthecrops,makingthemlesssusceptibletodamage

causedbypestsorweatherevents(Altieri,2002:10).Infact,itisfurthermore

arguedthatwhenconfrontedwithextremeweatherconditionsandevents,

agroecologicalplotsarefarmore“resilient”(Holt‐Giménez&Patel,2009:101).

ResearchconductedinCentralAmericainthewakeofHurricaneMitchrevealedthat

theplotsconventionalfarmersincurredgreaterlevelsofdamagethandidtheir

agroecologicalneighbours,whousedmethodssuchasintercropping,cropcovers

andagroforestry(Altieri,2002:10;Holt‐Giménez,2006:192).Manyofthe

agroecologicaltechniqueshavethebenefitofcreatingconditionsofincreased

stability,whichreducesvulnerabilitytounforeseenevents(Scialabba,2007:7).

43

Improved Social and Human Capital 

Moreoverithasbeenarguedthatthebeneficialreachofagroecological

methodsisnotmerelylimitedtoenvironmentalconditionsorproductivity,butcan

alsogreatlyenhancewhatPretty(2009:6)referstoas“humanpotential”.Henotes

thatsomeofthemanifestationsofsuchimprovementsinclude“theenhancedability

toexperimentandsolveproblems,coupledwithanaugmentedsenseofself‐esteem

andworth”(Pretty,2009:6).Correspondingly,Uphoff(2002:13)notedthatfarmers

practisingagroecologygainedboththeskillsandconfidencetotackleproblemsand

expandtheirknowledge.Suchimprovementsnotonlyaccrueonanindividualbasis

butalsoarediscernableatthecommunitylevelthroughthedevelopmentof

strongercohesionandsocialties(Pretty,2009:6).

Improved Household Nutrition

ToledoandBurlingame(2006:478)advocatefordeeperinvestigationinto

thelinkbetweenbiodiversityandnutrition,arguingthatitisessentialinaddressing

concernsofmalnutrition.Aspreviouslydiscussedthereisgrowingconcernover

agriculturalspecializationandtheconsequentialdependenceonalimitedvarietyof

itemsforconsumption(Hillel&Rosenzweig,2008;Stadlmayretal.,2011;Weis,

2007).Ithasfurthermorebeenarguedthatthediversityencouragedthrough

agroecologycantranslateintomorediversifiedandstablehouseholdconsumption

patterns,notonlybywayofagreatervarietyofgrowncrops,butalsothe

integrationofmeatandotheranimalproductsintohouseholddiets(Pretty,2009:6;

Scialabba,2007:9).Moreover,it’ssuggestedthatthereexists“asignificantelasticity

44

ofconsumption”withinmanyruralhouseholds,meaningthatlargeryieldsarenot

necessarilysentstraighttomarketsforsalebutinstead,greaterquantitiesare

consumedwithinhouseholds(Pretty,2009:6).

Asidefromtheaforementionedbenefits,ithasalsobeenarguedthat

producerscanprofitgreatlyfromthesaleoftheiragroecologically‐produceditems,

assuchproductscancommandhighermarketprices;enablingproducersto

generateamorereliablesourceofincome(Chappell&LaValle,2011:11)and

possibly,byextension,increasehouseholdfoodsecurity(Scialabba,2007:6).In

ordertodoso,producersmustbeabletodifferentiatetheirproductsfromthose

thathavebeenconventionallyproduced.Inthisway,certificationbecomesan

importantmatterfordiscussion.

2.4 OrganicCertificationandLocalFoodMarkets

Intermsofcertificationforagriculturalpractices,productsaretypically

labeledas‘organic’,whileagroecologicalcertificationissignificantlylessprevalent.

AsdefinedbytheNationalOrganicStandardsBoard(NOSB),“Organicagricultureis

anecologicalproductionmanagementsystemthatpromotesandenhances

biodiversity,biologicalcyclesandsoilbiologicalactivity.Itisbasedonminimaluse

ofoff‐farminputsandonmanagementpracticesthatrestore,maintainandenhance

ecologicalharmony”(citedinAllen&Kovach,2000:222).However,thepracticesof

agroecologyandorganicagriculturearenotnecessarilysynonymousandinfact,as

45

itwillbediscussedshortly,oftentimescertifiedorganicproductsfailtomeetthe

standardsofagroecology.

2.4.1 TheNeedforCertification

Duringthe1970sand1980s,whenthepushfororganiccertificationfirst

emerged,standardsweregenerallyenforcedona‘voluntaryandself‐regulatory’

basis;knownas‘firstpartycertification’,asthoseparticipatingrepresentedafairly

smallandcloselylinkedcommunityofproducersandconsumers.However,dueto

increaseddemand,thesubsequentexpansionoftheorganicsectorandthe

accompanyingexpansebetweenactiveparties,thisformofcertificationwasno

longersufficienttoensurewidescaleconfidenceintheorganicnatureofthe

productsbaringthelabel.Thustheshiftwasmadeto“thirdpartycertification”,

throughwhichorganicstandardsandmeasuresofaccountabilitywereestablished

byoutsideparties(Nelsonetal,2010:228).

Itwastheelongationofthesupplychain,andtheever‐expandingdistance

betweenproducersandconsumersthatgeneratedtheneedforcertification;therole

ofwhichistwo‐foldandimpactbothsidesofthetransaction(Källander,2008:4).

Ononehand,certificationenablesproducerstodifferentiatetheirproductsfrom

thosethatareconventionallyproduced,subsequentlyenablingthemtodemanda

higherprice.Moreover,certificationprocessesprotectproducersfromalossofboth

marketshareandprofit,duetoaninfluxoffalselylabelledproducts(Lohr,1998:

1125;MoralesGalindo,2007:90).Guthman(2007:458)notesthatthough

46

producersmightparticipateinacertificationprogrambecausetheyshareasimilar

setofvalues,thegeneralpremiseisthatlabelingworksasacompensationmethod.

Fromtheconsumer’sstandpoint,certificationcreatesasenseofconfidence

intheproducts,assuringconsumersthatthoughorganicproductsmightbearno

visibledifferencefromotherproducts,theywereinfactgrownorprocessed

accordingtosanctionedpracticesandarethereforeworththehigherprices(Lohr,

1998:1125;MoralesGalindo,2007:90).

2.4.2 CriticismsofOrganicCertification

The Conventionalization of the Organic Sector 

Guthman(2007:461)arguesthatifalabellingsystemistohaveanymerit,a

mandatoryconditionisthatallproducerscannotmeettherequirements;otherwise

itwouldbeimpossibletodifferentiatebetweenproducts.Inthislogic,regulations

mustserveasobstaclestoentryintothesystem.However,thosethatdosatisfy

expectationsarerewardedwiththerighttoapplythelabeltotheirproduct,and

subsequentlyreceivehigherpricesfromconsentingconsumers.Suchasystemhas

beendescribedasapotentialmeansforincomeredistribution,astheproducers

“whodothingsdifferently”arerewardedbyconsumers.Howevertherehasbeen

growingconcernovertheintegrityandvirtueofcertification.Manyresearchers

(Allan&Kovach,2000:224‐5;González&Nigh,2005:499;Friedmann,2005:253)

havehighlightedthegrowthoftheorganicsectorandarguedthatthepotentialfor

increasedprofitshasappealedtoproducerswhomightotherwisenotshareasense

ofcommitmenttothefoundationsoforganicagriculture.

47

Moreover,Raynolds(2000:303)arguesthatthelaxstandardsofmany

certificationprogramsplacestheorganicsectoringraveriskofbecomingnothing

morethanafacetoftheconventionalsystem.Ithasbeenarguedthattheguidelines

forcertificationaregenerallyonlycapableofdictatingwhatinputsarepermissible

foruseandwhicharenot,insteadoffullyencapsulatingtheidealsoftheagro‐

ecologicalmovement,bothinenvironmentalandsocialterms(Nelsonetal.,2010:

228;Rigby&Brown,2003:5).Duetothis,ithasbecomelegitimatetomerelyreplace

chemicalinputswithnewlymarketedbiologicalinputs(Allan&Kovach,2000:224).

Inthisway,Freidmann(2005:230)questionswhetherthegrowthoftheorganic

sectorissimplygeneratingspaceforanorganicinputindustry,inlieuofchemical

inputs.Furtherexamplesincludefarmersnolongerallowingforfallowperiodsto

rejuvenatetheirland,orinsomecases,havebeguntomonocroporganicproducts,

bothpracticeswhicharenotinlinewiththeoriginalidealsofagroecological

production,butcanbeallowableundersomecertificationprograms(Allan&

Kovach,2000:224;Altieri,2009:111).

SuchcircumstanceswerealsorecordedinGuthman’s(2009)research,

involvingorganicproducers,ofvarioussizes,inCalifornia.Shefoundthatthough

themajorityoftheproducersinterviewedwereemployingpracticesthatwere

acceptableundertheauspicesoforganicfarming,suchpracticesoftenfellfarshort

fromthebroaderambitionsofagroecology.An‘input‐substitution’approachto

agricultureproductionwasquiteprevalent,asproducerssimplypurchased

permissibleinputsasopposetousingon‐siteinputsandemployingtechniquessuch

ascropcoveringandcomposting;bothofwhicharetechniqueschampionedby

48

agroecology(Guthman,2009:261).Itwasmoreoverarguedthattheacceptabilityof

suchpracticeswithinorganiccertificationleavesproducerswithlittle“incentiveto

incorporateandidealpracticewhenanallowableonewillsuffice”(Guthman,2009:

265).

Intermsofsocialconditions,Nelsonetal.(2010:228)arguethatcertification

requirementsdo“littleornothingtofosteridealssuchasprohibitingtheentryof

largeagribusinessintothemarket,protectingsmallscalefamilyfarms,ensuringfair

treatmentofworkers,limitingtheextentofmonocropproduction,orfavouringlocal

productionandconsumptionnetworks.Asaresult,mainstreamcertification

systemsleavetheorganicsectorvulnerabletotheaforementionedprocessof

‘conventionalization’”.Raynolds(2000:298)sharesthisconcernandarguesthat

organiccertificationhasaveryrestrictedfocusonconditionsofproduction.Though

muchisdelineatedintermsoftheenvironmentaldimensionsofproduction,littleis

saidregardingsocialconditions.Therefore,intheabsenceofsocialregulations,

producerscanachieveorganiccertificationdespite“grosslabourviolations”;once

againleavingtheorganicsectorvulnerabletobecomingincorporatedasmerely

anothersegmentoftheconventionalsystem(Raynolds,2000:303).

Limited Access for Small‐Scale Producers 

Additionally,andoftheutmostimportancetothisthesisresearch,isthefact

thatstudieshavebeguntochallengethenotionsmallscaleproducersarebenefiting

themostfromtheinternationalorganicmodel.Infact,ithasbeenarguedthata

49

largeproportionoftheindustryismanipulatedbymediumorlargescaleproducers

whohaveidentifiedtheexpandingorganicmarkettobe“agoodcommercial

proposition”(Raynolds,2000:302‐303).Moreover,thoughorganicproductionis

widespreadthroughouttheworld,thevastmajorityoftheproductsaredestinedfor

foreignandinternationalmarkets(Altieri&Nicholls,2005:264),wheresmall‐scale

producersfaceamultitudeofobstaclesintheattempttocompeteatthatscale

(Raynolds,2000:303)Inmanywaystheorganicsectorisseentohavemovedoutof

thereachofmanysmall‐scaleproducers(Nelsonetal,2010:227).

Muchofthecriticismstemsfromthecertificationprocessitself,whichis

oftenalongandtediousprocess,regularlyrequiringmultipleyearstoreach

completionandinmanywayeffectivelybarssmall‐scaleproducersfromaspiringto

andsubsequentlyobtainingcertification.Tobeginwith,manyproducerslack

informationregardingorganicproductionmethods,certificationandmoreover

accesstoconsumersandmarkets(Raynolds,2000:302).Moreover,filingthe

necessarypaperworkisoftendifficultforalargeportionofsmall‐scaleproducers

whoaretypicallyilliterateorsemi‐literate(Raynolds,2004:736).Furthermore,

obtainingorganiccertificationisbothcostlyandtimeconsuming.Thecostsofland

inspectionsaloneareoftentooexpensiveformanyproducerstobear(Källander,

2008:6;Raynolds,2004:736)andthetransformationprocessthatmightbe

requiredtomeetcertificationrequirementscanpotentiallytakeyears.Morales

Galindo(2007:90)suggeststhatthiswaitingperiodprovidesproducerswithtime

tobecomeeducatednotonlywiththecertificationproceedsbutalsomarket

50

availabilityandvariousmethodsofproduction.However,duringthistimeframe,

producersarerequiredtopaythenecessaryfeesforcertificationbutarenot

compensatedequallyfortheorganicnatureoftheirproducts.Suchrequirements

arefoundtodiscouragesmall‐scaleproducersfromseekingcertificationandas

such,theydonotreceiveequalmonetarycompensationfortheirefforts(Nelsonet

al,2010:229).

2.4.3 “BeyondOrganic6”:ParticipatoryGuaranteeSystems

Intheattempttomovebeyondthecriticismssurroundingorganic

certificationandtheaccessibilityofthesectorbysmall‐scaleproducers,

ParticipatoryGuaranteeSystems(PGS)haveemergedasanalternativetothethird‐

partysystemofcertification(Nelsonetal.,2010:230).Linkedtotheoriginalsystem

offirstpartycertification,whichwassupersededinthe1990s,thismovementis

comprisedof“locallyfocusedqualityassurancesystems[that]certifyproducers

basedonactiveparticipationofstakeholderandarebuiltonafoundationoftrust,

socialnetworksandknowledgeexchange”(IFOAM,2011:1).ThoughPGSscomply

withthenormsoftheInternationalFederationofOrganicAgricultureMovements

(IFOAM),theydifferinthattheyrequirelessrigorousstepsforverification,much

lowerassociatedcostsandplaceimportanceoneducatingbothproducersand

consumersonvarioussocialandenvironmentaltopics(GómezTovaretal.,2007:7).

ThoughPGSscertainlydifferfromeachother,theyareallbuiltuponafew

basicpremises.Thefirstismultifacetedparticipation;assuchregulationsand6(Nelsonetal.,2010:227)

51

accountabilitymeasuresaretypicallygeneratedthroughtheinputofproducers,

consumersandresearchers(Nelsonetal.,2010:230).Insodoing,asenseof

‘collectiveresponsibility’isfosteredandconditionsofincreaseddialogueamong

actorsencouraged(May,2008:4).However,asKällander(2008:22)highlights,itis

sometimesdifficulttoensureconstantparticipationonthepartofconsumers.With

thatbeingsaid,theimportanceofconsumerparticipationshouldnotbeoverlooked

astheyhavethepotentialofcontributingsignificantlyinvariousareas.Moreoverit

issuggestedthatparticipationalsoservestoeducateconsumers,whichinturncan

leadthemto“happilypayfairpricesfortheproduce”(May,2008:5‐6).

Transparencyandtrustarealsotwoimportantandinterconnectedelements

ofaPGS.Transparencyrequiresthatnoinformationisheldofflimitsandthat

everyoneinvolvedhasatleastsomeunderstandingofthePGSaswellasameansto

haveanyquestionsanswered.Suchconditionssubsequentlyfeedintoan

environmentoftrust.Lastly,PGSsareintendedtobe“non‐hierarchical”,insomuch

thatresponsibilitiesaresharedamongthoseinvolved(May,2008:7‐8).

Itshouldbenotedhoweverthatinmanycountries,however,foraproductto

belegallyconsideredorganicitmustbecertifiedthroughthemethodofthird‐party

certificationandoftentimesPGSsarenotrecognized.Thus,apushforawider

acceptanceofcertificationmethodshasbegun(IFOAM,2011:2‐3).

Moreoverwhenaccepted,certificationunderaPGSisnotsufficientenough

forproductstobeexportedunderthelabeloforganic,butisrathersolelyfor

productsconsumeddomestically.However,thisisnotseenasalimitationasthe

focusofthePGSapproachisuponsmall‐scaleproducersandinternal,localfood

52

markets.Intheseshortenedcommoditychains,trustandrelationshipsbetween

producersandconsumersreplacestheneedforthirdpartymonitoring(Nelsonet

al.,2010:230).

TheInternationalFederationofOrganicMovements(IFOAM)(2011:2)

highlightsmultiplebenefitsthatsmall‐scaleproducerscanderivefrombeingpartof

aPGS.Ashasbeenpreviouslydiscussed,certificationisoftenalongandcostly

process,howeverPGSsgenerallyrelymoreonvoluntarytimecommitmentsthan

financialcommitments,arguablymakingcertificationandentryintothemarket

moreaccessibleforproducers.Moreover,theimpactofincorporatingconsumers

intothecertificationprocessistwo‐fold.Suchparticipationservesnotonlyto

educateconsumers,buttoalsogeneratealocaldemandandconnections.Finally,

PGSsareoftenviewedtobeempoweringandservetogenerateandenhancesocial

capital.

2.4.4BenefitsofLocalFoodMarkets

Localfoodmarketshavegrowninpopularityandtakeonavarietyofforms,

themostpopulargenerallybeingcommunity‐supportedagriculture(CSA)and

farmers’markets.CSAsderivetheirnamefromthefactthatconsumerspurchasea

“share”ofafarmer’sharvestatthestartoftheseasonand,inreturn,receivea

weeklysupplyoffreshproducethroughouttheseason.Inthiswayproducers

receiveareturnontheireffortfromtheonsetandthepotentialrisksassociated

withagriculturalcultivationarenotshoulderedsolelybyproducersbutarealso

53

sharedwithconsumers(Hinrich,2000:299;O’Hara&Stagl,2001:545).Farmers’

marketsfunctioninawaythatconsumerscanpurchasegoodsfromandinteract

directlywithproducers.Productsareoftenharvestedthedaypriorto,ormorning

of,marketdayssothattheyarefreshwhenpurchased,therebyrequiringno

additivestoensuretheirkeep(LaTrobe,2001:182).

Localfoodmarketscanprovidebenefitsforbothofthepartiesinvolved,

consumersandproducers.Whilesuchmarketsprovideconsumerswithaccessto

freshandaffordablefooditems(Hinrich,2000:297;LaTrobe,2001:189),the

benefitsaccruedbyproducersarelargelymonetary,insomuchthatproducerscan

maintainagreaterportionoftheirearningsbysellingdirectlytoconsumersand

forgoinganytypeofmiddleman,whicharguablyenablesthemthemaintaina

greaterdegreeofcontrolinthedecisionmakingprocessandcaptureagreatershare

oftheeconomicsurplus(Hinrich,2000:297;LaTrobe,2001:184).Additionally,it

hasbeenindicatedthattheaverageconsumerwillpayadditionalmoneyto

purchaselocallyproducedgoods,andisinfactwillingtopayevenmorewhenthey

aredealingdirectlywiththeproduceratamarket7(Parrlberg,2010:149)

Moreover,bysellinglocally,thedistancethatproducersandtheirproducts

musttraveltomarketisoftendrasticallyreduced.Thishastheaddedconsequence

ofallowingproducerstodeterminewhattogroworproducebasedonqualityand

taste,asopposedtohowwelltheitemssurvivetransportation(Stagl,2002:152‐3).7Thisstatementhowevercallsintoquestiontheearlierclaimsregardingtheaffordabilityofproductsfromlocalfarmer’smarkets,howeverthisparadoxisleftunmentionedintheliterature.

54

Afurtherbenefitforbothconsumersandproducersisderivedfromthe

socialnatureoflocalfoodmarkets,specificallyCSAsorfarmer’smarkets,inwhich

peoplearegenerallyrequiredtoassembleandinteractatpredeterminedtimes

(Hinrich,2000:298).Suchanarrangementworkstoenhancecommunication

betweenbothparties(Stagl,2002:146)andprovidesconsumerswiththe

opportunitytoaskquestionsdirectlytotheproducersthemselves,whichcan

generateconditionsofconfidenceandtrustinproducts(LaTrobe,2001:183).As

Hinrich(2000:298)states:“Onecouldcometoamarket,expectingtoseeacertain

farmer,whoseeggsorrhubarborspringgreensoneespeciallyfancies.The

relationshipbetweenproducerandconsumerwasnotformalorcontractual,but

ratherthefruitoffamiliarity,habitandsentiment,seasonedbytheperceptionof

valueonbothsides”.However,LaTrobe(2001:190)highlightstheneedfor

verificationandassuranceoftheproductssoldatfarmer’smarkets,sinceitis

possibleforconsumerstobemisinformedormisleadregardingtheirpurchases.

Suggestionstocountersuchpossibilitiesinclude,proofofcertificationorplotvisits

toensurethequalityofproducts.Overallhowever,studiesshowthatproducers

generallyenjoysellingatsuchmarketbecauseoftheenvironment,aswellasthe

addedbenefitofhigherearningpotentials(Hinrich,2000:298).

Localfoodmarketsarearguedtopossessadditionalbenefitsforconsumers.

First,Stagl(2002:153)statesthatlocalfoodmarketscansatisfymultipleconsumer

demandsatthesametime.Thoughconsumersmayattendalocalfoodmarket

primarilytopurchasefreshproducts,itisalsopossibleforthemtoactinaccordance

55

withotherdesires,suchasoutofsupportforlocalproducersorenvironmental

sustainability,andsocialinteractionswithlike‐mindedconsumersandproducers.

Onceagaintheabilitytoconversedirectlywithproducersisimportant,asitallows

consumerstoaskquestionsregardingtopicssuchasproductioncondition,which

theyotherwisenothavetheabilitytoask,andthereforemakewellinformedchoices

regardingthepurchasethattheymake(LaTrobe,2001:184).

Regardingthistopic,Dubuisson‐Quellier&Lamine(2008:59)discuss

Micheletti’sideaofindividualizedcollectiveaction,whichstates,“inthehandsof

knowledgeableconsumers,shoppingbasketsandcaddiescanbecomeakindof

ballotpaper”.Inthiswaytheyarguethatbysatisfyingvariousdesires,individual

choicescanleadtocollectiveaction.However,Guthman(2007:472‐473)questions

whethersuchdecisionsshouldbelefttoconsumers,andmoreover,howsuch

decisionscouldbeexpectedtogeneratebenefitsforthegeneralpopulation.Ofkey

concernforGuthmanisthefactthattheuseoflabelsassucharegulatorytool,

signalsthatapricecanbeplacedonethicaldecisions.Thisinturn,rendersthemas

nothingmorethanacommoditywithinthemarketsystemanddiminishesthe

potentialforchangeandactiontobeinitiatedthroughforumsotherthanthatofthe

market.

Additionally,localfoodmarketsimprovenutritionamongconsumers,asthey

notonlyhavegreateraccessto“healthyandfresh”products(LaTrobe,2001:189)

butalsoagreatervarietyofsaidproducts.Itwouldbeerroneoustoconceivethat

consumptionoflocalproductsequatestolimitedvarietiesorchoices.Infact,

56

studieshaveshownthatawidevarietyofproductscanbeobtainedthroughlocal

foodmarkets,sinceproducersareoftenkeenonaddingtotheirrepertoireof

products.Consequently,thishasleadtobetterhealthconditionsforconsumersas

theyhavebeenfoundtoconsumeahigherquantityandawidervarietyoffruitsand

vegetables(Stagl,2002:155).

Thoughlocalfoodmarketscanprovidebenefitsforbothproducersand

consumers,theliteratureonthetopiclargelypertainstothebenefitsofthelatter.In

factmuchofthediscussionconcerningproducersmerelyfocusesonincome

possibilities,whileconsumershavetheabilitytoexercisegreaterchoice,fulfill

multipledesiresandimprovetheirnutritionandfoodsecurity.Duetothis

imbalanceinmuchoftheliterature,itisthereforeimportanttoexplorethepotential

benefitsforproducers.TheexperiencesofproducersattheTianguis“ComidaSanay

Cercana”willserveacasestudytoexploretheimpactthatparticipationinlocalfood

markets,aswellasthepracticeofagroecologycanhaveonthehouseholdfood

securityofproducers.

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ChapterThree

Context:FoodInsecurityandOrganicProductioninMexico3.1 FoodInsecurityinMexico

InMexico,foodinsecurityislargelyduetolimitedaccesstofoodratherthan

limitedavailability.Infact,datashowsthatbetween2003and2005foodproduction

levelsinMexicowereat3,270kilocalories(kcal)percapitaperday,whichiswell

abovethe1,850kcalgenerallyagreedtobeessential(Juarez&Gonzalez,2010:3).

Infact,Juarez&Gonzalez(2010:1)statethatineachoftheMexicanstates,atleast

10percentofthepopulationhasinsufficientaccesstofood.Suchstatisticsarefar

greaterinthesouthernregionsofMexico,as47percentoftheChiapaspopulation

wasfoundtoliveinconditionsof“foodpoverty8”.Mexicoiscurrentlyexperiencinga

“nutritionaltransition”(AlvarezGordillo,etal.2009:34)inwhichtheincreased

consumptionofsugars,fatsandrefinedcarbohydratesisgreatlyincreasing.Infact

processedfooditemsarebeingmoreaccessibleformuchofthepopulation,asthey

aregenerallycheaperthanfreshproducts.Duetosuchcircumstancesobesity,

diabetesandotherdietarydiseasesareincreasinglyresultingfromfoodinsecurity

8AsdefinedbyJuarezandGonzalez(2010:4),ahouseholdisunderstoodtobelivinginfoodpovertywhen“theydidnothaveenoughincometopurchasegoodsfromthebasics[food]basket,eveniftheyusedtheirtotalincome”.

58

3.2 OrganicAgricultureinMexico9

ThestateofChiapasishometoMexico’ssecondlargestindigenouspopulation,

accountingfor30percentofthegeneralpopulation.Asaconsequence,traditional

agriculture,whichfocusesonthecultivationofmaizeandcoffee,aswellas

polyculturesofadditionalcrops,continuestoendure.Howeverduetolimitedaccess

tobothcreditand“technicalsupport”,thesesmall‐scaleproducersarefindingit

progressivelyhardertoparticipateintheglobalmarket(Skeffingtonetal.,2008:1).

Mexico’sorganicsectorwascreatedfromtheonsettosatisfyforeign

demandforsuchproducts.Inthelate1980sMexicanproducerswhohadbeen

overlookedbytheGreenRevolutionandthesubsequentadoptionofchemicalinputs

weresoughtoutbyforeigncompanieslookingtoexporttheirorganicallyproduced

crops(GómezTovaretal.,2007:2).Sincethattime,organicagricultureinMexico

hascontinuedtoexpand.InfactwhileMexicanagricultureonawholehasfaltered,

theorganicsectorhasexperiencedwidespreadgrowth,intermsofemployment,

landuseandincome(Nelsonetal.,2008b:1).In2008,morethan300000hectares

oflandwerereportedlybeingorganicallyfarmedbyover83000producers.The

vastmajorityoftheseproducers(98percent)farmlessthanthreehectaresofland

eachandmorethanhalfareindigenous(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24).

However,organicproductioninMexicoishighlyspecialized,notonlyin

termsofthecropsgrown,butalsointermsoftheconsumerbase.Coffee,cocoaas9Muchoftheliteraturesurroundingtheorganicsector,theOrganicNetworkofMarkets,aswellasParticipatoryGuaranteeSystemsinMexicohasbeenwrittencollaborativelybyasmallgroupofresearchers.

59

wellasvariousfruitsandvegetablesareallgrownorganically,however85percent

ofallproductsareexportedtoforeignmarkets(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24).Gómez

Tovaretal.,(2007:3)howevernotetwoexceptionstothisrule,aslargequantities

oforganichoneyisconsumeddomestically,asforthemostpartisallofMexico’s

organicallyproducedmeatanddairyproducts.

Itisarguedthatthisexport‐orientatedstrategylimitsthecreationof

domesticmarketsandcangenerateconditionsofvulnerabilityduetoinstabilitiesin

internationalcommodityprices(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24).Moreover,muchofthe

supposedorganicproductsareproducedthroughthepracticeofmonocropping,

whichisknowntocreateconditionsofsoilinfertilityandsusceptibilitytopests

(GómezTovaretal.,2007:2).

Ofthe15percentorganicproductsthatareconsumeddomestically,itis

believedthatonlyone‐thirdisinfactmarketedasorganic,whilethereminding

productsaresoldamongtheirconventionallyproducedcounterparts.Such

circumstancesaregenerallylinkedtolimitedconsumerknowledgeregarding

organicproductsaswellaswillingnesstopaythehigherpricesthatareattributed

tosuchitems(GómezTovaretal.,2005:463‐464).Thoughthegreatermajorityof

organicproductsaredestinedforforeignmarkets,alocalmovementisbuilding,in

whichstoresarecarryinglocalproductsandorganicmarketsaregreatlyincreasing

innumber(GómezTovaretal.,2007:3).

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3.3 TheMexicanNetworkofOrganicMarkets

TheMexicanNetworkofOrganicMarkets10(REDAC),createdin2004,has

playedalargeroleinthelocaldemandfororganicproducts.Originatingwithonly

fourmarkets,thisnetworkisnowcomprisedofseventeensuchmarkets,whichare

locatedinninestates,oftenthroughthesupportoflocaluniversities,non‐

governmentalorganisations(NGOs)andparticipationofbothproducersand

consumers(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24).

TheprimeobjectiveofREDACistwo‐fold.Intermsofenvironmental

considerations,REDACseekstoreducethedistanceproductstraveltomarket,as

wellasgarbagegeneratedfromexcesspackaging,andfurthermore,promotesboth

environmentallyfriendlymethodsofproductionaswellasconsciousness.Socially,

REDACseekstoensurethatlocal,healthyproductsareaccessibletoallcitizensand

thatproducersarefairlycompensatedfortheirefforts.(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24;

(GómezTovaretal.,2007:4).Moreover,themarketsarenotsimplyplacesof

exchangebutmoreimportantlyareareasoftrustandcommunity.Inorderto

encouragethegrowthofsuchconditions,manyofthemembermarketshost

workshopsandothersuchactivitiesforconsumersandproducersalike(Nelsonet

al.,2008a:24).Similarly,thesemarketsareseenasplaceswherebothproducers

andconsumerscanexpressthemselvespolitically(Nelsonetal.,2008a:24),asithas

beenarguedthatagroecologicalproductioninChiapasis“anactofrebellion”,

linkingthepracticetotheZapatistauprisingwhichbeganasadirectresultto

Mexico’sacceptanceoftheNorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement(NAFTA)in199410“RedMexicanadeTianguisyMercadosOrgánicos”

61

(Skeffingtonetal.,2008:6).Whiletheuprisingitselffallsoutsideofthescopeofthis

thesisprojectitisimportanttonotetheimmenseimpactithashadinmanyfactsof

lifeinChiapas.Inmanyways,theZapatistacommunityhassoughttodisassociate

themselvesfromtheMexicangovernmentandtheneo‐liberalideology,including

agro‐exportsasameansofgeneratingforeignexchangeandpromotingeconomic

growth.Insodoingthesecommunitieshaveembracedthepracticeofagroecology

throughvarioustechniques(Skeffingtonetal.,2008:6).

ConcerningtheoverallsituationoforganicagricultureinMexico,REDAChas

hadanimpactonmakingcertificationmoreaccessibleforsmall‐scaleproducers.In

2006,theMexicangovernmentcreatedalawthatmadecertificationmandatory

shouldaproducerwishtomarkethis/hergoodsasbeing“organic”,both

domesticallyaswellasabroad.Theintroductionofsaidlawwasexpectedtopresent

agreatobstacletosmall‐scaleproducers;aspreviouslydiscussed,certificationcan

beanexpensiveandtime‐consumingprocess.Inlightofthis,REDACsuccessfully

foughttohavetheuseofPGSslegitimizedforproductssoldlocally(Nelsonetal.,

2010:231).AsadirectconsequenceoftheREDAC’sefforts,producerswhoare

certifiedthroughaPGScanlegallymarkettheirproductsasbeingoforganic

nature11(Nelsonetal.,2008a:25).

ThelegitimationofPGScertificationcouldgreatlyimpactthecircumstances

ofsmall‐scaleproducers,whocontinuetobehighlyprevalentintheMexican

11Itshouldbenotedhoweverthattherehasbeensomeconcernthat“lawyersandlegislatorsinvolvedintheprocessmaylacksufficientunderstandingofPGStoensureitssuccessfulincorporationintothelegislativeframework”(Nelsonetal.,2010:231).

62

organicsector,sinceorganiccertificationtendstobeadifficultandexpensive

endeavour,andisthereforeofteninaccessibletomanysuchproducers.Infact,itis

estimatedthat25%oflandthatcouldbecertifiedhasnotreceivedsucha

designation(Nelsonetal.,2008b:1‐2).Consequently,REDAChasdeemedthe

developmentofPGSsamongmembermarketstobeoftheutmostimportance,asa

largemajorityoftheparticipatingproducersareconsideredtobesmall‐scale,most

ofwhomhavenotacquiredcertificationthroughothermeans(Nelsonetal.,2010:

231).ThoughagenerallynewconceptinMexico,manymembermarketsarealready

beginningtogeneratetheirownPGS(GómezTovaretal.,2007:7).

3.3.1 Limitations

Howeveritisimportanttonotethatthesemarketsdonotfunctionwithout

somedifficulties.Perhapsoneofthebiggestobstaclesisobtainingthefunding

requiredtoensurethecontinuationofthemarketsthemselves.Assuch,themarkets

areoftenmanagedthroughvolunteerlabourandaresometimesunabletocoverthe

costsofrentingspacefortheactualmarket(Nelsonetal.,2008a:25).

Limitedfundscanalsohindertheexpansionofsuchmarketsastrainingor

educationsessionsmayhavetobeforgone.GómezTovaretal.(2007:6)statethat

whileanincreasingnumberofproducershaveexpressedinterestinconverting

theirpracticesandparticipatinginsuchmarkets,manylacktheknowledgeand

financestodoso.Suchcircumstancescanmoreoverleadtoaninabilitytosatisfy

consumerdemand.

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ChapterFour

CaseStudy:Tianguis“ComidaSanayCercana”4.1 TheEvolutionoftheTianguis

Whatwouldlaterdevelopintoaweeklyfarmer’smarketintheheartofSan

CristóbaldeLasCasas,Chiapas,beganin2005,whenagroupoffourwomenbegan

sharingconcernsaboutthequalityandproductionconditionsofthefoodthatthey

andtheirfamilieswereconsuming.Concernswereparticularlyfocusedontheuseof

watercontaminatedbyuntreatedsewage(‘aguasnegras’)inagriculturalpurposes.

Thoughnotagriculturalproducersthemselves,theybegantonurturetheideaof

generatingameansthroughwhichtheycouldimprovesellingconditionsforsmall‐

scaleproducersinthestateofChiapas.Theybelievedthatthiscouldbeachieved

throughtheformationofacollective,whichwouldgeneratebetterconditionsof

interactionbetweenconsumersandproducersandideallyeliminatethemiddleman

fromtransactions(Melgoza,2009:4).Thewomenrecognizedthatthereexisted

multipleproducerswhowerealreadyemployingagroecologicalmethodsof

productionandbegantoseekthemoutamongthestallsofthecentralmarket.In

thisway,theymetwithlocalfarmerswhousedcleanwaterreservesandrefrained

fromemployingchemicalinputsintheproductionoftheirproducts,eventhough,

withintheconfinesofthemarket,theirproductswerenotmarketeddifferently

fromthoseproducedthroughconventionalmethods(ReyesGómez,2010:48).By

seekingtheadviceoflocalresearchersandreviewingliteratureonsimilar

64

experiences,theprojectbegantotakeshape,andinJuly2005theCanastaOrgánica,

or“OrganicBasket,”projectbegan(Melgoza,2009:7).

Fromtheoutset,thegoalsoftheprojectweretoimprovehouseholdaccessto

cleanandhealthyagriculturalproducts,whilegeneratingconditionsfordialogue

andtrustbetweenproducersandconsumersandenhancingenvironmental

awarenessandtheneedforresponsibleconsumerism(ReyesGómez,2010:49).As

describedduringaninterviewwithoneofthemembersoftheTianguis’sleadership

team,theOrganicBasketprojectfunctionedsimilartotheCanadianequivalentof

CommunitySupportedAgriculture:consumerscompletedaweeklyorderform,

whichoutlinedavailableproducts.Orderswereeitheremailedorphonedinmid‐

weekandpickeduponSaturdays.Thecostsofrunningandmaintainingthisproject

werecoveredbya15%increaseinthepricechargedtotheconsumers(Escalona

Aguilar,2009:244).

Theprojectexperiencedsteadygrowth,thoughasparticipationintheproject

grewitsoonbecamelogisticallydifficulttopreparethedesirednumberofbaskets.

TheEquipoPromotoralsowasfacedwithincreasedproducerinterestintheproject

butultimatelyhadtorejectmanyinquiriesduetolackofinformationconcerning

theoriginandconditionsofproductionoftheproductsinquestion.Asitwas

explained,inthebeginningtherewereveryfewrequirementstoparticipate,

needingonlytheuseofcleanwater,absenceofagrochemicalsandforallproductsto

beoflocalorigin.Itsoonbecameclearthattheimplementationoffurther

requirementswasneededasnumerousvendorsarrivedwithgoodsofquestionable

origins(PersonalInterview,2011).Withanincreasingamountofbothconsumers

65

andproducersinterestedintheproject,theprojecttookonanewelement,changing

fromorganicbasketstoafull‐fledgedmarketinwhichconsumersandproducers

directlyinteractedwithoneanother.Insodoing,Tianguiswasabletofullyintegrate

intoREDAC(ReyesGómez,2010:53).

ThegoalsoftheTianguisremainedverymuchthesametothoseofthe

CanastaOrganica, withtheadditionofastrongerfocusonagroecologyand

responsibleconsumerism.TheComitédeApoyoTecnico12(CAT)wascreatedinone

sensetoconfirmtheconditionsoftheproducers’plotsandensurethattheproducts

soldattheTianguiswereproducedinaccordancewithagroecologicalprinciples

(Melgoza,2009:15‐17),butalsoasmeanstosupportandeducateproducersonhow

toimprovetheirtechniques(Skeffington et al., 2008: 5). Thoughsomeplotswere

lessthanideal,therequirementsforproducersoffreshproductsincludedthe

identificationoftheexactlocationsoftheproducers’plots,theknowledgeofwhich

ensuredthattheyarenotcultivatedinregionsemployingcontaminatedwater,as

wellastheguaranteeduseofcleaninputsandapromisetoreducethequantityand

toxicityofpesticides(Melgoza,2009:15‐17).Inshort,producerspledgedtoproduce

accordingtoasetofagroecologicalguidelinesestablishedbyTianguispromoters.

Theycoulddosoimmediatelyoroveranestablishedperiodoftime.

ThefocusonagroecologyhascontinuedtodevelopattheTianguisas

producershaveattendedworkshopsconcerningcleanproductiontechniquesand

pestmanagement,amongothertopics.Suchworkshopsareparticipatory

environmentsinwhichproducersareencouragedtosharetheirownknowledge12TechnicalAssistanceCommittee

66

withthewidergroup.Therehavealsobeenopportunitieswhenproducershave

visitedoneanother’splots,bothtolearntechniquesandtogiveadvice(Melgoza,

2009:26).

CurrentlytheTianguismembersareintheprocessofadoptingand

implementingaPGS.DuringaninterviewwithanEPmember,shediscussedhow

theprocessupuntilthispointhasbeenlengthy,thoughnecessary,inorderto

ensurethatitistrulyparticipatoryandreflectiveofthedesiresofallinvolved.

Presently,committeeformedbyproducers,consumersandagroecologistshave

generatedadocumentdetailingthenormsandproceduresofTianguis’certification

process.Itisimportanttonote,thattheyarenotseekingtocertifytheproductsas

beingof‘organic’nature,butinstead‘agroecological’.Asitisstated,thoughthe

normsmayreflectandbearsimilaritiestomanyofthosefoundinorganic

certificationprocesses,thatoftheTianguisdiffersinsomuchthataninput‐

substitutionapproachtoagriculturalpracticeisinsufficientasitcontinuesto

generateacycleofdependenceamongproducers;nomatteriftheinputsareof

chemicalnatureornot(Moralesetal.2011:1‐2).Therefore,thecertification

processdraftedrequiresthatproducersgobeyondtheminimalstandardsoftenset

throughorganiccertification,andstrivetoimplementpracticesthataretruly

agroecological.

AsoutlinedbyMoralesetal.(2011),therearethreeoverarchingstandards

mustbemetforaproducertogaincertification.Thefirstisthatproductsdestined

forsaleattheTianguismustbeconsidered‘clean’,meaningthattheywere

producedwithouttheuseofhormones,antibiotics,oragrochemicals.Moreover,

67

watersourcesmustbeunpollutedandtheplotshouldbefreeofanygarbagethat

couldimpactthehealthofbothconsumersaswellasneighbours.

Thesecondstandardisthatproductionisagroecologicalinnature.Important

considerationisgiventothecareandimprovementofsoilconditions.Rotational

croppingandtheuseofcompostandotherorganicmaterialarerecommended

actions,aswellastheconstructionofterraces,whennecessary,toreducesoil

erosion.Importanceisalsoplacedonensuringthegrowthofbiodiversity.Producers

areencouragedtogrownumerousvarietiesofcrops,aportionofwhichshouldbe

nativetothearea.

Thefinalstandardisthatofsocialjustice.Incaseswheremustoftheworkis

completedbyfamilymembers,itmustbeensuredthatchildrenattendschooland

thathouseholddecisionsaremadeinajustandinclusivemanner.Insituations

wherepaidlabourisemployed,thelengthofaworkdayshouldbereasonableand

workersmustbejustlycompensated.

Thequestionguide,whichistobecompleteduponcertificationvisitsto

producer’splots,clearlydemonstrateseachofthesestandardsrequiredtogain

certification.Thisguideiscomprisedofin‐depthquestionspertainingtoavarietyof

agriculturalaspectssuchas,butnotlimitedto,howthesoilandnearbywater

sourcesarecaredfor;thecultivationofbiodiversity;pestmanagementtechniques;

andelementsofanimalproductionandcare.However,alsoincludedareadditional

questionsregardingthesocialconditionsofbothhouseholdmembersandpaid

workers(Moralesetal.2011:10‐18).

68

Therearenodirectcostsforcertification,howeverproducersmaybeasked

tohelpcoverorprovideforvariousindirectcostswhichmayarrive,suchas

transportation,accommodationsandtheprovisionoffoodduringthecertification

visit.Moreover,producerscanreceivedifferingtiersofcertification.Transitional

certificationstatusisprovidedtoproducerswhohavesatisfiedtheminimal

requirementsforparticipationbutneedtocontinuetomakeimprovementstotheir

agriculturalpractices(Moralesetal.2011:6).Duringmyfieldresearch,thefirstplot

receivedcertificationundertheTianguis’PGS;withtheconfidencethatmorewould

followshortly.

Nevertheless,thoughtheTianguishasthusfarbeenquitesuccessful,itdoes

notfunctionwithoutlimitations.IndiscussionwiththeEPmember,itwasher

opinionthatthemostpressingobstaclesfacingthecontinuationoftheTianguisare

funding,participation,technicalsupportandfindingadequatephysicalspace.The

EPismanagedbywayofvolunteerhoursandwhileitwasfeltthattheproducers

havecometobemoreactiveandtakegreaterinitiativeamongthemselves,thereis

stillmuchorganizationalworktobedonebytheEP.Limitedfundingalsofeedsinto

theissueoffindingasuitablemarketfacilitytorent.Ahandfulofproducersandthe

EPmemberalikeallcitedfrustrationsovertheircurrentrentalspace,whichisoften

quitehotandmuggyandastherebyfelttocompromisethefreshnessoftheir

products.Moreover,thecurrentfacilitydoesnotprovideroomtogrow,nordothey

currentlyhaveaccesstoanareawheretheycouldhostmeetingsorworkshops,

circumstancesthatwereofgreatdisappointmenttotheEPmember.

69

Moreover,producerparticipationisalsoaconcernandthememberwith

whomIspokewonderediftheproducersfeltasiftheywerepartofacommunityor

iftheTianguiswasmorethansimplyaplacetoselltheirproducts.Suchconcernis

foundedontheperceivedneedfortheEPtoenticeproducerstoparticipatein

variousactivitiesoutsideoftheTianguis.Thisconcern,andthesentimentsofthe

producersconcerningtheimportanceoftheTianguiswillbediscussedingreater

depthinasubsequentsection.

Thefinallimitationwasregardinglimitedtechnicalsupport,inwhichitwas

statedthattheresearchers,whohavebeenveryactiveintheTianguis,cannot

alwaysbeexpectedtobeavailable.Inthepastthoughaidfromlocaluniversity

studentswasalsosoughtafter,itwasfeltthatsuchexperienceswerenotalways

successful.However,therearedifferingopinionsonthistopic.Conversely,an

academicinvolvedwiththeTianguisfeltthattheEPhascontinuallyturneddown

outsideoffersandopinions.

Despitesuchlimitations,theEPmemberwasoptimisticaboutthefutureof

theTianguis.Thesimplefactofcontinualexistencewasseentobeagreat

achievement,astheTianguishasmanagedtostaymoreorlessintactandunified

sinceitscreation.Visionsforthefutureincludethepurchaseofspaceforthemarket

aswellastruck,whichwouldenablethemtovisitneighbouringmarkets,and

continuedactivitiestoincreasethepublicconsciousness.

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4.2 HouseholdCharacteristics

Asaforementioned,diversityaboundsattheTianguis,andnotsimplywith

regardtotheproductsavailable.Theexperiencesandsocio‐economicpositionof

eachproducervastlyvaries.Theaveragehouseholdsizeoftheselectedsampleis

4.75people,comprisedof2.58adultsand2.17children,howevereventhisstatistic

hidesthefactthathouseholdsizesrangedfromtwotoninemembers.

Tobetterappreciatethehouseholdconditionsofproducers,awealthindex

surveywasconductedandwhenpossible,theresultsofthesamplewerecompared

tothecharacteristicsofthegeneralpublicinbothSanCristóbaldeLasCasasand

Chiapasasawhole.

Sources:SurveydatacollectedbyauthorandMexico(2010b). Figure1:WealthIndexSurvey

AsindicatedbyFigure1,themajorityofproducershadaccesstotheitemsor

servicesindicatedinthewealthinventory.Thelackofavehicleoraccesstowaterat

0.00%

20.00%

40.00%

60.00%

80.00%

100.00%

RunningWater

Electricity IndoorPlumbing

WashingMachine

GasStove Vehicle AccesstoWateratPlot

TianguisProducers SanCristóbalPopulation ChiapasPopulation

71

thehousehold’splotwereviewedaslimitationsbythoseinterviewed,howeverthe

latterevenmoreso.Withoutavehicle,producerswereforcedtorelyonpublic

transportationsuchastaxisorcollectivebuses,whichcanbeacostlyandtime‐

consumingprocesssincemanyoftheproducerstravelintoSanCristóbaldeLas

Casasfromoutlyingtownsandcommunities.Forthetwohouseholdswithoutaccess

towaterattheirplots,thelimitationswereextensive.Inthecaseofonehousehold,

whichalsodidnothaverunningwaterwithinthehouse,theywererequiredto

purchaseandrationaweeklysupplyofwater.Thoughcostly,doingsoenabledthem

tocontinuetocovernotonlyalltheirpersonalneedsbutthoseoftheirlivestockas

well.Thesecondhouseholdhadrunningwaterattheirhomestead,whichwas

locatedafairdistancefromtheagriculturalplottheyworked,forcingtheproducer

torelyexclusivelyonrainwater.Thisgreatlylimitedthehousehold’sabilitytonot

onlyachieveself‐sufficiencybutalsotoparticipateintheTianguis,asthehousehold

onlysoldtheirexcessvegetables.Inthisway,thisproduceronlysoldherproducts

seasonally,sincesellablesurpluseswereonlycommonduringtherainyseason.

Foralargemajorityofproducers,sellingattheTianguisonlyrepresentsone

elementintheiroften‐diversifiedlivelihoodstrategies.Infactofthetwelve

interviewed,onlyoneproducerhouseholdreliesexclusivelyontheincome

generatedattheTianguis.Figure2isanattemptatdemonstratingthediversityof

livelihoodactivitiesamongproducersattheTianguis.Asillustrated,eachhousehold

hasaverydifferentlivelihoodstrategy,oftencomprisedofmanyincome‐generating

activities.Thethreetopmostbarsrepresentthethreehouseholdsthatrelysolelyon

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theiragriculturalproduction,whileallotherhouseholdsreceiveincomeorsupport

fromothersectors.Thedivisionsshouldnotbemistakentorepresenttheextentto

whicheachhouseholdreliesonacertainincomeorsupport,butinsteadasamere

representationofthedifferenttypesofactivitiesthatgointothedifferentmembers’

livelihoodstrategies.

Figure2:TheLivelihoodStrategiesofProducerHouseholds

Duringinterviewswithproducers,itoftenbecameapparentthattheextent

towhichparticipationintheTianguishasthepotentialtoimprovebothfood

securityandgenerallivingconditionsisgreatlydependentonthedegreetowhich

thisactivityfactorsintotheirlivelihoodstrategy.Atoneendofthespectrum,one

producerconfessedthatoncevariouscosts,suchasthatoftransportation,aretaken

intoaccount,sheoftendoesn’tknowifshebreaksevenwhencomingtothe

Tianguis.Sellingthereplaysaveryminorpartinherlivelihoodstrategyasshe

TianguisSales

MarketSales

SalesatStores/Cafes

EmploymentofOneorMoreHouseholdMember(s)

GovernmentPrograms

NGOSupport

Other

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makesmostofherincomefromsellingherproductsinorganicstoreslocatedin

MexicoCity.Inhercase,theprimarymotivationforherparticipationattheTianguis

isasenseofconvictiontothecauseaswellasthedesiretopurchaseagroecological

produceforconsumptionwithinherownhousehold.Thesecircumstancescanbe

contrastedwiththoseofanotherproducer,inwhichasidefromtheTianguis,the

householdreliesuponthesaleofherproductsinlocalcafes,aswellasthecasual

employmentofanotherfamilymember.Thoughinthiscase,theproducerdoesnot

generallysellsubstantialquantitiesattheTianguis,anyadditionalincome

contributessignificantlytoensuringthattheneedsofthehouseholdaremet.

Generally,theTianguisplayedasignificantroleinthelivelihoodstrategiesof

thehouseholdsinterviewed,however,furthervarianceswererecorded.Threeofthe

producersinterviewedonlysellattheTianguisonaseasonalbasis.Fortwoofthese

producers,itisduetothefactthatwhiletheygrowavarietyofcrops,onlyoneis

cultivatedforsaleattheTianguis.Thereforetheyonlyparticipatewhentheir

productisinseason.Theremaininghouseholdisthatwhichisgreatlyhinderedby

limitedaccesstowaterandthussellsonasporadicbasis.

Theamountofhoursdedicatedtoagriculturalproductionalsovariedamong

producers.Intermsofthenumberofhourseachproducerworksatanactivity

directlyrelatedtotheirproduction,41.67%ofproducersworkfivehoursorless

eachday,while33.34%workeighthoursormore.Theremainingproducerswere

unabletospecifythetypicalnumberofhoursthattheyworkeachdaysincethetime

thattheydedicatedtoagriculturalproductionasmoresporadic.Withregardtoany

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changesinhoursworked,justoverhalfoftheproducersstatedthattheamountof

timespentworkingeverydayhasincreasedsincejoiningtheTianguis.Themost

widelyidentifiedreasonwastheacquisitionofnewideasorcropvarieties,which

requireadditionalcommitment.Twofurtherreasons,eachidentifiedbyone

producerrespectively,wereanincreaseinthevalueplacedontheirworkandthe

factthattheTianguisprovidedastablesellingenvironment.Inadditionto

agriculturalproduction,producersalsocitedtimespentworkingotherjobsor

householdchoresandresponsibilities.

Whenaskedhowmanyhourstheysleepeachnight,threequartersofthe

producersstatedthateachnighttheysleepeighttoninehours,whiletheremaining

quartersleepsixtosevenhoursanight.Withregardtochangesinhourssleptdue

toTianguisactivities,threeproducersstatedthatthenightspriortomarketdays,

theysleepanaverageof3.5hourslessthantheyusuallywould.Ashared

characteristicoftheseproducersisthattheysellvariouspreparedfooditemsand

attributetheirlackofsleeptothenatureoftheirworkandthedesiretoensurethat

theirproductsaresoldfreshonmarketdays.

4.3 AgriculturalPractices

Themajorityofproducersinterviewedhaveafamilyhistoryofagricultural

production,andthoughpreviouslyunderstoodbyothernames,agroecologyisoften

describedasa‘familytradition’.Halfoftheproducershavebeenemploying

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agroecologicalmethodsofproductionforovertwentyyears.16.67%havebeen

doingsofortentonineteenyearsandtheremaining33.34%haveonlybeen

employingsuchmethodsfornineyearsorless.Intermsofchemicalusage,41.67%

ofproducersstatedthattheyhadatonepointusedchemicalinputs,suchas

fertilizersorpesticides,butsubsequentlystoppedafternoticingeitherthedamage

thatwasbeingcausedtotheirplot,oradeclineinproduction.

Oneproducernotedthatamemberofhishouseholdcontinuestogrowcorn,

onaseparateplot,withthehelpofchemicalfertilizers.Thoughinterestedinthe

potentialoffarmingorganically,theproducerstatedthathisfatherisnotyet

convincedandhehimselffeelsthathehasnorighttoforcetheissueashisfather’s

livelihoodisdependantonhiscornproduction,andhecannotguaranteeasufficient

yield.However,thehouseholdhasrentedasmallplotwheretheyhavebegun

experimentsofgrowingcornwithreducedapplicationsofchemicalinputs.When

describingtheresults,itwasfeltthataftertwoharveststhehouseholdhadboth

gainedandlost.Forthefirsttest,insteadofputtingdowntworoundsofchemical

fertilizer,theproducerusedonlyoneandreapedagoodharvest.Thesecondtime

aroundhowever,hereceivedpoorresults;thoughhefeltthatitwasduetothefact

thatheplantedtwomonthslaterthanheshouldhave,thanwiththelesschemically

intensivemethodofproduction.

Whilesuchalimitedhouseholdexperimentisinnowayconclusive,this

anecdotehighlightstheimportantconsiderationsthatproducersneedtotakeinto

accountwhenchangingtheirmethodofagriculturalproduction.Theproduceralso

notedthatwhilehisfatherhasyettocompletelyoverhaulhisproductionmethods,

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hehasbeguntomakesignificantchanges.Onesuchexampleistheactofreturning

harvestwastetothesoil,insteadofsimplyburningit.

IntermsofhowlongeachproducerhasbeenparticipatingattheTianguis,

almosthalf(41.67%)joinedwhentheprojectfirstbegan,sixyearsago,while

16.67%haveonlybeenactiveforoneyearorless.

Thoughvaried,themajorityofproducerscurrentlyhavefivehectaresofland

orlessunderproduction,asdemonstratedinFigure3.Includedinthiscalculation

arethetwoproducerswhoraiselivestock,eitherfortheirdairyproductsorasmeat.

Respectively,theywork25and6hectaresofland.Generally,alllandisownedby

thehouseholdandinthemajorityofcaseswasacquiredthroughinheritance.Only

twoproducerscurrentlyrentland;oneasmallplottoholdhersheepandtheother

istheaforementionedtestplotforgrowingcorn.

Figure3:HectaresofLandUnderProductionperHousehold

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

LessthanOne One‐Five Six‐Ten Eleven‐Fifteen

Sixteen‐Twenty

Twenty+

Households

Hectares

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Itshouldalsobenotedthatoneproducerwasexcludedfromthese

calculationsbecauseshedoesnotownorrentanylandbutinsteadpurchasesinputs

fromanotherproducerintown,whichshethenprocessesintocandiedfruit.Sheis

abletoparticipateintheTianguisonthebasisthattheproducerfromwhomshe

purchasesthefruitemploysacceptableagriculturalproductionmethods.

4.3.1 AgriculturalInputs

Onthewhole,Tianguisproducerspurchaserelativelyfewagriculturalinputs,

theonlyexceptionbeingthecandiedfruitproducer.Themostcommonlypurchased

inputislabourpower,hiredbyjustoverhalf(58.34%)ofthehouseholdssampled.

Amongthose,43%hiremultiplefulltimelabourers,whiletheothersemploycasual

labour,typicallyforshortperiodsduringplantingorharvestingtimes.Intermsof

thecostoflabour,themajorityofproducerspaytheirworkersbetween100‐130

pesosperday,whichiswellabovethedailyminimumwageintheregion,setat

56.70pesos(Mexico,2012).However,twohouseholdsemployedthelabourofboys,

whowerepaidsignificantlyless,at30pesosperdayand800pesospermonth,

respectively.

Seedswerethesecondmostcommonlypurchasedinput;reportedby41.67%

ofproducers.However,itisimportanttonotethatseedsaregenerallyonly

purchasedonanoccasionalbasis,asthelargemajorityofproducersattemptto

regularlysavetheirseedsfrompreviousyears.Otherpurchasedinputsinclude

manure(25%),materialssuchaspackagingandfoodadditives(i.e.fruitandvanilla)

(25%),animalfeed(16.67%),compost(8.34%)andwater(8.34%).When

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discussingthepurchasedinputsofhishousehold,oneproducerstatedthatwhileit

couldpotentiallybearguedthathisyieldsaresmallerthanthoseachievedthrough

conventionalmeans,hederivesgreatsatisfactionfromthefactthathedoesn’thave

topayhighinputcosts.

Limiteddependenceuponpurchasedinputsdoesnotmeanthatthefarmers

arenotattentivetothefertilityoftheirsoil,ortopestandweedmanagement.All

producersdescribedtheirownnaturalpestremedies,and90%statedthatthey

applysomeformofcompostandemployintercroppingtechniques.Croprotations

werealsohighlyprevalent.Duringoneplotvisit,theproducerexplainedhis

techniqueofbuildingacompostpileinvariousspotsinhisfield.Oncethecompost

hasbrokendown,heplantsdirectlyontopofthepileandbeginstheprocessagain

elsewhereonhisland.

Allagriculturalproducersattestedtohavingexperiencedsomeformofcrop

failure,largelycausedbyvariouspestsorweatherconditions;howevermany

attributedthelackofwidespreaddevastationtothevariousmanagement

techniquesthattheyemploy.Themostcommonlycitedpestsincludedwormsand

moths,whichweredescribedasyearlyannoyancesbutweregenerallycontrolledby

meansofahomemaderemedy.Weathereventssuchasfrost,rainandhailproved

moredifficulttomitigate,theresultsofwhichsometimesdestroyednewlyplanted

seedlings.Regardinglivestock,oneproducercitedanimalinjuryandillnessasakey

concern,arguinghoweverthatbyprovidingtheiranimalswithsuperiorcareand

supervision,theyareabletosignificantlyreducethespreadandseverityofsuch

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occurrences.Coldweatherhoweverisalsoaproblem,especiallyforthegrowthof

eggsandnewlyhatchedchicks.

Onlyoneproducerdisclosedthatsheexperiencedawidespreadcropfailure,

losinglargeportionsofhercocoacropstoanewpestthepasttwoyears.Currently

heremployeesareattemptingtoaddresstheissuebypruningtheplantstoboth

encouragebetteraircirculationandremoveinfectedbranches.Theproducerfelt

thatthisnewpestwouldsoonrunitscourseandleavethearea.Shealsofeltthatthe

damagingimpactsofpasthurricaneshadweakenedherland,causingherplantsto

bemoresusceptiblewhenthispestarose.

Whilethepestmanagementsolutionsusedbytheproducersvariedgreatly,

allarederivedfromanaccumulationofknowledge,sometimespasseddown

throughfamilytradition,orasneighbourlyadvice.Oneproducerinparticularfelt

thatherhousehold’scropswerestillgreatlysusceptibletopestsbecausetheystill

havemuchtolearn,concerningrepellentsandremedies,highlightingthe

importanceofknowledgeacquisitioninthesuccessofagroecologicalmethods.

Whenaskedtodescribethequalityofthelandtheyown,thelargemajorityof

producersinsistedthattheirlandisofgoodquality,thoughvariousissueswerealso

revealed.Duringfieldvisits,plotsofmixedsoilqualitywereencountered,aswellas

acouplewithslopedportionsandonethatwasparticularlyrocky.Aswithpest

managementsolutions,however,allproducershadfoundwaystoworkwithinthe

confinesoftheirgivensituations.Onewasintheprocessofinstallingterracesto

preventfurthererosion,whileanotherrefrainedfromplantingonslopedareas

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duringthedryseasonsincethecropswouldbeunabletotakefulladvantageofthe

limitedwaterresources.

Producerswerealsovocalabouttheircommitmentstotheirlandandthe

necessityof‘givingback’wasoftenstated.Withregardstoimprovedlandquality,

themajorityofproducersstronglyfeltthattheworkandnaturalinputsthatthey

havebeenputtingintothelandwastheprimefactorcontributingtowardsimproved

conditions.Itwasoftenstatedthatwithoutsuchcontributionstheycouldnot

possiblyreachormaintaintheircurrentlevelofproduction.Oftheproducerswho

citednoimprovement,twoclaimedthattheirlandhasalwaysbeenofgoodquality

andthattheyhavesimplyworkedtomaintainit.

4.3.2 TheImportanceofAgroecology

TheproducersattheTianguisvocalizedverystrongconvictionsaboutthe

importanceofemployingagroecologicalpractices.Thoughopinionsvaried,they

werelargelyassociatedwiththreebroadinterrelatedthemes:health,foodquality,

andtheimportanceoftheland.

Itwaswidelyperceivedthatagroecologicalpractisesenabledtheproducers

andtheirhouseholdmemberstoconsumehealthieritemsandeliminatedtheneed

toworryoverthepotentialeffectsofchemicalsusedbyconventionalfarmers.Infact

forsomeproducersitwasthisconcernthatinitiallypeakedtheirinterestin

agroecologyandthepracticeofgrowingforhouseholdconsumption.Anewfound

confidenceinthequalityoffooditemsconsumedwithinhouseholdswasalso

mentionedbymultipleproducers,aswasanimprovementintaste.Oneproducer

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spokepassionatelyagainstthespeedatwhichcropsarecurrentlygrown,arguing

thatnoweverythingis“express”andthatwhileearsofcornmightnowbelarger

thanthosepreviouslygrown,hedoesnottrusttheproduct,orthemethodof

production.Insteadheviewsagroecologyasawaytoestablishahigherleveloffood

qualityandto“rescuewhattheirgrandparentsleftthem”.Concernsoverthehealth

ofanimalsaswellasfuturegenerationswerealsostated,bothintrinsicallylinkedto

theimmenseimportancethattheproducersplacedontheland,whichwas

commonlyreferredtoas“agift”and“aninvestment”.Manyproducersviewed

agroecologicalpracticestobeawaytocontributetothehealthoftheenvironment

andgivestrengthbacktothelandthatsustainsthem.

Manyalsofeltverystronglyabouttheimportanceofsharingtheirknowledge

withothers.Oneproducerstatedthatpeopleoftentellhimthathismethodsarea

lotofwork.Nevertheless,givenhisconvictionthatagrochemicalsdestroythesoil

andrenderlandworthless,hebelievesthatitisaworthwhileinvestment.Hehas

beenworkinghislandformanyyearsyetithasretainedbothitsqualityandvalue,

whichheattributestohisagriculturalpractices.

Beyondsuchconcerns,twoproducersalsostatedthattheyderiveimmense

enjoymentfromtheirmethodsofagriculturalproduction,bothintheactualwork

thatgoesintotheprocessbutalsofromthesatisfactionofprovidinghealthproducts

fortheirhouseholdsandthewiderpopulation.

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4.4 FunctioningoftheTianguis

TheTianguisisheldthreetimesaweek,onWednesdays,Fridaysand

Saturdays,from10amuntil3pm.OnFridays,it’sheldatalocalresearchcentre,

whilethetworemainingmarketdaysareheldinthecourtyardofarestaurantinthe

citycentre.Attendanceoftheproducersisneithermandatorynorregulated,butis

insteaddependantonthediscretionofeachproducer.OneEPmemberexplained

thatinthebeginningtheTianguiswasonlyheldonSaturdays,butthatthe

producersthemselvespushedforadditionalmarketdaysonWednesdaysand

Fridays.

Figure4:ProducerAttendanceonMarketDays

AsFigure4shows,attendanceonbehalfoftheproducersvariedgreatly

dependingonthedayoftheweek.Multipleproducersindicatedthattheirlimited

participationislargelyduetoadecreasednumberofconsumersattendingthe

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

WedNov9th

FriNov11th

SatNov12th

WedNov16th

FriNov18th

SatNov19th

WedNov23rd

FriNov25th

SatNov26th

ProducersinAttendance

Date

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TianguisondaysotherthanSaturday.Formanyproducers,thecostsofcominginto

townforslowermarketdaysreportedlyoutweighedtheminimalbenefitstobe

gained.Assuch,producerattendancewascloselytiedtodailyearningpotentials.

Thegenerallackofrecordkeepingamongproducersmadeitdifficulttogainaclear

pictureofdailyearningsattheTianguis,butthoseproducerswhowereableto

provideestimatesunanimouslyrecognizedSaturdaytobethebestdaytoattendas

itdrewalargercrowdofconsumers.Rangingfrom735‐815pesos(56.54‐62.70

USD13),Saturdayearningsareapproximatelydoublethe375‐390pesos(28.85‐

30.00USD)earnedfromtheWednesdayandFridaymarkets.Marketday

observationsconfirmedthesestatements,astherewasanoticeabledifferenceinthe

numberofconsumerspresentdependingonthedayoftheweek.Whereas

Saturdaysweresteadilybusysaveforthelasthourorso,Fridaysconsistedlargely

ofasmallerrushes,seeminglycorrespondingwiththebreaksoftheprofessorsand

students,andWednesdayswereneverattendedbymorethanahandfulofpeopleat

onetime,oftenquitesporadically.

Earningsvarynotonlyduringtheweekbutalsothroughouttheyear.80%of

thecropproducersindicatedthatearningsattheTianguisvariedduringtheyear,

whichwaslargelyattributedtotheimpactsofweatherconditionsuponthequantity

ofproductsavailabletosell.Excessiverainandfrostwerenotedasthebiggest

offenders,followedbytheoccurrenceofhailandconditionsduringthedryseason.

13Basedonanexchangerateof1USD=13MXN

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Eachoftheseweatherconditionscanhavedevastatingimpactsonproductionlevels

andasanextension,theearningsoftheproducers.

Thetimeoftheyearwasalsoreportedascausingvariances.Fewproducers

reportedariseindemandfortheirproductsduringperiodssuchasholidaysor

growingseason.Additionally,oneproducerstatedthatbecauseherproductsarenot

necessitiesbutmoresooccasionaltreats,herearningstendtovarygreatly.

Conversely,theproducerswhoreportedstableearningsthroughouttheyear

indicatedthatsuchconditionsareachievableduetothefactthattheygrowatheir

cropsaccordingtotheseason,andthereforealwayshaveproductsavailableforsale.

Theproducerssellinganimalproductsalsocitedseasonalvariationsintotal

sales,asbothstatedthattheyareheavilyimpactedbyholidaydemand.Intermsof

thedairyproducts,itwasonceagainstatedthatasanitemthatisnoteaten

regularlybyeveryone,demandtendstovarythroughouttheyear.

4.4.1 PricesattheTianguis

Duringinterviews,halfoftheproducersinsistedthattheyreceivedbetter

pricesfortheirproductswhensellingattheTianguisversussellingelsewhere.Two

producerslinkedtheresultingpricedifferencetoanunwillingnessamong

consumersatthecentralmarkettopayhigherprices.Divulgingfurther,one

producerlinkedthepricedifferentialtoproductknowledge,arguing,“atomatois

justatomatotopeoplewhodonothaveinformation”.Itwasbelievedthatonce

peopleareinformedandawareoftheconditionsinwhichtheirfoodisproduced,

theywouldbemorewillingtopaythehighercostsfoundattheTianguis.

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Table1:PricecomparisonofTianguisandcentralmarketproducts(AsoftheweekofNovember20th‐26th,2011)

14Atthecentralmarket,sevenbananasaresoldforfivepesos,whileattheTianguiseightaresoldfortenpesos.15Atthecentralmarket,twelvelemonsaresoldforfivepesos,whileattheTianguissixaresoldforfivepesos.16Atthecentralmarket,chickenissoldfor30pesosperpound,whileattheTianguisawholechickenissoldfor150pesos(approximately1‐1½kilograms)17Atthecentralmarket,fifteeneggsaresoldforeighteenpesos,whileattheTianguistwelveeggsaresoldforfortypesos.18AtaMasecaTortilleria,thirty‐onetortillasaresoldfortenpesos,whileattheTianguistwelvearesoldfortenpesos.19Atthecentralmarket,threetamalesaresoldfortenpesos,whileattheTianguistheyaresoldforfivepesoseach.

Item CentralMarket(Priceperitem)

Tianguis(Priceperitem)

PriceDifference(Percentage)

Vegetables

‐GreenBeans 10pesos 10pesos 0%‐Onions 10pesos 10pesos 0%‐Potatoes 10pesos 10pesos 0%‐Lettuce 5pesos 5pesos 0%‐Spinach 5pesos 5pesos 0%‐Broccoli 8pesos 10pesos 25%‐Carrots 5pesos 5pesos 0%‐Radishes 1peso 3pesos 300%Fruit

‐Bananas14 0.71pesos 1.25pesos 76.06%‐Lemons15 0.42pesos 0.84pesos 100%AnimalProducts

‐Chicken16(perlb) 30pesos 45.45–68.18pesos 51.50–127.27%‐Eggs17 1.2pesos 3.33pesos 177.50%PreparedFoods

‐Tortillas18 0.32pesos 0.83pesos 159.38%‐Tamales19 3.33pesos 5pesos 50.15%‐CandiedFigs 2pesos 5pesos 150%

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TobetterunderstandthedifferenceinpricesofproductssoldattheTianguis

versusthecentralmarket,apricecomparisonwasconducted,inwhichavarietyof

productscurrentlyforsaleatbothlocationswereselectedforassessment.

TheresultsaredisplayedinTable1,andindicateaninterestingdistinction

betweentheitemsthatcostmoreattheTianguisandthoseatthatareroughlyequal

inprice.Asidefromvegetables,allotherproductsincludedinthesurveyarepriced

muchhigher,oftentimessignificantlyso,attheTianguisthanatthecentral

market20.Duringinterviewstwoproducers–onesellingprocessedgoodsandthe

otherpreparedfoods–feltthatthenatureoftheirproductsallowsthemtoreceive

betterreturnsfortheirgoods.Theformerproducerstatedthatifsheweretosimply

sellmangoes,shewouldreceivemuchlowerpricesbecause“peoplecouldbuy

mangoesbythetruckload”.Howeverbyprocessingthemangoesandsellingthemas

saucesorjams,sheisabletochargehigherpricesforherproductsandcapturethe

valueaddedbyherlabour.Similarly,thelatterproducer,whopreviouslysoldmaize,

madetheswitchtoproducingtortillasbecauseshefeltbydoingsothatshecould

earnmoreincomebysellingaprepareditemversusthegrain;onceagainincreasing

herearningsbyaddingvalue.Furthermore,thehigherpriceofhertortillaswas

justifiedbythefactthatsheis“spending”herlifemakingthembyhand.Unlikeat

thetortilleriaswheremachinesdomuchoftheworkandcaneasilyberepairedor

replaced,shemakesthetortillasmanually.Inbothsituations,theproducersfelt20Itisimportanttonote,however,thattheproductionmethodsoftheitemssoldinthecentralmarketareunknownandthereforethiscomparisononlyservestoexploretheimpactthatassociationwiththeTianguiscanhaveonthepricesofgoods.

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stronglythattheefforttheyexpendgreatlyaddsvaluetotheproductstheyofferand

thatinthiswaytheyearnahigherincomethaniftheyweretosimplysell

unprocessedorunpreparedgoods.Intermsofanimalproducts,asimilaropinion

wasexpressed,asoneproduceralludedtotheextensivecareandeffortthatgoes

intoraisingthehousehold’slivestock.Inallthreecases,pricesweresettoreflectthe

additionallabourthattheirproductsrequired.

Asillustratedhowever,thesamecannotbesaidforvegetables,whichare

generallysoldatthesamepriceregardlessofthelocation.Infact,whenfirst

approachedatthebeginningofthepricecomparison,oneofthevegetable

producerswasconfidentthatthesamepriceswouldbefoundatbothlocations,

eventhoughinanearlyinterviewshestatedthatshereceivesbetterpricesforher

productsattheTianguis.Inordertounderstandthisapparentcontradiction,itis

importanttoacknowledgethesituationsinwhichtheproducerssoldtheirproducts

priortotheTianguis.

Themajorityofproducersstatedthattheysoldineitherthecentralmarket

(33.34%),tosuperstores(16.67%)or,inthestreets,door‐to‐doorortoa

middleman(25%).Ofthetwolattercategories,allbutoneproducerfeltthatthe

Tianguisofferedthembettersellingconditionsthantheirpriorarrangements.

Thosewhopreviouslysoldtosupermarketsspokeofhighadvertisingcostsand

unfavourableconditionsfortheirproducts21,aswellastheapplicationof

21SuchwastheexperienceofoneproducerwhosehouseholdformerlysoldtheirproductstoasuperstoreinTuxtlaGutiérrez.Thehouseholdwasrequiredtopayfor

88

unwarrantedpenalties22,allofwhichplacedlossessquarelyontheshouldersofthe

producers.Regardingthethirdcategory,oneproducerfeltthatthepredetermined

andfixeddaysoftheTianguisnowprovidesherwithasenseofstabilityunrealized

whilesellingtoamiddleman,whileafurtherproducercitedthatthoughshe

continuestoperformthesamemannerofwork,itislessfatiguingbecauseinstead

ofrisingattwoo’clockinthemorningandsellinginthestreets,shecansleeplonger

andsellintheshadeandamongfriendsattheTianguis.Itisthereforepossiblefor

producerstofacelessuncertaintyregardingthepricethattheywillreceiveandthe

quantitythattheywillsellattheTianguis.

Additionallyoneproducerdisclosedthatvariationsinproductivityand

subsequentlytheavailabilityofproductsbroughtonbyweatherpatternscanhave

animpactonthepricesofgoodsatthecentralmarketbutnotattheTianguis,where

pricesgenerallyremainconstantdespitevariousfactors.Thiscanworkbothways,

however,aspricesatthecentralmarketcouldbefoundtobelowerorsometimes

higherthanthosechargedattheTianguis.

anyin‐storeadvertisingandonlyreceivedcompensationfortheproductspurchasedbyconsumers.Moreover,theiritemswereneverincludedinstoresalesandfeltstronglythatconsumersgenerallyoverlookedthem,asaconsequence.Theproducerfeltthatthoughherhouseholdcontinuestosellthesamequantityofproductsasbefore,theyarenowfairlycompensated. 22Anotherproducerspokeofhisexperiencessellingtovariouscompanieswhowouldfinehimwithavarietyofunwarrantedpenaltiesoroccasionallypayhimlessthanwhathewasowedbecausetheyclaimedthathisproductswereofpoorquality.

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4.5 ProductionandConsumptionPatterns

Justasproducersdiversifytheirlivelihoodstrategies,theyalsotendto

cultivateandproduceavarietyofproducts.Suchdiversityiseasilynoticeableatthe

tablesofthoseproducerswhosellawidevarietyofproduceattheTianguis,

howevereventhosewithamorespecializedselectionforsaletendtogrowawider

varietyforhouseholdconsumption.Suchcircumstanceswerefirstrevealedduringa

fieldvisit,inwhichaproducerguidedresearchersthroughherplot,pointingoutthe

cropsthatshegrowsforsaleattheTianguis,thosethatshesellsatthecentral

marketandthosethataregenerallyforhouseholdconsumption.Itsoonbecame

clearthatitemsshesellsattheTianguisonlyrepresentaverysmallportionofcrops

shegrows.Thereasonforthis,sheexplainedisduetoacollectivedecisionamong

theTianguismemberstominimizeinternalcompetition.Sixoftheeightproducers

whosellamoreselectassortmentofproductsattheTianguisgrowadditional

varietiesthattheydonotsellatthislocale.Onceagain,twoproducersexplained

thatthisarrangementislargelyduetoconcernsoverthepossiblecreationof

internalcompetition.Oneproducerinparticularfoundthisarrangementtohavea

motivatingeffect,inwhichshearguedthatitchallengeseachofthemtobecreative

withtheproductsthattheyofferandencouragestheadvancementofdiversity.For

herpart,shecitedthedesiretomakejamsandmarmalades,aswellasadd

cinnamon,pepperandotherfruitstoheralreadyexpendedinventoryofproduce.

Comparableconditionswerefoundtobetrueinregardtotheraisingof

livestock.Thoughonlytwoproducersspecializeinthesaleofanimalproductsatthe

Tianguis,atotaloftenofthetwelveinterviewedraiseanimals.Thetopfiveanimals

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cited,inorderofpopularity,includewerechickens,rabbits,ducks,sheepand

turkey,thoughthelistismuchmoreextensiveforthetwowhospecializeinthis

area.Foreightproducers,animalsareraisedstrictlyforhouseholdconsumption,

thoughtheyallhavesold–andattimescontinuetosell–eggswhenspecifically

requestedbyaneighbourorconsumer.Howeversuchtransactionsonlytakeplace

afterhouseholdconsumptionhasbeencovered(i.e.only“surplus”productsare

sold).Againtheconcernofcompetitionwasraisedasoneproducerwhopreviously

soldmeathassincestoppeddoingsosincetheentryofotherproducersintothe

Tianguis.

Whileallproducerscultivatedcropsorraisedanimalsforhousehold

consumption,theextenttowhichtheydidsovariedamongthesample.Intermsof

theproportionofproductionconsumedwithinthehousehold,nearly60%ofthe

producersmaintainthattheyconsume25percentorlessoftheirproduct;17%

consumehalfoftheirproduction.Thevariationamonghouseholdswaslargely

attributedtoeitherthescaleofproductionorthenatureoftheproductssold.

Theremainingquarterofrespondentsstatedthatthemajorityoftheir

produceisconsumedintra‐household,sellingnomorethat25%oftheiroutput.In

twocasesthiswasduetothefactthatwhiletheygrowsuchawidevarietyofcrops

overall,theysellonlyaspecificitemattheTianguis.Theadditionalproducer

cultivatesprimarilyforhouseholdconsumptionandonlycomestomarketif

additionalquantitiesareremaining.

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Household Food Availability  

Aquarterofproducersinterviewedstatedthattherewereperiodsduringthe

yearthattheirhouseholdlackedasufficientquantityoffood.Thoughthereasons

forthisdeficiencyandthetimeofyearinwhichittookplacedifferedforeach

producer,theyalltiedbacktodifficultiesposedbydecreasesintheirlevelofeither

productionorsales.Themajorityofthosewhostatedthattheirhouseholdfacedno

suchperiodsofuncertaintylinkedtheirsituationtothefactthattheycontinueto

growaportionoftheirproductsstrictlytosatisfyhouseholdconsumptionand

thereforearguedthattheyalwayshaveaccesstowhattheygrowthemselves.Itis

alsointerestingtonotethattwooftheeightproducerswhoinsistedthattheir

householdfacednosuchperiodsjustifiedtheirresponsewithanexplanationof

theirfamily’ingenuity.Itwasarguedthatduringdifficultperiodsinthepast,

individualsdevelopedstrategiesandlearnedtomakethemostwithwhattheyhad

availabletothematthetime.Suchskillsareneverthelessrelieduponinmorerecent

periodsofdifficultyaswell.Inthisway,itwasindicatedthatthoughhouseholds

continuetofaceuncertaintyandepisodesofinsufficiency,themajorityhave

developedtactics,suchastheactofgrowingforconsumptionorlearned

resourcefulness,tolessentheirrisk.

4.5.1 ChangesinProduction

AquickwalkthroughboththeTianguisandthecentralmarketwouldreveal

differencesinthetypesofproduceavailable.Thoughmanycommonitemscanbe

foundatbothlocations,certainitemsaredistinctlyfoundatoneortheother.When

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askediftherewereanycropsthattheyhadstoppedgrowingsincejoiningthe

Tianguis,theunanimousanswerwas“no”;however,40%ofproducersdid

acknowledgethattherearecertaincropsthattheyhavebeguntogrowlessofdueto

lackofdemandattheTianguis.Suchcropsincludemustardgreens,turnipgreens

andcertainvarietiesoflettuces;asitwasclaimedthattheseitemseitherdonot

appealtoTianguisconsumersorthatconsumersdesiremorediversitythantheone

ortwotypesoflettucespreviouslyproduced.

Incontrast,sevenproducersstatedthattheyhavestartedgrowingnewcrops

sincejoiningtheTianguis.Onaverage,eachoftheseproducershasacquired

approximatelythreenewcrops,withsomeproducersaddingasmanyasten.The

mostwidelyaddedcropsincludenewvarietiesoflettuce(57.14%ofproducers),

arugula(28.57%),tatsoi(28.57%)andredchard(28.57%).Howeverthetotallistis

quiteextensive,aseachofthefollowingitemswereeachcitedbyoneproducer

respectively:redmustardgreens,Japaneseturnip,yellowsquash,Chineseparsley,

longspinach,berries,kale,bunchingonion,carrots,beets,artichoke,potatoesand

celery.Themostwidelycitedreasonforproducer’sadoptionoftheaforementioned

vegetableswasentirelybasedonconsumerdemandsattheTianguis,whichcaused

manyproducerstoseekoutthenewcropsor,insomecases,theywereactually

giventherequiredseedsbyinterestedconsumersoranemployer.Threeproducers

statedthattheydidnotgrowthesecropspriortotheTianguisbecausetheywere

notfamiliarwiththem.Inadditiontocommencingcultivationofvariousvegetables,

oneproduceralsobeganproducingchocolateduetoconsumerdemand.Infact

therewasonlyonecaseinwhichaproducerdeclinedtoaddanotheritemtotheir

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sellinginventory,despiteexpresseddemand.Herreasonfornotdoingsowasin

responsetotheadditionalworkthatwouldberequired.

Aninterestingremarkofferedduringoneinterviewwasthatsellingatthe

Tianguisrequiresthecultivationofsmallerquantitiesofadiverserangeofitems.It

wasarguedthatitisonlyworthsellingatthecentralmarketiftheproducergrows

multiplebedsofthesame,orveryfew,crops.ConverselyconsumersoftheTianguis

areofteninsearchofanarrayofchoicesandthereforeitisbesttogrowasmaller

amountofmoreitems.Inthisway,participationwithintheTianguishaslargely

impactedboththevarietiesandquantitiesofitemsproduced.

Intermsofanimalproducts,twoproducershavesincebeguntoraisenew

animalspeciessincejoiningtheTianguis:rabbitsandgoats.Thedecisiontoraise

theseanimalswaspartlyfordirecthouseholdconsumption,aswellasthe

possibilitytosellmeatandotheranimalproductsattheTianguis.Oneproducerin

particularhasdiversifiedheranimalproductsfurtherandhasintroducedpackages

ofpreparedmeatsandsaucesintoherselectionofavailableitems.

Thoughthelargemajorityoftheseproductswerestartedinresponseto

consumerdemand,theproducersstatedthattheyhavealsointegratedthemajority

oftheproductsintotheirdiets.Infactonlythreeproducersidentifiedvegetables

thattheygrowbutdonoteat.Amongtheproductsthatarenotconsumedwithinthe

households,producersdonoteatgarlic,arugulaandredmustardgreens,dueto

theirstrong,unfamiliartaste;oneproduceralsonotedthatshedoesnotconsume

thespinachthatshegrowsbecausesheisunsurehowtoprepareit.

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4.5.2 AdditionalPurchasingPower

FiftypercentofproducersstatedthatbysellingattheTianguis,theyhave

sincebeenabletopurchaseitemsthattheycouldnotaffordpreviously.Theitems

nowpurchasedvariedfromproducertoproducerbutincludedhouseholditems

suchasrefrigeratorsandblenders,aswellasfooditems,oftentimesmeatordairy

products.Inotherhouseholds,theadditionalincomeasusedtocovervariouschild‐

relatedneedsoruniversitytuition.

Twoproducersnotedthattheyhavenotincreasedtheirpurchasingpower

becausetheydonotsellattheTianguisyearround.Inoneinstancethisisduetothe

growingseasonofthespecificcropthattheysellattheTianguis,thoughtheother

producerisgreatlylimitedbylackofaccesstowaterandthereforeonlysellsduring

therainyseason,whensheismorelikelytohaveasurplusofproducts.

4.5.3 PurchasedFoodItems

Thepercentageoffoodpurchasedvariedamongthetwelvehouseholds

interviewed.Inthecaseoffivehouseholds,a“quarterorless”ofitemsconsumed

withinthehouseholdwerepurchased,afurtherfourhouseholdspurchased“half“of

theirfooditems,whiletheremainingthreestatedthattheypurchased“most”ofthe

itemsconsumedwithinthehousehold.Itisinterestingtonotethattheproducers

whopurchase“most”oftheirfooditemssharedacommoncharacteristic;inso

muchthattheyeachsoldwhatisconsideredtobeaspecialtyitem.Unlikeother

producerswhosoldvegetables,fruit,meatortortillas,theseproducerssolditems

suchaschocolate,candiedfruitandcheese;eachofwhichwerestatedtobehighly

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susceptibletounstabledemand,andofwhichthehouseholditselfcouldonly

consumesomuch.Conversely,thehouseholdsthatpurchasedasmallerproportion

oftheirfoodgenerallyboughtonlywhattheydidnotproducethemselvesand,as

previouslynoted,manyhouseholdsgrewproductsinadditiontothosethattheysell.

Suchcircumstanceswerewidelythesamepriortoparticipationwithinthe

Tianguis,withonlythreehouseholdsindicatingchangesinpurchasinglevels.Two

suchhouseholdspurchaselessthantheydidbeforeduetoanincreaseinthe

varietiesofcropsthehouseholdgrows,whiletheadditionalhouseholdnow

purchasesmorethantheyoncedid,duetoanincreaseinavailableresourcesand

purchasingpower.

Figure5:TheTenMostCommonlyPurchasedItems

Figure5illustratesthetenfooditemsmostcommonlypurchasedbythe

householdsinterviewed.Asshown,mostproducerspurchasethemajorityoftheir

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Market SmallStores Supermarket Tianguis Neighbour OrganicStore

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itemsfromthemarket,whereastheTianguisislargelyunrepresented,exceptin

regardtothepurchaseofvegetables.Itisimportanttonote,however,thatthis

figuredoesnotaccountforfoodthatisacquiredoutsideofthemarket,including

self‐productionandnon‐marketexchangesamongTianguismembers.

Ofthetwelvehouseholds,onequarterstatedthatthereweretimesduringa

typicalyearinwhichthehouseholdhaddifficultypurchasingfooditems.Onceagain

thiswasprimarilyattributedtolimitedincomefromsales.Conversely,thosewho

neverhaddifficultywithpurchasesgenerallystatedeitherthattheyalwayshad

accesstosufficientfundstopurchaseneededitems,orthatthehouseholditself

boughtverylittleandreliedmoresoonself‐provisioning.However,thoughthey

initiallystatedthattheirhouseholdsfacednosuchperiodsofuncertainty,two

householdsindicatedthattheirabilitytopurchasefooditemsthattheydonotgrow

issometimesimpactedbyslowperiodsinbothproductionandselling.

Tobetterunderstandtheconsumptionpatternsoftheproducers,eachwere

askedtolistthefooditemsthattheytypicallyeataswellastoparticipateinafood

recall,bothaspartoftheinitialinterviewsaswellassubsequentfollow‐ups,

dependingonavailability.Thereasonfordoingsowastoevaluateapossible

differencebetweentheproducer’sperceptionsofwhattheyconsumeincomparison

withactualcircumstances.Theonlyitemtobementionedbyallproducerswas

vegetables,andoftentimesitwasquantifiedas“alot”,thoughveryfewelaborated

onthevarietiesthattheyconsume.Asidefromvegetables,beans,chickenandbeef

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werelistedduringthemajorityofinterviewsandrabbitmeat,riceandeggswereall

listedbyaquarterofproducers.

Whenaskedifthereareevertimesinwhichit’sdifficulttoacquirethefoods

itemsspecifiedintheaforementionedquestion,approximatelythree‐quartersof

producersrespondednegatively,explainingthateithertheygrowenoughforown

consumption(44.45%)orthatthereisalwaysenoughmoney(33.34%),withone

additionalproducercitinghouseholdingenuity.Interestingly,whenprobedfor

furtherinformationconcerningthespecificitemswhicharedifficulttoacquireand

thereasonswhy,themostcitedresponsewasdairyproducts,whichinfactonly

factoredintothedietsof20%ofproducers.Twoadditionalitems,eachcitedby

producerrespectively,weremeataswellasbeansandcorn.Unanimously,the

reasonsfordifficultiesobtainingtheseitemswereduetothehighcostsofeach,

whichproducerscouldnotaffordintimeswhentheirownproductswereearning

themasufficientincome.

Generallyhowever,producersassertedthattheyweresatisfiedwiththefood

itemsthattheycurrentlyconsume,withonlythreeproducersidentifyingfooditems

thattheywouldliketoconsumebutdonotcurrently.Ineachcase,thefooditemin

questionvaried.Foroneproducer,theiteminquestionwassardines,whichher

husbandenjoysbuttheyrarelypurchase.Anothercitedgranolaandyoghurtasa

favouriteofherchildren,thoughtheexpensivenatureoftheseproductslimitedthe

frequencyinwhichtheycouldbepurchased.Thefinalitemcitedwasthe

consumptionofadditionalmeatproducts.Interestingly,thisproducerstatedthat

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herhousehold’sabilitytoconsumemeatproductsislimitedbythegrowthrateof

theirlivestock,makingnomentionofthepossibilityofpurchasingsuchproducts.

4.5.4 DailyEatingHabits

Thecompletionofthefoodrecallstudyaidedintheattempttobetter

understandthedailyeatinghabitsofproducers.Subsequently,theoverallresults

fromtherecallwerecomparedtoElPlatodelBuenComer,afoodguidethatwas

compiledbytheMexicangovernmenttoreflectfooditemsandportionsthatare

culturallysuitableaswellaseasilyaccessibletothegeneralpopulation.Thisguide

illustratesaplatedividedintothirds,reflectingbothportionsizesaswellasthe

elementsrequiredforabalanceddiet:(1)fruitsandvegetables,(2)cereals,and(3)

legumesandanimalproducts(Mexico,2003:14‐16;Mexico,2010a:34).

Overthecourseofthefoodrecallstudy,aswellasafewmealtime

observations,353fooditemswererecorded.Ofthattotal,29.74%belongedtothe

categoryoffruitsandvegetables,28.05%werecerealsandafurther26.06%were

legumesandanimalproducts.Theremaining16.15%ofitemsrecalledfellintothe

groupingof“Others”,largelyconsistingofcoffee,sodaandsnackitems.Itis,

however,importanttonotethatwhilefruitsandvegetablesaccountedforalmosta

thirdofthetotalitemsrecorded,thelargemajorityofvegetableswerenot

consumedastheirownservingbutratheraspartofanomeletteorquesadilla.

Therefore,asillustratedbyoneexample,thoughtheproducerindicatedthataspart

ofherlunchsheatebothlettuceandtomato,theyweremerelyslicesonasandwich.

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Thoughtheinformationgatheredthroughthefoodrecallcannotspeaktoportion

sizes,itdoesshedlightonthetypicalconsumptionpatternsoftheproducers.

Breakfast:Onlyfiveitemswereconsumedinatleast25%ofrecordedbreakfasts.In

descendingorder,theseitemswere:tortillas,coffee,beans,eggsandtomato.

Whatisconcealedhowever,isthefactthatvegetablesasawholeconstituted20%of

theitemsrecorded.Thoughonceagain,theygenerallywerenotconsumedontheir

own,awidevarietyofvegetableswererecorded,includingnewlyacquireditems

suchasspinachandchards.Fruitwaslargelyunrepresented,mentionedonlysix

timeswithinthetwenty‐eightmeals,withthemajorityderivedfromthe

consumptionoffruitjuice.60%ofbreakfastsincludedelementsfromthethree

categoriesoutlinedbyElPlatodelBuenComer.

Lunch:Themostconsumeditemsatlunchweregenerallysimilartothose

consumedearlierintheday:tortillas,fruitjuice,beans,tomatoandrice.Three‐

quartersoflunchesincludedelementsfromthethreefoodcategories.Onceagain,an

arrayofvegetableswasconsumed,accountingforalmostaquarterofitemsrecalled,

whereasfruitwasoverwhelminglyconsumedasjuice;recordedinfifteenofsixteen

meals.Meatandanimalproductsaccountedforjustunderafifthoftheitems

consumed,chicken,beefandeggscombiningtoaccountforthemajorityofsuch

items.

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Supper:Whilelunchistypicallythelargestmealoftheday,supperwaspratically

non‐existantamongtheproducers.Infact,halfoftherecordedmealsconsisted

soleyofcoffeeandbread,orasimilarcombination.Moreover,onfouradditional

occasions,supperwasnoteatenonthedayrecorded.Onlyfouritems‐coffee,bread,

tortillas,andcheese‐wereconsumedaspartof25%ofmeals.Oftheothernine

meals,onlyfiveofthemincludeditemsfromeachofthethreefoodcategories.Fruit

wasexcludedfromallmeals,beansincludedonlyonceandcoffeewasconsumedin

twiceasmanymealsasallthevegetablesrecalled.Overall,supperwastheleast

diversifiedmealrecorded.

Snacks:Throughouttheday,snacksweregenerallyararity,astheywereonly

includedinlessthanhalfoftherecallsconducted.Fruitaccountedfor50%ofthe

itemsrecorded,amongwhichorangesandbananaswerethemostcommon.Cereals

anditemsdesignatedtothecategoryof“other”,whichincludedsoda,coffeeand

sweets,eachrespectivelyaccountedforapproximately20%ofitemsconsumed.The

tworemainingitemswerevegetables.

4.5.5 DietaryChanges

Whenaskedtodiscussanydietarychangessinceparticipatinginthe

Tianguis,tenoftwelveproducers(83%)respondedthattheirdietshadimproved.

Thoughdietshadchangedinavarietyofways,58%ofrespondentsmaintainedthat

theynowconsumemorevegetables.Accompaniedbythischangeinconsumption

wasagreaterdegreeofgeneralawareness,andinsomecasesconcernsabout

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possiblecontaminatesinconventionallygrownproducts.Threeproducersstated

thattheynoweatmoreagroecologically‐producedfooditems,whiletwoadditional

producershavechangedthewayinwhichtheytypicallycookvegetables;oneopting

toeatmorefreshvegetablesasopposedtoboiledones,whiletheotherhaslearned

tomakeavarietyofdishesthroughconversationswithconsumersandparticipation

inworkshops.

AdditionalincomeearnedatbysellingattheTianguishashadimpactsonthe

dietsoftwooftheproducers,astheystatedthattheadditionalpurchasingpower

enablesthemtopurchaseandconsumeitemsthattheydonotgrowthemselves,

thereforeexpandingtheiraccesstoitemsthatwerepreviouslyoutofreach.

Forthetwowhocitednochangesintheirdiets,inonecaseitwasduetothe

household’spre‐existingabilitytoeatwhatitwanted,whiletheotherproduceronce

againfacesavarietyofproductionlimitationsandstatedthatthehousehold

generallyeatsandgrowswhatitalwaysdid.

Producersindicatedthatnotonlyhavetheybeguntoeatmorevegetables

thanbefore,buttwo‐thirdshavealsobeguntodiversifyandincludenewvarieties

intotheirdiets.Themostwidelycitedvegetableswerenewvarietiesoflettuce(50%

ofproducers),chards(37.5%),arugula(37.5%),andtatsoi(25%),thoughspinach,

broccoli,peas,greenbeanssprouts,mushrooms,redmustardgreens,kaleand

mustardseedswereeachcitedbyoneproducerrespectively.Theonlytwonon‐

vegetableadditionswerewholewheatbreadandpreparedmeats,bothofwhichare

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eitherpurchasedorexchanged23withothervendorsattheTianguis.Themost

commonresponseastowhyproducershavebeguntoconsumesuchitemswas

attributedtothefactthattheypreviouslydidnotknowabouttheitems,orinone

case,howtopreparethem.Positivefeedbackfromconsumerspurchasingtheitems

andinsistencebyafriendregardingthehealthbenefitswerecitedeachbya

producer.

Thoughoneproducerindicatedthathishouseholdhasbeguntoeatmore

vegetablessincejoiningtheTianguis,healsostatedthattheydonoteataswellas

theyoncedid.Whilethechangethatbroughtonsuchcircumstancesisnotrelatedto

hisparticipationattheTianguis,itdoeshoweverprovidesomeinterestinginsight.

Approximatelyfifteenyearsago,thehouseholdgrewalargevarietyofagricultural

products;howeverwithfewnearbyroads,theyhadlimitedmarketopportunities

andtheirproductswereprimarilydestinedforhouseholdconsumption.Insodoing

theyhadplentyoffoodavailablebutlittlemoneytopurchaseadditionalitems.With

time,however,ahighwaywasconstructednearbyandthefamilydecidedtoraise

cattle;theproductsofwhicharenowbeingsoldattheTianguis.Theproduceris

adamantthattheyatemuchbetterbefore,whentheyhadverylittlemoneybut

providedforthemselves,firmlystatingthat“Moneyandahighwaydonotmean

23IntermsofproductexchangesbetweenTianguismembers,accountsofsuchhappeningswererare,andonlyreportedtwice.Inoneinstance,whichasbothdiscussedduringaninterviewandwitnessedthroughmarketdayobservations,theproducerregularlyexchangessomeofherremainingvegetablesforafewloavesofbread.Inthelatteroccurrence,aproducerdiscussedhowhisparticipationattheTianguisledhimtobecomeacquaintedwithanotherproducerwhoresidesinthesametown.Theircloseproximitytooneanotherhasenabledthemtoexchangeproductsoutsideofmarketdaygatherings.

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progress”.Duetoeconomicspecialisation,thehouseholdmustnowpurchaseallthe

itemsthattheyoncegrewforthemselves.Thoughmoneyisnotcurrentlyanissue

forthehousehold,theproducerstillfeltverystronglythatthequalityofhousehold

consumptionhasbeennegativelyimpactedbyspecializationofproduction.

4.6 OverallImpactofParticipationintheTianguis

WhenaskedtodescribetheoverallimpactsthatparticipationintheTianguis

hashadontheproducer’shousehold,theresponseswereunderstandablyvaried.

However,somewhatsurprisingly,economiccircumstanceswerefactorsinveryfew

descriptions.Thegeneraleconomicimpactwaslargelycontingentuponthe

durationandextentofparticipation.Thosethatsawlittletonoeconomic

improvementdueparticipationintheTianguisweregenerallytheproducerswho

hadmostrecentlyjoined;participatedonaseasonalbasis;orinonecase,weremore

reliantonsaleselsewhere.One‐thirdoftheproducersnotedthatparticipationhas

increasedtheirhouseholdincome,albeitgenerallynotinasignificantway.

Mentionedonceagain,byacoupleofproducersrespectively,wereimprovedeating

habitsandenvironmentalpractices.However,thevastmajorityofresponseswere

greatlylinkedtoemotionalandsocialaspectsofparticipationwithintheTianguis.

Friendshipwasviewedbyoneproducerasthemostimportantimpactof

participationwithintheTianguis,andisasentimentthatwassharedbyothersas

well.TheTianguisisviewedasaspacewheretheproducerscannotonlyselltheir

productsbutalsoengageinconversationswithotherproducersandconsumers

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alike.Formany,theenvironmentandcompanymakestheworkfarmoreenjoyable

andasaforementioned,wasoneofthereasonswhyproducerscitedimproved

conditionsattheTianguisversuselsewhere.Chattingandlaughteramong

producerswasoftenobservedduringmarkethoursandinthewordsofone

producer,“Whatisitworthtohavemoneybutnofriends?”AsnotedbytheEP

member,theproducerssellingattheTianguiscomefromavarietyofbackgrounds,

lendingtoadiversifiedenvironmentwhereeachhasdifferentideasandwaysof

being.

TheTianguisisalsoviewedtobeamotivatingandempoweringplaceas

producersfeltthattheirworkwasimportantandvaluedbyothers.Themeat

producerstatedthatthroughherparticipationintheTianguis,peoplehavegottento

knowherandherhusbandbetter.Theyhavefurthermoregainedthetrustand

loyaltyofconsumerswhohavecometorecognizethequalityoftheirproducts.

Consumertrustandinputisimmenselyimportanttothisproducerasthecareand

passionwithwhichsheengagedwithcustomerswasoftenobserved.

ThemostwidelycitedimpactofparticipationintheTianguiswasincreased

knowledgeandawareness.ManyfeltthatasparticipantsintheTianguis,theyhave

becomemoreinformedandhaveexperiencedanincreaseinconsciousness

regardingtheirresponsibilitiestothelandthattheywork.Asoneproducerstated,

manylearningopportunitieshavearoseoutofparticipationintheTianguis.The

occasionstovisiteachother’splotsandexchangeinformationwerehighlyprized,as

wereworkshops.Moreover,notonlydotheylearnfromeachotherbutalsothrough

conversationswithconsumersonmarketday.Theinformationgatheredthrough

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Tianguisrelatedexperienceshasimpactedthehouseholdsinavarietyofways,

includingconsumptionchoicesaswellasproductionmethods.

Moreover,inconjunctionwiththeirparticipationintheTianguis,three

producersspokeoftheirinvolvementinsimilareventsororganisation.One

producerhasacceptedmultipleinitiationsbycommunitiestoconductworkshops

andpresentationsdemonstratingthepotentialofagroecologicaltechniques,while

anotherproducer,alongwithagroupofwomen,recentlyopenedasmallrestaurant

inthecity,focusingonagroecologicallyproduceditems.Anadditionalproducer

spokeofherassociationwithanotherorganisation,whichhasprovidedherandher

husbandopportunitiestotravelaboardtolearnaboutvariousmovementsand

techniques.Shefeltthattheopportunitytotraveltoothercountriesandexperience

lifefirsthandinothercultureshaspositivelyimpactedhowsheandherhusband

interactandmakedecisions.Similarity,whendiscussinghowdecisionsaremade,

anotherproducerfeltthatparticipationintheTianguishascreatedanenvironment

ofincreasedcommunicationandsharingwithinhishousehold,leadingtoshared

participationinthedecisionmakingprocess.Infactwhenaskedaboutthedecision‐

makingprocesswithintheproducer’shouseholds,thegeneralresponsewasthat

decisionsaremadecollectively,andinthreecasesthechildrenwerealso

incorporatedintotheprocess.

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ThepoliticalsignificanceoftheTianguisvariedgreatlyamongtheproducers.

Inconversation,theEPmemberconfirmedthatcertainproducersweremore

politicallymotivatedtoparticipatethanothers.Sheherselfstronglyfeltthis

connection,statingthatthatchoiceofwheretopurchasegoodsisapolitical

decision24.

24“Dondesecompraesunadecisiónpolitica”

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ChapterFive

Discussion

5.1 LocalFoodMarkets

Thebulkoftheliteraturewrittenregardinglocalfoodmarketsisfocusedon

themanybenefitsaccruedbyconsumers,withrelativelylittleinsightintothe

impactsonproducersbeyondthepotentialforretainingahigherportionoftheir

earnings.AsthecasestudyofproducersattheTianguisinSanCristóbaldeLas

Casasillustrated,sellingattheirlocalfoodmarkethadother,andinsomecasemore

meaningful,benefitsandimpacts.

5.1.1 ImprovedSellingConditions

Thoughithasbeenstronglyarguedthatlocalfoodmarketscanserveasa

mechanismtoensurethatsmall‐scaleproducersreceivebettercompensationfor

themethodstheyemploy,thepricecomparisonindicatedthatwhencomparedwith

pricesatthecentralmarket,onlycertainitemsearnhigherreturns.

Forthosewhodidbenefitfromhigherearnings,andchosetoelaborateon

thesituation,somefeltthatconsumerawarenessconcerningthequalityoftheir

productsenabledthemtochargehigherprices,whileothersfeltthattheadded

effortthattheyputintoprocessingtheirproductsorrearingtheiranimals

warrantedahigherreturn.

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Vegetableshowever,whichaccountforalargeportionoftheitemssoldat

theTianguis,weregenerallyfoundtocostthesameinbothlocations.Thisisan

interestingpoint,especiallyashalfoftheproducersinterviewed,includingmultiple

vegetableproducers,insistedthattheyreceivedhigherpricesfortheirproductsat

theTianguis.SincemanyTianguisproducerseitherbeganorcontinuetoselltheir

productsatthecentralmarket,thereisapossibilitythatsomeoftheitemspricedin

thecomparisonwereproducedagroecologicallyaswell,howeveritiscertainthat

thoughsellingunderthebannerandcriteriaoftheTianguis,vegetableproducers

generallychargenomorethantheircentralmarketcounterparts.

Additionally,concernsoverinternalcompetitionattheTianguislimitedthe

extenttowhichsomeproducerscouldbenefitmonetarilyfromtheiragroecological

practices.ThismeantthatsomeproducerssoldonlyspecificitemsattheTianguis,

thoughtheygrewagreatmanymore;mostofwhichweredestinedforhousehold

consumptionorsaleinlocationssuchasthecentralmarket,undistinguishablefrom

allotherproducts.

Besidesprices,twoadditionalfactorscouldbecontributingtoproducer’s

receivinghigherincomesfortheirproducts.One,whichwillbediscussedatgreater

lengthinasubsequentsection,isdirectlyrelatedtothenatureoftheagroecological

methodsusedbyproducers,whichtheyrelylittleonpurchasedinputs,therefore

enablingthemtokeeptheircostsdown;whiletheotherisaconsequenceofthe

improvedsellingconditionswhichtheTianguisprovidesthem.Halfofthe

producersinterviewedstatedthattheyusedtoselltheirproductstosuperstores,

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othervendersordoor‐to‐door.Comingfromsuchcircumstances,allbutone

producerprovideddetaileddescriptionsoftheirimprovedsellingconditionsatthe

Tianguis.ForsometheTianguisprovidesalocaleinwhichtheyarenotassaultedby

unfairpenaltiesorexorbitantadvertisingcosts.Forothers,theTianguisprovidesa

previouslyunknownsenseofstabilityorsimplyamoreenjoyableselling

environment.Therefore,whilesomeproducersclearlyreceivehigherpricesfor

theirgoodsattheTianguis,othersearnhigherincomesbecauseofthestableand

fairenvironmentoftheTianguis.

5.1.2 TheImportanceofCommunity

Thoughtheabilitytochargehigherpricesmightbeseenasabenefitto

sellingatafarmer’smarket,economicbenefitsrankedlowinimportanceforthe

producers.Infact,whenaskedthedescribewhattheoverallimpactoftheTianguis

hasbeenintheirlife,veryfewmentionedanyeconomicbenefitandinthefewcases

thatitwasmentioned,theimprovementstothehousehold’seconomywas

describedasbeingsmallinscale.Infact,onlyhalfoftheproducersindicatedthat

theyarenowabletopurchaseitemsthattheycouldn’tbefore,whichgenerally

referredtohouseholdappliances,fooditemsandchildrelatedneeds.Instead,

friendshipwashighlyvaluedbytheproducers.TheTianguisisviewedasaspace

wheretheproducerscouldnotonlyselltheirproductsbutalsoengagein

meaningfulconversationsandrelationshipswithoneanother,aswellasconsumers.

Thedevelopmentofconsumertrustwasofkeyimportancetooneproducer;a

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sentimentechoedbyotherswhendiscussinghowtheyfeltmorevaluedwhen

sellingattheTianguis.Moreover,plotvisitsandworkshopscreatedopportunities

fordialogueandknowledgesharingamongproducers;opportunitieswhichare

importantinsupportingandsustainingagroecologicalpractices.Itisthereforethe

senseofcommunity,sharingandtrustamongbothproducersandconsumersthat

madeparticipationintheTianguismeaningfulformanyoftheproducers,as

opposedtoanypotentialeconomicbenefits.

5.1.3 TheImpactofConsumerDemand

InaccordancewithStagl(2002:155),thewidevarietyofproductsavailable

attheTianguisdemonstratedthateatinglocallydoesnotnecessarilyresultin

limitedoptions.Infactawiderdiversityofproducts,specificallyvegetables,was

foundattheTianguis.Suchcircumstancesaredirectconsequencesoftheimpact

thatconsumerdemandhashadontheTianguisproducersandtheproductsthat

theysell.

Asitwasnoted,consumerdemandhasbeenhighlyinfluentialindetermining

whatproductsareproducedandsubsequentlysoldattheTianguis.Itwasargued

thatTianguisconsumersdemandvarietyasopposedtolargequantitiesofafew

itemsandthatitisthereforebettertogrowalittlebitofalotofitemsversusalotof

onlyafew.Suchdemandgreatlyimpactedproducersandtheirdecisionsasalmost

three‐quartersofproducershavebeguntogroworproducenewitemstosellatthe

Tianguis,generatinganextensivelistofnewproducts.Itshouldalsobenotedthat

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theadoptionofallofthesenewproductswerethedirectresultofconsumer

demandandwereneverreportedlyinitiatedonthepartoftheproducer’s

themselves.

However,thoughconsumerdemandhasalteredproduction,ithasgenerally

beenquitecontained.Noproducercompletelystoppedgrowinganyspecificcropor

productorwholeheartedlyembracedonlythosethatconsumersdemanded.Thisis

highlightedinthefactthatwhileincreasesinvarietyhaveoccurred,noproductsor

cropshavebeendiscontinuedbutmerelydecreasedinquantity.Moreover,the

majorityofproducersstatedthattheyhaveintegratedthenewlyproducedproducts

intohouseholdconsumption.Thoughrareoccurrences,suchproductswerenoted

duringthefoodrecallsurvey.

Overall,theTianguisprovidedastableandfairenvironmentwhere

producerscouldselltheirproductsdirectlytoconsumers.Whiletheliterature

surroundinglocalfoodmarketsgenerallyfocusesontheeconomicbenefits,

producersoftheTianguisplacedlittleimportanceonthisaspect.Insteadimmense

valuewasseenintheirabilitytointeractwithandlearnfromfellowproducersand

consumersalike.Consumerdemandclearlyhadahandinnotonlydeterminingthe

productssoldattheTianguisbutalsohadanimpactontheconsumptionpatternsof

theproducersthemselves,asmanycitedhavingimprovedtheireatinghabitsasa

result.

112

5.2 Agroecology

5.2.1 Productivity

Aspreviouslydiscussed,manywhofeelittobeincapableofmatchingthe

yieldsofconventionalagriculturehavecalledtheproductivityofagroecologyinto

question.Howeverproducersgenerallyvocalizednosuchconcernsandinstead,

theiragroecologicalpracticesenabledmanytoharvestyieldsthatsatisfiednotonly

theneedsoftheirhousehold,butthoseofconsumersaswell25.Withregardtopests,

thoughaconstantnuisance,producershavebeenabletoemploytechniquesthat

havereducedtheirsusceptibility.Infact,onlyoneproducercitedhaving

experiencedwidespreadlossesduetopests;anewphenomenonforwhichsheis

implementingmanagementtechniques.Extremeweatherconditionswereperhaps

themostworrisomeforproducers,ascropsandlivestockarenegativelyaffected.

Overallhowever,producersvoicednodissatisfactionwiththelevelofproductivity

thattheiragroecologicalpracticesreaped.Moreover,asitwillbediscussedfurther,

manyproducersindicatedthattheirhouseholdsfacednoperiodofuncertaintyor

wantduetothefactthattheirpracticesprovidedthemwithaconsistentharvestof

diversecrops,whichcoveredboththeneedsofthehouseholdandconsumer

demand.

25Perhapstheonlyexceptiontothistrendwouldbetheproducerwhoreliedheavilyonrainwaterandthereforehadreducedharvestduringthedryseason.Suchcircumstancesarehoweverduetoherlimitedaccesstowaterandnotheragroecologicaltechniques.

113

5.2.2 MinimalDependenceonPurchasedInputs

Thoughitisnotanapproachcompletelydevoidofinputs,agroecologyrelies

onmorelocallyandaccessibleelements,supportingtheargumentthatsuch

methodscaneaseandeliminateproducers’dependenceoncostlyinputs.Though

producerswereunabletoprovideanaccountofhowmuchtheyspentoninputs

yearly,thelistwasquiteminimal,inwhichonlylabourandoccasionalseed

purchaseswerewidelyreported.Insteadofrelyingonexpensivefertilizersand

pesticides,producersgenerallyemployedbeneficialpolycroppingtechniquesand

alsoappliedcompostormanure,aswellashouseholdpestmanagementremedies.

Inthisway,producershadminimalrelianceon,orneedfor,purchasedinputs,as

muchofwhattheyrequiredoremployedwereeitherlocallyavailableorderived

directlyfromthehouseholditself.Suchcircumstancesmayalsoexplainwhy

producerscitedhigherprofits,despiteattimes,chargingsimilarpricestothose

foundatthecentralmarket.Whatisleftunansweredhowever,iswhetherTianguis

vegetableproducerscouldiffact,demandhigherpricesfortheirproducts.The

literaturesuggeststhatconsumersarewillingtopayfortheirproductswhenthey

havedirectinteractionwiththeproducer;enablingthemtoaskquestionsand

becomeacquaintedwiththeproductionmethods.Suchanotionisreminiscentof

thestatementmadebyoneoftheproducers,inwhich“atomatoisjustatomatoto

peoplewhodonothaveinformation”.Itisthereforearguablethatbycreating

conditionsofgreaterknowledgeandawarenessconcerningagroecological

productionmethodsamongconsumers,producerswouldfindthattheycould

chargehigherpricesfortheirproducts.

114

5.2.3 ImprovementstoLandHoldings

AsMcAfee(2006:5)argued,itwouldbeshortsightedtofocusmerelyon

productionlevelsandthatemphasisshouldalsobeplacedonthelong‐term

conditionsofthelandbeingused.Producersoftenreportedadeepconnectionwith

theland,whichformanyhadbeendevelopedorenhancedsinceadopting

agroecologicalpractices.Itwasalsostronglyfeltbymanythatthetechniquesthey

employhavegreatlybenefitedandimprovedthequalityoftheirlandholdings.

MirroringthefindingsofHolt‐Giménez(2006:192),oneproducerdiscussedhow

herland,thoughitdiddeclinesomewhatinquality,faredfarbetterthan

neighbouringplotsinthewakeofHurricaneMitch;theresultofwhichshe

attributedtoherpracticeofagroecology.

5.2.4 TheImportanceofKnowledge

Asithasbeennoted,agroecologyisknowledgeintensiveanditspractices

mustbeadaptedtosuitvaryingcircumstances.Forthemajorityofproducers,

agroecology,thoughpreviouslyknownbyothernames,hasbeenafamilytradition,

inwhichpracticeshavebeenpasseddownandrefinedthroughgenerations.Inthe

caseofpestmanagement,whileresponsesoftenvaried,producershaveeach

developedtheirownsuccessfulrecipesorpractices.Overtimeproducershave

developedandretainedtechniquesthataretailoredtotheirindividualsituations.

Howeverasoneproducernoted,knowledgeisnotacquiredinstantlyandthe

subsequentpracticesareonlyperfectedafteraperiodofexperimentation.Inher

115

opinion,herhouseholdwaslesspreparedandthereforemoresusceptibletopests

becausecomparedtootherhouseholdsparticipatingintheTianguis,herswas

relativelynewtoagroecologicalpracticesandhadyettodevelopconsistentpest

managementtechniques.

Additionally,manyproducersdiscussedtheirexperienceswithconventional

methodsandthesubsequentreasonsfortheirreturnorcommencementof

agroecologicalpractices.Often,thedecisivemomentinwhichproducerschoseto

converttheirpracticeswaslinkedtodegradingsoilconditionsanddecliningyields,

whichareattributedtotheconventionalmethodsthattheywereemploying.

However,asoneproducerhighlighted,thechoicetocompletelyoverhaul

agriculturalproductionisnotonethatshouldbemadelightly,norwithout

acknowledgmentofthepotentialrisks.Thoughhisfatherhasexpressedinterestin

thepotentialofagroecology,hehasyettofullycommit,ashislivelihoodisgreatly

dependantonhisagriculturalproductivity.

Scialabba(2007:6)arguedthatsocialorganizationscouldplayalargerolein

educatingandtransmittingknowledgeamongproducers,apositionthatis

supportedbyexperiencesattheTianguis.Thesenseofcommunityandabilityto

shareknowledgewasofgreatimportancetotheproducers.Workshopsandplot

visitsenabledthemtoengagewithoneanother,sharingtechniquesandknowledge;

whilemarketdaysprovidedthemtheopportunitytointeractwithconsumers,as

wellasoneanother.

116

Suchexperienceshavealsohadimpactsoncommunicationwithinthe

household.Manyproducersdescribedasharedmethodofdecision‐makingwithin

theirhousehold,howevertwoinparticularattributedanenvironmentofincreased

dialoguedirectlytotheirparticipationintheTianguisorexperiencesabroad.Afew

producersarealsoactiveoutsideoftheTianguis,usingvariousopportunitiesto

bothlearnandsharetheirownknowledgewithother.

5.3 FoodSecurity

5.3.1 TheImportanceofProducingforHouseholdConsumption

Whendescribingtheideaofentitlements,Sen(1981)notesthatthe

endowmentsrequiredtoensureone’sentitlementtofoodareoftenderivedintwo

ways:throughone’sabilitytoworkforawage;orthepossessionofcapital,suchas

land.Tosomedegree,theproducersattheTianguiscraftedtheirfoodentitlements

throughbothmeans,astheyallgroworproducetheirproductsforbothsaleand

householdconsumption.Howevertheexperiencesofthemajorityofproducers

indicatedtheimportancethatthelatterconsiderationhasinassuringfoodsecurity.

Onlyaquarterofproducersinterviewedstatedthatthereweretimesduring

theyearinwhichtheirhouseholdslackedsufficientquantitiesoffood;thereason

forwhichwasalwaysattributedtolimitedfinancialmeansduetoslowperiodsin

eitherproductionorsales.Theremainingmajorityindicatedthattheirhousehold

facednosuchperiodbecausetheygrowaportionoftheirproductsstrictlytosatisfy

householdconsumptionandinsodoing,ensuredthattheyalwayshadaccessto

117

sufficientfoodquantities.Thereforeitseemsthatthehouseholdsthatreliedtoa

lesserextentonthesaleoftheirproductwereperhapsmoreself‐sufficientandwere

abletogeneratemorestableconditionsoffoodsecurity.

Asimilarsituationasfoundtobetruewhenproducerswereaskedfordetails

specificallyregardingthefooditemstheypurchase.Thoughtheextenttowhich

eachhouseholdconsumedpurchaseditemsvaried,responseswereunifiedin

statingthatthetimesofdifficultyaredirectlyrelatedtoslowperiodsinsales.

Conversely,producerswhoreportednosuchperiodsofdifficultygenerally

attributedittothefactthattheypurchasedverylittleandreliedmoresoonitems

thattheythemselvesgrow.Thoughtwosuchhouseholdsdidadmitthatslow

periodsinsalescanhindertheirabilitytopurchaseotheritems,thefactthatthey

toogenerallyconsumewhattheygrewmeansthatwhiletheirpurchasesmightbe

limitedattimes,extremeperiodsofdifficultyarenotencountered.

Itisalsoimportanttonotethatproducersgenerallyfoundabalancebetween

addressingconsumerdemandsandprovidingfortheneedsoftheirhouseholds.

Onceagain,thoughmanyproducershaveadoptednewproductstosatisfy

consumers,noproductshavebeenfullydiscontinued,norhaveentireyieldsbeen

setasideforsaleatthemarket.Aprimeexampleofthisbalanceisproductionof

eggsamonghouseholds.Whileafewhouseholdsproduceeggs,onlyonesellsthem

attheTianguisonaregularbasis.Theremaininghouseholdsconsumethese

productswithintheirhouseholdsandgenerallyonlyselltheleftoverstoneighbours,

thoughsometimesconsumersaswell.Inthisway,thoughdemandexists,producers

118

havedecidedtosatisfytheneedsoftheirrespectedhouseholds,insteadofthe

potentialmarketdemands.

5.3.2 ImprovedHouseholdNutrition

Pretty(2009:6)arguedthatcropdiversitycanleadtodiversityontheplate

andsubsequently,improvedhouseholdnutrition.Themajorityofproducerscited

dietaryimprovements,largelybywayofincreasedconsumptionofvegetables.

Moreover,thoughproducerspreviouslygrewanarrayofproducts,consumer

demandhasinfactcreatedevenmorediverseconditions.Forproducers,the

introductiontonewproductsandabilitytoconversewithconsumershasgenerally

ledtoamorediverseplate.Thoughallnewproductswereacquiredtoaddress

consumerdemand,producersreportedthattheytoohavebeguntointroducesuch

itemsintotheirowndiets,saveforthefewthathavebeenexcludeddueto

unfamiliartastes.Suchcircumstanceswereverifiedbythefoodrecallsurvey,which

recordedtheconsumptionofitemssuchaschardsandspinach.

Perhapsoneofthemostilluminatingexperiencesregardingthepotential

ofagroecologytoimprovenutritionandsubsequentlyhouseholdfoodsecurityis

thatoftheproducerwhosehouseholdhasceasedtogrowanarrayofcropsfor

householdconsumptionandnowfocusesprimarilyonthesaleofspecialized

products.Thisproducerfeltstronglythathisfamilynolongereatsaswellasthey

usedtonowthattheydon’tgrowforhouseholdconsumption.Hisstatementthat

“Moneyandahighwaydonotmeanprogress”spokevolumesabouthis

119

circumstancesanddemonstratedhowspecializationofproductionandincreased

dependenceonpurchasedfoodhavenegativelyimpactedhishousehold’sfood

security.Whereasotherproducershavecontinuedtodiversifytheirproducts,his

householddidotherwise;theconsequencesofwhichwerereflectedinhisaccount.

120

ChapterSix

Conclusion

Thoughdiverseinamongstthemselves,theexperiencesoftheproducersat

theTianguisdemonstratedtheimpactthatthepracticeofagroecologycanhaveon

householdfoodsecurityaswellasthebenefitsofparticipatinginalocalfood

market.Althoughmuchoftheliteraturepointedtoincreasedincomesasabenefit

forsellingatlocalfoodmarkets,suchadvantageratedfairlylowamongproducersof

theTianguis.Whilemanydidfeelthattheyreceivebetterprices,themonetary

benefitoftheiractionswasminimal.Itwasinsteadtheimprovedconditions,social

environmentandsenseofcommunitythatproducer’sfoundtobethegreatest

remunerations.

Infact,suchanatmosphereservedtogreatlyenhanceboththeproducers’

agroecologicalpracticesandsubsequentlytheirhouseholdfoodsecurity,as

knowledgewassharedamongproducersaswellasconsumers.Throughsuch

exchangesproducerswereabletolearnimprovedtechniquesfromtheirpeersas

wellasbuildtrustamongconsumers.Interactionwithconsumersalsoleadto

dietarychanges,asproducerssoughttosatisfyconsumerdemandandsubsequently

incorporatedsuchrequestsintotheirowndiets.

Theexperiencesofproducersillustratedtheimmenseimportanceof

agroecologyininsuringthatthehouseholdhadaccesstosufficientandnutritious

fooditems.Thevariousagroecologicaltechniquesemployedensuredthatproducers

121

reapedharveststhatfulfilledbothhouseholdandconsumerneeds,withouttheuse

ofcostlyinputsandallthewhileimprovingthequalitytheirlandholdingsand

sustainingtheirlivelihoods.

Oftheutmostimportanceisthediversityandstabilityembodiedin

agroecology,whichenabledproducerstoensurethefoodsecurityoftheir

household.Bygrowingadiversearrayofcrops,producerswereabletoachievea

levelofself‐sufficiency,whichwasreflectedinthefactthatthemajorityof

householdsdidnotfaceperiodsoffoodinsecurityduetotheiractionofcultivating

fortheirownconsumption.Oneexperienceinparticularillustratedindetailhow

specializationanddecreaseddiversitycannegativelyimpacthouseholdfood

security.

Additionallyitcanbearguedthattheagroecologicalproductionofmany

producersenabledthemtoachievesignificantconditionsoffoodsovereigntywithin

theirhouseholds.Unhinderedbyadependenceoncostlyinputs,marketpricesor

concernsoverdegradinglandholdings,producerswereabletoensurethatthe

dietaryneedsoftheirhouseholdswerebeingmet.Whileconsumerdemandwas

showntohavenoteworthyinfluenceovertheadoptionofspecificcrops,producers

temperedconsumerinfluenceandultimatelymaintainedcontrolovertheir

practices.

Asithasbeendiscussed,thecurrentpracticeofconventionalagriculturehas

generatedamultitudeofdevastatingenvironmentalandsocialconsequencesand

hasmoreoverbeenunabletoaddresstherootcausesoffoodinsecurityworldwide.

122

Eventhoughthereisanoverabundanceoffoodglobally,muchofthepopulation

continuestofacehungerandmalnutrition.Asithasbeenstated,avastpercentage,

approximatelyhalf,belongstothehouseholdsofsmall‐scaleproducers.Inlightof

thisglobalparadox,focusneedstoshiftfromthemereabundanceoffoodto

ensuringthatwhatisproduced,isaccessiblebyall.Theexperiencesofthe

producersattheTianguisillustratedhowthepracticeofagroecologyhasthe

potentialtodrasticallyreshapetheconditionsoffoodsecuritywithinthese

households.

Foritspart,theTianguisprovidesanenvironmentwhereproducerscansell

theirproducts,aswellaslearnfromandengagewithboththeirpeersand

consumers.Thisdynamicwasshowntohavefar‐reachingconsequencesonthe

householdfoodsecurityofproducers.TheexperiencesoftheTianguisalso

demonstratethepotentialofsocialorganisationsinaidingproducerstoovercome

theobstaclesthatlimitedinformationcanposeintheattempttoconvertorimprove

theiragriculturalpractices.

Moreover,theminimalcostsandtransitionalprocessassociatedwiththe

impendingPGSensuresthatparticipationandcertificationareeasilyaccessibleto

small‐scaleproducers.Inherwork,Raynoldsquestionedwhetherorganic

certificationwascapableofaddressingsocialissuesduetoitsstrongenvironmental

focus.TheTianguisproducershaveidentifiedconditionsofsocialjusticetobeof

highimportance,andassuch,haveincludedcertainrequirementsintheir

certificationcriteria.Beingintheimplementationstage,itistooearlytosuggestany

123

far‐reachingsocialchangehoweverthereisthepotential,shouldtheparticipants

continuetoadheretothesecriteria.

Whilelocalfoodmarketsandcertificationprocesses,suchastheTianguis,

cangreatlybenefitsmall‐scaleproducers,theyarenotwithoutlimitations.Foran

endeavoursuchastheTianguistosucceed,andexpand,engagementwithboth

producersandconsumersisrequired.However,asdiscussedinboththeliterature

andcasestudy,thelimitedavailabilityoffunding,andsubsequentdependenceon

voluntarylabour,cangreatlyimpedtheprogressofsuchmarkets,notonlyinterms

ofeducationalendeavoursbutalsotheirveryexistence.

Moreover,asGuthman(2007)noted,foralabellingsystemtohavemerit,a

mandatoryconditionisthatallproducerscannotmeettherequirements.Arguably

suchcircumstancesformabarrierforproducerswhomaywishtoachieve

certification,butlackaccesstonecessaryresources,suchascleanwater.Although

thecertificationsystembeingimplementedattheTianguisincludesthe

achievementoftransitionalstatus,manyproducerswillcontinuetobeeffectively

prohibitedintheabsenceofagreaterfocusonthedistributionofaccessto

resources.

124

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AppendixA:InterviewGuide

Name: Date:Location:

1. a)Howmanypeopleliveinyourhousehold?b)Howmanychildren?

2. a)Howmanyyearshaveyoubeenfarmingunderorganic,agroecologicalorcleanmethods?☐<1☐1‐5☐6‐10☐11‐15☐20+b)HowlonghaveyoubeensellingattheTianguis?c)Howmanyhoursaday/weekdoyouwork?d)HasthischangedsincejoiningtheTianguis?e)Ifyes,why?f)Howmanyhoursdoyousleepeachnight?

3. a)Areyourcropssold,consumedinthehouseholdorboth?Before☐Sold☐Consumedinthehousehold☐BothAfter☐Sold☐Consumedinthehousehold☐Bothb)Howmuchisconsumedorsold?Before All Nearlyall Half QuarterNoneSold ☐☐ ☐☐☐Consumed ☐☐ ☐☐☐After All Nearlyall Half QuarterNoneSold ☐☐ ☐☐☐Consumed ☐☐ ☐☐☐

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c)Ifchanged,why?

d)Ifcropsaresold,howmuchdoyouearnfromthecropsalesinagivenweek?

e)Doesthisvaryfromseasontoseason?

f)Byhowmuch?

g)Why?

h)Whatisthebestseason/time?

i)Whatdoyoudowiththerevenuefromyouragriculturalsales?

4. a)Arethereanycropsthatyou’vestoppedgrowingsincebelongingtoTianguis?

b)What?c)Why?d)Arethereanycropsthatyou’vestartedgrowingsincebelongingtoTianguis?e)What?f)Why?g)Growanythingthatyoudon’teat?

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h)What?i)Whydon’tyoueatthem?

5. a)Doyouraiseanylivestock(ie.Chickens,turkeys,pigs,cows,goats)?Before:After:b)Ifyes,whattypesofanimalsandhowmanydoyouhave?

Before AfterTypeofAnimal Number TypeofAnimal Number

c)Ifchanged,why?d)Isyourlivestock,ortheproductsofyourlivestock(e.g.eggs,wool)sold,consumedwithinthehouseholdorboth?BeforeAnimal1 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal2 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal3 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal4 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal5 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAfterAnimal1 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal2 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal3 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal4 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐BothAnimal5 ☐Sold☐Consumedwithinthehousehold☐Both

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e)Approximatelyhowmuchisconsumedorsold?Before All Nearlyall Half QuarterNoneSold ☐☐ ☐☐☐Consumed ☐☐ ☐☐☐After All Nearlyall Half QuarterNoneSold ☐☐ ☐☐☐Consumed ☐☐ ☐☐☐f)Ifchanged,why?

g)Ifsold,howmuchdoyouearnfromthesalesinaweek?

h)Doesthisvaryfromseasontoseason?

i)Byhowmuch?

j)Why?

k)Whatdoyoudowiththerevenuefromyourlivestocksales?

6.

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a)Arethereanytimesduringtheyearinwhichthemembersofyourhouseholdsdonothaveasufficientquantityoffood?

b)Ifyes,when?

c)Why?

7. a)Whatfoodsdoyoutypicallyeat?

b)Aretheretimeswhenyouhaveadifficulttimeacquiringthesefoods?c)Ifyes,which? d)When?e)Why?f)Arethereothertypesoffoodthatyouwouldliketoincludeinyourdietbutareunabletodoso?g)Ifyes,what?h)Why?i)Whydon’tyoueatthem?j)HasyourdietchangedsincebelongingtotheTianguis?k)How?

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l)Why?m)Isthereanythingthatyoueatnowthatyoudidn’tbefore?n)What?o)Whydoyounoweatit?

8. a)Whatpercentageoffoodconsumedbythehouseholdispurchased?

Before All Nearlyall Half QuarterNone ☐☐ ☐☐☐After All Nearlyall Half QuarterNone ☐☐ ☐☐☐b)Ifchanged,why?

c)Pleaselistfoodthatyourhouseholdtypicallypurchases

d)Wheredoyoupurchaseyourfood(ie.Otherfarmers,tianguis,Walmart)?Before AfterFoodItem Where

purchasedFoodItem Where

purchased

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e)Whatdidyoueatyesterdayforbreakfast,lunch,dinnerandsnacks?Whatwasfromyourfarm,purchasedorexchanged?(OF=ownfarm,P=purchased,E=exchanged)BreakfastItem

OF P E LunchItem OF P E

DinnerItem

OF P F SnackItem OF P E

f)Arethereanytimesduringthecourseofthetypicalyearinwhichyouarenotabletopurchaseasufficientquantityoffoodforyourhousehold?g)Ifyes,when?h)Why?

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9. a)Whatinputs(ie.fertilizer,seeds,labour,etc)doyoupurchaseeachyear?Before AfterInput1 Input1

Input2 Input2

Input3 Input3

Input4 Input4

Input5

Input5

b)Howmuchofeachinputdoyoupurchaseinagivenyear?

c)Howmuchdoyouspendoneachoftheseinputsinagivenyear?Before After Howmuch

purchased

Howmuchspent

Howmuchpurchased

Howmuchspent

Input1

Input1

Input2

Input2

Input3

Input3

Input4

Input4

Input5

Input5

10. a)Haveyouexperiencedanycropfailures?b)Ifyes,duetowhat?c)Howfrequently?

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11. a)DoyousellyourcropsorproductsatplacesotherthantheTianguis?b)Ifyes,where?

12. a)Doyoureceiveadditionalsupportorincomefromsourcesotherthanyouragriculturalproduction(eg.Wagelabour,remittances,salesofhandicrafts,etc)?Fromwho/what?

13. a)Howmuchlanddoyouwork?b)Howmuchofthisdoyouown?c)Howmuchofthisdoyourent?d)Doyouownlandthatyourenttootherfarmers?e)Describethequalityofthelandthatyouworkf)Hasthequalityofyourlandchanged(ie.improved,worsened)?g)Why?

14. Whowouldyouidentifyasthekeydecisionmakerofthehousehold?

15. Whyisagroecologyimportant?

16. InwhatwayshassellingattheTianguisimpactedyourhousehold?