m21 blan8290 05_se_c21

n July 1944, representatives of 44 countries met in Bretton Woods, NewHampshire, to design a new international monetary and exchange rate system.The system they adopted was based on fixed exchange rates, with all membercountries other than the United States fixing the price of their currency in terms

of dollars. In 1973, a series of exchange rate crises brought an abrupt end to the system—andan end to what is now called “the Bretton Woods period.” Since then, the world has been char-acterized by many exchange rate arrangements. Some countries operate under flexibleexchange rates, some operate under fixed exchange rates, and some go back and forthbetween regimes. Which exchange rate regime to choose is one of the most debated issues inmacroeconomics and, as the cartoon suggests, a decision facing every country in the world.

441

I

Exchange RateRegimes

CH

AP

TE

R 2

1

© The New Yorker Collection 1971 Ed Fisher from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.

M21_BLAN8290_05_SE_C21.qxd 4/21/08 8:52 PM Page 441

442 The Open Economy Extensions

21-1 The Medium RunWhen we focused on the short run in Chapter 20, we drew a sharp contrast betweenthe behavior of an economy with flexible exchange rates and an economy with fixedexchange rates:

■ Under flexible exchange rates, a country that needed to achieve a real depreciation—for example, to reduce its trade deficit or to get out of a recession—could do so byrelying on an expansionary monetary policy to achieve both lower interest and adecrease in the exchange rate—a depreciation.

■ Under fixed exchange rates, a country lost both of these instruments: By defini-tion, its nominal exchange rate was fixed and thus could not be adjusted.Moreover, the fixed exchange rate and the interest parity condition implied thatthe country could not adjust its interest rate; the domestic interest rate had toremain equal to the foreign interest rate.

This appeared to make a flexible exchange rate regime much more attractive thana fixed exchange rate regime: Why should a country give up two macroeconomicinstruments? As we now shift focus from the short run to the medium run, you shallsee that this earlier conclusion needs to be qualified. Although our conclusions aboutthe short run were valid, we shall see that, in the medium run, the difference betweenthe two regimes fades away. More specifically, in the medium run, the economyreaches the same real exchange rate and the same level of output, whether it operatesunder fixed or under flexible exchange rates.

This chapter discusses these issues:

■ Section 21-1 looks at the medium run. It shows that, in sharp contrast to the results we derivedfor the short run in Chapter 20, an economy ends up with the same real exchange rate andoutput level in the medium run, regardless of whether it operates under fixed exchange ratesor flexible exchange rates. This obviously does not make the exchange rate regime irrelevant—the short run matters very much—but it is an important extension and qualification to ourprevious analysis.

■ Section 21-2 takes another look at fixed exchange rates and focuses on exchange rate crises.During a typical exchange rate crisis, a country operating under a fixed exchange rate isforced, often under dramatic conditions, to abandon its parity and to devalue. Such crises werebehind the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system. They rocked the European MonetarySystem in the early 1990s and were a major element of the Asian Crisis of the late 1990s. It is important to understand why they happen and what they imply.

■ Section 21-3 takes another look at flexible exchange rates and focuses on the behavior ofexchange rates under a flexible exchange rate regime. It shows that the behavior of exchangerates and the relation of the exchange rate to monetary policy are, in fact, more complex thanwe assumed in Chapter 20. Large fluctuations in the exchange rate, and the difficulty of usingmonetary policy to affect the exchange rate, make a flexible exchange rate regime less attrac-tive than it appeared to be in Chapter 20.

■ Section 21-4 puts all these conclusions together and reviews the case for flexible or fixed rates.It discusses two recent and important developments: the move toward a common currency inEurope, and the move toward strong forms of fixed exchange rate regimes, from currencyboards to dollarization. ■

M21_BLAN8290_05_SE_C21.qxd 4/10/08 2:33 AM Page 442

� See equation (7.3).

�

Recall that the aggregatedemand relation captures theeffects of the price level on out-put. It is derived from equilib-rium in goods and financialmarkets.

�

There are three ways in whicha U.S. car can become cheaperrelative to a Japanese car:First, through a decrease in thedollar price of the U.S car.Second, through an increase inthe yen price of the Japanesecar. Third, through a decreasein the nominal exchange rate—a decrease in the value of thedollar in terms of yen.

Chapter 21 Exchange Rate Regimes 443

The intuition for this result is actually easy to give. Recall the definition of the realexchange rate:

The real exchange rate, , is equal to the nominal exchange rate, E (the price of domes-tic currency in terms of foreign currency), times the domestic price level, P, divided bythe foreign price level, P*. There are, therefore, two ways in which the real exchangerate can adjust:

■ Through a change in the nominal exchange rate, E—This can be done only underflexible exchange rates. And if we assume that the domestic price level, P, and theforeign price level, P*, do not change in the short run, it is the only way to adjustthe real exchange rate in the short run.

■ Through a change in the domestic price level, P, relative to the foreign price level—In the medium run, this option is open even to a country operating under a

fixed (nominal) exchange rate. And this is indeed what happens under fixedexchange rates: The adjustment takes place through the price level rather thanthrough the nominal exchange rate.

Let us go through this argument step by step. To begin, let’s derive the aggregatedemand and aggregate supply relations for an open economy under a fixed exchange rate.

Aggregate Demand Under Fixed Exchange RatesIn an open economy with fixed exchange rates, we can write the aggregate demandrelation as

(21.1)

Output, Y, depends on the real exchange rate, ( denotes the fixed nominalexchange rate, and P and denote the domestic and foreign price levels, respec-tively), government spending, G, and taxes, T. An increase in the real exchange rate—areal appreciation—leads to a decrease in output. An increase in government spendingleads to an increase in output; an increase in taxes leads to a decrease in output.

The derivation of equation (21.1) is better left to an appendix at the end of thischapter. The intuition behind the equation is straightforward, however:

Recall that, in a closed economy, the aggregate demand relation took the sameform as equation (21.1), except for the presence of the real money stock, M/P, insteadof the real exchange rate, .

■ The reason for the presence of M/P in a closed economy was the following: By con-trolling the money supply, the central bank could change the interest rate andaffect output. In an open economy, and under fixed exchange rates and perfectcapital mobility, the central bank can no longer change the interest rate—which ispinned down by the foreign interest rate. Put another way, under fixed exchangerates, the central bank gives up monetary policy as a policy instrument. This iswhy the money stock no longer appears in the aggregate demand relation.

■ At the same time, the fact that the economy is open implies that we must include a variable that we did not include when we looked at the closed economy

-EP/P *

P *EEP/P*

1 - , + , - 2 Y = Y aEP

P *, G , Tb

P *

P

P =

EPP*


�

Recall that the aggregate sup-ply relation captures the effectsof output on the price level. Itis derived from equilibrium inlabor markets.

�

Aggregate demand relation inthe open economy under fixedexchange rates: P increases ⇒⇒E–P/P* increases ⇒⇒ Y decreases.


Pri

ce le

vel,

P

AD

AS

A

Output, Y

YnY

Figure 21-1Aggregate Demand andAggregate Supply in anOpen Economy UnderFixed Exchange Rates

An increase in the price levelleads to a real appreciation anda decrease in output: The aggre-gate demand curve is downwardsloping. An increase in outputleads to an increase in the pricelevel: The aggregate supply curveis upward sloping.

earlier: the real exchange rate, . As we saw in Chapter 20, an increase in thereal exchange rate leads to a decrease in the demand for domestic goods and thusa decrease in output. Conversely, a decrease in the real exchange rate leads to anincrease in output.

Note that, just as in a closed economy, the aggregate demand relation (21.1)implies a negative relation between the price level and output. But, while the sign ofthe effect of the price level on output remains the same, the channel is very different:

■ In a closed economy, the price level affects output through its effect on the realmoney stock and, in turn, its effect on the interest rate.

■ In an open economy under fixed exchange rates, the price level affects outputthrough its effect on the real exchange rate. Given the fixed nominal exchangerate, , and the foreign price level, , an increase in the domestic price level, P,leads to an increase in the real exchange rate, —a real appreciation. This realappreciation leads to a decrease in the demand for domestic goods and, in turn, toa decrease in output. Put simply: An increase in the price level makes domesticgoods more expensive, thus decreasing the demand for domestic goods and, inturn, decreasing output.

Equilibrium in the Short Run and in the Medium RunThe aggregate demand curve associated with equation (21.1) is drawn as the AD curvein Figure 21-1. It is downward sloping: An increase in the price level decreases output.As always, the relation is drawn for given values of the other variables, in this case forgiven values of , G, and T.

For the aggregate supply curve, we rely on the relation we derived in the core.Going back to the aggregate supply relation we derived in Chapter 7, equation (7.2),

(21.2)P = Pe11 + m2F a1 -

YL

, zb

P *E ,

EP/P*P *E

-EP/P *

M21_BLAN8290_05_SE_C21.qxd 4/10/08 2:33 AM 44

�

The result that the price leveldecreases along the path ofadjustment comes from ourassumption that the foreignprice level is constant. If wehad assumed instead thatthe foreign price level wasincreasing over time, whatwould be needed would be forthe domestic price level toincrease less than the foreignprice level or, put another way,for domestic inflation to belower than foreign inflation forsome time.

�

Make sure you understand thisstep. If you need a refresher,return to Section 7-1.

Aggregate supply relation: Y increases ⇒⇒ P increases.�


The price level, P, depends on the expected price level, , and on the level of out-put, Y. Recall the two mechanisms at work:

■ The expected price level matters because it affects nominal wages, which in turnaffect the price level.

■ Higher output matters because it leads to higher employment, which leads tolower unemployment, which leads to higher wages, which leads to a higher pricelevel.

The aggregate supply curve is drawn as the AS curve in Figure 21-1 for a givenvalue of the expected price level. It is upward sloping: Higher output leads to a higherprice level.

The short-run equilibrium is given by the intersection of the aggregate demandcurve and the aggregate supply curve, point A in Figure 21-1. As is the case in a closedeconomy, there is no reason why the short-run equilibrium level of output, Y, shouldbe equal to the natural level of output, . As the figure is drawn, Y is smaller than Yn ,so output is below the natural level of output.

What happens over time? The basic answer is familiar from our earlier look atadjustment in a closed economy, and is shown in Figure 21-2. As long as output remainsbelow the natural level of output, the aggregate supply shifts down. The reason: Whenoutput is below the natural level of output, the price level turns out to be lower thanwas expected. This leads wage setters to revise their expectation of the price leveldownward, leading to a lower price level at a given level of output—hence, the down-ward shift of the aggregate supply curve. So, starting from A, the economy moves overtime along the aggregate demand curve until it reaches B. At B, output is equal to thenatural level of output. The price level is lower than it was at A; by implication, the realexchange rate is lower than it was at A.

In words: As long as output is below the natural level of output, the price leveldecreases. The decrease in the price level over time leads to a steady real depreciation.This real depreciation then leads to an increase in output until output has returned toits natural level.

In the medium run, despite the fact that the nominal exchange rate is fixed, theeconomy still achieves the real depreciation needed to return output to its naturallevel. This is an important qualification to the conclusions we reached in the previouschapter—where we were focusing only on the short run:

■ In the short run, a fixed nominal exchange rate implies a fixed real exchange rate.■ In the medium run, the real exchange rate can adjust even if the nominal

exchange rate is fixed. This adjustment is achieved through movements in theprice level.

The Case for and against a DevaluationThe result that, even under fixed exchange rates, the economy returns to the naturallevel of output in the medium run is important. But it does not eliminate the fact thatthe process of adjustment may be long and painful. Output may remain too low andunemployment may remain too high for a long time.

Are there faster and better ways to return output to normal? The answer, withinthe model we have just developed, is a clear yes.

Suppose that the government decides, while keeping the fixed exchange rateregime, to allow for a one-time devaluation. For a given price level, a devaluation (adecrease in the nominal exchange rate) leads to a real depreciation (a decrease in the

Yn

Pe



AD

A

Yn

AS

C

B

AD �

Output, Y

Pri

ce le

vel,

P

�E < 0

Y

Figure 21-3Adjustment with aDevaluation

A devaluation of the right sizecan shift aggregate demand tothe right, moving the economy topoint C. At point C, output is backto the natural level of output.

real exchange rate) and, therefore, to an increase in output. In other words, a devalua-tion shifts the aggregate demand curve to the right: Output is higher at a given pricelevel.

This has a straightforward implication: A devaluation of the right size can take theeconomy directly from Y to Yn. This is shown in Figure 21-3. Suppose the economy isinitially at A, the same point A as in Figure 21-2. The right size depreciation shifts theaggregate demand curve from AD to AD', moving the equilibrium from A to C. At C,output is equal to the natural level of output, Yn, and the real exchange rate is the same

AD

A

Yn

AS

B

AS �

Y

Output, Y

Pri

ce le

vel,

P

Figure 21-2Adjustment under FixedExchange Rates

The aggregate supply curveshifts down over time, leading toa decrease in the price level, toa real depreciation, and to anincrease in output. The processends when output has returnedto its natural level.



as at B. [We know this because output is the same at points B and C. From equation(21.1), and without changes in G or T, this implies that the real exchange rate must alsobe the same.]

That a devaluation of the “right size” can return output to the natural level of out-put right away sounds too good to be true—and, in reality, it is. Achieving the “rightsize” devaluation—the devaluation that takes output to Yn right away—is easier toachieve in a graph than in reality:

■ In contrast to our simple aggregate demand relation [see equation (21.1)], theeffects of the depreciation on output do not happen right away: As you saw inChapter 19, the initial effects of a depreciation on output can be contractionary, aspeople pay more for imports, and the quantities of imports and exports have notadjusted yet.

■ Also, in contrast to our simple aggregate supply relation [see equation (21.2)],there is likely to be a direct effect of the devaluation on the price level. As the priceof imported goods increases, the price of a consumption basket increases. Thisincrease is likely to lead workers to ask for higher nominal wages, forcing firms toincrease their prices as well.

But these complications do not affect the basic conclusion: A devaluation canhasten the return of output to its natural level. And so, whenever a country under fixedexchange rates faces either a large trade deficit or a severe recession, there is a lot ofpolitical pressure either to give up the fixed exchange rate regime altogether, or, atleast, to have a one-time devaluation. Perhaps the most forceful presentation of thisview was made more than 80 years ago by Keynes, who argued against WinstonChurchill’s decision to return the British pound in 1925 to its pre–World War I paritywith gold. His arguments are presented in the Focus box “The Return of Britain to theGold Standard: Keynes versus Churchill.” Most economic historians believe that his-tory proved Keynes right, and that overvaluation of the pound was one of the mainreasons for Britain’s poor economic performance after World War I.

Those who oppose a shift to flexible exchange rates or who oppose a devaluationargue that there are good reasons to choose fixed exchange rates and that too muchwillingness to devalue defeats the purpose of adopting a fixed exchange rate regime inthe first place. They argue that too much willingness on the part of governments toconsider devaluations actually leads to an increased likelihood of exchange rate crises.To understand their arguments, we now turn to these crises, what triggers them andwhat their implications might be.

21-2 Exchange Rate Crises under FixedExchange RatesSuppose a country has chosen to operate under a fixed exchange rate. Suppose also thatfinancial investors start believing that there may soon be an exchange rate adjustment—either a devaluation or a shift to a flexible exchange rate regime accompanied by adepreciation.

We just saw why this might be the case:

■ The real exchange rate may be too high. Or, put another way, the domestic cur-rency may be overvalued. In this case, a real depreciation is called for. Although thiscould be achieved in the medium run without a devaluation, financial investorsmight conclude that the government will take the quickest way out—and devalue.

Such an overvaluation is likely to happen in a country that pegs its nominalexchange rate to the currency of a country with lower inflation. Higher relative

� See Section 19-5 on the J-curve.



The Return of Britain to the Gold Standard:Keynes versus Churchill

In 1925, Britain decided to return to the gold standard.The gold standard was a system in which each country fixedthe price of its currency in terms of gold and stood ready toexchange gold for currency at the stated parity.This systemimplied fixed exchange rates between countries.

The gold standard had been in place from 1870 untilWorld War I. Because of the need to finance the war, andto do so in part by money creation, Britain suspendedthe gold standard in 1914. In 1925, Winston Churchill,then Britain’s Chancellor of the Exchequer (the Englishequivalent of Secretary of the Treasury in the UnitedStates), decided to return to the gold standard and toreturn to it at the pre-war parity—that is, at the prewarvalue of the pound in terms of gold. But because priceshad increased faster in Britain than in many of its trad-ing partners, returning to the prewar parity implied alarge real appreciation: At the same nominal exchangerate as before the war, British goods were now relativelymore expensive relative to foreign goods. (Go back tothe definition of the real exchange rate, : Theprice level in Britain, P, had increased more than theforeign price level, P*. At a given nominal exchange rate, E, this implied that was higher and that Britainsuffered from a real appreciation.)

Keynes severely criticized the decision to return tothe pre-war parity. In The Economic Consequences ofMr. Churchill, a book he published in 1925, Keynesargued that if Britain were going to return to the goldstandard, it should have done so at a lower price of cur-rency in terms of gold—that is, at a lower nominalexchange rate than the pre-war nominal exchange rate. Ina newspaper article, he articulated his views as follows:

P

= EP/P *P

There remains, however, the objection to which I havenever ceased to attach importance, against the return togold in actual present conditions in view of the possibleconsequences on the state of trade and employment. Ibelieve that our price level is too high, if it is convertedto gold at the par of exchange, in relation to gold priceselsewhere; and if we consider the prices of those articlesonly which are not the subject of international trade,and of services, i.e. wages, we shall find that these arematerially too high—not less than 5 per cent, and prob-ably 10 per cent. Thus, unless the situation is saved by arise of prices elsewhere, the Chancellor is committing usto a policy of forcing down money wages by perhaps 2shillings in the Pound.

I do not believe that this can be achieved without thegravest danger to industrial profits and industrialpeace. I would much rather leave the gold value of ourcurrency where it was some months ago than embarkon a struggle with every trade union in the country toreduce money wages. It seems wiser and simpler andsaner to leave the currency to find its own level for sometime longer rather than force a situation where employ-ers are faced with the alternative of closing down or oflowering wages, cost what the struggle may.

For this reason, I remain of the opinion that theChancellor of the Exchequer has done an ill-judgedthing—ill judged because we are running the risk for noadequate reward if all goes well.

Keynes’s prediction turned out to be right.While othercountries were growing, Britain remained in recession forthe rest of the decade. Most economic historians attributea good part of the blame to the initial overvaluation.

Source: “The Nation and Athenaeum,” May 2, 1925.FO

CU

S

inflation implies a steadily increasing price of domestic goods relative to foreigngoods, a steady real appreciation, and so a steady worsening of the trade position.As time passes, the need for an adjustment of the real exchange rate increases, andfinancial investors become more and more nervous. They start thinking that adevaluation might be coming.

■ Internal conditions may call for a decrease in the domestic interest rate. As wehave seen, a decrease in the domestic interest rate cannot be achieved under fixedexchange rates. But it can be achieved if the country is willing to shift to a flexibleexchange rate regime. If a country lets the exchange rate float and then decreasesits domestic interest rate, we know from Chapter 20 that this will trigger a decreasein the nominal exchange rate—a nominal depreciation.

As soon as financial markets believe a devaluation may be coming, maintaining theexchange rate requires an increase—often a large one—in the domestic interest rate. Tosee this, return to the interest parity condition we derived in Chapter 18:

(21.3)it = i *t -

1Et + 1e

- Et2Et

Because it is more convenient,we use the approximation,equation (18.4), rather than theoriginal interest parity condi-tion, equation (18.2). �


In the summer of 1998, BorisYeltsin announced that theRussian government had nointention of devaluing theruble. Two weeks later, theruble collapsed.

�

In most countries, the govern-ment is formally in charge ofchoosing the parity, and thecentral bank is formally in chargeof maintaining it. In practice,choosing and maintaining theparity are joint responsibilitiesof the government and the cen-tral bank.

�


In Chapter 18, we interpreted this equation as a relation between the one-yeardomestic and foreign nominal interest rates, the current exchange rate, and theexpected exchange rate a year hence. But the choice of one year as the period was arbi-trary. The relation holds over a day, a week, or a month. If financial markets expect theexchange rate to be 2% lower one month from now, they will hold domestic bonds onlyif the one-month domestic interest rate exceeds the one–month foreign interest rateby 2% (or, if we express interest rates at an annual rate, if the annual domestic interestrate exceeds the annual foreign interest rate by ).

Under fixed exchange rates, the current exchange rate, Et , is set at some level, say. If markets expect that the parity will be maintained over the period, then

, and the interest parity condition simply states that the domestic and the for-eign interest rates must be equal.

Suppose, however, that participants in financial markets start anticipating adevaluation—a decrease in the exchange rate. Suppose they believe that, over the com-ing month, there is a 75% chance the parity will be maintained and a 25% chance therewill be a 20% devaluation. The term in the interest parity equation (21.3),which we assumed equal to 0 earlier, now equals (that is, a 75% chance of no change plus a 25% chance of a devaluation of 20%).

This implies that, if the central bank wants to maintain the existing parity, it mustnow set a monthly interest rate 5% higher than before—60% higher at an annual rate(12 months × 5% per month) is the interest differential needed to convince investors tohold domestic bonds rather than foreign bonds! Any smaller interest differential, andinvestors will not want to hold domestic bonds.

What choices, then, do the government and the central bank have?

■ First, the government and the central bank can try to convince markets that theyhave no intention of devaluing. This is always the first line of defense:Communiqués are issued, and prime ministers go on TV to reiterate their absolutecommitment to the existing parity. But words are cheap, and they rarely convincefinancial investors.

■ Second, the central bank can increase the interest rate but by less than would beneeded to satisfy equation (21.3)—in our example, by less than 60%. Althoughdomestic interest rates are high, they are not high enough to fully compensate forthe perceived risk of devaluation. This action typically leads to a large capital out-flow because financial investors still prefer to get out of domestic bonds into for-eign bonds. They sell domestic bonds, getting the proceeds in domestic currency.They then go to the foreign exchange market to sell domestic currency for foreigncurrency in order to buy foreign bonds. If the central bank did not intervene in theforeign exchange market, the large sales of domestic currency for foreign currencywould lead to a depreciation. If it wants to maintain the exchange rate, the centralbank must therefore stand ready to buy domestic currency and sell foreign cur-rency at the current exchange rate. In doing so, it often loses most of its reserves offoreign currency. (The mechanics of central bank intervention were described inthe appendix to Chapter 20.)

■ Eventually—after a few hours or a few weeks—the choice for the central bankbecomes either to increase the interest rate enough to satisfy equation (21.3), or tovalidate the market’s expectations and devalue. Setting a very high short-termdomestic interest rate can have a devastating effect on demand and on output—no firm wants to invest, and no consumer wants to borrow when interest rates arevery high. This course of action makes sense only if (1) the perceived probability ofa devaluation is small, so the interest rate does not have to be too high, and (2) thegovernment believes markets will soon become convinced that no devaluation is

0.75 * 0% + 0.25 * (-20%) = -5%(Et + 1

e- Et )/Et

Et + 1e

= EEt = E

2% * 12 = 24%



coming, allowing domestic interest rates to decrease. Otherwise, the only option isto devalue. (All these steps were very much in evidence during the exchange ratecrisis that affected much of western Europe in 1992. See the Focus box “The 1992EMS Crisis.”)

To summarize, expectations that a devaluation may be coming can trigger anexchange rate crisis. Faced with such expectations, the government has two options:

■ Give in and devalue.■ Fight and maintain the parity, at the cost of very high interest rates and a potential

recession. Fighting may not work anyway: The recession may force the govern-ment to change policy later on or force the government out of office.

An interesting twist here is that a devaluation can occur even if the belief that a devaluation was coming was initially groundless. In other words, even if the

The 1992 EMS Crisis

An example of the problems we discussed in Section 21-2is the exchange rate crisis that shook the EuropeanMonetary System (EMS) in the early 1990s.

At the start of the 1990s, the EMS appeared to workwell. The EMS, which had started in 1979, was anexchange rate system based on fixed parities withbands: Each member country (among them, France,Germany, Italy, and, beginning in 1990, the UnitedKingdom) had to maintain its exchange rate vis-à-vis allother member countries within narrow bands. The firstfew years had been rocky, with many realignments—adjustment of parities—among member countries.From 1987 to 1992, however, there were only tworealignments, and there was increasing talk about nar-rowing the bands further and even moving to the nextstage—to the adoption of a common currency.

In 1992, however, financial markets became increas-ingly convinced that more realignments were soon tocome. The reason was one we have already seen inChapter 20—namely, the macroeconomic implicationsof Germany’s reunification. Because of the pressure ondemand coming from reunification, the Bundesbank(the German central bank) was maintaining high inter-est rates to avoid too large an increase in output and anincrease in inflation in Germany. While Germany’s EMSpartners needed lower interest rates to reduce the grow-ing unemployment problem, they had to match theGerman interest rates to maintain their EMS parities. Tofinancial markets, the position of Germany’s EMS part-ners looked increasingly untenable. Lower interest ratesoutside Germany, and thus devaluations of many cur-rencies vis-à-vis the Deutsche mark, appeared increas-ingly likely.

Throughout 1992, the perceived probability of adevaluation forced a number of EMS countries to main-tain higher nominal interest rates than even those inGermany. Still, the first major crisis did not come untilSeptember 1992.

In early September 1992, the belief that a number ofcountries were soon going to devalue led to speculativeattacks on a number of currencies, with financialinvestors selling in anticipation of an oncoming devalu-ation. All the lines of defense described earlier were usedby the monetary authorities and the governments of thecountries under attack. First, solemn communiquéswere issued, but with no discernible effect. Then, interestrates were increased. For example, Sweden’s overnightinterest rate (the rate for lending and borrowingovernight) increased to 500% (expressed at an annualrate)! But interest rates were not increased by enough toprevent capital outflows and large losses of foreignexchange reserves by the central banks under pressure.

At that point, different countries took differentcourses of action: Spain devalued its exchange rate.Italy and the United Kingdom suspended their partici-pation in the EMS. France decided to tough it outthrough higher interest rates until the storm was over.Figure 1 shows the evolution of the exchange rates vis-à-vis the Deutsche mark for a number of Europeancountries from January 1992 to December 1993:You canclearly see the effects of the September 1992 crisis andthe ensuing depreciations/devaluations.

By the end of September, investors, by and large,believed that no further devaluations were imminent.Some countries were no longer in the EMS. Others haddevalued but remained in the EMS, and those that hadmaintained their parity had shown their determinationto stay in the EMS, even if it meant very high interestrates. But the underlying problem—the high Germaninterest rates—was still present, and it was only a mat-ter of time before the next crisis started. In November1992, further speculation forced a devaluation of theSpanish peseta, the Portuguese escudo, and the Swedishkrona. The peseta and the escudo were further deval-ued in May 1993. In July 1993, after yet another largespeculative attack, EMS countries decided to adoptF

OC

US



government initially has no intention of devaluing, it might be forced to do so if finan-cial markets believe that it will devalue: The cost of maintaining the parity would be along period of high interest rates and a recession; the government might prefer todevalue instead.

21-3 Exchange Rate Movements under Flexible Exchange RatesIn the model we developed in Chapter 20, there was a simple relation between theinterest rate and the exchange rate: The lower the interest rate, the lower the exchangerate. This implied that a country that wanted to maintain a stable exchange rate just had

large fluctuation bands (�15%) around central parities,in effect moving to a system that allowed for very largeexchange rate fluctuations. This system with widerbands was kept until the adoption of a common cur-rency, the euro, in January 1999.

To summarize: The 1992 EMS crisis resulted fromthe perception by financial markets that the high inter-est rates forced by Germany upon its partners under therules of the EMS were becoming very costly. The belief

that some countries might want to devalue or get out ofthe EMS led investors to ask for even higher interestrates, making it even more costly for those countries tomaintain their parity. In the end, some countries couldnot bear the cost; some devalued, and some droppedout. Others remained in the system—but at a substantialcost in terms of output. (For example, average growth inFrance from 1990 to 1996 was 1.2%, compared to 2.3%for Germany over the same period.)

1992

:1=1

.00

Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec1992 1993

1.05

1.00

0.95

0.90

0.85

0.80

0.75

0.70

FINLANDSWEDENUKITALYSPAINFRANCEPORTUGAL

Figure 1 Exchange Rates of Selected European Countries Relative to the Deutsche Mark, January1992 to December 1993



to maintain its interest rate close to the foreign interest rate. A country that wanted toachieve a given depreciation just had to decrease its interest rate by the right amount.

In reality, the relation between the interest rate and the exchange rate is not sosimple. Exchange rates often move even in the absence of movements in interest rates.Furthermore, the size of the effect of a given change in the interest rate on theexchange rate is hard to predict. This makes it much harder for monetary policy toachieve its desired outcome.

To see why things are more complicated, we must return once again to the interestparity condition we derived in Chapter 18 [equation (18.2)]:

As we did in Chapter 20 [equation (20.4)], we multiply both sides by , and reor-ganize to get

(21.4)

Think of the time period (from t to ) as one year. The exchange rate this yeardepends on the one-year domestic interest rate, the one-year foreign interest rate, andthe exchange rate expected for next year.

We assumed in Chapter 20 that the expected exchange rate next year, was con-stant. But that was a simplification. The exchange rate expected one year hence is notconstant. Using equation (21.4), but now for next year, it is clear that the exchange ratenext year will depend on next year’s one-year domestic interest rate, the one-year foreigninterest rate, the exchange rate expected for the year after, and so on. So, any change inexpectations of current and future domestic and foreign interest rates, as well as changesin the expected exchange rate in the far future, will affect the exchange rate today.

Let’s explore this more closely. Write equation (21.4) for year rather than foryear t:

The exchange rate in year depends on the domestic interest rate and the for-eign interest rate for year , as well as on the expected future exchange rate in year

. So, the expectation of the exchange rate in year , held as of year t, is given by

Replacing in equation (21.4) with this expression gives

The current exchange rate depends on this year’s domestic and foreign interestrates, on next year’s expected domestic and foreign interest rates, and on the expectedexchange rate two years from now. Continuing to solve forward in time in the sameway (by replacing , , and so on until, say, year ) we get

(21.5)Et =

11 + it211 + it + 1e 2Á 11 + it + n

e 211 + i *t211 + i*e

t + 1 2Á 11 + i*et + n 2 E

et + n + 1

t + nEt + 3eEt + 2

e

Et =

11 + it211 + it + 1e 2

11 + i *t211 + it + 1 *e 2 Et + 2e

Et + 1e

Et + 1e

=

1 + it + 1e

1 + it + 1 *e Et + 2e

t + 1t + 2t + 1

t + 1

Et + 1 =

1 + it + 1

1 + i *t + 1 Et + 2

e

t + 1

Et + 1e ,

t + 1

Et =

1 + it

1 + i *tEt + 1

e

Et + 1e

11 + it2 = 11 + i *t 2£ Et

Et + 1e ≥



Suppose we take n to be large, say 10 years [equation (21.5) holds for any value of n].This relation tells us that the current exchange rate depends on two sets of factors:

■ Current and expected domestic and foreign interest rates for each year over thenext 10 years.

■ The expected exchange rate 10 years from now.

For some purposes, it is useful to go further and derive a relation between currentand expected future domestic and foreign real interest rates, the current real exchangerate, and the expected future real exchange rate. This is done in an appendix to thischapter. (The derivation is not much fun, but it is a useful way of brushing up on therelations between real and nominal interest rates and between real and nominalexchange rates.) Equation (21.5) is sufficient, however, to make the three points I wantto make here.

Exchange Rates and the Current AccountAny factor that moves the expected future exchange rate, , moves the currentexchange rate, Et . Indeed, if the domestic interest rate and the foreign interest rate areexpected to be the same in both countries from t to , the fraction on the right inequation (21.5) is equal to 1, so the relation reduces to . In words: The effectof any change in the expected future exchange rate on the current exchange rate isone-for-one.

If we think of n as large (say 10 years or more), we can think of as the exchangerate required to achieve current account balance in the medium or long run:Countries cannot borrow—run a current account deficit—forever and will not want tolend—run a current account surplus—forever either. Thus, any news that affects fore-casts of the current account balance in the future is likely to have an effect on theexpected future exchange rate and, in turn, on the exchange rate today. For example,the announcement of a larger-than-expected trade deficit may lead investors to con-clude that a depreciation will eventually be needed to reestablish trade balance. Thus,

will decrease, leading in turn to a decrease in Et today.

Exchange Rates and Current and Future Interest RatesAny factor that moves current or expected future domestic or foreign interest ratesbetween year t and year moves the current exchange rate, too. For example,given foreign interest rates, an increase in current or expected future domestic interestrates leads to an increase in Et—an appreciation.

This implies that any variable which causes investors to change their expectationsof future interest rates will lead to a change in the exchange rate today. For example,the “dance of the dollar” in the 1980s we discussed in earlier chapters—the sharpappreciation of the dollar in the first half of the decade, followed by an equally sharpdepreciation later—can be largely explained by the movement in current andexpected future U.S. interest rates relative to interest rates in the rest of the world dur-ing that period. During the first half of the 1980s, tight monetary policy and expan-sionary fiscal policy combined to increase U.S. short-term and long-term interestrates, with the long-term interest rates, with the increase in long-term rates reflectinganticipations of high short-term interest rates in the future. This increase in both cur-rent and expected future interest rates was in turn the main cause of the dollar appre-ciation. Both fiscal and monetary policy were reversed in the second half of thedecade, leading to lower U.S. interest rates and a depreciation of the dollar.

t + n

Et + ne

Et + ne

Et = Et + ne

t + n

Et + ne

� See Chapters 18 and 20.

For more on the relationbetween long-term interest ratesand current and expected futureshort-term interest rates, goback to Chapter 15.�

News about the current accountis likely to affect the exchangerate.�

News about current and futuredomestic and foreign interestrates is likely to affect theexchange rate.�



Exchange Rate VolatilityThe third implication follows from the first two. In reality, and in contrast to our analy-sis in Chapter 20, the relation between the interest rate, it , and the exchange rate, Et, isall but mechanical. When the central bank cuts the interest rate, financial marketshave to assess whether this action signals a major shift in monetary policy and the cutin the interest rate is just the first of many such cuts, or whether this cut is just a tempo-rary movement in interest rates. Announcements by the central bank may not be veryuseful: The central bank itself may not even know what it will do in the future.Typically, it will be reacting to early signals, which may be reversed later. Investors alsohave to assess how foreign central banks will react—whether they will stay put, or fol-low suit and cut their own interest rates. All this makes it difficult to predict what theeffect of the change in the interest rate will be on the exchange rate.

Let’s be more concrete. Go back to equation (21.5). Assume that . Assumethat current and expected future domestic interest rates and current and expected futureforeign interest rates are all equal to 5%. The current exchange rate is then given by

Now consider a monetary expansion that decreases the current domestic interestrate, it , from 5% to 3%. Will this lead to a decrease in Et—to a depreciation—and if so byhow much? The answer: It depends.

Suppose the interest rate is expected to be lower for just one year, so the expected future interest rates remain unchanged. The current exchange rate thendecreases to

The expansionary monetary policy leads to a decrease in the exchange rate—adepreciation—of only 2%.

Suppose instead that, when the current interest rate declines from 5% to 3%,investors expect the decline to last for five years (so ). Theexchange rate then decreases to

The expansionary monetary policy now leads to a decrease in the exchange rate—adepreciation—of 10%, a much larger effect.

You can surely think of yet other outcomes. Suppose investors anticipated that thecentral bank was going to decrease interest rates, and the actual decrease turns out tobe smaller than they anticipated. In this case, the investors will revise their expecta-tions of future nominal interest rates upward, leading to an appreciation rather than adepreciation of the currency.

When, at the end of the Bretton Woods period, countries moved from fixedexchange rates to flexible exchange rates, most economists had expected that exchangerates would be stable. The large fluctuations in exchange rates that followed—and havecontinued to this day—came as a surprise. For some time, these fluctuations werethought to be the result of irrational speculation in foreign exchange markets. It was notuntil the mid-1970s that economists realized that these large movements could beexplained, as we have explained them here, by the rational reaction of financial markets

Et =

11.032511.052n - 5

11.052n =

11.032511.0525 = 0.90

it + 4 = Á = it + 1 = it = 3%

Et =

11.03211.052n - 1

11.052n =

1.031.05

= 0.98

n - 1

Et =

11.052n11.052n 1 = 1

Et + ne

= 1

This may remind you of ourdiscussion in Chapter 15 ofhow monetary policy affectsstock prices. This is more than acoincidence: Like stock prices,the exchange rate dependsvery much on expectations ofvariables far into the future.How expectations change inresponse to a change in a cur-rent variable (here, the interestrate) very much determines theoutcome. �


This is the same Mundell who puttogether the Mundell–Flemingmodel we saw in Chapter 20.�


to news about future interest rates and the future exchange rate. This has an importantimplication: A country that decides to operate under flexible exchange rates must acceptthe fact that it will be exposed to substantial exchange rate fluctuations over time.

21-4 Choosing between Exchange RateRegimesLet us now return to the question that motivates this chapter: Should countries chooseflexible exchange rates or fixed exchange rates? Are there circumstances under whichflexible rates dominate and others under which fixed rates dominate?

Much of what we have seen in this chapter and Chapter 20 would seem to favorflexible exchange rates:

■ Section 21-1 argues that the exchange rate regime may not matter in the mediumrun. But it does still matter in the short run. In the short run, countries that oper-ate under fixed exchange rates and perfect capital mobility give up two macroeco-nomic instruments: the interest rate and the exchange rate. This not only reducestheir ability to respond to shocks, but can also lead to exchange rate crises.

■ Section 21-2 argues that, in a country with fixed exchange rates, the anticipationof a devaluation leads investors to ask for very high interest rates. This in turnmakes the economic situation worse and puts more pressure on the country todevalue. This is another argument against fixed exchange rates.

■ Section 21-3 introduces one argument against flexible exchange rates—namelythat, under flexible exchange rates, the exchange rate is likely to fluctuate a lot andbe difficult to control through monetary policy.

On balance, it would therefore appear that, from a macroeconomic viewpoint,flexible exchange rates dominate fixed exchange rates. This indeed appears to be theconsensus that has emerged among economists and policymakers. The consensus goeslike this: In general, flexible exchange rates are preferable. There are, however, twoexceptions: First, when a group of countries is already tightly integrated, a commoncurrency may be the right solution. Second, when the central bank cannot be trusted tofollow a responsible monetary policy under flexible exchange rates, a strong form offixed exchange rates, such as a currency board or dollarization, may provide a solution.

Let me discuss in turn each of these two exceptions.

Common Currency AreasCountries that operate under a fixed exchange rate regime are constrained to all havethe same interest rate. But how costly is that constraint? If the countries face roughlythe same macroeconomic problems and the same shocks, they will have chosen simi-lar policies in the first place. Forcing them to have the same monetary policy may notbe much of a constraint.

This argument was first explored by Robert Mundell, who looked at the conditionsunder which a set of countries might want to operate under fixed exchange rates oreven adopt a common currency. For countries to constitute an optimal currency area,Mundell argued, they need to satisfy one of two conditions:

■ The countries have to experience similar shocks. We just saw the rationale for this:If they experience similar shocks, then they would have chosen roughly the samemonetary policy anyway.

■ If the countries experience different shocks, they must have high factor mobility.For example, if workers are willing to move from countries that are doing poorly tocountries that are doing well, factor mobility rather than macroeconomic policy



The Euro: A Short History

As the European Union celebrated its 30th birthday in1988, a number of governments decided that the time hadcome to plan a move to a common currency. They askedJacques Delors, the president of the European Union, toprepare a report, which he presented in June 1989.

The Delors report suggested moving to a EuropeanMonetary Union (EMU) in three stages: Stage I was theabolition of capital controls. Stage II was the choice offixed parities, to be maintained except for “exceptionalcircumstances.” Stage III was the adoption of a singlecurrency.

Stage I was implemented in July 1990.Stage II began in 1994, after the exchange rate crises of

1992 to 1993 had subsided. A minor but symbolic decisioninvolved choosing the name of the new common currency.The French liked “Ecu” (European currency unit), which isalso the name of an old French currency. But its partnerspreferred euro, and the name was adopted in 1995.

In parallel, EU countries held referendums onwhether they should adopt the Maastricht treaty. Thetreaty, negotiated in 1991, set three main conditions forjoining the EMU: low inflation, a budget deficit below3%, and a public debt below 60%. The Maastricht treatywas not very popular and, in many countries, the out-come of the popular vote was close. In France, the treatypassed with only 51% of the votes. In Denmark, thetreaty was rejected.

In 1996 and 1997, it looked as if few European coun-tries would satisfy the Maastricht conditions. But a

number of countries took drastic measures to reducetheir budget deficits. When the time came to decide, inMay 1998, which countries would be members of theeuro area, 11 countries made the cut: Austria, Belgium,Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Ireland, Luxembourg,the Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain. The UnitedKingdom, Denmark, and Sweden decided to stay out, atleast at the beginning. Greece did not qualify initiallyand didn’t join until 2001. (In 2004, it was revealed thatGreece had partly “cooked the books” and understatedthe size of its budget deficit in order to qualify.)

Stage III began in January 1999. Parities between the11 currencies and the euro were “irrevocably” fixed. Thenew European Central Bank (ECB) based in Frankfurtbecame responsible for monetary policy for the euro area.

From 1999 to 2002, the euro existed as a unit ofaccount, but euro coins and bank notes did not exist. Ineffect, the euro area was still functioning as an area withfixed exchange rates. The next and final step wasthe introduction of euro coins and bank notes inJanuary 2002. For the first few months of 2002, nationalcurrencies and the euro then circulated side by side.Later in the year, national currencies were taken out ofcirculation.

Today, the euro is the only currency used in the “euroarea,” as the group of member countries is called.

Note: For more on the euro, go to www.euro.ecb.int. TheWikipedia page on the euro is also very good.F

OC

US

can allow countries to adjust to shocks. When the unemployment rate is high in acountry, workers leave that country to take jobs elsewhere, and the unemploy-ment rate in that country decreases back to normal. If the unemployment rate islow, workers come to the country, and the unemployment rate in the countryincreases back to normal. The exchange rate is not needed.

Following Mundell’s analysis, most economists believe, for example, that the com-mon currency area composed of the 50 states of the United States is close to an optimalcurrency area. True, the first condition is not satisfied: Individual states suffer from dif-ferent shocks. California is more affected by shifts in demand from Asia than the rest ofthe United States. Texas is more affected by what happens to the price of oil, and so on.But the second condition is largely satisfied. There is considerable labor mobility acrossstates in the United States. When a state does poorly, workers leave that state. When itdoes well, workers come to that state. State unemployment rates quickly return to nor-mal not because of state-level macroeconomic policy but because of labor mobility.

Clearly, there are also many advantages of using a common currency. For firmsand consumers within the United States, the benefits of having a common currencyare obvious; imagine how complicated life would be if you had to change currencyevery time you crossed a state line. The benefits go beyond these lower transactioncosts. When prices are quoted in the same currency, it becomes much easier for buyersto compare prices, and competition between firms increases, benefiting consumers.

Each U.S. state could haveits own currency that freelyfloated against other state cur-rencies. But this is not the waythings are: The United States isa common currency area, withone currency, the U.S. dollar.

�



Given these benefits and the limited macroeconomic costs, it makes good sense forthe United States to have a single currency.

In adopting the euro, Europe has made the same choice as the United States.When the process of conversion from national currencies to the euro ended in early2002, the euro became the common currency for 11 European countries. (Look at theFocus box “The Euro: A Short History.”) The number of euro countries has nowincreased to 15. Is the economic argument for this new common currency area ascompelling as it is for the United States?

There is little question that a common currency will yield for Europe many of thesame benefits that it has for the United States. A report by the European Commissionestimates that the elimination of foreign exchange transactions within the euroarea will lead to a reduction in costs of 0.5% of the combined GDP of these countries.There are also clear signs that the use of a common currency is already increasingcompetition. When shopping for cars, for example, European consumers now searchfor the lowest euro price anywhere in the euro area. This has already led to a decline inthe price of cars in a number of countries.

There is, however, less agreement on whether Europe constitutes an optimal com-mon currency area. This is because neither of the two Mundell conditions appears tobe satisfied. Although the future may be different, European countries have experi-enced very different shocks in the past. Recall our discussion of Germany’s reunifica-tion and how differently it affected Germany and the other European countries.

HJ

G

I

7,5B C

6

3,5

E

F

D 6

6

40˚

40˚

A11

1

1



Furthermore, labor mobility is very low in Europe, and it is likely to remain low.Workers move much less within European countries than they do within the UnitedStates. Because of language and cultural differences between European countries,mobility between countries is even lower.

The risk is, therefore, that one or more euro area members may suffer from alarge decline in demand and output but be unable to use either the interest rate orthe exchange rate to increase its level of economic activity. As we saw in Section 21-1,the adjustment can still take place in the medium run. But, as we also saw there, thisadjustment is likely to be long and painful. At the time of this writing, this is no longera hypothetical worry: Some euro countries, in particular Portugal, are suffering fromlow output and a large trade deficit. Without the option of a devaluation, achieving areal depreciation may require many years of high unemployment and downwardpressure on wages and prices in Portugal relative to the rest of the euro area.

Hard Pegs, Currency Boards, and DollarizationThe second case for fixed exchange rates is very different from the first. It is based onthe argument that there may be times when a country might want to limit its ability touse monetary policy. We shall look at this argument in more detail in Chapter 23,where we look at the dynamics of hyperinflation, and in Chapter 25, where we look atmonetary policy in general. The essence of the argument is simple: Look at a countrythat has had very high inflation in the recent past—perhaps because it was unable tofinance its budget deficit by any means other than through money creation, resultingin high money growth and high inflation. Suppose the country decides to reducemoney growth and inflation. One way of convincing financial markets that it is seri-ous about doing this is to fix its exchange rate: The need to use the money supply tomaintain the parity then ties the hands of the monetary authority.

To the extent that financial markets expect the parity to be maintained, they willstop worrying about money growth being used to finance the budget deficit.

Note the qualifier “to the extent that financial markets expect the parity to bemaintained.” Fixing the exchange rate is not a magic solution. The country also needsto convince financial investors that not only is the exchange rate fixed today, but it willremain fixed in the future. There are two ways it can do so:

■ It can make the fixed exchange rate be part of a more general macroeconomicpackage. Fixing the exchange rate while continuing to run a large budget deficitwill only convince financial markets that money growth will start again and that adevaluation is soon to come.

■ It can make it symbolically or technically harder to change the parity, an approachknown as a hard peg.

An extreme form of a hard peg is simply to replace the domestic currency witha foreign currency. Because the foreign currency chosen is typically the dollar, thisis known as dollarization. Few countries are willing, however, to give up their cur-rency and adopt the currency of another country. A less extreme way is the use ofa currency board. Under a currency board, a central bank stands ready toexchange foreign currency for domestic currency at the official exchange rateset by the government; furthermore, the bank cannot engage in open marketoperations—that is, buy or sell government bonds.

Perhaps the best-known example of a currency board is that adopted byArgentina in 1991, but abandoned in a crisis at the end of 2001. The story is told inthe Focus box “Argentina’s Currency Board.” Economists differ on what conclusionsone should draw from what happened in Argentina. Some conclude that currencyboards are not hard enough: They do not prevent exchange rate crises. So, if a

When Israel was suffering fromhigh inflation in the 1980s, anIsraeli finance minister pro-posed such a measure as partof a stabilization program. Hisproposal was perceived as anattack on the sovereignty ofIsrael, and he was quicklyfired.

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FO

CU

S

Argentina’s Currency Board

When Carlos Menem became president of Argentina in1989, he inherited an economic mess. Inflation was run-ning at more than 30% per month. Output growth wasnegative.

Menem and his economy minister, Domingo Cavallo,quickly came to the conclusion that, under these cir-cumstances, the only way to bring money growth—and,by implication, inflation—under control was to peg thepeso (Argentina’s currency) to the dollar and to do thisthrough a very hard peg. So, in 1991, Cavallo announcedthat Argentina would adopt a currency board. The cen-tral bank would stand ready to exchange pesos for dol-lars, on demand. Furthermore, it would do so at thehighly symbolic rate of 1 dollar for 1 peso.

The creation of a currency board and the choice of asymbolic exchange rate had the same objective: to con-vince investors that the government was serious aboutthe peg and to make it more difficult for future govern-ments to give up the parity and devalue. By makingthe fixed exchange rate more credible in this way, thegovernment hoped to decrease the risk of a foreignexchange crisis.

For a while, the currency board appeared to workextremely well. Inflation, which had exceeded 2,300% in1990, was down to 4% by 1994! This was clearly theresult of the tight constraints the currency board put onmoney growth. Even more impressive, this large drop ininflation was accompanied by strong output growth.Output growth averaged 5% per year from 1991 to 1999.

Beginning in 1999, however, growth turned negative,and Argentina went into a long and deep recession. Wasthe recession due to the currency board? Yes and no:

■ Throughout the second half of the 1990s, the dollarsteadily appreciated relative to other major worldcurrencies. Because the peso was pegged to the dollar,the peso also appreciated. By the late 1990s, it wasclear that the peso was overvalued, leading to adecrease in demand for goods from Argentina, adecline in output, and an increase in the trade deficit.

■ Was the currency board fully responsible for therecession? No. There were other causes. But the cur-rency board made it much harder to fight the reces-sion. Lower interest rates and a depreciation of thepeso would have helped the economy recover, butunder the currency board, this was not an option.

In 2001, the economic crisis turned into a financial andan exchange rate crisis, along the lines described inSection 21-2:

■ Because of the recession, Argentina’s fiscal deficithad increased, leading to an increase in governmentdebt. Worried that the government might default onits debt, financial investors started asking for very

high interest rates on government bonds, makingthe fiscal deficit even larger, and, by doing so, furtherincreasing the risk of default.

■ Worried that Argentina would abandon the currencyboard and devalue in order to fight the recession,investors started asking for very high interest ratesin pesos, making it more costly for the governmentto sustain the parity with the dollar and so making itmore likely that the currency board would indeed beabandoned.

In December 2001, the government defaulted onpart of its debt. In early 2002, it gave up the currencyboard and let the peso float. The peso sharply depreci-ated, reaching 3.75 pesos for 1 dollar by June 2002.Many people and firms, given their earlier confidence inthe peg, had borrowed in dollars; they found themselveswith a large increase in the value of their dollar debts interms of pesos. Many firms went bankrupt. The bankingsystem collapsed. Despite the sharp real depreciation,which should have helped exports, GDP in Argentinafell by 11% in 2002, and unemployment increased tonearly 20%. In 2003, output growth turned positive, andit has been consistently high since—exceeding 8% peryear—and unemployment has decreased. But it tookuntil 2005 for GDP to reach its 1998 level again.

Does this mean that the currency board was a badidea? Economists still disagree:

■ Some economists argue that it was a good idea butthat it did not go far enough. They argue thatArgentina should have simply dollarized—that is,adopted the dollar outright as its currency—andeliminated the peso altogether. Eliminating thedomestic currency would have eliminated the risk ofa devaluation. The lesson, they argue, is that even acurrency board does not provide a sufficiently hardpeg for the exchange rate. Only dollarization will do.

■ Other (indeed, most) economists argue that the cur-rency board might have been a good idea at the start,but that it should not have been kept in place for solong. Once inflation was under control, Argentinashould have moved from a currency board to a float-ing exchange rate regime. The problem is thatArgentina kept the fixed parity with the dollar for toolong, to the point where the peso was overvalued,and an exchange rate crisis was inevitable.

The debate is likely to go on. Meanwhile, Argentina isreconstructing its economy.

Note: For a fascinating, fun, and strongly opinionated bookabout Argentina’s crisis, read Paul Blustein, And the MoneyKept Rolling In (and Out). Wall Street, the IMF, and theBankrupting of Argentina, New York, Public Affairs, 2005.



country decides to adopt a fixed exchange rate, it should go all the way and dollar-ize. Others conclude that adopting a fixed exchange rate is a bad idea. If currencyboards are used at all, they should be used only for a short period of time, until thecentral bank has reestablished its credibility and the country returns to a floatingexchange rate regime.

Summary■ Even under a fixed exchange rate regime, countries can

adjust their real exchange rate in the medium run. Theycan do this by relying on adjustments in the price level.Nevertheless, the adjustment can be long and painful.Exchange rate adjustments can allow the economy toadjust faster and thus reduce the pain that comes from along adjustment.

■ Exchange rate crises typically start when participants infinancial markets believe a currency may soon be deval-ued. Defending the parity then requires very high inter-est rates, with potentially large adverse macroeconomiceffects. These adverse effects may force the country todevalue, even if there were no initial plans for such adevaluation.

■ The exchange rate today depends on both (1) the differ-ence between current and expected future domesticinterest rates and current and expected future foreigninterest rates and (2) the expected future exchange rate.

Any factor that increases current or expected futuredomestic interest rates leads to an increase in theexchange rate today.

Any factor that increases current or expected futureforeign interest rates leads to a decrease in the exchangerate today.

Any factor that increases the expected futureexchange rate leads to an increase in the exchange ratetoday.

■ There is wide agreement among economists that flexi-ble exchange rate regimes generally dominate fixedexchange rate regimes, except in two cases:

1. When a group of countries is highly integrated andforms an optimal currency area (you can think of a com-mon currency for a group of countries as an extremeform of fixed exchange rates among this group of coun-tries). For countries to form an optimal currency area,they must either face largely similar shocks, or theremust be high labor mobility across these countries.

2. When a central bank cannot be trusted to follow aresponsible monetary policy under flexible exchangerates. In this case, a strong form of fixed exchangerates, such as dollarization or a currency board, pro-vides a way of tying the hands of the central bank.

Key Terms■ gold standard, 448■ optimal currency area, 455■ Maastricht treaty, 456■ European Central Bank (ECB), 456

■ hard peg, 458■ dollarization, 458■ currency board, 458

Questions and Problems

Quick Check1. Using the information in this chapter, label each of the fol-lowing statements true, false, or uncertain. Explain briefly.

a. Britain’s return to the gold standard caused years ofhigh unemployment.

b. A sudden fear that a country is going to devalue mayforce an exchange rate crisis, even if the fear initiallyhad no basis.

c. Because economies tend to return to their natural levelof output in the medium run, there is a never a reasonto devalue.

d. High labor mobility within Europe makes the euro areaa good candidate for a common currency.

e. Changes in the expected level of the exchange rate farin the future have little effect on the current level of theexchange rate.

2. Consider a country operating under fixed exchange rates,with aggregate demand and aggregate supply given byequations (21.1) and (21.2).

AS: P = Pe 11 + m2 F a1 -

YL

, zb

AD: Y = Y aE–

PP*

, G, Tb



Assume that the economy is initially in medium-runequilibrium, with a constant price level and output equalto the natural level of output. Foreign output, the foreignprice level, and the foreign interest rate are fixed through-out the problem. Assume that expected (domestic) inflationremains constant throughout the problem.

a. Draw an AD–AS diagram for this economy.b. Now suppose there is an increase in government

spending. Show the effects on the AD–AS diagram inthe short run and the medium run. How do output andthe price level change in the medium run?

c. What happens to consumption in the medium run?d. What happens to the real exchange rate in the medium

run? [Hint: Consider the effect on the price level youidentified in part (b).] What happens to net exports inthe medium run?

e. Given that the exchange rate is fixed, what is thedomestic nominal interest rate? Does the increase ingovernment spending affect the domestic nominalinterest rate? What happens to the real interest rate inthe medium run? (Hint: Remember that expected infla-tion remains constant by assumption.) What happensto investment in the medium run?

f. In a closed economy, how does an increase in govern-ment spending affect investment in the medium run?(Refer to Chapter 7 if you need a refresher.)

g. Comment on the following statement. “In a closedeconomy, government spending crowds out invest-ment. In an open economy with fixed exchange rates,government spending crowds out net exports.”

3. Nominal and real interest parityIn equation (18.4), we wrote the nominal interest parity

condition as

In the appendix to this chapter, we derive a real interestparity condition. We can write the real interest parity condi-tion in a manner analogous to equation (18.4):

a. Interpret this equation. Under what circumstances willthe domestic real interest rate exceed the foreign realinterest rate?Assume that the one-year nominal interest rate is 10% in

the domestic economy and 6% in the foreign economy. Alsoassume that inflation over the coming year is expected to be6% in the domestic economy and 3% in the foreign economy.Suppose that interest parity holds.

rt L rt * -

1Pet + 1 - Pt2

Pt

it L it* -

Eet + 1 - Et

Et

4. Devaluation and interest ratesConsider an open economy with a fixed exchange rate,

. Throughout the problem, assume that the foreign interestrate, i*, remains constant.

a. Suppose that financial market participants believe thatthe government is committed to a fixed exchangerate. What is the expected exchange rate? According tothe interest parity condition, what is the domesticinterest rate?

b. Suppose that financial market participants do notbelieve that the government is committed to a fixedexchange rate. Instead, they suspect that the govern-ment will either devalue or abandon the fixedexchange rate altogether and adopt a flexible exchangerate. If the government adopts a flexible exchange rate,financial market participants expect the exchange rateto depreciate from its current fixed value, . Underthese circumstances, how does the expected exchangerate compare to ? How does the domestic interest ratecompare to i*?

c. Suppose that financial market participants feared adevaluation, as in part (b), and a devaluation actuallyoccurs. The government announces that it will main-tain a fixed exchange rate regime but changes the levelof the fixed exchange rate to , where . Supposethat financial market participants believe that the gov-ernment will remain committed to the new exchangerate, , and that there will be no further devaluations.What happens to the domestic interest rate after thedevaluation?

d. Does a devaluation necessarily lead to higher domesticinterest rates? Does fear of a devaluation necessarilylead to higher domestic interest rates?

Dig Deeper5. Exchange rate overshooting

a. Suppose there is a permanent 10% increase in M in aclosed economy. What is the effect on the price level inthe medium run? Hint: If you need a refresher, reviewthe analysis in Chapter 7.In a closed economy, we said that money was

neutral because in the medium run, a change in the money stock affected only the price level. A change in the money stock did not affect any real variables. A change in the money stock is also neutral in an open economy with flexible exchange rates. In the medium run, a change in the money stock will not affect the realexchange rate, although it will affect the price level and the nominal exchange rate.b. Consider an open economy with a flexible exchange

rate. Write the expression for the real exchange rate.Suppose there is a 10% increase in the money stock andassume that it has the same effect on the price levelin the medium run that you found in part (a). If thereal exchange rate and the foreign price level areunchanged in the medium run, what must happen tothe nominal exchange rate in the medium run?

E¿

E¿ 6 EE¿

E

E

E

b. What is the expected nominal depreciation of thedomestic currency over the coming year?

c. What is the expected real depreciation over the comingyear?

d. If you expected a nominal appreciation of the currencyover the coming year, should you hold domestic or for-eign bonds?


c. Suppose it takes n years to reach the medium run (andeveryone knows this). Given your answer to part (b),what happens to (the expected exchange rate for nperiods from now) after a 10% increase in the moneystock?

d. Consider equation (21.5). Assume that the foreigninterest rate is unchanged for the next n periods. Alsoassume, for the moment, that the domestic interestrate is unchanged for the next n periods. Given youranswer to part (c), what happens to the exchange ratetoday (at time t) when there is a 10% increase in themoney stock?

e. Now assume that after the increase in the money stock,the domestic interest rate falls between time t and time

Again assume that the foreign interest rate isunchanged. As compared to your answer to part (d),what happens to the exchange rate today (at time t)?Does the exchange rate move more in the short runthan in the medium run?The answer to part (e) is yes. In this case, the short-run

depreciation is greater than the medium-run depreciation.This phenomenon is called overshooting, and may help toexplain why the exchange rate is so variable.6. Self-fulfilling exchange rate crises

Consider an open economy with a fixed exchange rate,. Suppose that initially, financial market participants

believe that the government is committed to the fixedexchange rate. Suddenly, however, financial market partici-pants become fearful that the government will devalue orallow the exchange rate to float (a decision that everyonebelieves will cause the currency to depreciate).

a. What happens to the expected exchange rate, ?(See your answer to problem 4(b)).Suppose that, despite the change in the expected exchange

rate, the government keeps the exchange rate fixed today. LetUIP stand for the uncovered interest parity condition.b. Draw an IS–LM–UIP diagram. How does the change in

the expected exchange rate affect the UIP curve? As aresult, how must the domestic interest rate change tomaintain an exchange rate of ?

c. Given your answer to part (b), what happens to thedomestic money supply if the central bank defends thefixed exchange rate? How does the LM curve shift?

d. What happens to domestic output and the domesticinterest rate? Is it possible that a government that waspreviously committed to a fixed exchange rate mightabandon it when faced with a fear of depreciation(either through devaluation or abandonment of thefixed exchange rate regime)? Is it possible thatunfounded fears about a depreciation can create a cri-sis? Explain your answers.

7. Devaluation and credibilityConsider an open economy with a fixed exchange rate,

. Suppose that, initially, financial market participantsbelieve that the government is committed to maintainingthe fixed exchange rate. Let UIP stand for the uncoveredinterest parity condition.

E

E

Eet + 1

E

t + n.

Eet + n


Now suppose the central bank announces a devalua-tion. The exchange rate will remain fixed, but at a newlevel, , such that . Suppose that financial marketparticipants believe that there will be no further devalua-tions and that the government will remain committed tomaintaining the exchange rate at .

a. What is the domestic interest rate before the devalua-tion? If the devaluation is credible, what is the domes-tic interest rate after the devaluation? (See youranswers to problem 4.)

b. Draw an IS–LM–UIP diagram for this economy. Ifthe devaluation is credible, how does the expectedexchange rate change? How does the change in theexpected exchange rate affect the UIP curve?

c. How does the devaluation affect the IS curve? Givenyour answer to part (b) and the shift of the IS curve,what would happen to the domestic interest rate ifthere is no change in the domestic money supply?

d. Given your answer to part (c), what must happen to thedomestic money supply so that the domestic interestrate achieves the value you identified in part (a)? Howdoes the LM curve shift?

e. How is domestic output affected by the devaluation?f. Suppose that devaluation is not credible in the sense

that the devaluation leads financial market partici-pants to expect another devaluation in the future.How does the fear of further devaluation affect theexpected exchange rate? How will the expectedexchange rate in this case, where devaluation is notcredible, compare to your answer to part (b)? Explain inwords. Given this effect on the expected exchange rate,what must happen to the domestic interest rate, ascompared to your answer to part (a), to maintain thenew fixed exchange rate?

Explore Further8. Exchange rates and expectations

In this chapter, we emphasized that expectations havean important effect on the exchange rate. In this problem,we use data to get a sense of how large a role expectationsplay. Using the results in Appendix 2 at the end of the book,you can show that the uncovered interest parity condition,equation (21.4), can be written as

In words, the percentage change in the exchange rate(the appreciation of the domestic currency) is approxi-mately equal to the change in the interest rate differential(between domestic and foreign interest rates) plus the per-centage change in exchange rate expectations (the appreci-ation of the expected domestic currency value). We shall callthe interest rate differential the spread.

a. Go to the Web site of the Bank of Canada (www.bank-banque-canada.ca) and obtain data on the monthly

1Eet - Ee

t - 12Ee

t - 1

1Et - Et - 12Et - 1

L 1it - it*2 - 1it - 1 - it*- 12 +

E¿

E¿ 6 EE¿



one-year Treasury bill rate for the past 10 years.Download the data into a spreadsheet. Now go to theWeb site of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis(research.stlouisfed.org/fred2) and download data onthe monthly U.S. one-year Canadian Treasury bill ratefor the same time period. (You may need to look under“Constant Maturity” Treasury securities rather than“Treasury Bills.”) For each month, subtract theCanadian interest rate from the U.S. interest rate to cal-culate the spread. Then, for each month, calculate thechange in the spread from the preceding month. (Makesure to convert the interest rate data into the properdecimal form.)

b. At the Web site of the St. Louis Fed, obtain data on themonthly exchange rate between the U.S. dollar and theCanadian dollar for the same period as your data frompart (a). Again, download the data into a spreadsheet.Calculate the percentage appreciation of the U.S. dol-lar for each month. Using the standard deviation func-tion in your software, calculate the standard deviation

of the monthly appreciation of the U.S. dollar. Thestandard deviation is a measure of the variability of adata series.

c. For each month, subtract the change in the spread[part (a)] from the percentage appreciation of thedollar [part (b)]. Call this difference the change inexpectations. Calculate the standard deviation of thechange in expectations. How does it compare to thestandard deviation of the monthly appreciation ofthe dollar?There are some complications we do not take into

account here. Our interest parity condition does not includea variable that measures relative asset demand.We exploredthe implications of changes in relative asset demands inproblem 7 at the end of Chapter 20. In addition, changes ininterest rates and expectations may be related. Still, the gist ofthis analysis survives in more sophisticated work. In the shortrun, observable economic fundamentals do not account formuch of the change in the exchange rate. Much of the differ-ence must be attributed to changing expectations.

We invite you to visit the Blanchard page on the Prentice Hall Web site, at:www.prenhall.com/blanchardfor this chapter’s World Wide Web exercises.

Appendix 1: Deriving Aggregate Demand under Fixed Exchange RatesTo derive the aggregate demand for goods, start from thecondition for goods market equilibrium we derived inChapter 20, equation (20.1):

This condition states that, for the goods market to bein equilibrium, output must be equal to the demand fordomestic goods—that is, the sum of consumption, invest-ment, government spending, and net exports.

Next, recall the following relations:

■ The real interest rate, r, is equal to the nominal interestrate, i, minus expected inflation, �e (see Chapter 14):

■ The real exchange rate, , is defined as (see Chapter 18):

■ Under fixed exchange rates, the nominal exchange rate,E, is, by definition, fixed. Denote by the value at whichthe nominal exchange rate is fixed, so:

E = E

E

P =

EPP*

P

r � i - pe

Y = C1Y - T2 + I1Y, r2 + G + NX1Y, Y *, P2

■ Under fixed exchange rates and perfect capital mobility,the domestic interest rate, i, must be equal to the foreigninterest rate, i* (see Chapter 18):

Using these four relations, rewrite equation (21.1) as

This is a rich—and complicated—equilibrium condi-tion. It tells us that, in an open economy with fixedexchange rates, equilibrium output (or, more precisely, thelevel of output implied by equilibrium in the goods, finan-cial, and foreign exchange markets) depends on

■ Government spending, G, and taxes, T—An increase ingovernment spending increases output. So does adecrease in taxes.

■ The foreign nominal interest rate, i*, minus expectedinflation, �e—An increase in the foreign nominal inter-est rate requires a parallel increase in the domesticnominal interest rate. Given expected inflation, thisincrease in the domestic nominal interest rate leads toan increase in the domestic real interest rate and then tolower demand and lower output.

Y = C1Y - T2 + I1Y, i * - pe2 + G + NX aY, Y *, EPP *b

i = i *



Appendix 2: The Real Exchange Rate, and Domesticand Foreign Real Interest RatesWe derived in Section 21-3 a relation between the currentnominal exchange rate, the current and expected futuredomestic and foreign nominal interest rates, and theexpected future nominal exchange rate [equation (21.5)].This appendix derives a similar relation but in terms of realinterest rates and the real exchange rate. It then briefly dis-cusses how this alternative relation can be used to thinkabout movements in the real exchange rate.

Deriving the Real Interest Parity Condition

Start from the nominal interest parity condition, equation(18.2):

Recall the definition of the real interest rate fromChapter 14, equation (14.3):

where is the expected rate of inflation.Similarly, the foreign real interest rate is given by:

where is the expected foreign rate ofinflation.

Use these two relations to eliminate nominal interestrates in the interest parity condition, so:

(21.A1)11 + rt2 = 11 + r *t2C Et

Eet + 1

11 + pt *e211 + pe

t2 S

pt*e

K (P*et + 1 - Pt*)/Pt*

11 + r *t 2 =

11 + i *t211 + pt *e2

pte

K (Pt + 1e

- Pt)/Pt

11 + rt2 K

11 + it211 + pe

t 2

11 + it2 = 11 + it *2 Et

Eet + 1

Note from the definition of inflation thatand, similarly, .

Using these two relations in the term in brackets gives

Reorganizing terms, we have

Using the definition of the real exchange rate gives

Replacing in equation (21.A1) gives:

Or, equivalently,

(21.A2)

The real exchange rate today depends on the domesticand foreign real interest rates this year, and the expected futurereal exchange rate next year. This equation corresponds toequation (21.4) in the text but now in terms of the real ratherthan nominal exchange and interest rates.

Solving the Real Interest Parity Condition Forward

The next step is to solve equation (21.A2) forward, in thesame way as we did it for equation (21.4). Equation (21.A2)

Pt =

1 + rt

1 + r *t Pe

t + 1

11 + rt2 = 11 + r *t 2Pt

Pt + 1e

Et Pt/P *tEt + 1

e Pt + 1e /Pt + 1 *e =

Pt

Pt + 1e

Et P*et + 1 Pt

Eet + 1 P *t Pe

t + 1=

Et Pt/P *tEe

t + 1Pet + 1/P *t

e+ 1

P t + 1 *e Pt

P *t P et + 1

Et

Eet + 1

Et

Eet + 1

11 + p t *e211 + pe

t 2 =

(1 + pt *e ) = Pt + 1 *e /P *t(1 + pet ) = P e

t +1/Pt

■ Foreign output, Y *—An increase in foreign outputincreases exports and so increases net exports. Theincrease in net exports increases domestic output.

■ The real exchange rate, , is equal to the fixed nominalexchange rate, , times the domestic price level, P,divided by the foreign price level, P*—A decrease in thereal exchange rate—equivalently, a real depreciation—leads to an increase in net exports and so to an increasein output.

We focus in the text on the effects of only three of thesevariables: the real exchange rate, government spending,and taxes. We therefore write

1 - , + , - 2 Y = Y aEP

P *, G, Tb

EP

All the other variables that affect demand are taken asgiven and, to simplify notation, are simply omitted fromthe relation. This gives us equation (21.1) in the text.

Equation (21.1) gives us the aggregate demandrelation, the relation between output and the price levelimplied by equilibrium in the goods market and in finan-cial markets.

Note that, in the closed economy, we had to use boththe IS and the LM relations to derive the aggregate demandrelation. Under fixed exchange rates, we do not need theLM relation. The reason is that the nominal interest rate,rather than being determined jointly by the IS and LMrelations, is determined by the foreign interest rate. (TheLM relation still holds, but, as we saw in Chapter 20, it sim-ply determines the money stock.)



implies that the real exchange rate in year isgiven by

Taking expectations, as of year t, gives:

Replacing in the previous relation, we have

Solving for , and so on gives

Pt =

11 + rt211 + rt + 1e 2Á 11 + r t + n

e 211 + r *t211 + r *e

t + 1 2Á 11 + r *et + n 2 P

et + n + 1

Pet + 2

Pt =

11 + rt211 + r et + 12

11 + r *t211 + rt + 1 *e 2 Pet + 2

Pt + 1e

=

1 + rt + 1e

1 + rt + 1 *e Pet + 2

Pt + 1 =

1 + rt + 1

1 + r *t + 1 Pe

t + 2

t + 1 This relation gives the current real exchange rate as afunction of current and expected future domestic realinterest rates, of current and expected future foreign realinterest rates, and of the expected real exchange rate inyear .

The advantage of this relation over the relationwe derived in the text between the nominal exchangerate and nominal interest rates, equation (21.5), is thatit is typically easier to predict the future real exchangerate than to predict the future nominal exchange rate. If,for example, the economy suffers from a large tradedeficit, we can be fairly confident that there will have tobe a real depreciation—that will have to be lower.Whether there will be a nominal depreciation—whathappens to —is harder to tell: It depends on whathappens to inflation, both at home and abroad over thenext n years.

Et + n + 1

Pet + n + 1

t + n + 1
