marxist historiography in west africa

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Marxist Historiography in West Africa

Fatou Janneh 2013

Conclusions

Marxist historiography is based on class struggle and the class struggle is said torepresent the contradictions in the economic structure of the society. Although, theemphasis which Karl Marx placed on the role of the material factor in historicaldevelopment may be faulted on certain grounds, he had certainly made a great impact

on historiography by presenting a new approach to historical explanation. It is alsoexamined that Marxist historiography in West Africa evolved over time as a legacy of colonialism and anti-imperialist struggle has given Marxism popular support in thisregion and the continent in general. his radical response to the paradigm wasprompted by the emergence of Marxist historians, anthropologists and political scientistsin the !"#$s. %rom the beginning of the !"#$s, African history branched into variousspeciali&ations. Marxist historiography in West Africa is also appraised. It is alsodiscussed that the influence of Marxist 'istoriography is irrefutable, whether or not oneagrees with the political and radical aspects of Marx(s overall beliefs.

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INTRODUCTION

The term historiography has two interrelated meanings. It refers to the method, skill or

craft of writing history. J.H Hexter uses it in this sense. He defines historiography as “the means

of communicating writing what the historian thinks he knows about the past.” It also means the

yields or products of the application of the historians craft!. There are many schools of

historiography. "ome of these are the #frican historiography, $estern historiography, %olonialist

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historiography, and &arxist historiography. This paper seeks to examine &arxist historiography,

its influence in #frica as well as $est #frica historiography.

To begin with, &arxist historiography is a school of historiography influenced by

&arxism. It is based s'uarely on materialist philosophy that is, the idea that e(erything that

exists is natural and all things follow laws of nature. )ased on the materialist (iew of reality *arl

&arx began to study history and de(eloped the ideology of Historical Materialism, which is

basically an embracing of the idea that e(erything that exists is natural and that all things happen

based on a cause and effect relationship. Therefore, the present is the product of past e(ents.

)ased on this it is possible to study past e(ents, put them in context, and better understand the

present. )ased on the idea of historical materialism the relationship of e(ents, causes and effects

can be traced back through time+. )y doing this it can be pro(en why the world is the way it is

today.

This school of historiography was part of the proliferation of philosophical ideas

witnessed in urope during the !-th century. art of this de(elopment was /eopold (on 0anke

who initiated the professionali1ation of history as a distinct discipline with its own scientific

methodology and tools of analysis2. There is also a man call 3redrick Hegel whose ideas are

encapsulated in what is called the Theory of Dialectical Idealism4. To Hegel history is a dynamic

phenomenon and its ob5ecti(e is freedom but the mo(ement towards this goal is through what iscalled dialectical process. It is thus explained by him6 7(ery situation is a thesis but it has

inherited opposing forces which are anti8forces. They break down the thesis to produce a new

situation9 synthesis is also fundamentally a thesis:.

The mo(ing force behind the historical motion according to Hegel is a spirit but this spirit is

cyclical in nature. #ccording to him, human history passed through four periods. These are

#ncient ci(ili1ation, ;reek ci(ili1ation, 0oman ci(ili1ation and ;erman ci(ili1ation. Howe(er to him that structure is

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the economy and not metaphysical. He asserted that economic was the most important field of

historical study, because he surmised that all characteristics of a society are as a result of the

economic basis of that society. Therefore, &arx concluded that in order to change the

characteristics of a society, it was a necessity to change economic basis of that society that is,

mans relationship to the means of production?.

MARXIST HISTORIOGRAPHY

The chief tenets of &arxist historiography are the centrality of social classes and

economic constraints in determining historical outcomes?. To gain a true appreciation for what

&arxist Historiography entails, an understanding of *arl &arx is important. He was a ;erman

philosopher and a political theorist focusing his attention on the interactions between those who

owned the means of production and those who supplied the production through their labour. He

was moti(ated not by a curiosity of industry 7but by a critical awareness of its shadowy side, the

industrial labourers sorrow, heartbreak, sweat, and toil!@. &arx was also critical of religion,

belie(ing that it was merely a construct to control the masses. Af course his most lasting legacy

was the spread of %ommunism as a political ideology, but it was his contribution to

historiography that offers what was, in his time, an entirely new and uni'ue way of analy1ing the

past.

0eferred to by himself as the materialist conception of history and by many of his

followers as historical materialism, this is an interpretation of history as the result, abo(e all, of

the economic de(elopment of society, of the conse'uent di(ision of society into classes, and of

the struggle of these classes against each other !!. He nowhere used the expression 7historical

materialism, still 7dialectical materialism.!+ In its classical form, as enunciated by &arx in the

!?:- Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, &arxism interprets the

general course of human history by reference to the de(elopment of producti(e forces. The

growth and demise of different social and economic organisations8 the relations of production8

corresponds to and is to be understood in terms of increasing producti(e capacity of society, or

the forces of production. These forces and relations of production combine to form a mode of

production!2.

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_classhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economichttp://empressfelicity.hubpages.com/hub/Marxist-theory-Marxism-for-beginnershttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_classhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economichttp://empressfelicity.hubpages.com/hub/Marxist-theory-Marxism-for-beginners


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The central idea of this conception is that the essential element in an understanding of

human history is the producti(e acti(ity of human beings8the way they obtained their means of

subsistence by interaction with nature. &arx expounded this materialist conception of history

most fully in The ;erman ideology B!?4


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%onflict arises, therefore, from the internal 7contradiction of society, from the 7une(en

de(elopment between the economic and the socio8political spheres. This conflict is expressed in

the form of a 7class struggle between upholders and the opponents of the status quo! In the

opening words of the Communist Manifesto#!? “the history Fi.e. 7written historyG of all hitherto

existing society is the history of class struggles.”

In this conflict, either side may win the battle because 7no special order is e(er destroyed

before all the producti(e forces for which it is sufficient ha(e been de(eloped and new superior

relations of production ne(er replace old ones before the material conditions for their existence

ha(e matured within the framework of the old society. ltimately, therefore, when the 7material

conditions for change ha(e 7matured, a new class will emerge on the political sense, on the

stage of history, ha(ing won the war. It is in this ultimate sense that the economic factor is the

7determining element in history!-. This point has been emphasi1ed by ngels6

&ccording to the materialist conception of history the ultimately determining

element in history is the production and reproduction of real life! More than this

neither Marx nor I hae eer asserted! Hence if somebody twists this into saying

that the economic element is the only determining one he transforms the

proposition into a meaningless# abstract# senseless phrase+@!

&arxist 7materialist conception of history demonstrates the important of conflict or the 7class

struggle in the mo(ement of history+!. #nd some &arxists ha(e seen the relations and forces of

production as together determining rather than attributing any primacy to the producti(e forces

as such. There has also been much dispute as to where and how to draw the line between base

and superstructure++. )ut essential to any &arxist interpretation of history is that the economy is,

in ngels classic formation, dominant 7in the last analysis.

Two central aspects to the &arxist interpretation of history follow from this. The first is the

importance attached to class struggle, of which history is said in the %ommunist &anifesto to

consist. %lasses are the basis social groups by means of whose conflict society de(elops in

accordance with changes in the forces and relations of production9 class membership is

determined by certain common material interests that the indi(idual shares with others, typically

a relationship of ownership or non8ownership of the means of production. This class position is

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also held to determine the characteristic world (iew or consciousness of members of that class+2.

In some (ersion of &arxism, this rather more sub5ecti(e element is built into the definition of

class6 a class only exists when it is conscious of itself as such, and this always implies common

hostility to another group. )ut class consciousness and the fate of any particular class is

ultimately dependent on its relationship to the de(elopment of the production forces.

The second central aspect is that the legal and political institutions of society are seen as

moulded by de(elopments in the economic basis and the concomitant class struggle. This is

encapsulated in &arxist theory of ideology as a body of ideas and practices which ser(es to

preser(e the asymmetrical distribution of material resources and power in the society. The right

of man for example as proclaimed in the 3rench 0e(olution and the constitution of nited "tates

were not eternal truths about the nature of man which happened to be disco(ered at the particular

time, as those who proclaimed them imagined9 their significance could be fully understood only

if (iew in the context of demands by new commercial groups for the end of feudal restrictions

and for free competition in economic affairs. It was this tendency of all political and cultural

arrangements to be skewed towards ser(ing particular class interests that ga(e them their

ideological tinge+4.

&arxs theory of historical materialism presented historians a methodological approach to

their work, as well as shedding light and emphasi1ing the plight of the common man. His ideas

were a different way of (iewing history, this time from the bottom up, seeing the agent of change

in history from a perspecti(e of relationships between people, and not as a series of accident. He

belie(ed that society should depend on the di(ision of labour, creating social classes based on

property ownership. He states that since di(ision of labour is not e'ual there would be strife and

conflict and that the only means of genuine social change is through social or political uphea(al.

&arx created 7a theory based on economic forces, a grand 5ury which would not only explain all

of history but also deli(er the tools for e(entual human redemptions from all in5ustice +:. $ith

these concepts now reali1ed, both &arx and others contributed to the history of the working class

using empirical class analysis, social arrangements, and economics to pro(e their theses.

In &arxist historiography it is emphasised that it is the superstructure of each society

through which such a society de(elop an ideology, a set of official belief or religious doctrine

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that 5ustify and entrench the power of dominant class. The process of change is set in motion

whene(er theres a de(elopment in the material mode of production and is not marched by

changes in the social mode of relations and the superstructure, a contradiction ensures. This

contradiction or anti8thesis leads to social re(olution+.

ach of these societies except the primiti(e communism had been determined by the nature

of economic production, exchange and the conse'uent social classes and superstructure

emanating from them. He asserted that apart from the first, all the remaining classes had beendi(ided into two ma5or classes6 the property holding exploiters and property less class of

exploited workers. %hange from one type of society to another come from economic base gi(ing

rise to a new ruling class that sei1es political power and became dominant. The 'uality and

identity of each ruling class and respecti(e lower class depends on the stage of de(elopment of

economic base. &arx belie(es that because the first society is primiti(e communism, it had no

identifiable classes.

In #siatic and sla(ery holding societies, the dominant class was the go(ernment officials

who extracted taxes from the peasants. An the sla(e holding society on the other hand, the sla(e

class was the toilers and the sla(e owners exploited them. The super structure here was the city8

state or the ancient empire. In the feudal class, the ruling class was the nobility who exploited the

serfs within the superstructure of monarchical state and using the ideology of %hristianity. *arl

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&arx was more detailed in his explanation of the transition from feudalism to capitalism. Indeed

he used urope especially ngland as the model of what he considered a +niersal

Phenomenon+?. #ccording to him, the change from feudalism to capitalism was due to the

commercial de(elopment in the !>th century in urope which pro(ided the opportunity for

primiti(e accumulation of capital and emergence of new capital of bourgeois which e(entually

became the dominant class. He belie(es that historical transformation will end the establishment

of socialism. In other words, to him the goal of human history is socialism.

&arx picked out the #siatic, ancient feudal and capitalist as successi(e modes of production.

The key to the course of human history lay in the succession of modes of production, often

referred to as 7economic basis of society, rather than in superstructural elements such as politics

and ideology. &arx and ngel insisted that it was possible for superstructural elements to react back upon the economic basis, and e(en, for a time to be decisi(e.

Historical &aterialism, therefore, has a three8part social structure6 the producti(e forces, the

relations of production, and the political and ideological superstructure. The theory offers an

explanation as to why these three models are beneficial to each other and necessary for progress,

known as a 7functional explanation. #n example of this approach can be found with 3.$.

$albanks work on the decline of the 0oman mpire. He theorised that the failure of producti(e

forces were the cause of 0omes decline, stating that the le(el of production was 7essentially the

same as it had been in the ;reek world!


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of past e(ents and since #fricans de(ised no widespread form of writing their history, the general

belief is that #frican historiography ha(e no place in world history.2! This ga(e rise to

ationalistic Historiography and the Influence of &arxist theories.

In the past before written records, #frican historians depended on myth, oral tradition, song

and popular history. Though oral tradition has its short comings, its use cannot be done away

with despite the problem of chronological se'uence.2+ In spite of short8comings, this techni'ue

has been employed for the purpose of collection, preser(ation and analysis of oral tradition. The

palace historian, who used this method, had done it (ery well in the past. /egend, song and

popular history had also been used to narrate the past of the people. The absurdities written by

uropean historians were challenged by educated #frican historians. The first group was

#fricans in =iaspora. These include =r. #nton $ilheielm, a ;hanaian. He wrote on the

contribution which orth #fricans Bparticularly the &oorsC made to the de(elopment of urope

through their contact with 0oman mpire in !>@2. Alauda 'uiano known as ;usta(us asa, an

ex8sla(e wrote a biography about the culture of his place of origin, the Igbo land in present day

igeria. The contribution of 0e(erend "amuel Johnson, who published a History of the Koruba

in !-+!, remains a (aluable repository of Koruba oral tradition for the contemporary historians,

no matter where they come from. 22

#t the end of the "econd $orld $ar in !-4:, professional #frican historians emerged to put

to rest the propaganda that #frica had no written past or no history at all. In writing the #frican

past, these historians dealt with documents of the past, written and unwritten to reconstruct

#frican past. rominent among these historians were *.A =ike, ".A. )iobaku, Abaro Ikime,

J.3.# #5ayi and a host of others. The publication of *.A =ikes Trade and Politics in the ,igeria

Delta# -./0(-..1, marked a remarkable departure from earlier written history of #frican past.

The second was the establishment of Institute of #frican "tudies and Ibadan "chool of

History.24There are specific culture history pro5ects like )enin and Koruba Historical 0esearch

"chemes, %onferences of #frican History etc. The new historic tradition re5ected the coloration

of #frican past by the uropean Historians. The tradition, anchored by well8bred #frican

historians, e'uipped by the (alidity of non8written sources of historic research, which has been

promoted through interdisciplinary approach, led to the disco(ery and authentication of sources

of #frican past.2:

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&arxs analysis of the working class has encouraged a lot of historians to begin to look into

labour history which examines the tradition of struggle in societies. It looks at the way the

working class BproletariatC has attempted to organi1e itself collecti(ely. It can therefore be seen

that the ideas of &arx ha(e made a tremendous impact on historiography. #nd it has been said

with some 5ustification that &arx redrew the map of history. &arxist historiography has made

contributions not only to the history of the working class but to oppressed nationalities, and the

methodology of history from below.2< &arxist historiography therefore has made some influence

as may be attested by number of works on #frican past. "uch works include6 7The $retched of

the arth, 7)lack "kin $hite &ask, 7How urope nderde(eloped #frica, The dyad of

resistance and oppression F %ooper !--4 G inspired magisterial research on "amori Toure by K(es

erson, 7eocolonialism the /ast stage of Imperialism, 73or The /iberation of igeria, 7The

&anipulation of 0eligion in igeria, 7*arl &arx and the #nalyses of the olitics of

%ontemporary #frica, 7The 0ele(ance of "ocialism in igeria to mention but few.

3rant1 3anon published his first book, Peau noir# masques blancs B!-:+9 2lac) 3)in# 'hite

Mas)s, !-C2> while still li(ing in 3rance. 3anonLs work reflects the intellectual influences of his

years in 3rance, where he was drawn to the group of black intellectuals associated with the

5ournal Pr4sence &fricaine. He was also close to a group of 3rench intellectuals associated with

the 5ournal 5es Temps Modernes that included Jean8aul "artre, &aurice &erleau8onty, and

#lbert %amus. These two groups and the writings of ;erman philosophers *arl &arx and ;eorg

$ilhelm 3redrich Hegel strongly influenced 3anonLs political and philosophical orientation.

In !-:- 3anon published a psychiatric study of colonialism titled 56&n 7 de la r4olution

alg4rienne B & Dying Colonialism# !-C. 3anon expressed his political philosophy most clearly

and comprehensi(ely in his last and best8known work, 5es Damn4s de la terre B!-http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People's_historyhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Working_classhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Methodologyhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People's_history


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re(olutionary (iolence to purge coloni1ed peoples of their colonial mindsets, often to the neglect

of his other ideas.

$alter 0odney was e'ually a &arxist historian. He interpreted &arxist theory within the

context of #frican peoples history and circumstances through historical research, analysis,

writing and teachings, 0odney sought to bring awareness and understanding to issues such as

race, class, sla(ery, colonialism and its impact and legacy on working class people and their

struggles for social 5ustice and economic de(elopment. He belie(ed that education and history

should be used as tool for social change.

(en as How urope nderde(eloped #frica struck a chord among many academics,

students and general readership on se(eral continents it has been sub5ected to se(eral criti'ues

o(er time. Ane critic suggested that despite its pretensions to be &arxist analyses the text

actually fails on that account. This critic explained that “How urope underde(eloped #frica”

7fails because it tries to persuade an #frican audience of the rele(ance of dependency theory by

making it meshes with the simplistic (ersion of the past already populari1ed by nationalist

historians. #nother critic %aroline eade, argues that 0odney identified #frica as “passi(e

(ictim” of uropean coloni1ation. )ut there is a lot in the book which would render this criticism

unfair 2>. 0odney 'uite conspicuously emphasi1ed #frican technological de(elopment at a gi(en

point in history prior to uropean penetration is gi(en (igorous treatment and agency in the text.

Ather scholars generally sympathetic with 0odney nonetheless find fault with some of his other

arguments. /ensinekaba for example, whilst hailing the importance of the work for #frican

scholarship is critical of the “sweeping generali1ation” and placement of “"udanic *ingdoms as

feudal states and 0odneys description of traditional #frican economies as subsistence

economies.

"imilarly, others ha(e decried 0odneys !->+ book as too “polemical”. Ket he was the

nontraditional historian and “polemic” that reached a wider, popular audience was essentially his

goal. In his own words he declared that the main purpose of the text was to “try to reach #fricans

who wish to explore further the nature of their exploitation rather than to satisfy the “standards”

set by our own oppressors and their spokesmen in the academic world”2-. &arxist

historiographers within the region of $est #frica and a most noticeable contribution to &arxist

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social science were made by "enegalese authors. Howe(er, the most predominant themes in their

works are on post8 colonial society. #t the same time, pre8colonial society was becoming an

ob5ect of intense study. /ess attention has been paid up to now to colonial political history.

e(ertheless, documents and periodicals of the #frican independence party of "enegal, as well

as scientific articles by progressi(e authors contain assessments of the ideological and political

climate of the colonial period.

rofessor "amir #min is an gyptian, who is described as one of the leading &arxist writers

in the world today. He has written more than 2@ books including Imperialism 9 +nequal

Deelopment , 3pecters of Capitalism: & Critique of Current Intellectual *ashions, ;bsolescent

Capitalism: Contemporary Politics and


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MARXIST HISTORIOGRAPHY IN WEST AFRICA

$ith the attainment of independence in the [email protected] fore8grounded class analysts at the global and local

le(els.42 "ome of these shall be examined below

#milcar %abral was the re(olutionary socialist leader of the national liberation mo(ement that

freed ;uinea8)issau from ortuguese colonialism. #nd his works reflect historical materialistic

approach and this made him to be regarded by most people an important historical actor. 44His

political thought has guided the #frican response to ortuguese rule for more than a decade.4:

%abralLs theory of socialist re(olution, true to the methodological materialism of &arxism, is

based on a thorough understanding of the real socio8economic situation of the Third $orld.

%abral argues that the fundamental moti(e force of history is the de(elopment of the forces of

production. ach mode of production, based in certain producti(e technologies, results in turn in

a particular social class structure. %olonial economies and agricultural policies dramatically

changed the internal situation of the colonies through the mechani1ation of production and the

concentration of land ownership9 that is, through altering the colonyLs mode of production from

one based on hand tilling of small or communal plots to mechani1ed agriculture on large pri(ateholdings. "ocial classes became anchored in pri(ate ownership and technical knowledge. High8

cost machinery and export production empower foreign capitalists, their technicians, and their

local allies who gain control o(er the economic direction of the country. %olonialism also

resulted in the denial of indigenous cultures and identities and the absorption of a uropean way

of life. Imperialism, %abral argues, is a structure of exploitation where the imperialist power

controls the de(elopment of the forces of production in another society and thereby takes charge

of its history.4< $hile he was aware that imperialism had in fact changed the operati(e forces of

production in his country, %abral also knew that the national proletariat was (ery small. He

reali1ed that the ma5ority of the residents of what was to become ;uinea8)issau were peasants.

The cities were characteri1ed by the presence of a MdeclasseM element composed of a true lumpen

proletariat and a group of new young migrants from the countryside. The country also had a

small petty8bourgeoisie that could be subdi(ided into high officials and professionals and a

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second fraction of lesser officials and farmers. The former MhigherM petty8bourgeoisie tended to

adopt a pro8imperialistNcolonialist politics but the MlowerM petty8bourgeoisie may well participate

in a struggle for national liberation due to its education and its direct experience of colonial

discrimination and imperialist exploitation. There also might be small comprador elite. This, of

course, is a class structure common throughout much of the periphery of global capitalism.

0egardless of the theoretical dogmatism of some, peripheral societies are largely made8up of

peasants, marginali1ed 'uasi8urbanites, the petty8bourgeoisie, and a small national elite. %abral

recogni1ed that peripheral societies are composed mostly of peasants and that it is this class that

necessarily would be the largest physical force in any successful social re(olution.4>

%abral posited that 8 in the age of monopoly capitalism 8 third8world mo(ements against

imperialism had become the central e(ents of history. 0eal social change in(ol(ed winningindigenous control o(er the forces of production while mere political independence would result

in the continuation of imperialism as neocolonialism. olitical independence is not the end of the

liberation struggle but only a phase within it. History itself, after all, is determined by the

de(elopment of the forces of production so a people can only reclaim its history by gaining

control o(er their own producti(e technologies. #nything less is simply neocolonialism.4?

%abralLs determination of the class structure of ;uinea con(inced him that, contrary to some

applications of &arxism to the Third $orld, there was no single class agent capable of successful

re(olution. %abral argues that the main social class contradiction in peripheral societies was

between internal and external supporters of imperialism and the masses as a Mnation class.M The

potential for re(olution lies in the formation of an anti8imperialist alliance of (arious social

classes including the peasantry and the petty8bourgeoisie. This Mclass nationM may in its totality

only desire political independence, but it alone is capable of beginning the process that might end

in a social re(olution led by its more radical sections. Anly after independence would there

emerge a national bourgeoisie and other elites and the Mlower social classes,M including the lower

petty8bourgeoisie and a group of associated intellectuals8like %abral himself88who pro(ided the

theoretical leadership of the re(olution. This latter group would be particularly important in a

situation without a ma5ority working class with re(olutionary socialist aims.

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It should be clear that, excluding some ;uinean particularities, %abral described a social class

structure common to much of the Third $orld. "ocialist re(olutions there must be built without a

working class ma5ority. This has been the situation of historical socialist re(olutions from 0ussia

to icaragua. Third $orld re(olutionaries Mmust install a working class consciousness in a

society without a working class.M The ma5ority of the population is peasants who make up the

principle MphysicalM force of the re(olution. They may be anti8imperialists but, without ideology

and leadership, they are not likely to become socialist re(olutionaries. This leadership can be

pro(ided by a re(olutionary fraction of the petty8bourgeoisie, the class most likely to ha(e had

extensi(e direct contact with both imperialism and re(olutionary socialist theory.

%abral felt that a key to the possibility of successful re(olutionary socialism on the periphery

lies in the post8independence role of the petty8bourgeoisie leadership of the nationalistmo(ement. $ill they be lured by the promises of neocolonialism into being satisfied with mere

political independenceO $ill they merely use their political control to turn the state into a means

of ruling class formationO If so, political independence will not bring true liberation defined as

popular control of the forces of production. If the nationalist leadership simply acts on its own

narrow class interest within the context of global capitalism, the petty8bourgeois class will

preser(e and reproduce itself as a pri(ileged class, perhaps becoming a national pseudo8

bourgeoisie. This is a strong temptation for the petty8bourgeoisie in that it allows them to retain

positions and powers of leadership after a nationalist political (ictory. "ocial re(olution,

howe(er, re'uires that the petty8bourgeois leadership of the independence mo(ements commit a

kind of Mclass suicide.M4-

%lass suicide by the re(olutionary petty8bourgeois leadership amounts to listening to its own

re(olutionary consciousness and the culture of re(olution rather than acting on its immediate

material interests as a social class. It must sacrifice its class position, pri(ileges, and power

through identification with the working masses. This unlikely e(ent depends on the power and

material basis of the re(olutionary consciousness of sections of the petty bourgeoisie. The idea of

class suicide by the re(olutionary leadership is perhaps %abralLs most important message to

socialist re(olutionaries today. The absence of class suicide has blunted the progressi(e potential

of many re(olutions originally conducted under the banner of socialism. It is perhaps romantic to

expect the leaders of re(olutionary struggles to Mwither awayM and release power during the

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transition to socialism. It may ne(er occur. )ut, it seems clear that if it does not happen socialist

re(olutions tend toward a more or less authoritarian statism88whether 'uasi8socialist or state

capitalist88rather than true socialist democracy. The final power of capitalism as a global system

lies in the politics of the conser(ati(e fraction of the nationalist petty8bourgeoisie that chooses to

adapt to transnational capitalism because that route promotes its own class interests.:@

The notion of Mclass suicideM by the petty8bourgeois leadership at first glance may sound

unrealistic but it is much less so than the most popular competing images of socialist re(olution

in the Third $orld. "ome suggest that MtrueM socialist re(olutions must be the spontaneous

outburst of the masses themsel(es. Aften this seems to imply that these e(ents will occur without

formal political organi1ation or a di(ision of political roles between leadership and masses. The

argument is that socialism must be radically democratic e(en when it is a nongo(ernmentalre(olutionary mo(ement or e(en when it is in(ol(ed in the long ardors of an armed struggle. This

image of socialist re(olution as spontaneous mass democracy is much more romantic than the

idea of class suicide. o re(olution can succeed without organi1ation and leadership. To state

that socialism can only come through a spontaneous mass mo(ement without leaders and

followers, without organi1ation, without ideology and direction simply is to say socialism will

not come.:!

The "enegalese &arxists today take an increasing interest in the countrys democratic

traditions, in particular, in the democratic, anti colonial heritage of /amine "enghor and his

comrades in the anti imperialist struggle in the !-+@s :+. This interest is 'uite normal. /amine

"enghor was the first among the "enegalese democrats in the world to understand that the

worlds first socialist country is a natural and reliable ally of the national liberation mo(ement. In

all probability there is more to &arxist historiography of the problem under re(iew. )eginning

with the !-+@s, &arxists considered the social processes and the social ideas of the region

sub5ects for independent study. )esides $est #frica historiography was not regarded as

something self contain, the processes under way there were within the world wide historic

context, and was analy1ed in close connection with the de(elopment of the world re(olutionary

process.

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%ontemporary &arxists authors rely on a solid, scientific tradition, more than half a century

old. (erything studied by &arxist #fricanist today Bparties, trade unions, political ideology as a

whole, the contribution to anti colonial struggle made by separate ideologists, to mention but

fewC, is directly related to similar analysis, if not similar material by earlier &arxist researchers

of the region. It is certain that &arxist #frican studies today are based on a scientific foundation

laid way back in the !-+@s and !-2@s. back in !-+> this remarkable "enegalese democrat and

anti colonialist was “disco(ered” and introduced to the 3rench reading public by a member of the

%entral %ommittee of 3rench communist arty, the then editor8 in8chief of 5=Humanite# Paul

7aillant(Coutourier! He wrote one more book, in which $est #frica is mentioned se(eral times

and which gi(es an apt political portrait of ). =iagne, one of the first in &arxist historiography.

Howe(er, the second work, which appeared three years after the first, is less known #fricanist, as

it was not published in nglish and 3rench. Ane circumstance should be noted here is that,

ob5ecti(e factors pre(ented the early &arxists scholars from clearly understanding the situation.

In the post8world war years &arxist thought enriched the historiography of $est #frica with new

obser(ations, and what is most important, with new appraisal.

%oming down to igeria, our immediate en(ironment, it is good to understand that the first

set of works that attempted a systematic study of the theory and practices of igerian

historiography were 0obert #ukers and /idwein *apte5einss h. = Thesis6 “erspecti(es of

igerian Historiography6 !?>:8!->+6 The Historians of &odern igeria” and “#frican

historiography written by #fricans, !-::8>2:4. These historians ha(e contributed to our

understanding of the trends and patterns of igerian historiography. #madu )ello ni(ersity,

"chool of Paria is identified as Marxist or the "adical 3chool of thought. sman )ala Kusufs

works shall be examined as in constructing #frican past through &arxists approach.

The historical writings of )ala were largely informed by his (iew of history and the socio8

political and intellectual climate of igeria of his days. He did not recogni1e any disciplinary

gulf separating history from other social sciences. Thus, his writings represent a hybrid of

history, sociology, economics and political science. Howe(er, the dominant (iew about )alas

historiographical approach is that of the &arxist tradition of historical writing. This seems to be

the (iew of 0obert "henton, Thomas Hodgkins, and &urray /ast. "henton, for example in his

(iew of )alas the Transformation of >atsina asserted that the work “is that of a scholar rooted in

17


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historical materialism”. &urray /ast pointed out that 7)ala was a materialist in his approach to

*atsina history and Thomas Hodgkin also argued in the same (ein.

"ome critics link &aishanu maintained that while )ala succeeded in establishing the

significance of material condition in historical de(elopment, 7this does not presuppose that his

theoretical framework was necessarily that of historical materialism. The argument of &aishanu

in respect of this debate is that, rather than class struggle, which is the central tenet of &arxist

philosophy of history, what is apparent in the transformation of *atsina is intra8class struggle

among the ruling class as they 5ockeyed around the power ::. It was also said that )ala was not a

sla(e to “&arxist” ideology, but had a deep understanding of the theory. He was an

extraordinarily meticulous historian and his multi dimensional approach to historiography cannot

be easily put down as &arxist. This has been confirmed by one of his postgraduate students,

asiru &uhammad6

;nce in the course of a lecture# Dr! 2ala +sman made a statement which

seems to reeal his position about Marxism with those tradition he had for

long been identified! 'hile explaining a point# Dr! 2ala said it would not

do for students to 8ust couch their wor)s in Marxist 8argon and expect the

wor)s to be commended as good wor)s! He seemed to hae implied that the

image of a doctrinaire Marxist scholar which was being ascribed to him

was somehow wrong :

Howe(er, looking at some of )ala radical commentaries on contemporary issues of his time,

)ala appears to ha(e applied a “class perspecti(e” in his analysis of contemporary igerian

history not out of loyalty to &arxism as a methodology Bfor &arx himself did not pro(ide a

blueprint pigeonhole into which all historical writing could fit inC but out of his penchant for the

scientific causes of the flight of the ordinary igerians. This is especially the case with his

writing such as 3or The 5iberation of ,igeria# the Manipulation of "eligion in ,igeria# “*arl&arx and the analyses of the politics of %ontemporary #frica and “the rele(ance of socialism in

igeria in !--@s” among others.

$hile the first two writings mentioned abo(e represented a class perspecti(e of the ma5or

issues raised, )ala explicitly ad(ocated for the rele(ance of socialism in igeria in the latter. In

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this way, thus, )ala could be seen to ha(e shared a common strategy, class analysis, with the

“&arxist”. $hat he had succeeded in doing was to domesticate &arxism within the igerian

context in such a way that /enin and &ao, for example, did in 0ussia and china respecti(ely. The

&arxist tradition de(eloped from the necessities of social practice and this has created a

tendency for any form of radicalism to be dubbed “&arxist”. Ane of the methodological

problems in #frican historiography has been associated with the conflict between theory and

practice. 3or example, the &arxist historians ha(e been accused of undertaking 7(aluable

empirical studies with results which do not fall entirely within their theoretical premise:>.

The historical writings of )ala sman are too incisi(e to be narrowed down to &arxism.

#lthough his historical writings do not fit into &arxist historiography, he deliberately framed

himself, for reasons best known to him, as writing within the &arxist tradition, which exposed

him the more so to the 7&arxist label. This could be illustrated by his critical exchanges with

Ibrahim )ello8*ano where the former made an o(ert pronouncement about his commitment to

the 7historical materialist conception of history thus6

&s for your obserations about the historical materialist approach# which we

try to use to get# through the critical assessment of all sources# as close to the

realities of history as humanly possible# which you dismiss as $empiricism%#

there is nothing new# or worth replying in that?:?

Then after referring )ello8*ano to some scholars who had earlier treated such issues in their

works, )ala ultimately submitted that6

The outcome of these exchanges only further brought out the importance of the

historical materialist insistence on the primacy of empirical eidence# to enable

us ma)e some sense of complexities of the historical process# and of the motion

of human society# in such a way that we can exercise some influence oer our

indiidual and collectie destinies:-!

&onday K. &ang(wat has employed the &arxist concept of primiti(e capital accumulation

and capitalist accumulation as an explanatory tool for the creation of a igerian bourgeoisie who

ha(e been the managers of the federal nation8state in operation. He has also argued that the same

process of creating the bourgeoisie was by, the internal logic of capitalist de(elopment, creating

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the working classes which the bourgeoisie must exploit. In short, between !-!4 and +@@>, the

main business of the igerian nation8state has been the creation of a igerian bourgeois society

within the rubric of a federal structure. He argued, “I ha(e also argued that regardless of

anybodys ideological persuasion, the choice of the federal system by our colonial masters,

adopted and internali1ed by our local leaders was most appropriate and wise”.

contribution to the social science. rofessor #keLs theory of olitical Integration exposed many

of the difficulties confronting the new nations of the world as they emerge from their colonial

status and helped to show some of the directions that must be pursued, if these nations must

exhibit a higher degree of social and political unity in their8 de(elopment. This insight in this

regard was uni'ue and original especially as if applies to #frica.


21/30

book in the nited "tates of #merica in !-?: has been translated into 0ussian language by the

0ussia #cademy of "cience and ser(es as a ma5or reference work in many other countries of the

world.


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the periphery.


23/30

The two progressi(e ideologies held by the two pioneering and at times most popular

politicians, namdi #1ikwe and Abafemi #wolowo, could at best describe as pragmatic. 3or Pik,

who had returned to $est #frica in !-24 after studying and teaching history and political science

in the united sates, it was not so much capitalism as an economic system that was obnoxious, as

the life of the proletariat.>+ &arxism8/eninism8 though it ad(ocates ha(e ne(er ac'uired the

power with which to implement its socialism of the orthodox &arxist8/eninist (ariety its

ad(ocates in #frica. Autside areas of uropean settlement in #lgeria and south #frica, whene(er

official communist parties ha(e organised, orthodox &arxism has found support among small

groups fracial intellectuals, students, and re(olutionaries such as the exiled 3elix &oulmie wing

of the union des populations %amerounaises, the Feunesse Traailleuse cubanguenne of %entral

#frican 0epublic, the 3ederation des Etudiants de l=&frique oire en 3rance, and the Parti

&fricaine de l=independence B#I C centred in "enegal but acti(e in guinea, &ali, and other

former 3rench territories.>2

The apotheosis of &arxist discourse in no(els and dramas has been reached by a number of

writers whose works could be described as 7programmatic9 or 7combat literature, including

3estus Iyayi, Tunde 3atunde, and Alu Abafemi.

3estus Iyayis message in (iolence BHilarious /ongman, !->-C is that ha(ing suffered from

po(erty and lack of opportunity the oppressed must answer 7(iolence with (iolence. The hero

who pro(ided the recipe for this (iolentum pharmacorum is Idemudia, one of the many casual

labourers to be found in and around the lorry parks of the igerian towns and cities. This hungry,

angry, and rather mean passenger 7tout is a proletarian to the core8his work is his god, the truck

is his church, and when he falls sick his fe(er8 striken head feels 7hotter than black smiths fire.

#lthough Amolara Agun dipe8/eslie correctly notes that Iyayi is 7a petite8bourgeois writing

about proletarian, ob(iously this cannot be regarded as a criticism perse, e(en though the 7dirty

struggling labourers are presented in (iolence as perspiring and suffering as some kind of

proletarian warriors, ready for the impending re(olutionary struggle.>4

Tuned 3atunde has chosen to call his pieces 7peoples literature, and most of his (itriol is

hurled against influential but now harmless members of defunct ci(ilian regimes or past military

5untas. 3atundes first play in A &ore Ail )oom and )lood and "weat is set in igeria and

portrays, as claimed at the outset, a society that is 7bare naked, and thief8rulers8 and anger from

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the people and their children who are thereby condemned to eating from dustbins, from pregnant

women who are condemned to death in mortuary hospitals, and so forth. It ends with the

proletarian hero Hassans cogitation in prison o(er #fricas wretchedness and his rather

miraculous release by some workers who ha(e gathered together a neat sans(culotte type of

crowd outside the prison. 3atundes fantastic all igerian proletariat comprising 7factory

workers, poor peasants, students, teachers, doctors, engineers, honest christen priests and honest

imams. 0epresents a uni'ue mQlange of professions under a single class rubric that defies

history as well as sociology.

The second play, )lood and sweat, based on the pligh t of black workers in the white run

multinationals of south #frica, is full of fiery speeches, some of which pro5ect 7a rigid,

authoritarian communism according to =unton. He feels that although 7 the impact on a

igerian audience of 3atundes account of wretched li(ing conditions in south #frica should not

under estimated, 7the didactic burden of the play does ha(e to be carried, to be put across in a

way that renders it con(incing and compelling, and that 7the bulk of blood and sweat fails to do

this6

&boe all# the play fails to ac)nowledge the complexity(and therefore

seriousness of some of the problems it tac)les? for a ,igerian audience to be

palmed off with such a crass presentation of the role of capital is drastic under

ealuation of the need to understand forces that are complex and extremely

difficult to reform!>:

Alu Abafemis familiar thesis, according to =unton, is 7that in the contemporary igerian

state in5ustice and ine'uality are products of a set of power relations that can be read as

7e'ui(alents to those forged under colonial rule. Abafemis first play in ,ights of a Mystical

2east and the ,ew Dawn begin with and the ideali1ed and harmoni1ed, social world of the pre8

colonial change8 a romantici1ed re(olutionary resolution of an e'ually imaginary andexaggerated social, political and cultural problem. In his second play, The ,ew Dawn, igerian

intellectual and farmers dancing together, this symboli1ing the unity of a massi(e forces ready to

leap into re(olutionary praxis.><

CONCLUSION

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&arxist historiography is based on class struggle and the class struggle is said to represent

the contradictions in the economic structure of the society. #lthough, the emphasis which *arl

&arx placed on the role of the material factor in historical de(elopment may be faulted on

certain grounds, he had certainly made a great impact on historiography by presenting a new

approach to historical explanation. It is also examined that &arxist historiography in $est #frica

e(ol(ed o(er time as a legacy of colonialism and anti8imperialist struggle has gi(en &arxism

popular support in this region and the continent in general. This radical response to the paradigm

was prompted by the emergence of &arxist historians, anthropologists and political scientists in

the !->@s. 3rom the beginning of the !->@s, #frican history branched into (arious

speciali1ations. &arxist historiography in $est #frica is also appraised. It is also discussed that

the influence of &arxist Historiography is irrefutable, whether or not one agrees with the

political and radical aspects of &arxs o(erall beliefs.

.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

!. %hinedu . bah, Islam in &frican Historiography. *aduna6 )araka ress and ublishers

/td., +@@!, p.!2.

+. Internet &rchieGhttp6NNwww.mrxists.orgNarchi(eNmarxNworkN!?44Ndf85ahrbucherNlaw8

abs.htm Faccessed !2 =ecember +@!+G.

25

http://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htm


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2. Historical materialism 8 $ikipedia, the free encyclopedia

4. Ibid.

:. %roce, )enedetto. Historical Materialism and the Economics of >arl Marx. ew Kork60ussell R 0ussell, !-!.

!+. Ibid. !!.

!:. Ibid. +>!.

26

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historical_materialismhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Marxhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Marxhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.marxist.com/http://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historical_materialismhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Marxhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.marxist.com/http://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htmhttp://www.mrxists.org/archive/marx/work/1844/df-jahrbucher/law-abs.htm


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!


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+-. Ibid.

2@. 0igby, ".H., M&arxist Historiography,M in Companion to Historiography, &ichael

)entley, /ondon6 0outlredge, !-->, p. ?-:.

2!. T. Abenga, “"ources and "pecific Techni'ues used in #frican History6 ;eneral outline”

In6 J.* *i81erbo, Bed.C, +.

2+. ansina, J. 3ome Perceptions on the 'riting of &frican History: -. J - , Itinerario ,

!--+, p.+.

22. 3alola, T. Bed.C. !--2. #frican Historiography6 ssays in Honour of Jacob #de #5ayi.

Harlow6 /ongman.

24. #figbo, #. . “%olonial Historiography”. In T. 3alola Bed.C, &frican Historiography,

Harlow6 /ongman. !--2.

2:. #5ayi, J. 3. #. !--?. “"amuel Johnson and Koruba Historiography”. In aul Jenkins Bed.C,

The "ecoery of the 'est &frican Past . )asel6 )asler #frika )ibliographien. p.


29/30

4-. Ibid.

:@. Ibid.

:!. Ibid.:+. /etne( #. )., 'est &frica in Marxist Historiography. "%A, %onf. -, p. 2.

:2. Ibid. :8>.::. "amaila "uleiman. Kusuf 2ala +sman and the Marxist Philosophy of History. In6 the

3#I" Journal, *ano6 =orayi )abba %ommercial ress,+@!@,p. !!2.

:.:>. Ibid. !+4.

:?. Ibid. !+:.

:-. Ibid. !+

from a 3ocialist Point of 7iew. Takoradi, !-


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>+. %ollin, ;on1e Bed.C. &frica Today, ol. U, o. !. /ondon6 Johnson 0eprint. January !-2. Ibid. 4. =r. =a(id *imble, Bed.C. The Fournal of Modern &frican 3tudies. ol. 2!, o. 2. !--2,

p.2>>.>:. Ibid. 2@.

>

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