moieties in ancient mesoamerica: inferences on teotihuacan social structure. part i

Moieties in Ancient Mesoamerica: Inferences on Teotihuacán Social Structure. Part IAuthor(s): Marshall Joseph BeckerSource: American Indian Quarterly, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Autumn, 1975), pp. 217-236Published by: University of Nebraska PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1184347 .

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Moieties in Ancient Mesoamerica:

Inferences on Teotihuacdn Social Structure

MARSHALL JOSEPH BECKER

PART I

In the past the findings of archaeologists had only provided information about the material cultures of past civilizations. Within the past twenty years archaeological data has been analyzed within the framework of anthropological models. These have provided great in- sight into those aspects of cultural behavior which leave no direct evidence for the archaeologist to recover. Modern field work continues to provide better means by which one can interpret the past. As Murdock noted (1965:344): "It is one of the fascinations of anthropology that field work done in the twentieth century A.D. is capable of shedding direct, and not merely indirect, light on important historical events which occurred in the fifth century B.C."

The hypothesis presented herein is suggested as a means by which the political structure of ancient TeotihuacAn may be viewed. Researchers may add or negate the evidence presented, but should consider the possibility that the ideas presented may reflect a system of "urban" behavior that ceased to exist more than 1000 years ago.

Previous interpretations of the social structure at Teotihuactn had been undertaken primarily through the use of limited archaeological data. The recent publication of two mural paintings from Teotihuacin (C. Millon 1973), when considered together with similar indirect data (see Villagra Carleti 1971) and the direct archaeological evidence, provides an excellent foundation for making inferences relating to the socio-political history of the city. Millon's thorough review and penetrating analysis of iconographic elements appears to provide clear evidence suggesting the existence of political moieties at Teotihuacan. This review will offer evidence to support the hypothesis that certain iconographic clusters at TeotihuacAn represent the political moieties involved with and regulating the internal and the external affairs of the city. These political moieties probably had their origins in social

Marshall Joseph Becker is professor of anthropology at West Chester State College.



218 American Indian Quarterly

moieties and maintained some aspects thereof. These political moieties, therefore, operated as a politically complex aspect of the social structure. Such an interpretation of the data would suggest specific interpretations of the iconographic entities presented by C. Millon (1973) as well as bringing earlier published concepts into a relatively unified interpretive system.

C. Millon (1973) recently published an analysis of two mural paintings from Teotihuacan which includes numerous perceptive interpretations of iconographic motifs. She has drawn numerous inferences from these murals and other iconographic clusters with regard to social units or institutions. Her data on leadership, military associations, and the contexts within which "the tassel headdresses occur, both within the ancient city and outside its borders, indicate that persons with rights to the headdress may have been members of or attached to the ruling establishment . . . of the TeotihuacAn state" (C. Millon 1973:294). Millon elaborates on this meaning of the tassel headdress, relates it to the "Rain God", and notes that it signifies "membership in a social group,.. . with leadership and authority attributes . .. or at least a very highly ranked status .... " Artists in three different parts of Middle America used the tassel headdress to identify Teotihuacanos. "The headdress seems to be associated with Teotihuacatn as a political entity outside its own boundaries, or... is associated with a social group of high rank from the city which . .. was involved in foreign relations ... " (C. Millon 1973:305). In elaborating on this association, C. Millon also indicates affinities with weapons and other motifs which von Winning (1948:131) had already linked to concepts of war and death.

C. Millon briefly refers to Pasztory's discussion (1974) of the dual aspects of the Teotihuacan Tlalocs. "Tlaloc A" is the peaceful rain deity while "Tlaloc B" is the warlike rain deity linked to the "Tikal Shield Deity." C. Millon believes that the two paintings under discussion are companion pieces--related by a notational similarity and specific type of headdress and garment worn by the figures. On another level of analysis she observes that the Teotihuacanos were cosmopolitan and quite familiar with contemporary writing systems of the Maya and Zapotec. Most important, C. Millon concludes that the "Tassel Headdress" glyph (representing political and religious leadership) was united with the glyph representing polity and sacred qualities. Millon believes that this hypothesis concerning the meanings of these symbols and contexts "is testable both through reinterpretation and ex- cavation."

The intent of this paper is to demonstrate the existence of political



Moieties in Ancient Mesoamerica 219

moieties at TeotihuacAn by gathering the evidence for dual organization in Mesoamerica, providing information regarding the operation and functions of political moieties, and indicating how the evidence now available from Teotihuacin conforms to a general model of political moieties. What previously has been seen as duality in Mesoamerica may be more clearly represented at Teotihuackn by concepts of internal and external matters such as would be found in formal political moieties. One can easily review the anthropological literature to demonstrate that there existed many kinds of dichotomies or dual op- positions in ancient Mesoamerican political and ceremonial life. This paper will attempt to demonstrate that of all possible dualities the conceptual division between internal and external affairs was the most important in Teotihuacano society and, therefore, the most appropriate to the data presented by C. Millon, Pasztory, and others dealing with this society.

Moieties: A brief review of the concepts related to moiety divisions and their significance will be undertaken to provide a basis by which C. Millon's data and other information may be considered. Lowie (1948: 240) defines moieties as half-tribes (from the middle English Moite, from middle French Moitd: half). Each of the two moieties has distinctive but complementary features. Lowie (1948:242-7) provides numerous examples of (1) reciprocity or specific services which are mutually owed the members of the opposite moiety, (2) complementary functions indicated by competition in games and the use of contrasting decorative paints, and (3) conceptual antithesis, presented by ideas "representing antithetical aspects of nature, such as 'war' and 'peace'." They often have residence in separate living spaces within the community. Lowie (1948:241) goes on to note that among the Winnebago the divisions are called "those above" and "those on earth," with re- presentations of appropriate animals for each. Social moiety organization is by far the most frequently found principle of interaction for tribal peoples (Lowie 1948; Lkvi-Strauss 1969:passim). Kroeber (1948:396-397) stated that social moieties are labile aspects of social structure. For some reason moieties are more common in matrilineal than patrilineal societies (Murdock 1965:334). In 1642 the matrilineal Delaware were found by Holm to trace the origins of their moieties back to the two daughters of a divine woman (DuPonceau 1834:113). Holm also noted that the worldly or civil chief was distinct from the religious or priestly chief (DuPonceau 1834:146), indicating that these functions are separated.

Murdock (1949:90) also recognized the use and significance of the complementary activities performed by moieties in a culture. The




reciprocal roles of exogamous moieties within a culture are stressed by Murdock (1949:162-165, 169; also 1965:334), who also cites W.H.R. Rivers as having noted these relationships early in this century. Dual divisions function extremely well, according to Tax (1955:268), in the absence of vertical divisions in society (power, authority). This horizontal division Tax believed useful in games, warfare, etc., and presents the data on the Fox to illustrate his position. The matrilineal moieties among the Kaska regulated marriage as well as potlatching (Eggan: 1955:541).

W.B. Miller's (1955:283) discussion of Fox authority provides the best example of the roles played by leaders of the village. The village chief held nominally paramount authority. His position was hereditary within the Bear totemic group, and he was called the "peace chief" or "kindly chief." In this position he served as an arbiter and peacemaker, but had no means of enforcing decisions. The Fox war leader had "a modicum of directive authority," during the war expedition, but no one was obliged to follow him. The war leader's authority was limited in duration, and he was not permitted to reenter his village until he had been virtually relieved of even the limited vestiges of authority which he held. The kinship aspects of the war leader's position were not discussed by Miller. The Fox, Kaska, and other cultures described in this section are using kinship as a major form of social organization (see Wallace 1971b).

White (1959:161-162) stressed the co-operative aspects of moieties as a means for making life more secure for the members of a culture. He stressed, as did Lowie, that both moieties in a culture are alike in being co-equal parts of a tribal whole, and as such have certain specific (and reciprocal) functions to perform. Lvi-Strauss (1961:205) indicated that moieties on this level operate as partners within the culture, with all religious or social activities therein requiring the participation of "opposite" members from both moieties who share this complementary role. This is the case with the Seneca, who appoint a representative from each moiety to positions such as Faithkeeper, Bighead, etc. (Tooker 1971; personal communication).

Leslie A. White (1959) was perhaps the first to note that moieties can be both kinship and nonkinship oriented. By far the most common form are moieties based on kinship, maintaining "unilateral" descent and therefore permanent membership. The primary function of such moieties is to regulate social affairs such as marriage. These are what Murdock (1965:335) terms "exogamous social moieties." L6vi-Strauss (1967:10,116) also notes this form as the most common type of moiety. Murdock distinguishes social moieties from "local moieties", which




simply divide a band or village into two units. White (1959:159) describes such nonkinship moieties as simple halves of a social whole, distinguished for the purpose of performing reciprocal or complementary functions, and with only incidental connections with kinship. In nonkinship moieties, according to White, one is able to change membership. However, the more common social moieties are more familiar and include the kinship aspect which I believe is important to this discussion. Social moieties often have other attributes besides those which regulate kinship. Where social moieties exist the culture often assumes that only one group includes the legitimate kinsmen of the village while the other moiety includes people who were originally foreigners (Zuidema 1965:111,113). The "original kinsmen" might predominate in matters involving internal affairs while people of foreign descent might be seen as primary in regulating external affairs. Zuidema suggests the Osage, Mandan, and Mixe of South Mexico as examples of such a system.

Various functional interpretations have been offered to explain the complementary/contrasting relationships between these two parts of the same society. Murdock's (1949:90) theory that the internal dynamics of such a system provide for "harmless" release of tensions within the social group appears useful. The obvious use of the internal (inter-town) competition in games or by other formal means to defuse internal hostilities has been clearly demonstrated within the Cherokee confederation (Murdock 1965;335, 339; see also L6vi-Strauss 1969:69).

Murdock also notes a second example, the Berber, as maintaining antithetical moieties. In times of war a military leader would be ap- pointed (Murdock 1965:342) to direct the united efforts of members from both moieties. On occasion such a leader would not relinquish power and would establish a small "conquest state". This problem of how power is used would never occur within a simple society where social moieties were the primary force in regulating decision making and social behavior. In a more complex society, such as among the Berber, more complex political involvements require greater means of organization. The Berber provide an example of a system containing aspects of both social and political moieties. Within a culture with a relatively small population (a few thousand) moiety divisions would be useful as a pseudo-political organization. In large city-states, growing in size and cultural differentiation into a "complex society", moieties can continue to be extremely useful in ordering an increasingly varied universe created by external contacts.

The description of the complex political systems which may be ad- ministered by dual leaders requires an evolutionary model to explain




them. The development of political moieties is part of the "ecological approach" which Flannery (1972) believes useful in the study of "civilizations."

Social moieties operate extremely well in bands such as described above. Moieties may take on more complex uses in chiefdoms where the tribal units are not residentially proximal. Eggan (1955:509) makes this point clear in the following: In contrast to the village tribes of the Missouri River region, the Creek, Choctaw, and other Southeastern tribes lived in a somewhat dispersed pattern ... and other Southeastern tribes lived in a somewhat dispersed pattern ... and the considerably larger populations increased the problems of social integration. The various dual organizations . . . may all be seen as integrative devices for the maintenance of tribal or supertribal unity, though they had other functions as well.

English society between the sixth and tenth centuries appears to have been growing in complexity along these lines. The complex political state which was to become England did not emerge from this tribal phase until after the Norman invasion (Whitelock 1952). The church-state division may have been introduced by the Normans.

Murdock (1965:336-337) discusses the Creek Confederacy as an example of a political moiety system, although the Creek may not have achieved a full political moiety as described below. According to Murdock, civil officials, or those responsible for the town, were chosen from the White moiety, while military leaders were always selected from the Red. Political integration within the confederacy was achieved by extending these local (village) institutions to the higher political level. Murdock (1965:338) describes the civil leader, or peace chief, as a person who enjoyed great power within the Creek Confederacy. On the other hand, he also says that the Cherokee had a Great Red War Chief, suggesting that circumstances influence the prestige associated with these separate functions.

Tooker (1971) notes that red and white kinship groupings may have nothing to do with the Red and White town division among Southeastern Indians. She believes that the Cherokee had red towns and white towns, with the duality relating to internal and external affairs, but not to social behavior. Red towns were associated with war and hunting; white with domestic rites. This dual division was thus political and more complex than the social moieties discussed above.

Gilbert's (1943:356-359) study of Cherokee social structure does not consider the term moiety appropriate to Cherokee political or social organization, but instead attempts a preliminary analysis of social roles. Gearing (1962) attempted an elaborate interpretation of the




historic source material on Cherokee political structure and the Red- white dichotomy, without exposing the social structures which were operative. The Witthofts (pers. com.) question the moiety interpretation for the Cherokee. They believe that the structures of the Cherokee and of their southern neighbors did not operate in the manner of moieties, but represent instead a very complex system of individual roles within a non-moiety system (see Witthoft 1961).

Among all these populations the antithetical aspects of internal and external affairs (often referred to as "peace and war") are actually complementary. The normal functioning of internal affairs in a relatively small culture depends upon orderly external relations, and external relations can only be efficiently handled when advice and support from the membership of the. entire society is available. In theory, matters such as foreign trade, cultural boundaries and warfare, the sib or phratry "elders" of the external affairs moiety are expected to provide necessary decisions. These decisions, in effect, are binding on all the members of the society. Similarly, internal matters, such as land rights and theft, would be arbitrated by the senior members of the internal affairs moiety. These decisions would influence all members of the group, regardless of the moiety to which they belong. Such a system appears to have existed among the Cherokee during the historic period, possibly necessitated by contact with Europeans. The historic Delaware also had dual leaders in their civil chief and war chief, who in modern times were equal or had authority "according to their influence as men" (Kinietz 1946:123). These leaders alternated command as befitted the situation. The war chief could determine when to give battle, but sometimes he took a vote to reach a decision (Kinietz 1946:131). In both the Cherokee and Delaware systems one would "inherit" only the right to train for a position of leadership, but without guaranteed succession, via a classificatory uncle. This appears similar to the relationship which existed between the religious and secular leaders of the Indians of Virginia in the late seventeenth century (see Lurie 1958:56).

Political Moieties: The societies which have been described above as being in a state of transition between social and political moieties may all fall into the category of "chiefdoms." Perhaps it is the growing population and concomitant increases in the difficulty of maintaining a viable social structure in a complex state that characterizes the "state." When political systems can no longer be synonymous with kinship, and distinctions between religious and secular aspects of behavior become evident, then one is dealing with a complex, heterogeneous society.

In the context of these socio-political systems one may expect a




vastly different organizational mode, which may include a third form of moiety system. Murdock (1965:336) comments on this third form of moiety (beyond social and local), which he terms the "political moiety." This particular form of moiety appears to be the most appropriate to the analysis of data from TeotihuacAn. City-states and other "complex societies" require a greater degree of interaction between "city" residents and external populations and resources. The concomitant reciprocal relations necessitate the use of much more elaborate political systems than found within most cultures. Kirchoff (1949) considered the problems generated by the growth of the Inca society and the difficulties developed in maintaining a stable system. Kirchoff (1949:303) indicated that political moieties were but one means of organizing the population in that situation.

White (1959:163) has pointed out that when group size increases, three major changes occur which necessitate a change in basic methods of maintaining internal organization. First, the organization and integration of the society solely on the basis of direct genealogical reckoning becomes increasingly difficult, and ultimately impossible as the group size continues to grow. Second, socio-political advantages accrue from arranging marriages from within a larger kin group, such as a moiety, rather than from limiting potential mates to cross cousins. Third, the integration of the larger society occurs on the basis of a higher level of genealogical reckoning (see also Kirchoff 1949). This level would appear to be best suited to the distant and theoretical model of descent from semi-divine twins or semi-devine brothers. "Social moieties," or what Murdock (1965:335) called "exogamous social moieties, " are vastly different from "political moieties" in which secular power is distinguished from the sacred-military aspect (L6vi- Strauss 1969:69).

In dealing with all complex societies, among which TeotihuacAn may be included, one must consider that the cultural "level" is vastly different from that of tribal societies. In a complex society the external affairs by definition have gained a pre-eminence and a power, as they are requisite to the maintenance of the fundamental aspects of the system. As external affairs became the basic concern for maintenance of the political system, through trade and tribute, the external affairs leader achieves primary status. His position is distinct from that which might be associated with high-status individuals in the upper stratum of a strongly stratified society. Although political moieties would be correlated with social stratification, one should not confuse these strata with the nature of a dual system of leadership.

All of these aspects of a dual system must be drastically altered in




order to accommodate the needs of a " complex society. " The process of collective decision making which characterizes simpler societies would be too slow and ineffective to satisfy the involved political requirements of a more populous and socially stratified "complex society." The development of such a society, through population growth leading to a large urban situation and extensive trade relations as a fundamental aspect of the economic base, would require a shift from a relatively informal political process to one in which a specific individual is charged with the primary responsibility for making decisions. In such a theoretical situation other "elders" or responsible leaders of the various kin groups within the appropriate moiety would act as counsellors to the single responsible moiety leader (see also Flannery 1972:402). One would also expect that this position would be inherited through a specific lineage.

Relatively complex societies, therefore, could be expected to be "led" or governed by dual leaders who inherit their positions. One leader would direct internal affairs and see to the daily activities of "all" the people belonging to the society. In this capacity he would appear as a ritual leader. The other leader would manage external affairs, including war, trade, and probably relations with the afterlife. This concern, and concern with the heavens, would make him appear as a religious leader. Quite obviously the internal affairs leader would have much to say about external activities, but in a very complex society power would be overwhelmingly in the hands of the external leader.

As their internal aspects became less significant with the development of an empire, trading network, and money economy, external aspects developed accordingly. The economic and political compli- cations involved in the transition to an empire necessitate the development of an hereditary "chiefship" from among the collective leaders or elders of each moiety. Such a position would make one individual a leader among many leaders (heads of sibs) and would con- centrate ultimate power in this "office". A dual leadership, with each "partner" responsible for a different, but complementary, set of problems, is very appropriate to the political operation of a "complex society," so long as the complexity remains within certain limits. This may have been the case in Imperial Rome, which appears to have maintained a dual system of leadership (Kornemann 1930). In Rome, as in other complex societies, the size of the population has led the leadership principle to be separated from the kinship system from which it originated. The inherited positions became transmitted through the lineage, and the social moiety of which it was part may be separated by the development of a system of social classes. In a




political moiety the kinship system which once ascribed moiety membership is no longer operative, and the leadership positions are politically secured by members of a powerful lineage. Flannery (1972:403) phrases this best when he describes the "State" as having a highly centralized government with a ruling class largely divorced from the bonds of kinship (italics mine).

G. E. Wright (ms.) suggests that dual political leaders may have been in power in Mesopotamia as early as the Obeid (Ubaid) period (ca. 4000 B.C.) and into the Uruk period. The external affairs leader at that time had increased power and he appeared to be the sole leader at various sites. Increased populations at sites such as Tepe Gawra and Eridu obviously made decision making more difficult. Wright (ms., quoting T. Jacobsen 1970) believes that as villages became fortified towns the lugal, or leader chosen in times of war, became a permanent ruler of a military force which had responsibility for making war as well as defence. Administrative functions continued to be held in the hands of an ensi, the "chief en ('lord') of the temple."

Wright further states (ms.:16) that during the period of empire "the lugal, or war leader, attained pre-eminence as political leader and representative of the league of cities." Wright also comments on how this position then became hereditary. The most significant aspect of the data presented by Wright is that they are based on written documents. Thus we have a cultural situation parallel to that in Mesoamerica, with developing city-states and empires, population growth, and all of the assumed socio-political changes, but with the advantage of preserved written records to give us direct evidence. The evidence appears to offer strong support for the model of political moieties presented above, and the task at present is to demonstrate that similar circumstances existed at TeotihuacAn through use of available evidence. The following pages will provide evidence for the existence of political moieties among the Teotihuacanos.

In presenting the evidence for the existence of political moieties in ancient TeotihuacAn three points must be considered. The first is the simple problem of demonstrating a dual leadership as distinct from unity in leadership. Second, the evidence comes only from three sources: ethnohistorical, mythological, and archaeological. Lastly, the division in leadership is not simply a sharing of power, such as discussed by Lowie (1920:135-137) or Haekel (1950), but that the roles of the two leaders are distinct in function, reciprocal in their operation, and in some way founded on either real or assumed kinship relations. This is not to imply that the duality in a political moiety system of necessity involves all the members of the society. The intent is to




demonstrate that the duality noted in the sources reflects a political structure which is derived from, if not dependent on, the social system.

Numerous studies of Mesoamerican history and iconography have indicated that a strong duality in various aspects of the overall cultural tradition appear to be evident through time (see Nicholson 1971). Kubler (1972b:5) has clearly noted dual and paired forms in Teotihuacin art, and even developed basic ideas on thematic groups. In presenting evidence to demonstrate the existence of moieties at TeotihuacAn, various archaeological, ethnohistorical and other data from mythologies will be reviewed. Since such evidence comes from various times and places one must accept Willey's (1970) assumption of Mesoamerican cultural unity, which enables one to study the Sixteenth Century system and project back in time. Willey's ideas, first propounded by Edward G. Seler in 1896 and reaffirmed by Caso in 1971, are organized into the following suppositions: (1.) Ancient Mesoamerica has a unified cultural tradition related in space over a period of 3500 years. (2.) Ideological unification within this tradition includes religion and abstract thought. (3.) The integrity of these beliefs and commonalities allows archaeologists to attribute similar meanings to similar signs and symbols.

Quite probably overall themes are uniform within this area but with major regional distinctions, such as Kubler (1972b:3-4) demonstrates with regard to differences between TeotihuacAn and Monte Alban calendars. Kubler (1972b), supporting Jim6nez Moreno (1971) takes the position that there exist multiple religious traditions in Mesoamerica. Kubler provides an excellent review of these two positions (1972b) and reviews Spinder's and Tozzer's treatment of changes in meanings which have occurred through time. Kubler also points out the possible ap- plication of Wendell Bennett's "co-tradition" concept to the Meso- american situation. Kubler's (1972b:5) treatment of changes which occur through time provides a review of these concepts. With regard to the interpretation of art forms, which is basic to the subject of this paper, Kubler also makes note of Erwin Panofsky's disjunction theory. Panofsky has demonstrated that while artistic forms may stay the same, meanings may change; and in some cases the form changes while meanings stay the same. This concept will be of some importance when interpreting the data presented below, as the argument will depend on a general acceptance of Willey's suppositions.

Archaeological data: Inferences from the Preclassic, Classic and Postclassic periods: Prior to the Classic period in Mesoamerica social moieties may have been relatively common. Kubler (1968: 123) suggests that dual governmant systems are as old as the "Olmec-Xicalanca




period," and that moieties may be in the Olmec tradition (personal communication). The ball game, which will later be related to political moieties (below), also appears to have had its origins among the Olmec (M. Coe 1970:27-29).

R. Sharer (pers. com.) has found an apparent differential in ceramic distribution at Chalchuapa during the middle Preclassic period. He notes that the existence of social moieties would be one possible ex- planation of this situation. This differential distribution appears to fade during later cultural periods. No specific test of this situation has been conducted to date. Similarly, Grove (1974:178) notes that Olmec and Olmec-style rock art of the Early Preclassic has two distinct "styles." One, represented by three examples, depicts humans carrying staffs or bundles in their arms. This form appears to conform with external affairs. The three examples are as follows: (1.) Chalchuapa Zone, El Salvador and Las Victorias (Boggs 1950: Fig. 1; Sharer 1974: Fig. 6); (2.) San Miguel Amuco, Guerrero, M6xico (Grove and Paradis 1971); (3.) Xoc, Chiapas, M6xico (Grove 1974).

The second style, which is characterized by an agricultural fertility theme, correlates with the "homeland" or internal affairs division. This "style" has but two examples, La Venta, Tabasco (Grove 1974) and Chalcatzingo, Morelos, M6xico (Grove 1968a, 1974). The early ap- pearance of distinct iconographic forms is of considerable interest.

During the Classic period political moieties may have developed in order to sustain order and integration in semi-urban units with in- creasing population (see M. Coe 1965:103). The economic and political complexities associated with the Classic period required the development of hereditary "chiefs" of each moiety.

The presence of ball courts at various Maya sites and into the valley of Mexico is a possible indicator of dual divisions. Ball Courts, according to some scholars, are related to the regulation of trade. If opposing teams held ritual competitions which facilitated trading relations, similar to the kula of the Trobriand islands, then the ball game and the players would be related to the functions of an external affairs moiety (see below). In this case the development ot political moieties facilitated the regulation of external trade, but moieties are not believed to have been developed deliberately to facilitate trade with non-kin as Tooker (1971) believes. Ball game players among the Maya may have served a function similar to the pochteca among the later Aztec.

Yet another possible indication of duality among the Classic period Maya derives from the numerous examples of double portrait stelae. These monuments, which appear to have two versions of the same




person, are known at nine sites, such as Ixkun (Stela 1). Double portrait lintels are known only at Tikal (Kubler 1973) although Yaxchilan lintel 8 may also have a double portrait (see Culbert 1974: Figs. 6, 20). Kubler (1973:9) suggests that the dual figures on Tikal lintels represent a convergence of dynastic lines in the leaders of Tikal. Pasztory (1973:9) interprets the Xochicalco stela as depicting a duality, which she believes reflects a life-death relationship. In addition, a capstone in the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania (Jones, n.d.), which comes from Yucatan and has been dated to the Classic period, depicts a pair of facing human figures. Jones believes this pair to represent Hun Cabal, "The one in the earth" (maiz) and Hun Canal "The one in the heavens," or "in the sky serpent." As such they would be a dual above- below pair, or possibly representative of internal and external leaders.

Mention should be made that the significance of dual figures and duality among the Classic period Maya has been given an interpretation other than that of a moiety division. Several authors support Berlin's (1967) hypothesis that the two powers described in the tablet of the ninety-six glyphs at Palenque represents the transition of power, of which secular and religious functions may be but a subordinate aspect. Molloy and Rathje (1974:438-443) believe these represent superor- dination and subordination, which at YaxchilAn and Copan are assumed by one ruler. Barthel's data (1968) on glyphs T 168 and T 284 suggests that they may be read as "ruled before" and "sangre de origen" and that they refer to the transfer of power. Barthel (1968: 177-8) believes that the use of emblem pairs at Yaxchilan specifically relates to aspects of a common idea and that they do not represent the emblems of "un sistema de doble sefiorio en YaxchilAn."

Schele (ms.) comments on the identities of the pair of figures depicted on all three temples in the Group of the Cross at Palenque as being father and son. Duality is clearly shown in these figures, but possibly they reflect life and death in the context of accession transitions (Schele ms: 12). The pictorial vocabulary which Schele records for Palenque is in good agreement with the dual categories presented in Table 1, but she interprets them as being successive rulers rather than co-equal rulers. In addition, Schele (ms:51-52) sees the rulers of Palenque as in- carnations of the hero twins of the Popol- Vuh, but appearing in cycles (one alive and one dead), rather than both at the same time.

A further example of this sequential or cyclical interpretation of dual themes also comes from Palenque. Quirarte (1974:129) discusses motifs which represent polymorphic creatures symbolic of the earth and the sky in the Izapan art style. These motifs, found in frames for narrative scenes, have been found in Classic Maya art at sites such as Palenque.




Proskouriakoff (1960:455) states that at Piedras Negras these represent "ascention" and a "cosmic motif," which supports the concept of the dual forms being sequential.

Although Berlin (1967) and his followers may be correct in their interpretation of the Classic period data from the area of the lowland Maya, the evidence from other regions and other periods continues to be open to interpretation. Despite the interesting arguments offered by Barthel, Schele, and other scholars, two interpretations exist for the dual iconographic elements among the Classic period Maya which have been studied.

The thesis proposed in this paper might be used to interpret some of the data put forth by Molloy and Rathje. For example, one might interpret the Sky dynasty at Tikal as an internal power, and the external aspects of this power would be represented at YaxchilAn and Copan as tributary cities. Barthel (1968:181) speaks of paired relations between cities, and city function which may relate to moieties. However, the direct glyphic evidence appears to support the idea of ascent to the power positions.

The four figures on the Calpulalpan bowl (see Linn6 1942) may represent four phratries (two from each moiety?) or other social units at Teotihuacain. The Las Colimas bowl (Linn6 1942:68) may also be in- terpreted in this light. Such four part depictions may represent two aspects of each of the moieties. Kubler (1967:Fig. 33) also depicts a similar assemblage, with external lightning and rain juxtaposed with internal fire and water (see Fig. 6).

By the middle Classic period in M6xico political moieties appear to have developed to their full extent. By the end of the Classic period only limited socio-political aspects of traditional moiety operations were operant. The residential and kinship attributes of social moieties, described by Lowie (1948:240-247) and Murdock (1949:162-165) were important prior to the Classic period. These were outmoded by the increasingly complex social and political systems of the Classic period. During the Middle Classic TeotihuacAn was a "great metropolis" with various aspects including large size, foreign visitors, extensive trade, etc. (see M. Coe 1962:101-117; Sanders and Price 1968). Kubler (1967:13) sees it as a terminal expression of an old theocratic system, a view which fits this interpretation of the social-political structure. In this transitional circumstance the use of moieties, as an aspect of social structure, or some derivative technique of political organization would have been needed to distribute power and maintain order. Such a system at TeotihuacAn as with other complex societies, is not necessarily the most efficient means of achieving a successful political




operation. Nevertheless, most political systems appear to have required a balance between the religious and secular leaders. No more efficient political system appears to have been developed prior to the merger of "church and state" under Henry VIII, an act which may have created the first modern political system by minimizing (or limiting) the significance of social structure in the body politic.

Data from the Postclassic period is almost devoid of information concerning moieties among the Maya. However, Wallace (1971:21) uses the projective elements in the 3 Maya codices to infer that Maya ritual had an order that focused on "symbolic distinctions between inside and outside . . . . " Although this is not evidence upon which one can reconstruct socio-political systems, it is an independent demonstration of the cognitive distinctions being described in this work.

Aztec period: Aztec mythology provides a divine basis for dual leadership among the historic Aztec. Huitzilopochtli, the fourth son of the original dual creator named Ometeotl, joined his elder brother Quetzalcoatl, who was the third son of Ometeotl, in establishing order on earth. This sibling pair then made the first man and woman (Brotherston 1974:157-158).

Hereditary leadership of moieties has been documented among the Aztec (see Vaillant 1941:111; Lowie 1948:106). Zuidema (1965:116) notes various references to "two chiefs" of the Aztecs being more important than the rest. Even more interesting is a quote from Don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl (in Zuidema 1965:114). Don Fernando said that the Kingdom of Texcoco, a part of the Aztec Empire (Calnek 1966), was ruled by an Aztec overlord, (see Calnek 1966:2) who received grants of land in Texcocan territory. Texcoco itself was internally divided into two groups with seven chiefs each. First among these chiefs was the "Chief of Teotihuacin," an interesting survival in the sixteenth century as that great city had been out of power for almost 1000 years. Perhaps the tradition of powerful external affairs leaders began during the Classic period and continued in name only into the historic period.

In other contexts Ixtlilxochitl appears to argue for the autonomy of the Texcocan state and its parity with the Aztecs, but the data indicate that there may be personal reasons for these statements rather than documentable evidence.

The Aztec leader Motecuhzoma (also Montezuma or Moctezuma) manifests all the appropriate attributes of an hereditary external affairs leader (Bandelier 1884:31; Waterman 1917). Bandelier (1879:665) was the first to discuss the relationship between Motecuhzoma in the role of Huitzilopochtli and his coadjutor, the Cihuacoatl. Bandelier stated that



232 A nmericawn Indian Quarterly

"there is no doubt about their equality of rank though their duties were somewhat different."

Numerous modern scholars believe that Bandelier was wrong in his evaluation of these positions, but none has been able to refute the evidence presented by Bandelier. The idea of dual leadership may be out of vogue with many contemporary scholars, but possibly due to current biases rather than firm evidence. If the ideas of these early scholars have been abandoned, the time has to come to resurrect their ideas or lay them to rest with firm evidence.

Nuttall (1900:71), following Bandelier, also depicts Montezuma as the personification of Huitzilopochtli, the "above" aspect of the divine twins. She presents data to indicate that he was high priest of sun and heaven, the war lord, and had other attributes which I would say relate to an "external" leader. This included wearing attire made of open network (Nuttall 1900:72) a trait which may associate with the depiction of an external affairs leader (see Table 1). The artistic transition into the Aztec period is well covered by Kubler (1972b:6), who describes many of the traits just noted. Even more significant evidence of the "external" nature of Huitzilopochtli is offered by Brotherston (1974:163), who termed this god "the embodiment of Aztec religious and military aspiration." Brotherston notes that he was the focus for centers of organized resistance to the Spanish and was feared by these invaders. The late arrival of Huitzilopochtli in the upper ranks of the Aztec pantheon, or some time after 1450 A.D. (Brotherston 1974:158- 165) indicates the relatively late ascendancy of the external affairs chief in the Aztec state.

Seler (in Keen 1971:450) indicated that the tlatoani or head of the Aztec political body was selected by tribal and clan leaders from a specific family. This affirms that leadership was inherited through families, as would be expected in a situation of complex political moieties. The evidence that the Tlatoani was in complete control of the government at all levels has never been brought together or proven. Radin (1920) indicated that the growing power of Aztec chiefs crystallized older social divisions into true castes and that the ruler changed from being an elected chief to being like a king, and Calnek (1966) said that the position of the Cihuacoatl (the internal leader) was eclipsed by Motecuhzoma, a powerful external leader. This situation might best be compared with the position during time of war of the Mesopotamian "Lugal" discussed above. Motecuhzoma, during the critical period of invasion by Europeans, became a particularly important leader. At this stage of Mesoamerican history the events taking place among the Aztecs (Zuidema 1965:114) gave validity to the




political power of a single leader. Radin postulated a dual system of property ownership reflecting duality in political structure. Kroeber (1923:359-60,370) indicated that the Aztecs had achieved "some sort of empire" governed by "a hereditary line of half-elected or confirmed rulers of great state and considerable power." Kroeber also echoed Radin's ideas on dual systems of property ownership and dual political structure, but ignored this subject area entirely in his revised work.

Duality among the Aztec is further demonstrated by dual sanctuaries (Tlaloc and Huitzilopochtli) atop the Great Temple at Tenochtitlan (Brotherston 1974:155). Carrasco (1971a:351-2), in discussing Aztec social organization, also describes the complex categories of local rulers, or tlatoque, noting that these rulers met in dual halls in Tenochtitlan. Dual temples are known at Classic period Maya sites and elsewhere through the late post-Classic period (C. Jones, pers. com.), and at Tenochtitlan we know the deities to whom they are sacred. The reciprocal aspects of these two deities, as noted below, suggest that moieties were operant in at least the ideological sector of Aztec life, as well as among the Toltecs (Carrasco 1971a:373).

Note was made earlier of the use of ritual games by moieties to defuse internal hostilities. Stern (1948:45-55) theorized that the ball game pok- ta-pok in Mesoamerica may have served such a function. Such games could facilitate trade between cities (see Clune 1963) as well as reinforce the belief system. Athletic competition between different political units would create a positive interaction enabling trade nets to be sustained. Clune notes that the ball game in Mesoamerica is useful "where power is dispersed between two or more groups, such as the priesthood and the military." A strong association is made between warriors and traders. Pasztory (1972b:447) points out the relationship in Aztec mythology between the "ball game cult" and merchants who may have developed this "cult". She notes that ball game may never have become important at Teotihuacan because the warrior cult stood in its stead (1972b:450), functionally and ritually. This paper assumes that both trade and war, as part of foreign affairs, are closely associated to the responsibilities of an external affairs moiety.

NOTES

Numerous other examples of dual leaders in the Near East have been suggested by G. E. Wright (personal communication), and Akkadian and other creation myths have divine twins as integral parts. S. H. Hooke (1958) also provides useful information about kingship in the ancient Near East. H.S. Georgiou has suggested (personal communication) that the Lion Gate relief at Mycenae represents dual political leader-




ship. A distinction between literary evidence used to document political duality and speculations drawn solely from artistic depictions is very evident, and a clear relationship has yet to be demonstrated.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:

This paper was presented at the XIV Mesa Redonda de la Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia (1975), in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, and portions of this paper were presented at the 1974 Annual Meetings of the Society for American Archaeology (Washington, D.C.). My sincere thanks are due R.E.W. Adams, M. Bremberg, W.R. Coe, B.N. Colby, B. Freeman-Witthoft, J. Witthoft, C. Jones, George Kubler, Esther Pasztory, E. Tooker, and numerous other readers for their kindness in reviewing earlier versions of this manuscript and offering many useful comments and suggestions. The general idea proposed and any errors which may be found are entirely my own.

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[Illustrations and remainder of References will follow Part II]



moieties in ancient mesoamerica: inferences on teotihuacan social structure. part i

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