mosques, collective identity and gender differences among arab american muslims

8/14/2019 MOSQUES, COLLECTIVE IDENTITY AND GENDER DIFFERENCES AMONG ARAB AMERICAN MUSLIMS

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A M A N EY J A M AL GH 53

J O URN AL O F MID DLE EAST W O M E N SSTU D IES

Vol.1,No.1(Winter2005).2005

MOSQUES,COLLECTIVEIDENTITY

ANDGENDERDIFFERENCESAMONG

ARABAMERICANMUSLIMS

AMANEYJAMAL

GH

Theoriesongenderandpoliticalengagementandparticipationhavefoundthatwomen in generalare less politicallyengaged thanmen (Verba,Burns,andSchlozman1997;Burns,Schlozman,andVerba2001).Scholars

haveattributedhigher levels ofmaleparticipationtotheavailabilityofpo-

liticalresources as educationallevels,incomeandemploymentopportunities

(Dalton1988;Scholzman,Burns,and Verba1984;RosenstoneandHansen

1993).Few studies haveexaminedtheways inwhichwomenofethnicmi-

norities or, specifically,immigrantwomenareaffectedbythis genderdynamic

(Lien1998).Immigrantwomenfaceahostofobstacles thatpose serious dif-

ficulties formainstreampoliticalparticipation in theUnitedStates.Learn-

ing aboutpolitics inanewenvironmentis aprocess ofcognitivereachand

behavioralcompetence,whichinvolves confronting andhurdling numerous

barriers:acquiring language,interactingwithandinAmericanculture,and

reconcilingbothhomelandandAmericanidentitiesintheirdailylives.Some

immigrants findthemselves innetworks orcommunities wheretheyareable

toreproducemanyaspects oftheirlives inthehomeland.Others findthem-selvesinenvironmentscompletelydetachedfromco-ethnics.Needingtoad-

just toanew formof life, immigrants facechallengescompoundedby the

receptionwithwhichimmigrants are greetedintheirnewhomes.Fearofoth-

ers withdifferentbackgrounds,wariness ofthosewho speakadifferentlan-

guage,anduneaseabouttheimpactimmigrants haveontheavailabilityof

jobs allmediatethewayimmigrants understandthemselves as members of


2/26


3/26


necessaryfordemocraticforms ofparticipation.Democratictheory,bothas

practiceanddiscourse,necessitates theinvolvementofanengagedcitizenry

(Verb

a,Sch

lozm

an

,andB

r

ady1995).An

en

gagedandco

nce

rnedpe

r

son

ap-proachestheidealcitizen.

Religious institutions arecommunities, groups ofpeoplewhomeet

regularly,who sharebeliefs and values thatarearticulatedwhentheymeet,

andwhocreateacommoninterpretivecontextfortheirseparateexperiences.

Thus,inadditiontoforgingtiesbetweenindividualsandbuildingtheirso-

cialskills,religious institutionsalsocreateacommunal identity.This iden-

titycanhaveanimportantpolitical significanceeveniftheinstitutionitself

doesnotsponsorpoliticalactivities.Itcancreatesolidaritythatallowsindi-

vidualstotakeothersconcernsastheirown.Itcaninfluenceideasaboutthe

public good.Itcantransformevents ofprivate significanceintocauses with

publicconsequences.

Burns,Schlozman,andVerbafind thatamong the generalAmerican

population,religious institutions fosterpoliticalactivityformenandwomen.

Theyfind,however,thatreligious participationbolsters politicalactivityfor

menmore thanwomen.Genderandraceconsciousness donotnecessarily

increasepoliticalactivitybutchannelparticipationamong women,African

Americans,andLatinos onissues relatedtocivilrights andminorityissues.Buildingon this analysis,patterns of groups consciousness amongArab

AmericanMuslimwomen suggestthatethnic-specificinstitutions helppro-

mote groupconsciousness inways thatenhancepoliticalengagement.

M USLIM W O M EN A N D M O S Q U E P A RTI C IPATI O N

In 2003,AminaWadud applauded the gains Muslim women were

achieving atthe grassroots levels intheUS.Anexciting areaofdevelopment

inMuslimwomens identity formation is the growthofMuslimwomens

grassroots organizations andnetworks. ForMuslimAmericans bothmale

andfemale,mosqueshavebecomesites inwhichexternalcontextualinflu-

ences andissues likediscriminationand stereotyping dominatereligious ser-

mons andprogrammaticinitiatives.Themosque,as aplaceofmembership,

signalsmorethananinstrumentalattachmenttoacommunitythereisan

intrinsicspiritualdynamicwhichinofitselfproducesasenseofcommunity

(Jamalinpress;Abraham2000;Bagby,Perl,and Froehle2001;Bagby2004).

Estimatedatbetween sixand sevenmillion,theMuslimAmericanpopu-lation isoneofthefastest-growingreligiousminorities inthecountry.To-


4/26

56 GH J O URN AL O F M ID DLE EAST W O M E N SSTUD IES

day,Americanmosques numberclose to1,200a62% increase since the

1980s.Withinafour-yearperiod,NewYorkcityitselfwitnessedatwo-fold

in

cr

ease in

th

enumb

er

ofm

osqu

es (Dodds 2002).

1

M

or

e th

an

20%

ofUS

mosqueshaveIslamicschoolsassociatedwiththem,andmosqueattendance

has increased75%inthepastfiveyears,withapproximately1,625Muslims

linkedtoeachmosque(Bagby,Perl,and Froehle2001).TheMuslimAmeri-

cancommunity iscomposedofbothfirst-generation immigrantsprima-

rilyfromtheMiddleEastandSouthEastAsiaaswellassecond-,third-,and

fourth-generationAmericans.2USmosquesgatherMuslimsfromallsectsand

generations,creating spaces forcommunityandworship.Approximately90%

ofcontemporaryUSmosquesassemblecongregationswithmixedethnic

backgrounds, includingAfricanAmericans,ArabAmericans, andAsians.

Thesemosques fostera senseofpan-ethnicMuslimidentity.Althoughthere

remains frictionbetween various ethnic groups in specificmosque locales,

Americanmosques cultivateanewbrandofcommunalIslam.

Althoughfemalemosqueattendanceis lowerthanfemalechurchatten-

dance,themosquenevertheless serves as animportant siteforwomens civic

participation.Muslimwomenofallbackgrounds gatheratmosques forreli-

gious classes (h alaqas), Fridayprayers,charitablework, Islamic schools for

theirchildren,anda varietyofotheractivities.Whileparticipationinmosquesinmanyparts oftheArabworldis relegatedtothedomainofMuslimmen,

in theUS,womenplayamorepronounced role in themosque (Leonard

1993;Hermansen1991).Infact,acomparisonofsurveydatafromtheMiddle

EastandDetroit,Michiganrevealsthatwomenaremuchmoreinvolvedin

mosquesintheDetroitmetroareathantheircounterpartsintheArabworld.

Whereas 10%ofallwomeninJordanand20%ofallwomeninMoroccore-

portattending amosqueatleastonceaweek,37%ofArabMuslimwomen

intheDetroitmetroareareportthislevelofactivity.3

Inthefirstpartofthispaper,Iarguethatthedevelopmentofpolitical

engagement for immigrants is mediatedby structures suchas religious in-

stitutions andethnicadvocacy groups,whichhelptodevelopthecommunal

identities that give immigrants a voiceandtheabilitytoact.Inthe second

partofthis paper,throughacomparisonofMuslimArabmaleandfemale

responses,Ihighlighttheways inwhichethnicinstitutions bolster levels of

politicalengagementforwomen.Becausethewomeninmy samplearemore

likelytobeinethnicadvocacy groups andinvolvedinreligious institutions,

theyarealsomorepoliticallyengagedthanthemeninthe sample.


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Iexamineoneimportantaspectofpoliticalengagementinthis paper:

theprocess bywhichimmigrants learnto voicetheirconcerns and speakup

wh

en

m

istr

eated.Th

is pr

ocess is im

por

tantfo

r

both

wom

en

andm

en

.Th

ispaper examines the relationshipbetween thisdimensionofpoliticalen-

gagementtheright tocomplainaboutacivicabuseandMuslimArab-

Americanmosqueparticipation.Most studies onreligious institutions and

Americanciviclifefocusontheroleofchurches,especiallyAfricanAmeri-

canchurches;however,veryfewstudieshaveexaminedtheroleofmosques.

Unlikechurches,mosquesfaceexternalcontextualinfluencesthatstructure

politicalengagementdifferently.Primarily,MuslimAmericans associatedwith

mosquecommunitiesconsistentlystatethattheyfeelunjustlyportrayedand

targetedbyAmericanpopularmediaandcinema.

SETTIN G A N D METH O DS

This chapteris basedonin-depth,qualitativeinterviews conductedwith

53Arabimmigrants,halfmaleandhalffemale,fromtheDetroitmetropoli-

tanarea,hometothehighestconcentrationofArabAmericans andthemost

visibleArabcommunityintheUnitedStates.4Allparticipants immigratedto

theUnitedStatesasteenagersoradultsandhavebeenintheUSforatleastfiveyears andatmostfifty.Theyoccupya varietyofeconomiccircumstances

(fromwomenonwelfaretostorekeeperstosmallbusinessmentowealthysub-

urbanfamilies)andliveinavarietyofneighborhoods(frommajority-Arab

streetsinDearborntoupscalesuburbs).Oftheparticipants,25%areChris-

tian (eitherOrthodoxorCatholic)and theother75%areMuslim (either

Sunni,Shifia,orDruze).Theyclaim sevennationalities oforigin (Palestin-

ian,Syrian,Lebanese,Iraqi,Jordanian,Algerian,andEgyptian)andtensend-

in

g ar

eas, in

clu

din

g allof th

eaboveas wellas

Mor

occo,Sau

diAr

ab

ia,and

Canada.Sixty-sevenpercentarecitizens;allbuttwooftheresthaveperma-

nentresidence.

Respondents wererecruitedthrougha varietyofmeans:personalnet-

works inmosques andchurches,aradioadvertisement,andreferrals from

various acquaintances. Further, staffandclients wereapproachedinthewait-

ing roomofa social serviceagencycatering primarilytoArabAmericans,and

theresearchers introducedthemselves tocustomers inrestaurants andArab-

owned stores.Theresulting sample is not statisticallyrepresentativeof the

ArabcommunityintheDetroitmetroArea;however,adeliberateattemptwas


6/26


madetomaximizethediversityofrespondents,withtheintentionoflearn-

ing aboutthe immigrantexperiencebothwithinandoutsideofethnicen-

claves andet

hnic-p

r

im

ar

y socialcir

cles.Tounderstandwhethermosqueparticipation structurespoliticalen-

gagementdifferentlyformenandwomen,IexcludedallChristianrespon-

dents fromthis sampleand groupedMuslims (n=38)intotwo groups:those

whoattendedthemosqueonafrequentbasis(n=18)andthosewhodidnot

(n=20).IfoundthattheMuslimArabsinthesamplewhodidnotattenda

mosqueaccepted stereotypingas thepriceofbecomingAmerican, turning

theirangerontheirethniccommunityratherthanonthosewhodisparaged

it.Bycontrast,MuslimArabswhoweremembersofandparticipated ina

mosque tookadifferentapproach,challengingstereotypesandharassment

as bothunjustandun-American.Forthem,theircommunalidentityas Mus-

lims andArabs completed,anddidnotcompetewith,theiridentificationas

Americans.Forwomen,however,themosqued/unmosqued5differentiation

matteredless thanforthemeninthe sample.Iwilldiscuss this finding be-

lowandattribute it to theunmosquedwomens involvement inethnicad-

vocacy groups,whichparalleled themosques effects increating a senseof

community.

Thedata throughwhichIapproach immigrantforms ofpoliticalen-gagementdefinednarrowly in this paperas theirwillingness touse state

institutions fortheexerciseofpolitical voiceandinordertochangethebe-

haviorofstateinstitutionsrests primarilyonone setofhypotheticalques-

tions. Tounderstand whether they felt empowered to complain about

governmentmisconduct,IaskedthemwhatadvicetheywouldgiveanArab

friendwhowas harassedbypolicewhilebeing issueda speeding ticket.6 I

groupedtheirresponses toconcerns aboutpoliceharassment intotwocat-

egories.Somesaid,withouthesitation,thattheywouldencouragetheirfriendtofileacomplaintagainst thepoliceofficer.A second group,however, felt

thatthe speederprobablydeservedtheticketandweredubious abouthis right

tocomplain.7

Of the38Muslims interviewed, I found that those likely touse their

voices inresponsetothe specterofpoliceharassmentwerealsomorelikely

tobemosqued(seeTable1).Theyfeltcomfortablewiththe voicetheyhad

attainedandfamiliarwiththeavailablepathways toparticipation.Theywere

alsoconfidentthattheyhadrights warranting protection.Thosewhodidnot

seetheofficers actions as discriminatory,bycontrast,didnotnecessarilylack

a senseofknowledgeoradesire toact.But they feared thatcomplaining


7/26


wouldexacerbate stereotypes ratherthandispelthem.Thus,theyhada stra-

tegicbeliefinthebenefits ofnon-engagement.This sentimentis capturedwell

inNancyRosenblums words:

[W]earereluctanttoobjectbecausewedontwanttocausea scene.Why?

.. .becausewe lackfaiththatothers shareourindignation.Weimagine

thatinadmonishing abanktellerwhotreats acustomerunfairlywewill

bemetwithindifferenceorhostilityfromthosewhohavebeenkeptwait-

ing in line.Wedonotexpectencouragementandagreement.Andthis la-

tentmistrustis self-perpetuating.(1999:81)

Whataccounts for this variationbetweenmosquedandnon-mosquedre-

spondents?Andhowdotheseresponses varywhenwe subdividethe sample

along genderlines?

M O S Q U E M E D I ATI O N O F P O LITI C A L E N G A G E M E NT

MuslimAmericans ontheirpathtoAmericanizationexpress deepcon-

cernaboutthe growing stereotypes associatedwithbeing Muslim.Stereo-

types inboththemainstreammediaandtheHollywoodindustrypaintthe

communityas closelylinkedtoterrorism, somewhatbarbaric,andwithin-

humaneworld views characterizedbylittleregardforhumanlife.MostMus-

lims saythatneitherHollywood(77%)northemedia(68%)fairlyportray

Muslims andIslam.8In1997,YvonneHaddad,aleading scholaronMuslim

Americans,discussedtheresults ofapolltakeninthe1980s:

[W]easkedpeoplewhethertheybelievedAmericadiscriminatedagainst

Muslims.Ofasampleof365people,100percentsaidyes.Then,whenwe

askedwhetheranyhadpersonallyexperienceddiscrimination,nonehad.

Table1:MosquedandNon-MosquedImmigrant

ResponsestoPoliceHarassment

Mosqued Non-Mosqued

PoliceHarassment:Complain 60% 44%n=9/15 n=8/18

PoliceHarassment:SpeederDeservedIt 40% 56%n=6/15 n=11/18


8/26


So itis intheair.Thepress contributes totheparanoia,andwecannot

ignoreit...[T]hey[Muslims] getupinthemorning andreadpress re-

ports aboutterrorists andtheypanic.There is this fear thatatanymo-

ment, youllhave amobmarching, trying tobombamosque. Ithas

happened.

In thedays,weeks, andmonths following September11,attacks on

peopleofMuslimbackground increased.MuslimAmericans havebecome

accustomedtohearing frequentreports ofattacks onMuslims andmosques,

even in somecases witnessing the endless FBI interviewsofcommunity

members.Hatecrimescrimes committed fornootherreason thanguilt

by reasonofethnicityhavebecomea reality towhichMuslimAmeri-

cansaregraduallyadjusting(Haddad2002).SinceIslamisstillagreatlymis-

understood religion in theUS, Islamic imagesgeneratedby theAmerican

mediaandentertainmentmachinescontinuetodominateconventionalstruc-

tures ofculturalknowledge.This conventionalwisdomhas coloredevenpo-

liticaldebateinhighlyambivalentterms.USpoliticiansseemtoacknowledge

thatMuslimAmericansareagrowingsourceofpoliticalpower in theUS,

and someextendtheirefforts toacquireMuslim votes.CongressmanBonior,

forinstance,ademocraticrepresentativefromMichigan,reportedthat[i]t

was once thekiss ofdeath tobe involvedwith that [Muslim]community.Nowa largenumberofpeople seektheir support(Afridi2001).Yet,other

politicians havebeenless willing toacceptthepolitical supportoftheMus-

limcommunity.During thehotlycontestedNewYorksenateelections,Rick

LazzioaccusedHillaryClintonofaccepting bloodmoneywhenamember

oftheMuslimPublicAffairs Councildonated$50,000towardhercampaign.

LeavingMuslimleadersexasperatedandspeechless,shereturnedthemoney

tothe generous donor.

Although theUSoffers MuslimAmericans unique forms ofpoliticalexpressionand religiousobservance, thepoliticalclimate surrounding this

community remainsovershadowedby thepropagationof stereotypesand

misperceptions.Communitymobilizationresourceshavebeen increasingly

employedtoalterthepublic viewoftheAmericanpublictowardAmerican

Muslims.Inadditiontoservingassitesforpoliticalincorporationandmo-

bilization,mosquesareincreasinglybecomingsiteswhereMuslimsattempt

tobridge the gaps betweenAmericans andMuslimAmericans that stereo-

types havecreated.Openhouses andinterfaithdialogues havebeeninitiated

at variousmosques across thecountries as Muslims trytoreachouttomem-

bers ofotherreligious denominations.Whenfacedwithlocalornationalis-


9/26


sues thatconcerntheMuslimcommunity, liketheAmericanMuslimcom-

munitycallto supporttheEidStamp,mosquemembers initiatephonedrives

andpetitio

ns.Today,t

heAm

er

ican

Mu

slim

m

osqu

eisnoto

nlya

hou

seofwor

-shipormerelyacommunitycenter;inmanyways,ithasalsobecomealocus

ofadvocacyworktoaddressmisconceptions andanti-Muslimdiscrimination.

Mosqueparticipants aretherefore situatedinauniqueandmulti-func-

tionallocalethatservestheirinspirational,communal,social,andeducational

needs;thislocalesimilarlylinksthemtosympathizersinotherreligiousde-

nominations,puts them incontactwith local governing institutions,and

keeps theminformedaboutnewandimportantpoliticaldevelopments.The

mosquealsoservesanotherkeyroleinthatitcreatesaspaceforMuslimsto

speakabouttheirexperienceswithdiscriminationandstereotypes.Mosque

participants develop ties tomosquecolleagues who similarlyperceive that

Muslims,as acommunalunit, suffer fromanoutsideworld thatunfairly

judges them.Inmanyways,theyfunctionas ethnicadvocacy groups.Mosques

in theUS serveas collectivizing forums thathighlightMuslim common

struggles inmainstreamAmerican society.Thesecommonfateattitudes and

attachments uniteMuslimAmericans inmosquecommunities,wherebythe

injusticethatoccurs tooneMuslimbecomes aninjusticethathas befallenthe

entireMuslimcommunity(BoboandGillian1990;Milleretal.1981).9

Inadditiontocommon-fateperceptions amongthemosquedMuslim

community, visible signs of religious differencepotentiallyexacerbate the

sensethatthis communityis undera socialmicroscope.MostMuslimwomen

whoattendthemosqueareidentifiablebyanddifferentiatedfromthegen-

eralpublicdue to the Islamichead scarf they weartheh ijab.Muslim

mosquedwomen in the sampleoften talkedaboutneeding toprove they

knewhowto speakEnglish,thattheywerenot stupid,andthattheycould

comprehendcertainconversations.Thesefeelingsassociatedwithbeingdif-ferentalmostsingledoutbyappearancearemore likelytobeaddressed

atmosque locations.Husbands toohear theirwives stories andoften feel

sympathetictotheirexperiences.

Muslimmales,less identifiableas othertothepublic,mayalsofeelthat

theycanbe singledoutforreasons similarlyrelatedtotheirreligious iden-

tity.MosquedMuslims aremore likely to feel theeffects ofdiscrimination

intheworkplace;forinstance,theymayneedtoperformthefivedailyprayers

intheiremployment settings.Observing specificIslamic guidelinessuchas

notdrinking alcoholmay impactwork-related functions,anddefending

otherMuslims wheninaccurateandhostileconversations occurinthework-


10/26


placecanfurtherprejudiceco-workers.Thesepatterns ofMuslimreligious ob-

servancemay generatefeelings that viewthenon-Muslimcommunityas intol-

er

anto

r

th

atper

petu

atediscr

im

in

ator

ycon

ception

s ofdiffer

en

ce.In

m

an

yways,theMuslimheadscarfandIslamicritualsisyetanotherlayerthataddstoper-

ceptions ofdiscriminationamong themosquedMuslimAmericancommunity.

Mosqueparticipants,as aconcentrated groupofobservantMuslims,feel

thepangsofstereotypesmoresharplythannon-mosquedMuslimsbecause

theirbasicreligiousidentitiesvisiblydifferentiatethemfrommainstreamso-

ciety.Mosques further forgecommon-fate tendenciesamongMuslims.By

examining thecontextofmosqueparticipation in theUS, this paper seeks

toconceptualizetherelationshipbetweenreligiousinvolvementandlevelsof

politicalengagementamongMuslimmosqueattendees.Itseekstoshowthat

membershipinamosquedoes translateintoa greaterawareness that stereo-

types areharmfuland thewillingness toactupon that knowledge.That

mosquepopulations aremorecognizantabouttheeffects ofstereotypes and

discriminationoffers us auniqueopportunityto studytheimpactofexter-

nalcontextual influencesin this case,perceivedpatterns of stereotypes

onlevels ofpoliticalengagementamong MuslimAmericans.

Aninitialhypothesis forthefindings inTable1mightbethatMuslims

whofrequentthemosquearemorepoliticallyefficacious orknowledgeableabouttheirrights.Mosquedindividuals weremorelikelythannon-mosqued

individuals tocomplainaboutpoliceharassment,whereas non-mosqued

Muslims weremorelikelytoblamethe speederfor speeding.Non-mosqued

individualsmightappear lesswillingto linkdiscrimination toharassment.

Theymaybemisinformedabouttheirrights,ortheymaybeoperatingfrom

a sourceof fear thatdoes notwant toconfront thepoliceaboutquestion-

ableacts.Onbothcounts,however,this is nottrue.

First,Ifindthatmosqueparticipantsmorereadilybelievethatthepo-liceofficerdeliberatelyabusedhispowersbybeingbiased.Comparedtonon-

mosquedMuslims,mosqueparticipants in the sampleweremore likely to

believe that stereotypes of the community were indeedharmful (44% to

15%).Further,among the sampleofMuslimArabAmericans,nota single

non-mosquedindividualreportedthatheor shehadpersonallyexperienced

discrimination.Ofthemosqued sample,however,40%didreportanuneasy

experience inwhichtheyfelttheirreligion(including symbols of thatreli-

gion,likethehijab)orethnicitywas theprimary sourceofthemistreatment.

Theseconstituents aremorelikelytowitness discriminatorypractices fueled


11/26


byunjust stereotypes,andtheyaremorelikelytoaddress theproblem seek-

ing toraisenon-Muslimawareness througheducation.This Muslimwoman

spokeabou

tth

etypes ofdiscr

im

in

ation

th

atexistin

th

eUS,clea

r

lypoint-

ingoutthatshefeltwomenwhowearthehijabwouldprobablyhaveahard

timelooking fora job:

Thereis akindofdiscrimination...hiddendiscrimination....

[Howis ithidden?]Like,ifyouwanttoapplyto jobas aMuslimwoman

adheringtoyourreligion,itwontbeaseasytofindjobas[if]youlooked

likeeveryotherperson.Soifyouaredifferent,its notthat simple.

Th

is sam

ewom

an

alsor

epor

tedh

er

willin

gn

ess tocom

plain

abou

tpoliceh

a-rassment:

ButItookhim[thepoliceofficer]tocourtandIencouragepeopletodo

the samebecauseyou shouldnt letpeopleto getawaywith suchbehav-

ior.This is awrong thing to let go.Youhave to letpeople see that that

hurts.Becausesomepeopleareignorantofotherpeoplesfeelings.They

thinkits OK to stepall overyou,maybeyoudonthavefeelings,maybe

youarenot like them.Whenyou let themhearyour voice, theyknow

moreaboutyou.

This womanfeels that shewas undulyharassedbecauseofherhijab.Herwill-

ingnesstogotocourtensuresthatshewasnotmistreatedbecauseofherre-

ligiousidentification.Shebelievesthatthroughpropereducation,prejudice

andbiascanbeaddressed.OtherMuslimmosquedwomeninthesampletold

ofuneasyexperiences with thepolice.Theyexplained that thepolicewere

rudeandunnecessarilyticketedthem.Saidthis woman:

Andhe stoppedme.Andheaskedme[if Iknew]whyhe stoppedme?

AndIsaidsuchandsuch.Andhesaid,didyouknowthatthisisnotrighttodoit?I said,yeah,but she[anotherdriver]was very slowandIdidnot

wanttokeepthetrafficbehindme.Hewas very veryrudeandmean...

Sometimesthepoliceman,youknow,theygiveyouanattitude.

Sheandherhusband seetheofficers tersedemeanoras onedictatedbyhis

prejudiciallens.Herhusbandadds:

Ihave to speakup formy rights.Even if I lose, Ihave tofight formy

rights,tomakemecomfortable...Ifsheisnotwearingthatthing[hijab]

theywouldhaveprobably lether go.


12/26


Onemalemosqued individual,whoalso feels that thecommunity is

subjectedtounfair stereotypes,readilyencouragedthe speedertocomplain;

heur

gedth

e speeder

towr

itealetter

toth

ech

iefofpolice,toth

em

ayor

ofthecity,or to thecitycouncil.Absolutely,hecontinued,dont take this.

Similarly,thismalemosquedMuslimadded:

Gotothecourt,takehimtothecourt.Thatexactlyhappenedtooneof

the guys,whothepolice stoppedhim,andhe said,youwere speeding

no.Heactuallyhadanaccident,and thataccidentwas nothis fault, so

thepolicetoldhim,You soundlikeyouarea stranger.Whydidyoucome

here,tothiscountry?Isaid,Whatdidyousaytohim?Hesaid,Noth-

ing.I said,IfIwereyou,Iwould justtakehis badgenumberandtake

his nameand takehim to thecourt.Because its nothisbecause this

country,basically,is basedonforeigners.Andevenifthatwas notthecase,

asfarasyouarelegalinthiscountry,asfarasyoudoingyourjob,asfar

as youareits nothis concern!SoIwould justtakehimtocourt.

Thesefindings illustratethatMuslimArabAmericans who share simi-

larexperiencesinthis case,thecollectivemosqueexperienceandthereli-

gious symbols associatedwithitaremorelikelytounderstandphenomena

likepoliceharassmentasbeinginformedbyprejudicialmotives;theyareless

likely todismiss italtogether,asthenon-mosquedmembersofthesample

do.This highlights thedifferentways thatthesetwodistinct groups ofMus-

limArabAmericans thinkaboutandengage thepolitical institutions sur-

roundingthem.Mosquedindividualsaremorelikelytoseethepolicesaction

as basedonprejudice;they seekoutappropriatechannels inanefforttoal-

terpre-existing misconceptions aboutthecommunityandmake surepolice

officers areheldaccountablefortheirdiscriminatorypractices.Non-mosqued

individuals,however,refuseto see suchpoliceactionas prejudicial.Inanat-

tempttoexonerate staterepresentatives ofwrongdoing,theseindividuals infactattributeblameonthe speeder,withoutmuchqualification.

Non-mosquedmales placedblameonthecommunity,pointing outthat

inDearborn,MichigantherearealotofArabs whodriverecklessly.He says:

Well,thereis something here.Thenew generation, lets say,teenagers,18,

20,21,theyoungerpeopleinDearbornhere...drivecrazy,theArabs,I

mean,really,really,Ineverheard somebodybeentreatedbythepolicebad.

Anothernon-mosquedindividualdistinguishedbetweenticketingandha-

rassment;henotes thatAmericanpolicedonotharass.They just giveyou

alittlepaperwithyourticket,andthats it.Theydontdothesethings [ha-

rass]here.


13/26


Bothresponses illustrate that thesenon-mosqued individuals arenot

unwilling to seetheactions ofthepoliceas wrong;rather,theyrefusetocite

discr

im

in

ation

as am

otivefor

th

eofficer

sb

eh

avior

.Andw

hen

possib

le,th

eyturntheirlensestothecommunitytolookforpatternsofbehaviortoblame.

Absent thecollectivizing experienceof themosque, these individuals dont

identifywiththe similarcommon-fateperceptions aboutdiscriminationand

stereotypingthattheirmosquecounterpartsshare.(Tate1994;Stokes2003;

Milleretal.1991;Calhoun-Brown1996).

C O M M O N -F ATE VERSES IN D I V ID U A L INTERESTS

Inadditiontomosqueparticipation,otherfactors influenceindividual

assessments ofthedegreeofdiscriminatorypractices andtheappropriatere-

sponses to suchactions.Allof theMuslimArab immigrants inthe sample

spokeoftheopportunities availabletothemintheUS.The vastmajoritycon-

trastedthesenewlyfoundopportunities withthelackthereofintheMiddle

East.WhenIaskedrespondents to speakaboutdiscriminationintheUS,I

foundthatinterviewees consistentlyacknowledgedthattherewas discrimi-

nationandaplethoraofnegative stereotypes aboutthecommunity;theim-

pactofthisprejudicialenvironmentontheirpersonalachievements,however,hadbeenminimal.Hence,thoseindividuals notinvolvedinmosques thates-

pousecommon-fatetendenciesweremore likelynot toattributepoliceac-

tionstoprejudice.Individualsinmosques(orsimilarethnicadvocacygroups)

weremorelikelytoseediscriminatoryactsassuchandstatethattheywere

willing tocomplain.Asmosqueparticipantsas religiousmembers ofacom-

munitywhoarepotentially singledouttheirassessments ofdiscrimination

includednotonlythemselvesandtheirpersonallevelsofattainmentbutalso

th

elar

ger

Mu

slim

commun

ity.Thosew

howe

r

enoti

nvolvedi

nth

em

osqu

ewereless willing toblamethepoliceofficer,less willing tocomplain,andmore

willing toplaceblameonthedriver.

Inthecategoryofindividuals who statedthatthe speederdeservedthe

harassment,Ifindtwo subcategories.Alloftheseindividuals praisedtheUS

forbeing kindtothemandforallowing themtomeettheirpotentialinterms

ofeconomicrewards andbenefits.This groupis composedofprofessionals,

storeowners,andbusinessmen.Having donewellintheUS,theyarecareful

to guardtheir successes.Theyfallintotwocategories.One groupofindividu-

alsdoesnotacknowledgethatdiscriminationtrulyexistsintheUS;theyhold

that theireconomicadvancementhas notbeenblockedbydiscriminatory

barriers.TheUSis linkedtotheir goodfortuneandprosperity;toacknowl-


14/26


edgediscriminationandtorealizethatmembers oftheAmericanlawenforce-

ment systemmighthavetodo something withitis toupsetthis linkbetween

Am

er

icaandpe

r

son

alpr

osper

ity.Intr

odu

cin

g discr

im

in

ation

intot

hedis-courseoftheAmericanDreammightunderminethatdreamaltogetherand

leavethem suffering economicrepercussions.Onenon-mosquedMuslimin-

dividualclearlyarticulatedthis relationship:

Imean,UnitedStates,its a greatcountry,andGodbless America.Ihave

nodoubtaboutit.Forfeeding thekids,thepoor,andtreatthemfreeand

givetheelderlytherighttolivewithlittle,Imean,theyprovidethemwith

moneyandmedicare,andthatsablessing.Nobodycoulddenythatun-

less theyare stupid,ormean,ordoesntunderstandwhat they say.You

knowwhatImean?

Thisnon-mosquedmalewantedtoemphasizethepointthattheUSis

aninherentlygoodplacetobe.Itiskindtoitscitizens;itprovidesopportu-

nityforallages and sectors.Thosewho seetheUSas aplacethatdiscrimi-

natesandoffersopportunities to someandnotothers, inhisopinion,are

wrong.Thispatternofresponseswassharedbysimilarnon-mosquedindi-

vidualswhofeltindebtedtotheUSforitskindnessandwealthofopportu-

nity.Oftencomparing theirexperiences totheirhomecountries,theyareless

likelytoholdnegativeattitudes abouttheUS.Inresponsetothe surveyques-

tionaboutpoliceharassment,this non-mosquedmalecites disbelief:

Firstofall,Iwouldnotbelievehim.Ithinkthepolicehereare veryre-

spectful.Because ithappenedtomeafewtimes,thepolice stoppedme

andtheywereofutmostrespectandkindness.

Laterintheinterview,heexplains howindebtedheis totheAmerican sys-

temforoffering himopportunities thathewas unabletoattaininhis home

country.[I]nSyria,heargues,I should[havebeen]able toaskmyownpresidentforassistance.Ofcourse, structuring this analysis is thenotionthat

civil servants inSyriadonotequallyrepresentcitizeninterests.

Unlikethisgroup,othernon-mosquedMuslimArabsdorecognizethat

stereotypes exist;however,theyare verycautious inaboutcomplaining about

thepoliceor theUSmore generally. Their fear stems from twoprimary

sources.Ontheonehand,theyfearthatthecommunitymaysuffereconomic

repercussions if theyare seen tobeungratefuloroverlycriticalofthe sys-

tem

th

ath

asgiven

th

em

n

ewlives.On

th

eoth

er

h

an

d,th

eyalsoworr

yth

atlabeling policeharassment as discriminatorymay feed intopre-existing,

harmfulstereotypesaboutthecommunity.BecauseMuslimsandArabsac-


15/26


knowledge that theyareunfairlycharacterized inpublicdiscourse, there is

fearamong this groupthatmembers oftheArabcommunitywilltryto get

awaywith

br

eakin

g th

e lawand

r

esor

t tocr

yin

g discr

im

in

ation

wh

en

th

eyareheldaccountable.This, theyargue,will feed intoandexacerbatepre-

existing negative stereotypes about thecommunity.Examine the statement

by this non-mosquedmalewho says that theArabdriverdeservedtheha-

rassment:

AndIalsoaskthattheArabcommunitytofightanybodywithinthecom-

munitywhodoesharmtothecommunity.Hewhodoessomethingthat

is not legal shouldbepunishedbythecommunitybeforetheUSpunishes

h

im

.B

ecau

sewh

en

on

eper

son

does som

eth

in

g wr

on

g itr

eflects on

allArabs.Unfortunately, themediaherewill sayArabs,when it is notall

Arabswhodidwrong.Theydontsayonepersondidsomethingwrong

because s/heis wrong.Theydescribeus as all theArabs didwrong.Where

only5%probablydo something wrong and95%dothings right.

Ina similar vein,anothermosquedmalewhofeltthe speederdeserveditar-

gues thatpoliceharassment shouldnotbe seenas alargerpatternin society:

Youknowyoudontblame theAmerican society for that.Youhave a

drunk come in sometimes and calls younames justbecause they arefighting SaddamHusseinorwhatever.Youdonthavenothing todowith

thatandtheydonthavenothingtodowiththat,butsometimesonan

individual basis, sometimes theydont likeyou, thewayyouare.Who-

everyouare!ButIwouldnt lookatthatas anobstacleto success orany-

thing,youknow.Ifthepeople[Arabs]makethatanobstacleintheirway,

thentheyhavetheproblem,nottheothers.

Therespondentabovewas oneoffivemales amongmosqueparticipants

who saidthatthe speederdeserves theharassmentorthattheincidentwasnotmotivatedbyprejudiceonpartofthepolice.Althoughheacknowledges

that stereotypes mightbeanimpeding forcetoArabandMuslimadvance-

ment,henotes thathehas alsoenjoyedacomfortable lifestyle in theUS.

Thesenon-mosquedindividuals who speakofnegative stereotypes againstthe

communitywhilepraising thelevelofopportunityavailablemustreconcile

twocompeting world views intheirresponses.Ontheonehand,theywant

tohelpoutthecommunitybutwanttomake surethatonlyrealcases of

discriminationarebroughtforth;andthatthosemembers ofthecommunity

whoareclaimingdiscriminationareindeedquite justified.Andontheother

hand,theyalsowanttoensurethattheUScontinuestoofferopportunities


16/26


forupwardmobility.This individual,who is willing toplaceblameon the

speeder, similarlyinvokes knowledgabilityaboutthelawenforcement system

as acr

iter

iafor

lodgin

g com

plaints:

You justhavetoknowaboutthe system,andyoucouldhavea lotofad-

vantages here...Formanythings,thenewcomers,youhavetotellthem,

ifyouregoingtospeed,thisiswhatsgoingtohappen,andwhatsgoing

tohappen is you geta ticket.Again, this is a lesson theyhave tohave.

Dontabusethe system.Here,they giveyou somemorefreedom, justdont

takeitandgobeyondit.

Thisnon-mosquedMuslimpointsoutan interestingdistinctionbetween

himselfand theotherswhomaybewilling tocitediscriminationas thesourceofthepolicemans treatment.Theothers,here,arethenewcomers

newcomerswhomay jeopardizethegainsandaccomplishmentsofthepre-

viousgenerationsofMuslim immigrants.Although theaboverespondents

providedifferentreasonsfornotblamingthepolicemanorseeinghisactions

as harassment,therationalebehindeachoftheiranswers is similar.Theywish

toguaranteeandmaintainthelevelofopportunitiestheyhaveinAmerican

societyandfeelcompelledtodemonstratethelaw-abidingstandardsunder-

lyin

g th

eir

citizen

sh

ipandt

heir

dedication

toAm

er

ica.Thenon-mosquedindividuals who spokeoftheeconomicrewards (in

the sample,theseindividuals werepredominatelymale)inAmericaandex-

pressed theirconcerns about stereotypes areunlike the groupofmosqued

individuals whoimmediately statedthattheywouldcomplainabouttheques-

tionablepolicebehavior.Thosewhowerewilling tocomplain viewedtheir

actions as an invocationofcivic rights; theyhadhad the right toprotect

themselves.Thosewhoplacedblameonthe speederweremorelikelytobe

inacategorythatattemptedtobalancetwo sets ofconcerns:theirindividual

economicmobilityinAmerican societyandcommon-fateperceptions linked

totheeffects of stereotypes.TheseMuslim immigrants mustreconcile two

worldviewsonebasedonasenseofopportunityandfortuneintheUnited

StatesandonebasedonanacknowledgmentthatMuslimsandArabsareun-

fair targets ofdistorted imagesinorder todetermineboth the impactof

discriminatorypractices andtheirownwillingness toengagethepoliticalin-

stitutionsaboutthem.

Inthisframeofmind,theseindividualsaremorelikelytothinkinterms

oftheircivicduties towards the systemhowbestto servethe systemthathas offeredthemopportunities and guaranteethatthe systemis notunfairly


17/26


subjected toattacks byotherco-ethnics on the grounds ofdiscriminatory

practices by stateofficials.Theseconcerns,as embodied inparticular re-

sponses tothequestionaboutpoliceharassment,reflectanegotiatedmental

settlementcharacterizedbyanevaluationofbenefits bothpersonalandcom-

munal.Theybelievethattheirwillingness nottolinkthepolicemans behavior

todiscrimination,as wellas theirunwillingness toengagethe stateonthese

grounds,isinfactintheinterestsofnotonlythelargerMuslimcommunity,butalsotheirowneconomic stability.

THE IM PA C T O F G E N D E R

Dividing the sampleby genderhighlights thesepointsmoreclearly(see

Table2).Inthissample,womenaremorelikelytoseetheactsofthepolice

as motivatedbyprejudice;therefore,theyaremore likelytocomplain.The

non-mosquedArab women sharemanyexperiences with theirmosqued

counterparts.Allofthenon-mosquedwomenwhoreportedtheywouldcom-

plainarealsoinvolvedinArabAmericanethnicadvocacygroups,whichper-

formsimilarfunctionsasthemosqueincreatingacommunalidentityaware

ofprejudicial stereotypes.Thewomeninthe samplewhodownplaythepo-

liceofficersactionssharefeatureswithnon-mosquedmales.Theyaremore

likelynottobeattachedtomajorethnicadvocacygroups.

WhenI subdividethedataalong genderlines,themost striking finding

is theimpactexertedby genderonevaluations ofthe speeder.Menweremore

likelyto saythe speederdeserveditthanwomen(64%to25%).Ontheonehand,thecategoryofnon-mosquedMuslimArabmencontainedthelargest

Table2:ResponsestoPoliceHarassmentDividedbyGender

Female Male

Mosqued Non-Mosqued Mosqued Non-Mosqued

PoliceHarassment:

Complain 83% 78% 44% 11%N=5/6 N=7/9 N=4/9 N=1/9

PoliceHarassment:

SpeederDeservedIt 27% 22% 56% 89%N=1/6 N=2/9 N=5/9 N=8/9


18/26


percentageofindividuals whowouldexoneratethepoliceman.Ontheother,

mosquedmenweremorelikelytocomplainaboutpoliceharassment.Inthese

inter

views,th

ey

liketh

em

osqu

edwom

en

wer

ealsom

or

elikelyto speakaboutpersonal incidentsofdiscriminationandmore likely toexhibit the

common-fateovertones ofunfairtreatmentassociatedwithmosquepartici-

pation.Mosquedmen,as wellas women,arethereforeless likelytodismiss

thebehaviorofthepolicemanthannon-mosquedmen.

Thenon-mosquedmalesinthesampleofferarichstoryaboutthepro-

cessesinvolvedinassessingdiscriminationandengaginglocalauthorityasa

remedy.Thesenon-mosqued individuals are in fact veryengagedwith the

Americanpoliticalsystem. Fiftypercentarepoliticallyactive,reportingthat

theyhave voted,petitioned,and/orparticipated inpublicdemonstrations.

Theyare successfulprofessionals, students,andbusiness owners interacting

significantlywithmainstreamAmerica.Theirdisapprobationofthe speeder

insteadofthepoliceis predicatedonalackofcommon-fateexperiences that

directlylinkstereotypes toindividualandpersonalexperiences ofdiscrimi-

nation.Examining thepolice-speederexchangewitha lens turned inward,

theydonot see stereotypes againstArabs andMuslims as hindering theirper-

sonalefforts to succeed.Becausetheyreportedthattheydonothavepersonal

experiencewithdiscrimination, theyarealsonotable to tie stereotypes tobarriers thatinhibitcommunityadvancement.Theyhavebeenabletomove

through societyrelativelyunscathedbytheeffects ofdiscrimination,andthey

alsoareconcernedthataccusations ofdiscriminationmay soundfalse,im-

mature,orunjustifiable,doingnothingmorethanoffendingthecountrythat

hasbeenkindtothem.Accusationsofdiscriminationmayevencreatereal

discriminationor impair theprogress that theyhavebeenable tomake in

this society.

Thedifferences in the samplemayappear tobehighlighted solelybygender,butinfactwhatisbeingrevealedistheeconomicsubstratathatstruc-

tures theArabMuslimrelationshipbetweencommon-fateperceptions (or

lackthereof)andplausiblediscriminatorypatterns (Table3).This economic

divisiondirectlyinfluences thecontentandformofpoliticalengagementes-

pousedbythis groupofMuslimArabs.Non-mosquedmales inthe sample,

mostofwhomareprofessionallyemployedorowners oftheirownbusinesses,

areless likelytobeinvolvedinArabadvocacy groupsgroups thatmay gen-

eratecommon-fateperceptions about the impactofnegative stereotyping.

Only threeof theninenon-mosquedmales are involved inanArabadvo-

cacy group.Mosquedmales similarlyemployedarealmostequallydividedin


19/26


howtheyrespondtothepolice.Thosewho saythe speederdeserves itbalance

theirappreciation foreconomicopportunities in theUSwithperceptions

abouttheimpactofdiscrimination.Theyfearthatincreasedconfrontation

with the statemightmakematters worse forArabAmericans.However,mosquedmales who saytheywouldcomplain seediscriminationas apoten-

tiallydestructive force.They, like the femalemosqued individuals in the

sampleortheunmosquedbutpoliticallyactivewomen,feelobligatedtoex-

press theirconcerns totheappropriateauthorities.

Inthis sample,femalenon-mosquedmembers sharemany similarfea-

tures with their femalemosqued counterparts.Sevenof theninenon-

mosquedwomenaremembers ofArabethnicadvocacy groups,whichhelp

toaddr

ess th

efeelin

gs abou

t ster

eotypin

g,discr

im

in

ation

,andcomm

on-fateperceptions thatareanalogous tothoseofmosquedwomen.As students or

employees ofArab-ownedbusinesses,theyareless likelytobeprofessionally

employedinmainstreamcompanies.Thenon-mosquedwomenwho saythe

speederdeserves it,ontheotherhand,arenotinvolvedinadvocacyworkand

do valuethelevels ofopportunityintheUS.Therefore,theydonotexhibit

thecommon-fatetendencies thatotherorganizedmembers ofthe sampledo.

Theonememberinthis categorywhoboth says thatthe speederis toblame

andparticipatesinanArabadvocacygroupdemonstratesasimilarrationale

tomosquedmaleswhoblame the speeder; she fears that thecommunity

mightbring uponitselfincreasedlevels ofstereotyping:

Table3:ResponsesofNon-MosquedMuslimsby

InvolvementinAraborMuslimAdvocacyGroups

Female Male

Belongs toethnic Does notbelong Belongs toethnic Does notbelongadvocacy group toethnic advocacy group toethnic

advocacy group advocacy group

PoliceHarassment:

Complain 86% 50% 33% 0%N=6/7 N=1/2 N=1/3 N=0/6

PoliceHarassment:

SpeederDeservedIt 14% 50% 67% 100%

N=1/7 N=1/2 N=2/3 N=6/6


20/26


Andhehas toacknowledge thathewas speeding.BecausewhatIdont

likealso is peoplecrying discriminationwhen theyareat fault!But its

happening!...Weare100%Americancitizens fromanArabbackground.

AndwehavetofightdiscriminationagainstArabs,stereotypingofArabs,

showing theArabas anugly,frightening terrorist.This is whatweneed

tofight,becauseeveryhumanbeing deserves respect.

Although sheacknowledges thatdiscriminationand stereotypes exist, she

a successfulrealestateagentis alsoconcernedabout thepossibleramifi-

cations ofrashlycrying discriminationorconfronting stateinstitutions with

thesetypes ofconcerns.

PERCEPTI O NS A B O UT G O V ERN M E NT

Interestingly,bothmosquedandnon-mosqued individuals view the

stateas impartial,althoughboth groups havedifferent structuraldifferences

andexperiences that influence theiropinions of stateofficials.Thosewho

perceivedwrongdoing onthepartofthepoliceofficerconsistently statedthat

theywouldresortto governmentinstitutions tomaketheircases heard.Not

onerespondentdoubtedthe states abilitytoupholdthelawfairlyandequally.

Thepoliceofficers discriminatorypractices areinterpretedas theactions,notofabiasedorprejudicialpolitical institution,butratherofamisinformed

individual.Althoughsomebelievedthattheircomplaintwouldreapfewre-

sultsbecauseitwastheirwordagainstthatofthepoliceofficerstheystill

chosetohavetheirdayincourt.Theirfaithinthelegalprocess toallowthem

avoiceisdeeplyrespected.Inotherwords,theycantelltheirstorynarrate

theirplight in frontofothersso thatotherswillbecomemoreeducated.

Theyalso forge strongerbondswithothers inthecommunitythrough the

veryactofstorytelling.Duetotheirfaithinthelegal system,theyadamantly

statethattheywouldcomplainaboutofficers whoabusetheirpower.Good

citizens,thatis,protecttheircivicrightsandchannelcritiquethroughputa-

tivelybenign state institutions inorder toaltermisperceptions leading to

unjustifiedtargeting.As long as stateinstitutions respondtotheirconcerns,

theyfeelprotected.

Ina similar vein, thosenon-mosqued respondents who say that the

speederdeserves italsohaveanapparentlyuntarnishedimageofbenevolent

governmentthat serves theinterests ofits citizens.Soconvincedaretheyby

theimpartialpractices ofpoliticalinstitutions thattheycannotevenascribe

wrongdoing toa government representative.Applauding theopportunities


21/26


available to them in theUSandexperiencing neitherpersonaldiscrimina-

tionnorthecommon-fate sentiments associatedwithreligious institutions,

th

esenon-m

osqu

edMu

slim

s defend t

he state

unequ

ivocally.Th

epoliticalenvironmentthathasallowedthemtomovefreelyandprosperisinherently

a good government.Inmanyways,these individuals see themselves as ser-

vants ofthe state, simultaneouslyprotecting theirownindividualinterests and

thoseofthegovernment.Bycurtailingaccusationsagainstthestate,accu-

sationsthatmaypotentiallystainitsdistinguishedreputation,theseindividu-

alsupholdtheirworld viewofcivicdutiesandcitizenship vis--visthestate.

Bycontrast,thoseindividuals whoareunwilling toblamethepolicebe-

causetheyfearincreased levelsofnegativestereotypesagainstthecommu-

nity aremore likely tobemosquedmembers (ormembersof advocacy

groups),buttheyare soconvincedthattheyhavebeenmisrepresentedthat

theywanttocarefullydiagnosecases ofdiscriminationbeforetheylabelthem

as such.Carefullynavigating the system,theybalanceeconomicinterests with

thelevels ofharmful,public stereotypes.This groupofindividuals maybe-

lievethatthe governmentwill listentotheircomplaints,buttheyfearaug-

mentedlevels ofstereotyping againstthecommunity.Recognizing that some

complaintsmightbebeneficialtothecommunitywhileothersmaynot,their

levels ofengagementaredirectly structuredbyacareful selectionofthecasesworthtakingto thegovernment.These individualnegotiations,exhausting

as theymaybe,clearlyillustratetheambiguityandcautionbuiltintoMus-

limArabrelationships to stateinstitutions.Thatthis groupofhighlycogni-

zant, involved individuals chooses toprotect its community bynot

approaching governmentdemonstrates that theexternalcontextual influ-

encesinthis case,theimpactofstereotypeshinders thewillingness ofin-

dividuals toengagetheir governing institutions.

C O N C LUSI O N

Thisdataprovidesuswithanintriguingaccountoftheinfluenceofste-

reotypes anddiscriminationonpoliticalengagement. Individuals willonly

respondtoactions whentheybelievethebenefits ofcomplaining outweigh

theplausiblerepercussions. Forwomeninvolvedinmosquesandethnicas-

sociations,complainingforthesakeofthecommunityswelfaresupersedes

otherconcerns.Duetotheirparticipationinreligiousandothercivicorga-

nizations,mosquedindividuals fosterties premisedoncommon-fateworldviewsandthusmorereadilyprocessandrespondtoharassingactsasameans


22/26


ofprotecting both their civil rights and their community at large.Arab

AmericanMuslimwomen in this samplearemore likely tobe involved in

Ar

ab

ethn

icadvocacy gr

ou

ps,andas s

u

ch

th

esewom

en

exh

ib

it sim

ilar

ten-

denciesastheirmosquedcounterparts.Theyaremorelikelytoidentifyacts

ofthepoliceas discriminatoryandtakeaction.

Ethnicinstitutions playmultifacetedroles inthedailylives ofArabMus-

limwomen.Notonlydoesparticipationinethnic-specificinstitutions,such

asmosques,allowwomentheopportunitytopracticetheirfaith,preservekey

elementsoftheiridentities,andsituatethemselvesinlargercommunaldis-

courses,butitalsoincreases theirlevels ofpoliticalefficacyandwillingness

toexercisevoiceoversilence. ForArabMuslimwomen,therefore,ethnicin-

stitutionsserveasvehiclesofculturalandidentitypreservationwhilesimul-

taneouslyincreasing levels offemalepoliticalcapitalinways thatbodewell

formainstreampoliticalparticipation.ArabandMuslimwomen,ithas been

argued,placetheinterests oftheircommunities aboveandbeyondtheirown

personalinterests.This paper,however,demonstrates thatfemalepromotion

ofcommunalinterests neednotcomeattheexpenseofindividualwelfare.

Throughparticipationinethniccommunityassociations,theseArabMuslim

females haveadopteddiscourses ofindividualrights andresponsibilities while

simultaneouslyassuming theirroles as communal guardians.

N O TES

Iwould like to thankSondraHale,Frances Hasso,AnnLin, EllenLust-Okar,

JohnMollenkoph,AndrewShryock,andSherifaZuhurandthereviewers oftheJour-

nalofMiddleEastWomensStudiesfor veryuseful andconstructivecomments.

1.In1980,thefiveboroughs containedonlyeightorninemosques,anumber

thatexpanded,accordingtoMarcFerris,toaboutthirty-sevenin1991.By1994,there

wereover seventymosques; thenumberofmosques inNewYorkcityhaddoubled

inthreeyears.2.TheAfricanAmericancommunitymakes up30%oftheMuslimAmerican

populationintheUS.

3.Findingsbasedonthe4thWaveWorldValuesSurveyandtheDetroitArab

AmericanStudy.

4.Interviews wereconductedbyAmaneyJamalandAnnChihLinthroughthe

supportoftheInstituteforResearchonWomenandGenderandtheRackhamGradu-

ateSchool (19972002) at theUniversityofMichigan. Inorder toprotectour

intervieweesprivacy,all names arepseudonyms,and some identifying details have

beenchanged.JamalandLinconductedalloftheinterviews,usingArabicorEnglish

as therespondentpreferred.Interviews wereconductedprivately,inperson,at loca-

tions therespondents chose.Interviews lastedbetweenoneand twohours and fol-

loweda structured,open-endedquestionnaire.


23/26


5.PleasenotethatthisisaclassificationIuseforthepurposesofthispaper.

6.Question:Policeharassment:ImaginethatanArabfriendtoldyouthathe

hadbeen stoppedbythepolicefor speeding,andhewas speeding.Butwhentheywere

giving himtheticket,theyharassedhim,theywererudeandinsulting.Yourfriendisreallyupsetandheasksyouforadvice.Whatwouldyouadvisehimtodo?

7.Fiveadditionalrespondents saidthattheywouldnotrespondtoharassment

atall,becauseitwasbesttostayawayfromthepolice.Wedontanalyzethiscategory

ofresponses inthis paper,becausewebelievethatperceptions ofthepoliceas abody

that shouldnotbeengagedarehighlyinfluencedbyhomelandexperiences incom-

parisontoexperiences intheUnitedStates.However,wedonotbelievethatthis omis-

sion from the studybiases theresults ofourfindings.Of thefiverespondents that

wedonotdiscuss here,threearemosquedindividuals andtwoarenon-mosqued.Be-

causetheirdistributionisalmostequalbetweenbothcategoriesweareconfidentthat

ourclassification(mosquedandnon-mosqued)is notwhatexplains theseresponses.

8.MAPSpoll,2001.

9.Studies onAfricanAmericanpatterns ofpolitical behaviorfocus onthecon-

ceptofcommonfateas adetermining factorin shaping blackattitudes intheUS

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