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THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE

The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance 1350-1550

Helen Nader

7

Open Conflict: Tendilla ver! t"e Letrado

#$%&' One Mendoza was not willing to abdicate the role of leader. While the family in Guadalajara

accepted the inevitability of this changing intellectual leadership with a graciousness verging on

indifference, the count of Tendilla in Granada fought against the trend. onservative by nature and

alienated from his Guadalajara cousins by property disputes, Tendilla!s family loyalties were directedtoward the ancestral reference group rather than to the e"tended family of his own day. #rom Tendilla!s

point of view, the family!s political power, its place in society, its heroes all were associated with the

Trast$mara revolution and with the view of astilian politics and history laid out by %edro &'pez de(yala. Tendilla!s adherence to the family!s tradition, even at the e"pense of family unity, was reinforced

by his two journeys to )enaissance *taly and by his isolation from the new intellectual centers of

astile. When Tendilla tried to persuade the consejo real to adopt his policies, however, it was not justan academic dispute over intellectual issues. #or Tendilla, as royal governor of +pain!s largest convert

population in a period of political and religious upheaval, every royal decree held life and death

implications. Tendilla did not realize until too late that in a society that had come to regard tolerance

and moderation as deviance, it was no longer profitable to maintain the Mendoza family tradition.

*igo &'pez de Mendoza, second count of Tendilla, was the eldest son and namesa-e of the first count

of Tendilla d. /0123./34e was educated in the household of his paternal grandfather and namesa-e,

the first mar5uis of +antillana. 4e received his political and military #$%$'apprenticeship in the

households of his father and his uncle, cardinal Mendoza. 4is father inherited one of the mayorazgoscreated by +antillana6 but with three sons and two daughters to provide for, he tried to increase his

estate by service to the -ing. 4e was one of the staunchest supporters of 7nri5ue *8 and served as the

-ing!s ambassador to 9icholas 8 in /0:0 and to %ius ** in /0:;. Tendilla, then si"teen years old, and hisyounger brother, uana, who was ta-en to live in the Mendoza familyresidence in ?uitrago.

(fter 7nri5ue disavowed >uana!s rights to the throne in /0=;, the first Tendilla and his brother, the

future cardinal, appealed to the papacy for a restitution of her rights and publicized this appeal by

nailing copies of it to the doors of the churches in several important towns. When the appeal failed, theelder Tendilla handed >uana over to her new tutor, >uan %acheco, and seems to have retired from active

public life. @oung Tendilla and his brother, uana, but he also refused to support >uana against his own familyand stayed out of the conflict in order to preserve the family!s unity.

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The second Tendilla inherited his father!s title and estates in /0126 and in the ne"t twentyBfive years, he

more than compensated for the disadvantages of having withheld early support from the winning side.

4e did this through the Mendoza!s traditional route to power and wealth BB outstanding military service

in the wars against the Muslims, heavy investment of his private fortune in the diplomatic andadministrative service of the crown, and a politically and financially profitable second marriage. *n

addition, he and

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cardinal, wanted a member of his family invested with ade5uate powers to approach the pope

successfully with a re5uest for the legitimation of the cardinal!s sons.

*n order to avoid prejudicing the 9eapolitan issue, Tendilla was instructed to remain in a neutral city BB

#lorence BB until the peace treaty was achieved, and then to report to )ome. 4e left +pain in March/0;=6 arrived in #lorence in >une6 struc- up a friendship with &orenzo d!Medici, for whom he arranged

a marriage between &orenzo!s daughter and the pope!s nephew613made a secret trip to )ome to speed

the negotiations6 achieved a satisfactory treaty between *nnocent 8*** and #errante of 9aples on /A(ugust /0;=6 and entered )ome officially in +eptember /0;=. *n )ome, he Fdefended the honor of the

astilian crownF by insisting on his precedence over all other ambassadors, even using force to

displace the #rench ambassador from the seat of honor at a papal mass, and he added to his own legend

by performing two feats of ostentatious consumption. The pope was offended by Tendilla!s sumptuousand fre5uent ban5uets, so he prohibited the )omans from selling charcoal or firewood to the +panish

ambassador in order to prevent him from coo-ing. Tendilla solved this problem by buying a few

houses, dismantling them, and using their timbers for firewood. *n another display of ostentation andingenuity, Tendilla treated the entire papal curia to an elaborate ban5uet on the ban-s of the Tiber,

serving each course on a different set of silver and throwing the soiled service into the river after every

course. 4is biographers report that this made a tremendous impression on the guests6 but after they left,

Tendilla ordered his servants to raise the nets concealed beneath the surface of the river, and theysuccessfully retrieved all the service e"cept one spoon and two for-s. The incident, with its overtones

from %etronius, was later repeated by the +ienese (gostino higi.;3*n these incidents in )ome, as wellas in his #$%*'defense of (lhama, Tendilla displayed a talent highly prized by #ernando BB an ingenuity

in cutting through -notty problems without too much regard for legal or moral niceties. #ernando had

adopted as his motto the words FTanto montaF so much for that3 in admiration of (le"ander the Great!s

cutting of the Gordian -not, and Tendilla!s unorthodo" but effective deeds could only have increasedthe -ing!s appreciation of his abilities.

#urthermore, Tendilla achieved at least a limited success in most of his objectives during his embassy

to )ome6 he arranged a peace between the -ing of 9aples and the papacy /A (ugust /0;=36 the

astilian crown received the patronage of the ecclesiastical offices of the cathedrals of Granada /C>uly /0;= and /; anuary /02A has aptly captured the political

subtleties of this appointment BB though not the literal truth of the event itself BB by picturing the -ing

and 5ueen entering the city side by side, flan-ed by cardinal Mendoza on their right and Tendilla on

their left.23

This appointment was the high point of Tendilla!s career. (ll of his activities to this point BB military,

administrative, and diplomatic BB had been successful, and his appointment as a territorial governorindicates the great confidence the atholic Monarchs had in his abilities and loyalty. *n later years,

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Tendilla loo-ed bac- on the monarchs! confidence in his discretion with prideD

On Tuesday, A >anuary /02A, this city came into the power of the -ing don #ernando and

the 5ueen doa *sabel after they had besieged it #$%%'for a long time. The same day, their

highnesses appointed as alcaide and captain of the said city and of the fortress of the(lhambra *igo &'pez de Mendoza count of Tendilla and lord of Mondjar, to whose

discretion they entrusted all their guard and presidio with a considerable number of horses

and infantes, and a few days later their majesties departed for atalonia, leaving to theabovesaid count the alcazar and city, residing in it more than twenty thousand Muslims./E3

When he accepted the appointment in Granada, he had every reason to e"pect that his affairs would

continue to prosper. 4e had spent large sums in the royal service, especially during the defense of(lhama and the embassy to )ome, and by /02A he had not been ade5uately rewarded. 4is vassals in

Tendilla had cancelled the debt of /:E,EEE maravedHs which he owed them, as their contribution to the

defense of (lhama6 and the atholic Monarchs paid him the /,CEE,EEE maravedHs he had spent on hisembassy. ?ut these were small recompense for what he had invested, and he e"pected that his

governorship of Granada would bring him a profit. (ll the other territorial governorships with their

incomes had been made hereditary by the atholic Monarchs just before the entry into Granada as a

means of repaying the military aristocracy without alienating portions of the -ingdom of Granada fromthe royal patrimony. 9aturally, Tendilla assumed that his governorship would also be hereditary in his

family, and he moved his household from Guadalajara to GranadaD

IThe atholic MonarchsJ set me here as in a new birthplace, and * left what was mine and *disbanded my household there of servants of my grandfathers and of my father and my own

children... it seemed to me that the -ing our lord had decided to ma-e these offices

permanent in me and my successors forever.//3

#or a few years, his affairs continued to prosper. (lmost all of the property Tendilla bought between

/02A and /:// was in the -ingdom of Granada, and it seems that by shifting his financial interests to

Granada Tendilla e"pected to develop an economic and political preeminence there that would matchthe Mendoza!s position in Guadalajara. >ust as his ancestors had successfully shifted their interests from

(lava to Guadalajara in the fourteenth century, Tendilla would have a Fnew birthF in the -ingdom of

Granada. ?ut, as Tendilla himself recognized, this move cut him off from the rest of the Mendozafamily and from his faithful servants. #rom this time on, his fortunes would no longer be dependent

#$%+'upon those of the Mendoza family but upon his own political and financial success in Granada.

Tendilla!s chances of success were worse than he imagined. *n addition to the usual problems of an

administrator in the field who must prevail over powerful policyma-ers in the central government, hewas to have difficulty communicating with the consejo real. ?y nature he analyzed problems in terms

of how things really were, while the letrados in the consejo thought in terms of how things ought to be.

(nd Granada was not what it ought to have beenD the newly con5uered -ingdom would une"pectedly

suffer crop failure, famine, epidemic, invasion, religious revolt and repression, economic dislocation,and political confusion. The consejo!s disappointment in Granada would increasingly be e"pressed as

dissatisfaction with Tendilla and all he stood for.

(s captain general, Tendilla was directly responsible to the crown for the defense and public order of

the -ingdom. (ll of the military forces were under his commandD a company of one hundred lancesusually stationed in 8lez M$laga where they could guard the coast from the fre5uent Muslim

invasions from (frica6 one thousand infantry stationed in strategic fortresses around the -ingdom under

the supervision of alcaides nominated by Tendilla and appointed by the crown6 and twentyBfivehalaberderos as Tendilla!s personal guard. (s governor, Tendilla held final criminal jurisdiction over all

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the military personnel in the -ingdom6 and as the leading citizen of Granada, he fre5uently acted as

arbitrator in civil suits. When the monarchs were absent from astile, Tendilla was invested with the

powers of viceroy for all of (ndalucHa6 but ordinarily there was no central administrative power in the

-ingdom of Granada. The spiritual needs of the -ingdom were in the hands of #ernando de Talavera,archbishop of Granada6 and the senior royal secretary, 4ernando de Kafra, was entrusted with the tas-

of surveying the resources of the -ingdom for ta" purposes and assessing the pace at which the crown

should move in the transition from a Muslim to a hristian fiscal administration. 7ach city had made itsown arrangements for selfBgovernment as it capitulated to the hristians6 and in the final capitulation of

/02A, the Muslims of the city of Granada were free to retain their language, religion, customs, and local

forms of government. Technically, Tendilla!s powers were limited to military and police matters6 butbecause he was the only administrator with command over personnel throughout an otherwise

heterogeneous society, he wielded an inordinate amount of political power in the -ingdom./A3

(lmost nothing is -nown about the history of Granada from /02A to /022, but this period has survived

in the Ffol- memoryF as a golden age #$%7'of peace and prosperity./C3

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abolishing the Muslim council and establishing a single city government similar to those in most cities

of astile but with some concessions to the peculiarly (rabic character of the population. The most

important feature of this new government was a city council presided over by the royal corregidor BB

the chief judicial and police officer of the city, appointed annually by the crown, directly responsible tothe monarchs, and holding full e"ecutive and veto power in the administration of the council!s decrees.

The political effects of these decrees and reforms was felt immediately. +ome Muslims left +pain or

too- refuge in the wilderness of the (lpujarras rather than conform6 most submitted to baptism. Thereligious unification of the country had been achieved almost overnight, to the relief of both themonarchs and their zealous advisers. ?ut among the Moriscos BB the new converts BB there remained a

memory, passed on from generation to generation, of two clear, incontrovertible factsD the conversions

had been forced, and the atholic Monarchs had violated the terms of the capitulation by e"tending the*n5uisition!s jurisdiction to the new converts.

The Muslims who had been a peaceful, cooperative citizenry, were overnight transformed into the

Moriscos, a sullen, suspicious population. The unconverted outlaws in the (lpujarras began guerrilla

operations against the hristian garrisons and e"torted food and shelter from the Moriscos6 while theunconverted Muslims who had emigrated to (frica inspired and led an almost continuous series of

raids on the coast of Granada BB stealing stoc-, pillaging towns, and -idnaping hristians and Moriscos

ali-e. Thus the immediate and permanent effect of the decrees was to place an everBincreasing strain onthe military and political resources of the -ingdom.

(t the same time, the decrees severely restricted the discretionary powers and jurisdictions of Tendilla

and Talavera. The old hristian city council was a small group BB probably there were twelve regidores

BB easily dominated by Tendilla and Talavera. (s a result of the reorganization of /:E/, the city councilac5uired its own meeting hall the cabildo3 in the city ne"t to the sil- e"change6 the number of

regidores was increased to twentyBfour6 and the new regidores were chosen from a population #$%-'

over which Tendilla had not previously e"ercized direct jurisdiction. The first corregidor of the city,(ndrs alder'n, had served from the con5uest until /:EE and wor-ed closely with Tendilla. (fter

/:EE, the corregidores served only oneByear terms6 and although Tendilla boasted that he got along

very well with each one of them until /:/0,/13

there was no chance to wor- out a permanent politicalunderstanding between them and Tendilla, a situation reflected in the minutes of the city council.?efore /:E/, Tendilla!s name appears at the head of the list of regidores present6 but after /:E/, his

name ta-es second place to that of the royal corregidor.

?y placing the new converts under the jurisdiction of the *n5uisition, the crown also too- the greatest

step toward reducing the influence of the archbishop of Granada over his own diocese, and givenTalavera!s own tendency toward toleration and moderation, placed him in the intolerable position of

having to negotiate with the crown on behalf of the new hristians and in opposition to the advice of

the archbishop of Toledo. The *n5uisition!s powers also intruded upon the jurisdiction of the citycouncil and the corregidor. (mong the first citizens investigated by the *n5uisition were two of the

city!s constables6 and when the corregidor,

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would be approved by the crown. #urthermore, one of the decrees of /:EE had ordered the removal of

the chancillerasupreme court3 of iudad )eal to Granada. The decree did not alter the legal

jurisdiction of either the chancillerHa or Tendilla, and the chancillerHa did not move to Granada until

/:E:6 but it seems clear that the crown was intent upon establishing in Granada another representativeof the monarchy with powers and influence e5ual to those of Tendilla.

On a local scale in the -ingdom of Granada, the atholic Monarchs were ma-ing that same shift from a

government by the military aristocracy to a government by letrados, which had long been accomplishedin #$+&'the central government. #rom this time on, Tendilla and his successors fought a losing battleagainst the jurisdictional e"pansion of the *n5uisition and the chancillerHa of Granada.

*n addition to all the increased problems of policing and defending the -ingdom and the city of

Granada with diminished power, Tendilla suffered some personal losses that further wea-ened his

influence at court and cast a gloomy shadow over the rest of his life. @ears later, Tendilla stillremembered the tragic events of /:EA with a sense of lossD FWe lost two sons in one wee- and three

daughters and another son a few days later and then the two lord cardinals and my brother %edro and

the brothers of the countess and we consoled ourselves, each one IconsolingJ the other, for there is no

other consolation.F/23With the death of Tendilla!s brother,

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four years old, and >uana was widely regarded BB even by her parents BB as too emotionally unstable to

be capable of ruling alone. %hilip of ?urgundy, >uana!s husband, was the logical regent6 but both

#ernando and *sabel were convinced that %hilip would sacrifice the wellBbeing of both >uana and +pain

in the interests of his own 4apsburg dynastic ambitions in northern 7urope. #aced with nothing butunpalatable alternatives in disposing of the governance of her -ingdom, *sabel wavered and wrote a

codicil to her will, contradicting the will itself. *n the end, it was not clear whether #ernando, %hilip,

and archbishop isneros, together and in that order, should be regents, or %hilip alone. %hilip, with ashow of German arms, assumed control of the government in the name of >uana6 but after he died

suddenly in /:E=, it was not clear whether #ernando alone or isneros alone should be regent for

harles or for >uana3. (fter #ernando managed to assert his authority in the -ingdom and assume theregency in /:/E, it was debated whether or not he had the power, as he claimed, to appoint his favorite,

the du-e of (lba, as his successor instead of isneros.

4istorians have heaped opprobrium on everyone who had a part in the succession and regency disputes.

?ut the legalities of both 5uestions were so confused BB especially by the codicil to *sabel!s will BB thatthe principal actors themselves were ma-ing decisions in conditions of chaos. True to the pattern of

previous succession and regency disputes, the city councils split into factions. Municipal governments

were paralyzed, and there were popular riots against >ews and conversos.

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clients of >uana!s mother loo-ed to Tendilla for protection and patronage. On his deathbed, Tendilla was

still being attended by the physician, #$+)'*igo &'pez, who had been physician to >uana!s mother.AC3

There was also a strong bond of friendship and respect between Tendilla and #ernando, based on theircommon e"pertise in military affairs. Tendilla claimed that it was easier to discuss military matters with

the -ing than with *sabel, and in the two months before *sabel!s death, Tendilla wrote to #ernando alone

on matters of police and defense. Tendilla!s letters to the two monarchs jointly were impersonal and

formal. The letters to #ernando alone have the more intimate and informal character typical ofTendilla!s letters to friends and family, and reflect devotion to #ernando personally.A03

This devotion, which we will see carried to an e"treme in Tendilla!s politics, was also carried to

e"tremes in Tendilla!s personal life. 4is health and mood changed as #ernando!s health and mood

changed. *n /:/C, #ernando became seriously ill and his health remained perilous until late in /:/0.Throughout this period, Tendilla was in bitter despair and often confined to his room by illness. When

#ernando recovered and was again physically active, Tendilla!s mood became sunny and playful, and

he stopped complaining about his aches and pains. When he heard that #ernando had actually startedhunting again, he joyously wrote to an old friend to arrange his first hunting trip in many months.

Tendilla had no personal sta-e in #ernando!s *talian venture, but he rejoiced over every victory as if it

were his own. (nd he felt the greatest satisfaction when the newly elected &eo ac-nowledged his

debt to #ernando and praised his *talian policy.A:3

Tendilla!s loyalty to #ernando during the confusion from /:E0 to /:/: was also inspired by his

assumptions about the nature of politics in the astilian monarchy. Tendilla regarded the monarchy as a

partnership of the -ing and his vassals BB a partnership based on mutual aid in the e"pectation of mutualprofit. 7very stage of Tendilla!s public career BB his participation in the con5uest of Granada, his

governership of (lhama, his embassy to )ome, his governorship in the -ingdom of Granada BB was in

the nature of an investment from which he hoped eventually to gain a profit of heritable income forhimself and his sons. There is no suggestion in Tendilla!s letters that service to the crown is an

obligation of the nobility. On the contrary, it is a voluntary act and has no implicit merit. *ts sole merit

lies in the profit that will accrue to the noble family as a reward for service.A=3

Tendilla, of course, had many obligations to the crown as captain general of Granada, but he wascareful not to confuse his official obligations and his politics. 7very service he performed beyond his

official duties he regarded as a service to #ernando personally, and he e"pected #$+*'#ernando to

recognize this. *t was because he regarded his support of #ernando and his position in Granada asinvestments that he was caught in an impossible choice. 4e had invested heavily and without

reservation in #ernando!s enterprises BB probably more than any other nobleman e"cept the du-e of

(lba BB and he could not afford to throw away that investment. Tendilla had sta-ed everything on

#ernando6 and no matter how clear it became that harles and isneros should be cultivated for thesa-e of the family!s future, Tendilla could not compromise himself in #ernando!s eyes by establishing a

good relationship with the -ing!s enemies. (gain and again he complains that he has never sent letters

or messengers to #landers, yet his loyalty is rewarded with losses instead of profits.A13*n politics,Tendilla maintained the same view of astilian society as a free enterprise system that had been

e"pressed by Guzm$n fifty years earlier. *n the early Trast$mara period, the career of Tendilla!s

grandfather, +antillana, had been living proof that Fas one!s power and privilege mount, one ta-es foroneself as much as one can of honors, offices, and vassals.F ?ut Tendilla!s career showed just as clearly

that in the late Trast$mara period astile was no longer a free enterprise society and that his views were

anachronistic.

7ven on political matters in which Tendilla could e"ercise more emotional detachment, he never movedbeyond the assumptions of his ancestors, (yala, Guzm$n, and +antillana. Tendilla assumed that the

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astilian monarchy was made up of a delicately balanced cooperative effort between the -ing and

powerful political groups. The -ing!s ability to succeed in any venture was dependent upon his success

in winning support from a substantial segment of the powerful groups and on his own abilities. Tendilla

did not assume at any time that the -ing would have the support of all the nation6 and even moresignificant, he never assumed that it would be the duty of every vassal to support the -ing just because

he was -ing. *nstead, he accepted without 5uestion a system in which the -ing was one of many

political powers and had to negotiate with the other powers in the -ingdom to carry out any venturesuccessfully.

Once the -ing had ac5uired the support of a loyal group, Tendilla believed that he ought to do

everything in his power to maintain this alliance BB the -ing owed allegiance to his supporters as much

as they owed allegiance to him. This mutual loyalty between the -ing and his adherents, to Tendilla,was the essence of political life. 4e suggested several ways in which the -ing and his vassals could

fulfill this ideal. #irst, the -ing must be loyal to his supportersD F%rinces cannot e"pect to succeed who,

enjoying the support of only one party among their #$+%'peoples, wish to ma-e two, or indicate that

they do not trust the party they already have by resuscitating an opposing party.FA;34e also believed

that it was a serious mista-e for the -ing to compromise with his domestic enemies in a period of crisis,

for the shortBterm advantages would be more than outweighed by the disadvantage of having

empowered and enriched those who would betray the -ing once the crisis had passed. 4e complainedthat *sabel had made a serious error when she appointed isneros BB a man who was not a privado and

had never proved his loyalty BB as archbishop of Toledo and that #ernando had compounded this error

when in /:E1 he had won a cardinalate for isneros after the archbishop had been openly disloyal.A23

With his ideas of a permanent state of balanced but competing powers, Tendilla never conceived of a

state in which all parties would agree. *t was best to treat defeated parties with respect and dignity and

leave the way open for them to cooperate with the -ing in the future. Tendilla repeatedly advised#ernando to e"ercise temperance in dealing with his enemies. 4e bitterly criticized #ernando for

having e"cluded the mar5uis of enete from all the centers of power. (nd when #ernando stripped the

mar5uis of %riego of his offices and some of his possessions in 'rdoba, Tendilla was shoc-ed and

angry.CE3

(s much as he hated these two men and as much as he deplored their disloyal actions, hecould not rejoice in their misfortune6 for the -ing, by destroying his enemies, was also destroying that

balance Tendilla believed to be the essence of a stable society. *n this attitude, Tendilla was repeating

the attitude of his uncle, the first du-e of *nfantado, who was willing to fight against and defeat themar5uis of 8illena in the *sabelline succession war but refused to cooperate in the 5ueen!s attempt to

destroy 8illena!s power.

The vassals, in Tendilla!s view of society, had the daily and fundamental duty of giving counsel to the

-ing. Tendilla too- this responsibility most seriously, and he -ept up a steady flow of letters of advice,recommendation, warning, and criticism to the -ing. 4e reinforced these with similar letters to his

friends and agents at the court in an effort to ma-e sure that his ideas were clearly and accurately

understood by #ernando. (mong all those who were bombarding #ernando with advice, Tendilla often

found himself a lone voice, the single dissenter, but he was convinced that he and #ernando were inagreement on the necessity for his advice, although it won him many enemiesD

That which the good servant has to do is to conform with the will of his lord and his

highness does not e"pect that * will ever have to send #$++'to say of anyone that he doesnot do as he should because * haven!t won the enemies * have in any other manner e"cept

by saying the truth and giving his highness my letters and memorials to those who wish to

destroy me because of it.C/3

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Tendilla persisted in this attitude, even when he believed that the -ing was following the advice of

those who were his enemies. When the lord was ma-ing a mista-e, the loyal vassal must protect the

lord!s interests even if it meant fighting against the lord himself. Throughout the last two years of his

life, Tendilla believed that this was his own situation and he complained repeatedlyD F4ere * am

fighting for his highness against his highness himself.FCA3

Tendilla believed that #ernando was acting against his own interests because he was ta-ing the advice

of men who were not 5ualified to counsel a -ing BB the bureaucrats. Tendilla was convinced that givingcounsel to the -ing was both the duty and the sole prerogative of the nobility. This attitude was based

on two assumptions. #irst, he believed that only the nobility had the military e"pertise to advise the

-ing in matters of defense and public order. +econd, he believed that every policy BB whether religious,

military, or economic BB should be judged by its conse5uences6 and the nobles, as the men on the spot,were the only persons capable of assessing the conse5uences of a given policy in their area of

jurisdiction. Tendilla was scornful of bureaucrats who presumed to give military advice to the -ing and

of clerics who recommended religious policies without any realistic assessment of their politicalconse5uences. (s usual, he could find a proverb to sum up his viewD F(dvice should come from where

the action is.FCC3

Tendilla!s particularist view of politics and society was one of the attitudes that lin-ed him moststrongly with his ancestors BB and caused the most conflict with the new, centralizing royal government.*t must have been galling to men who had absorbed the hierarchical political theories of the letrados to

see Granada, which the atholic Monarchs had carefully -ept in the royal jurisdiction, administered by

this oldBfashioned and arrogant man with his e"alted view of the particularist, seigneurial regime. Oncethe first crac- appeared in Tendilla!s control over the Muslims with the uprising in the (lpujarras3, the

royal officials lost no time in attac-ing the problem, and Tendilla spent much of his energy in the last

ten years of his life in an effort to have his jurisdiction and discretionary powers in Granada guaranteedby a royal document, with a permanent title of viceroy or a royal cdula. (s we have seen, Tendilla lost

the most important round in his battle against #$+7'the royal officials when the chancillerHa of iudad

)eal was moved to the city of Granada in /:E:. 4is original wideBranging discretionary powers in

judicial matters were severely curtailed by the presence of this royal court, and the letrados loo-ed bac-on this move as a great victory for their profession.C03

Within the limitations imposed upon him by the presence of the chancillerHa, however, Tendilla

continued to e"ercise his personal influence on the judiciary. 4e began to visit the chambers of the

chancillerHa on the days when important cases were heard6 and he must have been successful ine"erting pressure on the proceedings, for in /:/0 the royalpesquisidor threatened to bring charges

against him of interfering with the royal justice. Tendilla!s response to these charges is interesting

because of its typical mi"ture of indignation and bravado and because it reveals his own assumptionsabout the origins of the lawD

*f they are saying that * am absolute, let them say what * have done. *f they are saying that *

rob, let them say how or in what. (lso they tell me that %earanda has repeated there IatcourtJ many of the evils being said against me and has said many slanders and here theyhave written it down. * swear by God that * don!t dare go to the house of the judges or of the

president as often as * used to for fear that they will say * am dragging them by the ears.

With all of this, don!t you fail to say that if they should put me on a mountain with deer andwild boars * will have them doing whatever * wish, and there is no prudent man who would

do otherwise.C:3

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7choing 8alera!s statements a generation earlier, he attributes the origins of his own power and status to

a natural process, while he assumes that the powers of the chancillerHa and letrados are the imposition

of an artificial law. *f he were stripped of all his titles and offices and troops, he would still become the

leader and judge of his community by virtue of his own 5ualities of leadership.

?ecause Tendilla could not conceive of government with a being and e"istence apart from the

personalities of its leaders and administrators, he could not conceive of duty to a state. *nstead, he

continued to see the astilian monarchy in terms of a networ- of deudos. 4e assumed that this networ-developed naturally out of a primitive state of anarchy because of the very nature of men and that sinceit was natural it was legitimate. On this basis alone, Tendilla was radically separated from the letrados

who had ta-en up the idea of 4ispania BB the state as an abstract political, moral, and religious force to

which everyone, including the monarchs, owed a duty and allegiance. While the letrados #$+,'werespea-ing of the monarchy in terms of 4ispania, Tendilla continued to spea- of it in terms of family BB

the basic form of deudo. One of the most often repeated sentiments in his letters is that it is natural and

proper that there should be loyalty and cooperation between parents and children, and he ma-es thisobservation in reference to national politics as well as the family affairs of his friends. When #ernando

and %hilip signed the agreement of 8illaf$fila, Tendilla remar-ed that they were in agreement as fathers

and sons should be.C=3(nd he never believed that there could be real hostility between #ernando and

harles, for Fthe prince must serve his grandfather and his grandfather BB since he will ma-e the princehis heir BB must wor- to leave him the greatest lord of the world.FC13

*t was typical of Tendilla!s )enaissance attitudes that he never attempted to e"plicate them in a

systematic way. @et it is only in view of his political ideas BB his e"traordinary loyalty to #ernandocoupled with the traditional political attitudes of the Mendoza family BB that Tendilla!s actions in the

succession crisis after /:E0 ma-e sense. (nd the contrast between Tendillas!s actions and those of his

Mendoza relatives stri-ingly illustrates the divisions in the family after the turn of the century.

+oon after *sabel!s death, both %hilip and #ernando began to solicit noble support.C;3%hilip ac5uiredthe allegiance of the du-es of 9$jera and Medina +idonia, the mar5uis of 8illena, and the count of

?enavente, while #ernando received pledges of allegiance from the du-e of (lba, the mar5uis of uana but refusing to commit themselves to either %hilip or

#ernando. When >uana and %hilip finally arrived in astile A1 (pril /:E=3, the majority of the nobles

and prelates of astile rushed north to pay homage to them, including the party headed by *nfantado,the constable, and the admiral. This party, which had remained neutral in the earlier dispute between

%hilip and #ernando, considered themselves to be paying homage to >uana, the legitimate heiress and,

of course, sisterBinBlaw and cousin of the constable and admiral, respectively. The two greatest prelatesof astile, who had previously remained loyal to #ernando, also gave their allegiance to %hilip.

?y midB>une /:E:, #ernando had been abandoned by all the highest prelates and nobles of astile

e"cept (lba,

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representatives in the ortes to give the oath of homage to %hilip on their behalf, as coruler with >uana.0E3There was widespread suspicion, especially in the remote regions of astile and in (ndalucHa, that

>uana was sane and that %hilip was -eeping her a prisoner. When %hilip died on A: +eptember /:E=,this suspicion was transferred to the provisional government formed under the leadership of the

constable, isneros, and the du-e of 9$jera. *mmediately, parties reformed, this time with (lba,

*nfantado, and the constable supporting the regency of #ernando in the name of >uana, while 9$jera,

8illena, and don >uan Manuel issued a

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bloc so powerful that the new dynasty would be forced to favor it just as the atholic Monarchs had

been forced to favor the Mendoza after their decisive role in the succession war from /010 to /0;E.

*nfantado and the constable seem to have been little affected by 5uestions of legal rights, astilian

nationalism, loyalty to the monarchy, or even loyalty to #ernando. *nfantado!s loyalties were stronglyoriented toward the family only, while the constable was loyal to the new generation of his royal inB

laws6 and they were successful in carrying most of the Mendoza with them to a position of strength

which placed the Mendoza family in a favorable position under harles 8.0A3

?ut the Mendoza under the 4apsburgs were not nearly as powerful as they had been under the

Trast$mara, and this is in part due to the inability of *nfantado and the constable to unite the family

behind their policy of dealing from strength. Tendilla especially refused to cooperate. Throughout the

succession dispute, Tendilla remained loyal to #ernando and invested much of his personal fortune inmaintaining the military strength of the -ingdom of Granada against those nobility in (ndalucHa who

were trying to undermine #ernando!s position. When %hilip and >uana arrived in astile in /:E=,

Tendilla offered to do homage to #ernando for the fortresses he commanded in (ndalucHa. #$7)'(fterrescuing Gibraltar from the du-e of Medina +idonia and manipulating the chancillerHa of Granada into

assisting him, he se5uestered the properties of the duchy of Medina +idonia for #ernando. When

several (ndalucian nobles formed an alliance in support of >uana in /:E1, Tendilla joined the alliance

and persuaded a majority of the members to declare themselves a confederation in support of #ernando.0C3

Tendilla was also instrumental in separating his sonBinBlaw, the count of Monteagudo, from an alliance

*nfantado had formed against #ernando. (fter #ernando was recognized as the regent of harles in/:/E, Tendilla never attempted to correspond with anyone at the #lemish court, and he refused to ally

with those nobles who were withholding support from #ernando. 4e persistently tried to e"pose and

discredit what he called Fel bando de Toledo,F a group of nobility in 9ew astile led by the mar5uis of8illena and cardinal isneros, whom Tendilla believed to be disloyal to #ernando. Most of the nobles

who were Tendilla!s neighbors in (ndalucHa formed a mutual assistance pact, Fla liguilla,F under the

leadership of the Great aptain and the mar5uis of %riego6 and in /:/:, the liguilla allied with the

bando de Toledo.+urrounded by these powerful enemies, Tendilla remained aloof from all alliances and continued to

serve #ernando loyally. *nstead of trying to find a position of strength and then negotiate with the -ing,

Tendilla gave his resources and his loyalty to #ernando without reservation. +ince #ernando could

always count on him, there was never any need to negotiate the terms under which Tendilla wouldserve #ernando. Once the service was performed, Tendilla was in a wea- position to negotiate and had

to depend on #ernando!s sense of justice and gratitude for his reward.003Tendilla placed loyalty to

#ernando above the family!s welfare6 and as a result, he placed his own immediate family in awea-ened position and wea-ened the position of the Mendoza as a whole, by brea-ing up the family!s

ability to present a united front in times of crisis. (s a result, the Mendoza received few rewards from

either #ernando or the 4apsburgs.

The wea-nesses that had developed within the family itself coincided with a major change in thegovernment which made it difficult for the Mendoza or the other nobles3 to deal directly with the

crown during the si"teenth century. The bureaucracy created by 7nri5ue *8 and nurtured by #ernando

and *sabel became the single most effective political bloc during the years from /:E0 to /:AE. Whilethe traditional political blocs of the nobility bro-e up into smaller, less effective units6 while the

astilian monarchs were outside the country, or insane, or not recognized by the ortes, or too ill to

assume the responsibilities #$7*'of government, the bureaucracy plodded on with the business of thecountry BB collecting ta"es, notarizing contracts, issuing licenses, dispensing justice, supervising

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crown and the local authorities to enforce the most rigid edicts against Muslim clothing and customs.013The hostility between Tendilla and isneros on this issue had e"isted since the uprising of the

(lbaicin in /022. ?y /:/0, it had become a battle to see who could control the decisions of the consejoreal, the city council of Granada, and the nobility of (ndalucHa.

Tendilla!s other major enemy, the Great aptain, was also increasingly powerful in the last months of

#ernando!s reign, as his nephew, the mar5uis of %riego, and other dissident nobility attempted to

reestablish control over local areas of (ndalucHa before a new regime could consolidate its position.Tendilla was hostile toward the Great aptain for several reasons, all arising from the incidents

surrounding the Great aptain!s return from *taly in /:E1. #ernando had lured the Great aptain out of

*taly by promising him the grand mastership of the #$7+'Order of +antiago and command of an

e"pedition to (frica. Once bac- in +pain, the Great aptain plunged into the preparations for the(frican e"pedition, only to have #ernando cancel the whole underta-ing after the men and supplies had

already been collected. *nstead of appointing him grand master of +antiago, #ernando made him

alcaide of the fortress of &oja, just a few miles west of the city of Granada. Tendilla had hoped toreceive this appointment himself, and he was angry with #ernando, not only for giving &oja to someone

else but for giving it to an enemy in preference to an ally.0;3

(mong the royal secretaries, Tendilla most fre5uently dealt with the powerful &ope onchillos and therising #rancisco de los obos, but he never trusted onchillos to be loyal to him or to the -ing!sinterests in Granada. #or some time, Tendilla was successful in bribing both onchillos and obos to

gain their cooperation, but in /:/0 both of them raised the price of their cooperation so drastically that

Tendilla was unable to meet it. #or most of /:/0, Tendilla tried to ingratiate himself with onchilloswith flattery, even while he was complaining bitterly to his agent Ortiz about the secretary!s avarice6

but when onchillos began to advise the -ing about military matters in Granada, Tendilla lost all

control. The idea that a bureaucrat would presume to give advice on military matters, especially onewho did not -now the terrain, and the disrespect toward himself which this advice implied made

Tendilla furious. 4is pride as a nobleman and his jurisdiction as an administrator could not have been

more deeply intruded upon.023

When #ernando became seriously ill in the summer of /:/: Tendilla realized that in addition to thecardinal and the Great aptain all the royal secretaries had become his enemies and were trying to turn

others against him. (ll of his favors and patronage for obos and all of his bribes and flattery for

onchillos had done nothing to win these men to his side when the -ing was at the point of death.:E3

*n addition to ac5uiring all these enemies in high places and low, Tendilla was in constant conflict withhis cousin, the third du-e of *nfantado. They had chosen opposing sides in the succession disputes, and

Tendilla had the lowest opinion of *nfantado!s judgment in political affairs. ?ut the real source of

antagonism between them was litigation over the terms of the will of their grandfather, +antillana.*nfantado had ta-en up the claims of Tendilla!s sisterBinBlaw, atalina &aso de la 8ega, and succeeded

in /:/: in obtaining a court order which prevented Tendilla!s tenants from harvesting the grapes on the

disputed property. To Tendilla, the enmity of *nfantado was just the final straw #$77'in a long series ofconflicts which had left him without allies in the face of increasing dangers.

Tendilla!s relations with the rest of the Mendoza family were not much better. 4is sonBinBlaw, (ntonio

de Mendoza, count of Monteagudo, had allied himself with *nfantado. 4is young cousin, the mar5uis

of enete, had remained noncomittal throughout the succession dispute, pursuing personal interests

rather than political affairs. +ince enete was alcaide of Guadi", one of the strategic fortresses of the-ingdom of Granada, Tendilla had to cooperate with him in the maintenance of public order, and

especially in the policing of the highway between the cities of Guadi" and Granada. ?ut Tendilla was

always suspicious of enete, and his spies in Guadi" fed this suspicion by reporting on various

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occasions that enete was negotiating with the Great aptain, though he seems never to have

committed himself to the Great aptain!s party.

?y late +pring in /:/:, Tendilla was isolated from the sources of power in (ndalucHa, and when he

found that enete was again sending messengers to &oja to negotiate with the Great aptain, hecomplained to Ortiz in the most despairing but typically pungent3 termsD

9ow you will see what the mar5uis of enete intends in Guadi". * find myself well placed

here on the cross, one hand nailed in &oja and the other in Guadi" and my feet on the

mar5uis of %riego and my head crowned by the corregidor of Granada and my side pierced

by Kapata and obos.:/3

7ven at this late date, with his enemies gaining allies every day, his authority in Granada usurped byFthose who have the -ing!s pen,F and rumors flying that #ernando was dying or already dead, Tendilla

would not give up his policy of loyalty to #ernando. 4e could depend on the constable, *nfantado, and

enete to guarantee that whatever else might happen he and his sons would not be completely ruined.

The Mendoza in the past had wor-ed to prevent the destruction of their enemies, let alone members oftheir own family.

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%erple"ed, angry, and frustrated, Tendilla continued until the last month of his life to believe that

#ernando could save him from all of his difficulties if he could only brea- through the circle of Fthose

who have the -ing!s pen.F ?linded by his e"aggerated confidence in #ernando, Tendilla could not see

that the -ing had become apathetic #$7-'and given up the active leadership of (lba!s party. Thusisolated by geography, politics, and his own stubborn loyalty, Tendilla continued to act in a manner no

longer relevant to the new realities uf astilian politics. ?y following this anachronistic policy of

loyalty to the last of the Trast$mara monarchs, Tendilla brought about his own failure. Through thissame policy, he refused to cooperate with the rest of the Mendoza and so destroyed the family!s ability

to act as a single political bloc in periods of crisis. Throughout his career, Tendilla had followed the

patterns established by his glorious ancestors6 and even after he -new that it would result in politicaland economic disaster, he could not bring himself to abandon the Mendoza tradition. (s he ruefully

confessed to the royal secretary, #rancisco de los obos, a wee- before he died, F* never was able to

leave aside a course of action once * too- it up.F::3

9otes for hapter +even

/. Nnless otherwise noted, the following biographical information on Tendilla is from Mondjar. This

material is summarized in Gonz$lez %alencia, Vida, *, CB00. The recent biographical s-etches ofTendilla by epeda, F7l Gran Tendilla,F and 7milio Meneses GarcHa, appearing in *igo &'pez de

Mendoza, Correspondencia del conde de Tendilla, I (1508150!"# $iografa, estudio % transcripci&n, in

'rchio )ocumental *spa+ol, vol. *, Madrid, /2106 confuse Tendilla with several of hishomonyms.

A. (G+, )egistro General del +ello, 8**B/01;, f. /E;, /1 >uly /01;.

C. >oa5uHn

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conde de Tendilla, y seor de Mondejar a cuyo adbitrio cometieron toda su guarda, y presidio con no

despreciable numero de cavallos, e infantes, y pasados pocos dias despues se partieron sus Magestades

a atalua, de"ando al sobredicho onde en el (lcaar y ciudad, habitando en ella mas de veynte mil

Moros.F This is a note written in Tendilla!s hand in &atin in the margin of a copy of (eneus +ylvius!istoria de $ohemia, which Tendilla had brought with him from )ome. Mondjar gives only this

+panish translation, ff. A/1BA/1v.

//. FPuando el rey n. s. y la reina n. s. 5ue aya gloria me mandaron dar este cargo asentaron me a5uicomo en nueva naturaleza y de"e la mia y deshize mi casa alla de criados de mis avuelos y de mi padrey mios y he la hecho aca con esperanza 5ue como el rey n. s. lo ha concertado a hacer duraran estos

cargos en mi y en mis subcesores para sienpre.F opiador, Tendilla to #rancisco Ortiz, /E March /:/0.

/A. Osuna A2CQ/6 +alazar, MB/A/, f. AAAv. #or an e"ample of his actions as arbitrator, see his decision

in a dispute over the boundaries of the trminos of the cities of 8lez M$laga and (lhama, given at8entas del (lcaycerHa, opiador, A; >anuary /:E=. #or the powers and responsibilities of the captaincyB

general, see >.*. )ubio Mall, F7l concepto hist'rico de capitanHa general,F reprint from)iario de

6ucat7n, /2BAE March /2C;6 idem,Introducci&n al estudio de los irre%es de uea *spa+a, 1595 a1:34, vol. *, ;rgines % ulio aro ?aroja,os 2oriscos del reino de -ranada, Madrid,

/2:16 celencias de -ranada, Madrid, /=E;6 >.&. ano de Gardo5ul and (. de ?ethencourt,

F*ncorporaci'n de Gibraltar a la orona de astilla, /0C:B/:E;,F 4ispania A= /2==3, CA:BC;/6 >uan deMata arriazo, Fartas de la frontera de Granada, /0CEB/:E2,F'l'ndalu?, // /20=3, =2B /CE6 (lfonso

G$mir +andoval, FOrganizaci'n de la defensa de la costa del )eino de Granada desde su recon5uista

hasta finales del siglo 8*,F$oletn de la @niersidad de -ranada, 1C /20C3, A:2BCC16 RennethGarrad, F&a industria sedera granadina en el siglo 8* y su cone"i'n con el levantamiento de las

(lpujarras, /:=;B/:1/,F2iscel7nea de *studios 'rabes % ebraicos, : /2:=3, 1CB/E06 idem, F&a

in5uisici'n y los moriscos granadinos, /:A=B/:;E,F$ulletin ispanique, =1 /2=:3, =1B1;6 idem, FTheOriginal Memorial of

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las 5ue se encarg' en un principio del govierno del reino y la ciudad, don *igo &'pez de Mendoza,

conde de Tendilla, primer alcaide y capit$n general de Granada y #ray 4ernando de Talavera, su

arzobispo, parecHan estar dispuestas a esta clase de convivencia, de !mudejarismo! cl$sico, aparte de 5ue

eran tolerantes y de car$cter apacible.F aro ?aroja,os 2oriscos, pp. /CB/0.

/=. F

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A:. (t one point during #ernando!s illness, he instructed Ortiz to tell the court that he Tendilla3 Fni va a

cabildo ni entiende en negocio chico ni grande ni habla a nuevamente convertido ninguno ni los

consiente 5ue saban a el manera 5ue acaesce estar "v dias 5ue no aba"a aba"o e tres y 5uatro 5ue no

sale de un estudio y de su camara.F opiador, Tendilla to Ortiz, AC March /:/0 F%esado me ha por5uev.m. no esta sano por5ue 5uisiera ir a comer los pollos y anades de azalla y si estais para ello todo es

tres dias de tardanza en 5ue podamos ir daca y v.m. venir de alla sino 5ue creo 5ue es como el azor

5uando sopesa a la perdiz 5ue no 5uiere esperar a 5uien le 5uiere cojer y por esta no 5uerra v.m. volver.une /:/:6

Tendilla to the comendador ma%or de Castilla, /0 >une /:/:6 Tendilla to #emando, /C >une /:/:.

A=. This attitude is the basis of his complaints about not receiving favors. #or e"ampleD F

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C=. Fostunbre es 5ue los amigos 5uando saben alguna buena nueva la digan a sus amigos por5ue ayan

placer. 7l rey don #ernando y el rey don #elipe y la reyna doa >uana n.s. estan juntos y amigos como

ulyJ /:E=.

C1. F( buen seso a de servir el principe a su ayudo y su ayudo pues le ha de heredar a de trabajar por

de"ar le el mayor seor del mundo.F opiador, Tendilla to Ortiz, 1 >uly /:/:.

C;. This account of the succession crisis is based on Geronimo Kurita y astro,'nales de la corona de

'rag&nIKaragoza, /:1;B/:;:J, vol. 8*6 #ern$ndez (lvarez,a *spa+a de los Ee%es Cat&licos, vol. /1DA6 Ronrad 4Sbler,)er treit .erdinandDs des Fatholischen und GhilippDs I um die Eegierung on

Castilien, /:E0B/:E=, umilla, A0 >uly /:E:, ?9, M+ AE.A/0 //36 opiador, Tendilla to #rancisco Ortiz, 1 >uly

/:/:.

C2. F7scritura otorgada por *igo &'pez de Mendoza, conde de Tendilla, por la 5ue hace pleito

homenaje por la fortaleza de la (lhambra de Granada a los reyes #elipe * y doa >uana,F Granada, A2(ugust /:E=, +alazar, MBAC, f. /E=.

0E. F*nstrucci'n 5ue se envi' a los procuradores de cortes de Granada y su reyno, opiador,

I+eptemberJ /:E=.

0/. uan de (rag'n, du5ue de &una (ragon3, and (lonso de(rag'n, conde de )ivagorza. Fto better serve the -ing,F who is not named but is clearly harles. &una,

C

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relatives, who would hardly have felt the sentiments of Fmany astilian nobles, who hated #erdinand as

a strong ruler and also as a atalan.F 7lliott,Imperial pain, p. /C:. +ee also Fonfederaci'n... entre

IelJ du5ue del *nfantado y une /:E;, printed inepeda, F(ndalucHa en /:E;,F p. 11.

0:. F@o 5uerria mas 5uedar en poder de los moros y de los diablos 5ue del cardenal por5ue yo le veo

ambicioso y como vos sabes sienpre deseo abatir me y aba"ar me en el tiempo 5uei rey estuvo

ausente.F opiador, Tendilla to #rancisco Ortiz, 1 >uly /:/:.

0=. F7sto tan desesperado y regaado despues de la vacante de (vila 5ue no 5uerria syno morder a5uantos llegan a mi como haca matada. 8erdad es 5ue donde el cardenal se atraviesa no hay 5ue decir.

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Miguel Ide &e'nJ del conde de Nrea es y dineros le da y a mi hace onchillos desservidor del rey y

aun enemigo.F /E March /:/06 F9unca vi cosa mas donoso 5ue ver el esgremir 5ue hace el

IonchillosJ 5ue dio el memorial y decir 5ue ha de guardar fuentes y rios y veredas y aguas 5ue a5uello

es tan imposible hacerse con ninguna gente de guerra como bolar un buey 5uanto mas con docientosonbres. Maravillo me 5uien oso dar tal memorial a su al. y para 5ue lo viesen esos seores 5ue

entienden en las cosas de guerra.F Tendilla to #rancisco de los obos, /A (ugust /:/06 F9unca vi cosa

tan vana ni tal trastras, diciendo cosas imposibles de hacer por uly /:/:.