niemeier, archaic greeks in the orient

8/10/2019 Niemeier, Archaic Greeks in the Orient

1/23

Archaic Greeks in the Orient: Textual and Archaeological EvidenceAuthor(s): Wolf-Dietrich NiemeierSource: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 322 (May, 2001), pp. 11-32Published by: The American Schools of Oriental ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1357513Accessed: 04/03/2010 11:20

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asor .

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

The American Schools of Oriental Research is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extendaccess to Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1357513?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asorhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asorhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1357513?origin=JSTOR-pdf


2/23

A r c h a i c G r e e k s n th O r ie n t Te x t u a l n d

rchaeological vidence

WOLF-DIETRICH NIEMEIER

Archaologisches InstitutUniversitat Heidelberg

69117 HeidelbergGermany

It is a matter of controversial discussion whether, after the Philistines in Iron Age I,a second wave ofpeople from the Aegean-Greeks-arrived on the Levantine coast inthe Iron Age IIB-C period. Greek presence at that time has been assumed for a seriesof settlements. A systematic investigation of these settlements in regard to criteria for

foreign presence-as imported religionand

cult,burial

customs,settlement

layout,architecture, and kitchen-does not provide convincing evidence for resident Greekcivilians in the Levant before the second half of the seventh century B.C. when Greekmerchants apparently lived in some of the harbor cities. More clearly, textual, icono-graphic, and archaeological evidence discussed in this paper indicates the presence ofGreek mercenaries from the eighth century B.c. on. These mercenaries were not com-mon men but members of the elite driven out of their homeland. On their return, theytransferred oreign ideas and concepts and thus were mediators in the continuing Ori-ental influx to Greece.

THE FIRST GREEKS IN THE ORIENT:

THE PHILISTINES

It was a great honor for me to be in Jerusalemin January 1999 as the first Annual Trude Do-than Lecturer of the Dorot Foundation. It ap-

pears well fitting to dedicate this paper, one of thetwo lectures held in Jerusalem, to Trude Dothan,since the connections between the littoral of the Le-vant and the Aegean have always been one of hermain fields of interest, and it was she whodemonstrated that the Philistines who arrived in the

southern Levant soon after 1200 B.C. and carved outa major piece of territory or themselves in southernCanaan at the expense of the Canaanites were thefirst Greeks settling in the Orient.1 After having

* This article is the revised version of a lecture deliv-ered at the Albright Institute of Archaeological Researchin Jerusalem in March 1999, when the author was thefirst Trude Dothan Lecturer in Ancient Near EasternStudies. This series, which also includes lectures at Al-Quds and Hebrew Universities, was sponsored by the

Albright Institute and endowed by the Dorot Foundation.1See the recent summary by Stager (1995: 342-48,fig. 2).

studied in a seminal work the Aegean background of

the Philistines (Dothan 1982),2 she demonstratedwith the results of her excavations at Tel Miqne-Ekron that the Philistines settling in Iron Age I inCanaan were people from the Aegean who had ar-rived via Cyprus (Dothan 1995).3

Emigrants usually transfer to the new homelandtheir religion and cult, their burial customs, theireating and drinking manners, as well as techno-logical features as, for instance, loomweights (cf.Hagg and Marinatos 1984: 221). As to the burialcustoms of the Philistines, as yet we have no direct

information since no early cemeteries have been ex-cavated in the Philistine cities of Ashkelon, Ashdod,and Ekron (Singer 1994: 302). A Philistine identi-fication of Cemeteries 500 and 900 at Tell-FarCah(S.), the chamber tombs of which are of Aegeanorigin according to Waldbaum (1966),4 is doubtful

2A revised, expanded, and updated ranslation f awork published n 1967 in Hebrew. On the history of re-search on the Philistines and earlier attempts o link thePhilistines with he Mycenaean ivilization f the Aegean,

see Dothan and Dothan 1992: 29-55.3See also Stager 1995:336-40; Niemeier 1998:47-49.4Cf. also Dothan 1982:29-33, 260-68.

11


3/23


because the site is situated outside of Philistia pro-per and less than 10% of the pottery from the gravesis Philistine (McClellan 1979; Brug 1985: 70-73;Singer 1994: 303). Moreover, some scholars see thechamber tombs of Tell el-FarCah S.) as belonging toa long local tradition (Loffreda 1968; Stiebing 1970;Vanschoonwinkel 1999: 87-89).

However, there are certain indicators that peoplefrom the Aegean were present in Early Iron Age I inCanaan. These include terracotta figurines of ritualfunction and Mycenaean tradition (Dothan 1995:48, 50, fig. 3:12),5 hearths that were not commonbefore in Canaan but in the Mycenaean palaces andshrines (Dothan 1992: 96; 1995: 42-45; 1998: 155-58), kitchen ware of Mycenaean types (Dothan1995: 46-47, fig. 3.7:10, 15-17; 1998: 154, fig. 5:15-17; Killebrew 1998: 397, figs. 7, 10:13-14, 12:14-15), the introduction of pork and beef into thediet (Hesse 1986: 17-27; Dothan 1998: 154; Kille-brew 1998: 397), and Mycenaean-type loomweights(Dothan 1995: 46-47).6 Vanschoonwinkel (1999),who argues that the Philistines were not of Aegeanorigin but Canaanite people, ignores important evi-dence such as the Mycenaean-type kitchen ware andloomweights and changes in the diet in the firstphase of Philistine settlement. Ventris's decipher-ment of the Mycenaean Linear B script used foradministrative purposes in the Late Bronze AgeAegean demonstrated that it had been used to writean early form of the Greek language (Ventris andChadwick 1956; Chadwick 1958). Thus we mayterm the Philistines Greeks, 7 although non-Greek-speaking groups, such as Minoans rom Crete, mayhave been among them.8 After becoming firmlyestablished in their Pentapolis, the Philistines beganfirst to compete with the Israelite tribes and laterwith the

kingdomsof Saul, David, and Solomon for

political and cultural hegemony over the region.From the middle of the 12th century B.c. on, their

5See also Dothan 1982:234-49; A. Mazar 1988:259-60, fig. 2; Stager 1995:346. For he role of terracotta igu-rines in Mycenaean ult, see Ginel 1998: 448-49 withreferences.

6See also Stager 1991: 36-37, 43 n. 12; 1995: 346;Dothan and Porath 993: ig. 24:3-5, pl. 39.

7Unfortunately, lmostno script s preserved rom the

time of early Philistine ettlementwith he possibleexcep-tion of a stamp eal from Ashdodwith rather ryptic igns:Dothan and Dothan 1992: 153, pl. 10.

8On he prehellenic anguage(s) f Crete hat probablysurvived nto the historic period, ee Duhoux 1998.

pottery and other items of their material cultureshow signs of acculturation. Around the mid-tenthcentury, Philistia deteriorated nto a minor politicalentity and rapidly lost its distinct cultural character,although the Philistines' sense of ethnic identityremained secure for several more centuries; in theBible Philistia was defined through the Iron Age bygeopolitical and cultural boundaries and was viewedby the Israelites as a separate region (Dothan 1982:13-16, 160-91, 251; B. Mazar 1992: 34-41; Gitin1998a). Although the royal dedicatory inscriptionfrom the seventh century B.C.Temple Complex 650 atTel Miqne-Ekron is written in a language close toPhoenician, the name of the dedicating king, Ahish, isnon-West Semitic and Perhaps Greek in origin (Gitin,Dothan, and Naveh 1997; Gitin 1998a: 173-74).

ARCHAIC GREEK RESIDENTS IN

THE ORIENT?

It is a matter of controversial discussion whethera second wave of Greeks arrived on the Levantinecoast in the Iron Age IIB-C period. In the late1930s, when Greek Geometric and Archaic potterywas found for the first time in the Levant in large

quantities in the excavations conducted by Woolleyat Al Mina on the mouth of the Orontes (Robertson1940; Woolley 1953: 165-81), the place was re-garded as an essentially Greek site which has beenproved by excavation to have been no less importanta project than that of the earliest western colonies(Boardman 1957: 24-25) and in which there isnothing to differentiate the place from one of themany colonies in Italy or Sicily or on the Black Seacoast (Dunbabin 1957: 25). This supposed Greekcolony was believed to have formed the chief point

of contact between Greece and the Near East.9Later, when more Greek pottery was found at otherLevantine sites, the presence of Greek residents wasassumed for further Iron Age settlements, fromnorth to south (fig. 1): Ras el-Bassit (Riis 1982: 252;Courbin 1990: 508; Haider 1996: 63), Ras Ibn Hani(Riis 1982: 251-52), Tall Sukas (Riis 1970: 126-29,158-59; 1979: 32; 1982: 246-51; Haider 1996: 64-65), Tabbat al-Hammam (Riis 1982: 251; Haider1996: 69), Tel Kabri (Niemeier 1994; 1995),10 and

9See the summaries y Graham 1986: 51-53) andWaldbaum 1997: 1-4, with references).

l?The final publication f the Kabri excavations s inpress.

12 BASOR 322


4/23

ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT

Fig. 1. Levantine sites for which the presence of Greekresidents has been assumed.

Mezad Hashavyahu (Naveh 1962b: 97-99; 1977:863; 1993: 586; Cross 1962: 42; Strange 1966: 136-39; Austin 1970: 53, n. 1; Riis 1982: 251: Weippert1988: 620; Wenning 1989; 1991: 212-14; Redford1992: 444-45; Haider 1996: 75). For a long time,scholars thought that the Orientals had no taste forGreek pottery and where it occurs in the East, it is a

signof Greeks

livingthere

(R.M. Cook 1959:

122;Akurgal 1966; 161-62; Riis 1969: 436; 1970: 129;1982: 243-44, 251-52; Jeffery 1976: 63). Greekpottery has been found, however, in native tombs atKhalde near Beirut (Saidah 1971), at Tell Rachidiehnear Tyre (Doumet and Kawkabani 1995), and atHama (Coldstream 1977: 95; Braun 1982a: 7-9). Abig Attic krater of the late ninth century was offeredas a votive in a local shrine at Hama (Riis 1970:153-54; Braun 1982a: 9). Moreover, the finds of im-ported Greek pottery of the tenth to seventh centu-

ries B.C. at Tyre (Nitsche 1987; Coldstream andBikai 1988: 35-43; Haider 1996: 60-62) have dem-onstrated that the metropolitan Phoenicians wereby no means averse to the use of imported Greekpottery (Coldstream and Bikai 1988: 43). Thus in

the absence of other criteria, the occurrence ofGreek decorated pottery, even in larger quantities, isa rather poor indicator of the presence of Greeks inthe East (Papadopoulos 1997: 195-97, 205; Wald-

baum 1997: 5-6) and therefore has been questioned,also recently in this periodical (Waldbaum 1997).

Scholars have distinguished different types ofcolonies, such as those discussed by Branigan of theMinoans (Branigan 1981) and by Berard and Riis ofthe Greeks (Berard 1960: 13-15; Riis 1982: 237-38). Branigan's settlement colony corresponds tothe Greek term apoikia: a settlement founded in aforeign country and populated by people resettledthere from their homeland. For Branigan's gov-erned colony, a settlement that has a foreign admin-istration or government imposed upon it by force, nopre-Hellenistic Greek examples exist. Branigan's

community colony corresponds to the Greek termenoikismos: settlements in which a more or lesssignificant element of the population is comprisedof immigrants from a foreign place. This elementforms a distinctive social grouping within the settle-ment's society, sometimes but not always reflectedin their spatial distribution. The characteristics of asettlement colony or apoikia will be a distinctivelyforeign material culture: architecture and artifactsbeing strongly reminiscent of the architecture andartifacts of the homeland (or imported from there),and religious and burial practices of a character or-eign to that of the new homeland (Branigan 1981:26). The characteristics of community colonies orenoikismoi, by contrast, can vary according to thestrength of the cultural tradition of the colonistsand of the indigenous inhabitants (Branigan 1981:26-27; 1984: 49-51). Often, the house design andconstruction is essentially native, but interior fur-

nishingsreflect the

originsof the

occupiers. Usually,foreign communities maintain their native religion,often including their own funerary traditions. Theirdiet is-if possible-very similar to that in thehomeland, and these preferences should be reflectednot only in the food debris but also in the culinaryequipment. They conduct their business in their na-tive language.

Whereas the Philistine settlements in Canaan un-doubtedly were settlement colonies forming urbanimpositions over the charred ruins of earlier Canaan-ite

places,11 todayno scholar would

identifya Greek

llCf. the summary y Stager 1995: 345-48) for Ash-kelon, Ashdod, and Ekron.

2001 13


5/23


settlement colony or apoikia of the Iron IIB-C per-iod in the Levant. Al Mina is now mostly seen as aPhoenician or Aramaic town in which a certain num-ber of Greeks at some time formed a communitycolony or enoikismos. There is, however, disagree-ment whether Al Mina was founded in ca. 825-800B.C. (du Plat Taylor 1959: 91; Boardman 1982a: 758;Braun 1982a: 9; Popham 1994: 26), ca. 770 B.C.(Boardman 1999: 145, 153), or ca. 750 B.C. (Wool-ley 1938: 16; Gjerstad 1974: 122; Kearsley 1989:145; 1995: 67-69; 1999: 112-15; Haider 1996: 67),whether Greeks were present from the very begin-ning of the settlement (Boardman 1980: 40; 1982a:758; 1990; 1999; Braun 1982a: 9; Haider 1996; 67;Kearsley 1999: 116-18, 127-31) or only in the laterseventh century B.C. (Graham 1986: 57), and wheth-er the Greek residents played a more (Boardman1990) or less important role (Coldstream 1977: 93;Graham 1986; Snodgrass 1994: 4). Moreover, recentresearch has tended to emphasize the Cypriot ele-ment at Al Mina at the expense of the Greek (Jones1986: 694-96; Coldstream 1989: 94).

In a recent very interesting hypothesis, Kearsley(1999: 116-31) interprets he foundation Level 10/9of Al Mina as an encampment of Greek mercenariesbut cannot offer evidence other than the almost ex-clusively Greek character of the decorated pottery.Unfortunately, much of the plain pottery found in theAl Mina excavations was not kept (Boardman 1999:144). From Level 8 on, Kearsley sees Al Mina as aport of trade in which different nations were active.Boardman (1999: 155) compares Al Mina, interpre-ted by him as a Greek port of trade, to Naukratis andto Pithekoussai on Ischia. Naukratis is, however, avery special and unique case (Sullivan 1996: 177,189-91), and Pithekoussai from the very beginningwas a much

larger-scale phenomenonthan an em-

porion (Greco 1994; d'Agostino 1994; 1999),12 hav-ing an agricultural hinterland, being possibly not aless formal foundation than Cumae (Wilson 1997:205), and being a polis within the limits and pecu-liarities characterizing this concept in the eighthcentury B.C. Greco 1994: 15).

12Asto the term emporion, ee Wilson 1997 who hasdemonstrated that he emporion ecame ncreasingly or-

malised-a clearly distinguished ntity, eparate rom hepolis-in the course of the Classical period; hat prior othis an emporion was any settlement nvolved in com-mercial activity (Wilson 1997: 205).

Beside the high proportion of Greek decoratedwares (Boardman 1999: 150-51), the evidence foractual Greek presence at Al Mina is rather meager.Of the criteria mentioned above in connection with

the intrusive Philistines, no tombs of the pre-Persianperiods have been excavated at Al Mina and no evi-dence for Greek ritual and cult was found. In Level10/9, only scrappy walls giving no intelligible planswere found (Boardman 1999: 141). The settlementlayout and the house architecture of Levels 8-6 arenot of Greek but of local character (Riis 1970: 159;1982: 245-46; Bonatz 1993: 129-30). No Greekkitchen ware is known. One of Woolley's argumentsfor the presence of resident Greek merchants at AlMina was that the inscriptions he found were Greek(Woolley 1938: 15). There is, however, only onepublished Greek inscription earlier than the fifthcentury B.C., a graffito probably representing the re-mains of a proper name on the wall fragment of askyphos from the seventh-century Levels VI-VII,but dated by Boardman as earlier, to the Late Geo-metric period (Boardman 1982a; Graham 1986: 55-56). It does not form unequivocal proof of the useof the Greek language at Al Mina in such an earlyperiod since it could have been inscribed before itreached the coast of Syria. There is a lengthierGreek owner inscription on a vase of the late fifthcentury B.C. (Beazley 1955: 205-6, no. 10, fig. 5;Riis 1982: 241), but most of the graffiti on othercontemporary Greek vases are Phoenician, and someAramaic (Bron and Lemaire 1983).

Of the other Levantine sites with the supposedpresence of resident Greeks, Ras Ibn Hani and Tab-bat al-Hammam have to be excluded since as yetthey have failed to produce evidence for even oneof the criteria discussed above. At Ras el-Bassit,

amongthe intramural and extramural cremation

tombs, only one grave dated around ca. 600 B.C. con-tained Greek pottery; all the rest contained local,Phoenician, and Cypriot pottery (Courbin 1986:190-93, 198, 201; 1990: 506-7; 1993: passim,Greek pottery: 30-32, 66-68; Waldbaum 1997: 11).From the settlement, no evidence for Greek reli-gious ritual and cult is known. Only a few of thearchitectural remains have as yet been published.No Greek kitchen ware is mentioned in the pre-liminary reports. There are several Greek graffiti, ofwhich three have been

published.The earliest one

is on the fragment of a Late Geometric skyphos,according to P. Courbin of local production (Cour-bin 1986: 194, fig. 20). The single preserved letter,

BASOR 3224


6/23


however, is not necessarily a Greek (H)eta but canalso be a Phoenician Het.13 Two graffiti transcrib-ing Ionian personal names are to be dated to ca. 600B.C. That on the base of an Ionian

cup(Courbin

1978: fig. on p. 58) could have been incised beforethe cup reached Ras el-Bassit. Only that on the frag-ment of a Phoenician torpedo jar (Courbin 1986:199, fig. 31; 1990: 508, pl. 48.1) was almost cer-tainly inscribed at Ras el-Bassit. There are alsoPhoenician inscriptions from Ras el-Bassit (Courbin1978: 58).

At Tall Sukas, the Greek drinking sets found inthe tombs of the cemetery at the Southern Harborand the covering of some of the tombs with roof tiles

have been interpretedas evidence of Greek burial

customs (Riis 1979: 31-32; 1982: 249-50). Thepresence of Greek drinking vessels does not, how-ever, represent an unequivocal indicator of Greekpresence.14 None of the graves with roof tiles andgrave goods is earlier than the sixth century B.C.Moreover, the roof tiles are not conclusively associ-ated with the graves in question (Waldbaum 1997:11). A small rectangular building in the eastern sec-tor constructed in the course of the seventh centuryB.C. has been identified as a Greek temple (Riis 1969:

446; 1970: 44-59; 1982: 240-41, 246-49; Haider1996: 64). Since we know very little about contem-porary small shrines in the larger cities of Phoenicia(Coldstream 1975: 156) and since the building wasplaced over a pre-Greek cult hearth and is associ-ated with a Semitic-type High Place, it cannot safelybe accepted as a Greek temple (Boardman 1972:215). Two roof tile fragments nterpreted as evidencefor the involvement of a Greek architect or a Hel-lenized local builder are not conclusively associatedwith the building of the first phase (Riis 1970: 52,

58). Only in the second phase, which started beforeca. 570 B.C. (Riis 1970: 86) or after the middle of thesixth century B.C. (Boardman 1972: 216), is theGreek feature of the use of clay roof tiles certain(Riis 1970: 68-69; 1982: 240). However, the longi-tudinal and tripartite plan of the enlarged buildingof the second phase follows old and local traditions

13Cf.Coldstream 982: fig. 1; Naveh 1987: fig. 87.14Luke 1992) has suggested hat Greek drinking es-

sels were imported o satisfy local demands relating oNear Eastern easting and drinking ustoms. Cf. Wald-baum 1997: 7-8, and for the Persian period, De Vries1977;Wenning 1991:207-8.

(Bonatz 1993: 131-34) and also more closely resem-bles the plans of Cypriote chapels with two or threeinner rooms than those of Greek temples (Boardman1972: 216).15 The house architecture s of local tra-dition (Lund 1986: 189-92; Bonatz 1993: 125-26).Apparently no Greek kitchen ware occurs. Accord-ing to the statement of the excavator, all kitchenware is Phoenician (Riis 1982: 258). A spindlewhorl in local clay of a Greek type in use from theeighth to the sixth century B.C. bears the Greekowner's graffito of a woman named Pesaphore (Riis1970: 158, fig. 53d; 1982: 240-41, fig. 3:1; Ploug1973: 90, no. 424, pl. 19f-g). It was found in a levelthat cannot be dated earlier than the third centuryB.C. and was

tentativelydated

bythe letter forms to

ca. 600 B.C. (Riis 1965: 59-61). This date is, how-ever, very approximate (Graham 1986: 57). Severalvases of the first half of the sixth century B.C. carryGreek graffiti, including some in local fabric; oth-ers, however, have Semitic graffiti (Ploug 1973: 54,84-85).

At Tel Kabri, no tombs of the period in questionwere excavated. There is no evidence for Greekreligious customs and cult patterns. The architectureof Tel Kabri does not show Greek features. The

seventh-century casemate construction of the forti-fication wall in Area A is of Levantine tradition(Lehmannl994: 20*-22*, fig. 11).16 The fragmentsof six Greek cooking pots (chytrai) have been un-covered and-like the Greek cooking pots foundearlier at Mezad Hashavyahu (see infra)-are inter-preted as evidence of Greek presence (Niemeier1990: xxxvI, fig. 22:4; 1994: *33, fig. 19:10).17 Nowriting was found. Evidence for Greek religiouscustoms and cult pattern s lacking. Tombs were notexcavated either at Mezad Hashavyahu, and evi-

dence for Greek religious customs and cult patternsis missing. At Mezad Hashavyahu-as at Kabri-the casemate construction is of Levantine tradition(Weippert 1988; 620; Wenning 1989: 175-76);tombs and evidence for Greek cults have not beenfound. Up to 18 fragments of Greek cooking pots

15Cf.Gjerstad 948: 19-22, figs. 2, 5.16Cf. Herzog 1992: 269-70. An earlier casemate

fortification all in Tel Kabri, Area E, is dated o the ninthcentury B.C.-see Pastor 1990:xxIx-xxxI, fig. 13; 1991:11*-15* fig. 12; Lehmann 994: *19.

17The ther ragments re llustrated n the finalpubli-cation of the Kabri xcavations, n press.

2001 15


7/23


have been found (Naveh 1962b: fig. 6:7-8, pl.12F:1, 3; Reich 1989: fig. 4:1-2; Waldbaum andMagness 1997: 31-32, figs. 8-9), but no Greek graf-fiti. The inscriptions on several ostraca, on theshoulder of a jar, and on a four-shekel stone weightare written in Hebrew (Naveh 1960; 1962a). Thefragments of Greek cooking pots have been inter-preted as evidence for Greek presence on the site(Naveh 1962b: 97; Wenning 1989: 171-73; 1991:212). Waldbaum (1997: 8 with n. 16) is skepticaland points to the finds of one or two Greek cookingvessels at Tel Batash (ancient Timnah) (Waldbaumand Magness 1997: 31)-where, according to her,no one has suggested the presence of actualGreeks-as well as at Ashkelon, and she thinks-inanalogy to the imported cooking wares from Scan-dinavia, France, and Mexico in well-equipped con-temporary kitchens in the United States-that an-cient pottery that developed a reputation for havingdesirable properties or imparting a special flavor tofood might equally have been in demand among thecognoscenti. There is, however, no evidence for aspecial reputation of the Greek kitchen in theLevant. Tel Batash/Timnah is situated a little wayinland and up the Sorek Valley from MezadHashavyahu. Therefore, the one or two Batash cook-ing vessels could have been brought by visitors fromMezad Hashavyahu. Moreover, there may have beensome Greek presence at Tel Batash/Timnah, too (seeinfra). Through its history, Ashkelon was a majorcommercial seaport (Stager 1993; 1996b: 66-68).This may explain the occurrence of numerous frag-ments of Greek cooking pots. Possibly they wereowned by Greek seafarers and merchants living sea-sonally or permanently at Ashkelon.

Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri, Area E, differfrom all the other Levantine sites with finds of Greekpottery as yet discussed. They represent not harborsites but relatively small fortifications. Although thepossibility that Mezad Hashavyahu was a Greektrading colony has been considered (Naveh 1962b:98; Strange 1966: 138-39; Weinberg 1969: 94; Gall-ing 1977: 137; Weippert 1988: 620), the fortresscharacter of settlement and its situation next to thesea but without a harbor and off from existing citiespoint against this hypothesis (Wenning 1989: 176).Instead, these characteristics support the interpreta-tion of Mezad

Hashavyahuas a

militaryfortress

(Naveh 1962b: 98-99; 1977: 863; 1993: 586; Cross1962: 42; Strange 1966: 138-39; Austin 1970: 16

with n. 1 on p. 53; Braun 1982a: 21-22; Haider1988: 204-6; 1996: 75-76; Wenning 1989; 1991:213-14; Bettalli 1995: 65). Recently, Waldbaum hasconsidered the possibility of a mercantile side toMezad Hashavyahu being responsible for the distri-bution of Greek pottery at Tel Batash and Tel Miqne-Ekron (Waldbaum 1994: 60). However, I think thatthe Greek pottery at Tel Miqne-Ekron more probablycame from the harbor city of Ashkelon.

Like Mezad Hashavyahu, the fortress of TelKabri, Area E, is situated off from the next harborcity, Achzib (Prausnitz and Mazar 1993), even in-land. Beside a few Greek sherds from the late sev-enth to the beginning of the sixth century B.C. fromStratum I at Tel Dan (Pakman 1992: fig. 5:12-14),there is no evidence at all that Greeks at Tel Kabricould have distributed Greek pottery farther inland.The northern part of the Acco plain, the land Cabulof the Bible, during this period formed part of thekingdom of Tyre (Gal 1990). The Kabri fortressprobably was a stronghold at the southeastern borderof the kingdom against the highlands of Galilee, asalready argued in the preliminary reports (Kempin-ski and Niemeier 1993a: 184; 1993b: 259; Niemeier1994: *34-*35) and accepted by P. W. Haider(1996: 71).

GREEK MERCENARIES IN THE ORIENT:

TEXTUAL EVIDENCE

There are several records about Greek warriorsand mercenaries of the Archaic period active in theLevant. In the Assyrian sources of the eighth cen-tury B.C. and the beginning of the seventh centuryB.C., when the Assyrian kings were extending theirpower westward to the Mediterranean Sea, to Pales-

tine, Phoenicia,North

Syria,and

Cilicia,we find

mention (Braun 1982a: 14-21; Kearsley 1999: 119-22), among the opponents of the Assyrians in thesecampaigns, of men from the Mediterranean named

Ionians -a term generally used for Greeks (Braun1982a: 1). There is no exact information about theirrole, but among them may have been mercenariesemployed by the states against which the Assyrianexpansion was directed. In Assyrian documents ofSargon II, a man named Yamani, probably a sol-dier in the guard of King Azuri of Ashdod, is men-tioned in connection

with conflicts between theAssyrians and Ashdod in 711 B.C. (Luckenbill 1927:??30, 62-63, 79-80; Oppenheim 1969: 285-86).

16 BASOR 322


8/23


The name Yamani has been thought to mean Ion-ian, and Yamani has been interpreted as a possibleGreek condottiere or mercenary (Olmstead 1923:218; Bengtson 1937: 150-51); some scholars havethought that he came from Cyprus, because he isalternatively named Yadna = the Cypriot (Olm-stead 1923: 218; Smith 1929: 58; Hall 1929: 277;Mazzarino 1947: 121-23; J. M. Cook 1962: 64-65).Yamani is, however, possibly a regular Assyriangentilic meaning the Ionian, since similar namesoccur among the contemporary Assyrians from Nin-eveh, and they certainly were not Greeks (Tadmor1958: 80 n. 217; 1978: 175; Rollig 1971: 644; Spa-linger 1973: 97; Elayi and Cavigneaux 1979: 59-

63).18Thus the Yamani of Ashdod was not neces-

sarily a Greek, and the use of the name Yamaniproves no more than that Greeks were at that timefamiliar in the Levant (Braun 1982a: 16-17).

The best-known Greek mercenaries of the Ar-chaic period in the eastern Mediterranean are thoseactive in Egypt. Herodotus (II.152-54) and Dio-dorus (1.66.12-67.2) report that Psammetichus I(664-610 B.c.), the first pharaoh of the 26th (Saite)Dynasty, employed Carian and Ionian warriors, whohad come rather accidentally during raids to the Nile

Delta,to

helphim

fight againsthis

rivals; report-edly he later settled them in Stratopeda (camps) inthe eastern Delta on the Pelusiac branch of the Nile(R. M. Cook 1937: 231-32; Kienitz 1953: 57; Gyles1959: 20-21; Thissen 1977: 898-99; Boardman1980: 114-15; Braun 1982b: 35-37, 43-44; Kam-merzell 1993: 110-11; Bettalli 1995: 54-61; Haider1996: 92-93, 95-102, Sullivan 1996: 185-87). He-rodotus does not mention, however, that Psammeti-chus I first came to power as an Assyrian vassal king(Spalinger 1976: 138). After Psammetichus's father,

Necho I, the Assyrian vassal king of Sais (Kitchen1973: 400, ?360; Spalinger 1974: 323; Haider 1988:158), had been beaten and probably killed in battleby king Tantamani of Kush (Spalinger 1974: 323;1976: 133; Haider 1988: 158; Sullivan 1996: 182),Psammetichus escaped to his overlord Ashurbanipaland returned within the same year with a victoriousAssyrian army and, after the defeat of Tantamani,was invested with the territories of Sais, Memphis,and Athribis (Kitchen 1973: 393 n. 883; Haider1988: 159-60, Sullivan 1996: 182). No Carian or

Greek mercenaries are mentioned in the Assyrian

18Contra, ee Haider 1996: 81-82 with n. 128.

sources about the reconquest of Egypt. However, ina much later source, Polyainos's Strategica (VII.3) ofthe middle of the second century A.D., it is told thatwhen Psammetichus overcame Tementhes (= Tanta-mani)19 in a battle at Memphis, the Carian Pigreswas his advisor and he had many Carian mercenaries(Kammerzell 1993: 114-15). Although the value ofthis text as a historical source was for a long timecontroversial, recent investigations concede a highdegree of historical reliability to it (Haider 1988:178-82). Pigres is indeed a personal name existingonly in Caria and Lycia (Sundwall 1913: 179-80,288; Aly 1950), and a grave stele from Memphis inBrussels is, with some probability, that of the Pigresmentioned

by Polyainos (Massonand

Yoyotte1956:

pl. 9; Ray 1982: 190; Kammerzell 1993: 145-48,165, 174, 179). Since the Carians were the merce-naries par excellence in the Mediterranean, and sincethe lyric poet Archilochos of Paros (Fragment 40D)already by about the middle of the seventh centuryB.C. used mercenary and Carian as synonyms(Haider 1988: 174; Kammerzell 1993: 109), it ap-pears possible that Greeks were also among the Car-ian mercenaries mentioned by Polyainos (Haider1996: 93). If the battle mentioned by Polyainos hap-

penedin 664 B.C.

(Kees 1919;1931:

663, 682;Helck

1975; Spalinger 1976: 137-38; Haider 1988: 181-82), these Carians served in the Assyrian army, andit was only through the conjectures of the Greek his-toriography that Psammetichus replaced the Assyri-ans as the main opponent of Tantamani Freedy andRedford 1970: 476-77 with n. 69).

The Assyrian sources also indicate the presenceof Carian and Ionian mercenaries in Egypt. The an-nals of Ashurbanipal eport hat King Gyges of Lydiasent troops to Egypt to support Psammetichus (Spa-

linger 1976: 134-36; Haider 1988: 164-74; Kam-merzell 1993: 111-14; Sullivan 1996: 184). TheLydian expansion had brought almost all of westernAnatolia-with the exception of some Ionian harborcities but including Caria-under the rule of Gygesand his successors (Roebuck 1959: 50-53; Huxley1966: 52-53; Jeffery 1976: 211; Boardman 1980:95-97; Haider 1988: 174). There is evidence that atthat time Lydia had large contingents of Ionian andCarian mercenaries (Haider 1988: 174; Kammer-zell 1993: 111-12; Bettalli 1995: 75-82). The intro-

duction of coinage in Lydia in the last quarter of the

19SeeHelck 1975.

2001 17


9/23


10/23


11/23


.???--?-?-?i.......?-* ??*; *,

r, ..-; : *k .........., -?iI.., Z? ???-???-?; i?-- ?1`2,?,/,' P 1II ?: .?C1.., ?.. 1i ?5v' ,.... -??- ?C5? ..J?...- f. ???? --- ??- -??? t

ic?i -???.. it'. '. I*? \i)t.*,

/ ?.j 1- a;.?t -T ?X?/ ?i ...:.:j t ,.1 t*?; ;i: rr I'\%;--?I?r* '~' L

*I f-j..j:::::t?-......;:1??$= 4r??'*''*,c?? ,,? r

-??J, '3.r' ???*'?? t??,' ,.. ?? :?

'I

*,

*,r?*LI;j ??-?\.-?ri.?: t:qr? ?t7,rcv L

I/: ?' t*?? C

?I, r; i' c fii

?2 r' F?, o

p ai,-r IIr:ii-.

:? Q:LI I ),i fi i I :._.. Itl

Fig. 3. Archaic Greek bronze shield found at Carchemish Woolley 1921: pi. 24; courtesy ofthe British Museum, London).

conquest of Carchemish by Nebuchadnezzar II ofBabylon in 605 B.C., but they may also come froman earlier siege (Woolley 1921: 79). The shield wasfound in the unusual well-built House D of theOuter Town, probably the seat of a dignitary of the

city with close contacts to Egypt, as indicated bythe finds of Egyptian objects of art, clay seal im-pressions with the cartouche of Necho II, and abronze ring with its bezel in the form of the car-touche of Psammetichus I (Woolley 1921: 121-29,figs. 43-46, pls. 21b-c, 22a; Bettalli 1995: 65). Theburnt House D suffered a warlike destruction, evi-denced by the finds of hundreds of arrowheads,numerous javelin heads, a sword, and the shield(Woolley 1921: 125, pls. 22b, 32a). The seal im-pressions of Necho provide evidence that House D

was destroyed in 605 B.C. Boardman (1980: 51,115) has supposed that the shield was owned by aGreek mercenary in the pay of Necho, and Braun(1982b: 49) believes that the two Greek weapons

make it certain that Greek mercenaries fought in thebattle of Carchemish in 605 B.C., in which Nechowas defeated by Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon andabandoned the Egyptian intervention in Syria.

As to artistic representations of Greek mercenar-

ies in the Near East, Kunze (1930: 156-57 n. 4;1958: 118-25) claimed the conical crested helmetsas original Greek types. If this were true, the war-riors wearing conical crested helmets represented ona bas-relief at Karatepe in Cilicia (ca. 730 B.C.)(Bossert et al. 1950: pl. 16.83; Borchhardt 1972:pl. 27.2)23 and on a wall painting of the eighth cen-tury B.C. at Til Barsip (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand1936: 50, pl. 49 bottom row, right) could be iden-tified as Greek mercenaries. However, it appearsmore likely that the helmets are of Anatolian and/or

Assyrian origin (Stier 1950: 214-18; Snodgrass

23For he date, see Bossert et al. 1950: 62; Borchhardt1972: 102-3.

20 BASOR 322


12/23


13/23


(Petrie 1888: 48) and similar proposals, i.e., Strato-peda as a suburb of, or an appendage to, Daphnaehave, however, been rejected by a series of scholars(R. M. Cook 1937; How and Wells 1964: 175; Aus-tin 1970: 20 with n. 1 on p. 53; Boardman 1980: 133;Oren 1984: 38). The military character of the for-tress of Tell Defeneh is clear. The presence of weap-ons is reported, among them a considerable numberof arrowheads (Petrie 1888: pl. 39). Only someGreek pottery fragments of the seventh century B.C.have been found at Tell Defeneh; most of the Greekpottery is of the sixth century B.C. (R. M. Cook1954: 5-13, 32-38, 40-44; Boardman 1980: 133-34), i.e., later than the reign of Psammetichus I.Beside

paintedEast Greek and Attic

pottery,there

are Samian, Lesbian, and Athenian trade amphorae(Boehlau 1898: 144; Grace 1971: 68-69; Boardman1980: 134). A local Greek pottery workshop of thesixth century B.C. at, or near, Tell Defeneh produceddecorated East Greek situlae (R. M. Cook 1954: 32;Boardman 1956: 62). No Greek kitchen ware isknown from Tell Defeneh.

In Sinai, on the edge of the Delta Plain, theIsraeli North Sinai Expedition has investigated anextensive fortress of 200 by 200 m similar in type tothat at Tell

Defeneh/Daphnae,erected in the late

seventh century B.C. and identified with Migdol,which is mentioned in Jer 44.1, 46.4, and Ezek29.10, 30.6, together with Tahpanhes and Noph asgarrisons with Jewish soldiers who served in Egyp-tian border fortresses (Oren 1984: 30-35; 1993:1392-93). As the excavator, E. Oren, argues, theSemitic name Migdol, meaning tower, fort, or

camp, is likely to be interchangeable with theGreek Stratopeda, and Migdol and Stratopeda maybe one and the same place (Oren 1984: 38). The pot-

tery from Migdol falls into three distinctive catego-ries: local Egyptian pottery of the Saite period,Phoenician and Palestinian late Iron Age vessels,and Archaic East Greek ceramics (Oren 1984: 13-28). As to the Greek pottery, there were large quan-tities of imported complete and fragmentary Greektrade amphorae of the late seventh to the second halfof the sixth century B.C. of Chian, Samian, Lesbian,and Corinthian types, as well as some Athenian am-phorae (Oren 1984: 24-27, figs. 22:1-6, 23:5-6,24:1, 32-41, 52-53), some imported East Greek

cups (Oren 1984: 20, figs. 23:1, 4; 51), and imita-tions of East Greek pottery locally produced in Nileclay including cups (Oren 1984: 27, figs. 23:2, 42),amphorae of Lesbian and Samian types, as well as a

cooking pot (Oren 1984: 27). Some 500 m east ofthe fortress, a cemetery with cremation burials in

Egyptian ars topped with lids and accompanied byGreek amphoras as burial gifts was found (Oren1984: 30, figs. 52-53; 1993: figs. on p. 1392). Thisnew burial custom was possibly introduced to theeastern Delta by Greeks serving in the fortress (Oren1984: 30). The fortress of Migdol apparently ac-commodated Greek, Phoenician, and Jewish merce-naries (Oren 1984: 35-38). We do not know wherethe Greek mercenaries in the pay of Babylonia,among them Alcaeus's brother Antimenidas, werebased. At Arad no Greek finds were made, but theKittim mercenaries may have been in transit (Braun1982a:

22).As to Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri, the an-cient names of which we do not know with certainty,there are no written records about the presence ofGreek mercenaries. Both are, however, well compa-rable to Migdol: They are fortified strongholds (al-though much smaller than Migdol); and while thelocal ceramics at Tel Kabri and probably also atMezad Hashavyahu form the great majority of thepottery ensemble,25 we have at both sites imports ofdecorated East Greek pottery,26 East Greek transport

amphorae,27and Greek

cooking pots (see above);at

Mezad Hashavyahu, moreover, there are Greeklamps (Naveh 1962b: fig. 8:1-4). Cooking pots andlamps alien to the area in which they were found cer-tainly were not merchandise. Therefore, the Greekcooking pots at both sites and lamps at MezadHashavyahu provide evidence for the actual pres-ence of Greeks. As to the fortified settlement of TelBatash/Timnah Stratum II in which, as mentionedabove, the fragments of one or two Greek cookingpots were also found, Greek mercenaries may have

been stationed, as suggested by Haider (1996: 75-

25Lehmann 994:*23-*26, and n the final publicationof the Kabri xcavations,which s in press. Unfortunately,at Mezad Hashavyahu he proportion etween he Greekand the abundant ocal pottery Naveh 1962b: 100-105,figs. 4-6) is unknown.

26Mezad Hashavyahu: aveh 1962b: figs. 7-10, pls.10-11. Tel Kabri: Niemeier 1990:xxxIv-xxxv, fig.22:1-2; 1994: *31-*33, fig. 19:2-7. For more pottery ndsomecorrections, ee the final publication f the Kabri xcava-tions, in press.

27Mezad Hashavyahu: Naveh 1962b: fig. 6:1-5. TelKabri: Niemeier 1990: xxxv, fig. 22:3; Niemeier 1994:*33, fig. 19:9. More examples are published n the finalpublication f the Kabri xcavations, n press.

22 BASOR 322


14/23


76). Except in Egypt (Bettalli 1995: 26; Haider1996: 111-12), the Greek mercenaries did not formlarge units of common men but were single mem-bers of the elite (Bettalli 1995: 26, 108-9; Kyrieleis1996: 109). They certainly formed only relativelysmall groups within the Near Eastern armies (Bet-talli 1995: 104), as the Amathus bowl (fig. 4) alsoillustrates. Moreover, in garrisons with Greek sol-diers, we should not expect to find Greek domesticpottery in greater quantities. Warriors must be mo-bile and will not bring too many personal belongingswith them. When a Greek cooking pot got broken, itprobably was replaced by a local one.

As to Mezad Hashavyahu, the excavator, Naveh,

originally thoughtthat the Greeks who settled the

fortress were mercenaries of Psammetichus I, that itwas conquered by Josiah of Judah a few years be-fore 609 B.C., and that it was abandoned when theEgyptian army of Necho II advanced along thecoast in 609 B.c. (Naveh 1962b: 99).28 This compli-cated scenario has been criticized by scholars who,because of the coexistence of Ionian and Judaeanfinds and the absence of Egyptian finds and of de-struction levels, have suggested that Mezad Ha-shavyahu was from the very beginning a Judahite

fortress with Ionian mercenaries in Josiah's pay(Cross 1962: 42; Strange 1966: 136-39; Austin1970: 16 with n. 1 on p. 53). There is indeed noevidence for two different phases of occupation:Only in one room (4) was an architectural changedistinguished (Naveh 1962b: 93), and this can haveother reasons than a change in occupation (Wenning1989: 178). The Greek pottery was found in dumpsas well as in contexts of both occupation phases as-sumed by Naveh (Wenning 1989: 178-79). Later,Naveh corrected himself and now sees only one

phase of occupation (Naveh 1977: 863). Accordingto his most recent statement, six test pits dug withinthe fortress area showed the same picture: a floor,and below it, either the natural kurkar bedrock orthe sand fill used in leveling the area. No structuralchanges were distinguished in the fortress. All theevidence found indicates that it was only in exist-ence for a short period (Naveh 1993: 586). Board-man (1964: 75; 1980: 51), Lloyd (1975: 21), andBettalli (1995: 65) have suggested that the Greeksof Mezad Hashavyahu were Necho's mercenaries

who were dislodged by the Babylonians in 605/

28Naveh's riginal cenario s still followed by Haider(1988: 204-6; 1996:75-76).

604 B.C. The Hebrew ostraca demonstrate, however,that Mezad Hashavyahu was under Judahite control.According to Wenning's (1989: 182-92; 1991: 213-14) convincing suggestion, Mezad Hashavyahu waserected by King Jehoiakim during the brief periodof Judahite autonomy from Babylonian rule in 600-598 B.C. and was abandoned when Nebuchadnez-zar II attacked Judaea in 598 B.C. As a second, lessprobable possibility, Wenning (1989: 192-93) seesthat Mezad Hashavyahu belongs in the time of Zede-kiah, 597-588 B.C. In that case, however, MezadHashavyahu would have been a Babylonian strong-hold, and Zedekiah would have been put in chargeof the supply of the fortress. Wenning's main argu-ment for his date of ca. 600 B.C. or a little later isthe occurrence of a North Ionian Late Wild GoatStyle fragment (Wenning 1989: 185-86, figs. 6-7 =Naveh 1962b: fig. 10:1, pl. 10A). In the exports ofIonian pottery, the North Ionian Late Wild GoatStyle started to replace the South Ionian MiddleWild Goat II Style by ca. 600-590 B.C. (Schaus1986: 291; Cook and Dupont 1998: 56). The Ionianmercenaries at Tel Kabri most probably were in thepay of Tyre (see above) which benefited from thedissolution of the mighty Assyrian empire during

Ashurbanipal's ast years of reign (he died in 627B.C.) and was able to retain its former territories onthe mainland (Katzenstein 1973: 294-97).

Like the end of Mezad Hashavyahu and the de-struction of Tel Batash/Timnah Stratum II (Mazarand Kelm 1993: 155-57), that of the Phoenicianstronghold of Tel Kabri, Area E, is probably con-nected with Nebuchadnezzar II. The Greek potteryfrom Tel Kabri shows a close relationship to thatfrom the destruction levels at the end of the IronAge II phase at Ashkelon and Tel Miqne-Ekron

(Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 27-33) which hasbeen convincingly attributed by the excavators tothe Babylonian invasions led by Nebuchadnezzar II.According to the Babylonian Chronicle in the Brit-ish Museum, the conquest of Ashkelon is firmlydated to the month of Kislev in the first year of thereign of Nebuchadnezzar II, i.e., to November/December 604 B.c. (Wiseman 1956: 28, 68-69;Stager 1996a: 72* with n. 1; 1996b: 58, 77 with n. 3;Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37). The dates pro-posed for the fall of Tel Miqne-Ekron are in the

same year (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37-38),one year later in 603 B.C. (Malamat 1979: 208; Gitin1997: 98-99), in 601/600 or even after 595 B.C.when the chronicle ends (Na'aman 1992: 41-44).

2001 23


15/23


As Gitin (1998b: 276 n. 2) has recently argued, itis improbable that the Babylonian destruction ofEkron happened after 595 B.C., since according tothe text of Jeremiah 27 describing a meeting inJerusalem in 594 B.C. at which a rebellion againstBabylonia is planned without the presence of repre-sentatives from Philistia, at that time the Philistinesmay no longer have posed a threat to Babylonia. Iagree with Gitin that the most convincing date is604 B.C. when the Babylonians destroyed Ashkelonand Philistia apparently came totally under theircontrol. The Phoenician fortification of Tel Kabri,Area E, probably was destroyed when the Babylo-nians conquered the Phoenician mainland beforeNebuchadnezzar's ong siege of Tyre which startedin 603 or 585 B.C. (see above). Since there was a se-ries of Babylonian campaigns along the Phoeniciancoast at the end of the seventh and in the first twodecades of the sixth century B.C. (Wiseman 1985:21-41),29 other destruction dates are also possible.

CONCLUSION

The evidence for Greek presence in the IronAge IIB-C period in the Levant is not overwhelm-ing. There is no site comparable to Naukratis which,from at least 620 B.C. onward, became a Greek trad-ing city with temples dedicated to different Greekgods (Boardman 1980: 118-33; Braun 1982b: 37-43, Sullivan 1996: 189-90). Convincing signs ofsome Greek presence in the Levant do not antedate

the second half of the seventh century B.C. At thattime Greek merchants (and their families-see thePesaphore loomweight from Tall Sukas) may havelived in some of the harbor cities such as Al Mina,Ras el-Bassit, Tall Sukas, and Ashkelon. Moreclearly, textual and archaeological evidence pointsto the presence of another group of Greeks: merce-naries who first arrived in the eighth century B.C.,were in the pay of the different powers present in theseventh century Levant (Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt,Judah, and Tyre), and made a profitable living amidthe rise and fall of empires. Not infrequently theymay have fought against each other as members ofdifferent armies as illustrated on the Amathus bowl(fig. 4). They were members of the elite who hadbeen driven out of their native country by war, ex-ile following staseis (conflicts between aristocraticfamilies), or economic problems, typical phenomenaof the crises of the early Greek polis (Seibert 1979:7-26; Stein-Holkeskamp 1989: 81-84),30 or hadpursued a search for an alternative way of aristo-cratic life centered on Homeric values like courage,honor, and glory (Bettalli 1995: 26, 108-9). Ontheir return they transferred foreign ideas and con-cepts to their homeland (Burkert 1992: 25; Kyrieleis1996: 109-10) and thus became,

alongwith other

mobile elements such as itinerant Oriental mer-chants, craftsmen, seers, and healers, mediators inthe continuing Oriental influx to Greece (Burkert1992: passim).

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the Dorot Foundation nd S.Gitin for the honorable nvitation o be the first AnnualTrude Dothan ecturer, s well as the Hebrew University,

29Cf. he map Stager 1996b: ig. on p. 58.

the W. E Albright nstitute of Archaeological Research,and the Al-Quds University or their hospitality.

30For he case of Antimenidas mentioned bove, seeSeibert 1979: 20-22; Stein-Holkeskamp 989: 82-83.

REFERENCES

Aharoni, M.1993 Arad: The Israelite Citadels. Pp. 82-87 in The

New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excava-tions in the Holy Land, Vol. 1, ed. E. Stem.New York: Simon & Schuster.

Aharoni, Y.1981 Arad Inscriptions. erusalem: srael Explora-

tion Society.

Akurgal, E.1966 Orient und Okzident: Die Geburt der griechi-

schen Kunst. Baden-Baden: Holle.

Albright,W. F

1969 Palestinian nscriptions. Pp. 568-69 in An-cient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the OldTestament, d. J. B. Pritchard. rd ed. Prince-ton: Princeton University.

24 BASOR 322


16/23


Aly, W.1950 Pigres (3). P. 1313 in Paulys Realencyclo-

pidie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft.Vol. 20.2. Stuttgart: Metzlersche Verlagsbuch-handlung.

Austin, M. M.1970 Greece and Egypt in the Archaic Period. Pro-

ceedings of the Cambridge Philological Soci-ety, Supplement 2. Cambridge: CambridgePhilological Society.

Barnett, R. D.1977 The Amathus Shield-Boss Rediscovered and

the Amathus Bowl Reconsidered. Report ofthe Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 1977:157-69.

Beazley, J. D.1955 Ten Inscribed Vases. Archaiologike Ephemeris

1953-1954, Part 1: 200-206.Benetson. H.

1937 Die Ionier in der Uberlieferung des AltenOrients. Philologus 92: 148-55.

Berard, J.1960 L'expansion et la colonisation grecque jus-

q'aux guerres mediques. Paris; Aubier.Bettalli, N

1995

Boardman

I.I mercenari nel mondo greco, Vol. 1: Dalleorigine alla fine del V secolo a. C. Studi e testidi storia antica 5. Pisa: Edizioni ETS.

,J.1956 Chian and Naucratite. Annual of the British

School at Athens 51: 55-62.1957 Early Euboean Pottery and History. Annual of

the British School at Athens 52: 1-29.1964 The Greeks Overseas. Baltimore: Penguin.1972 Review of Sikas I: The North-East Sanc-

tuary and the First Settling of Greeks inSyria and Palestine, by P. J. Riis. Gnomon44: 214-17.

1980 The Greeks Overseas: Their Early Coloniesand Trade. New and enl. ed. New York:Thames and Hudson.

1982a The Islands. Pp. 754-78 in The CambridgeAncient History, Vol. 3.1: The Prehistory ofthe Balkans, the Middle East and the AegeanWorld, Tenth to Eighth Centuries B.C., ed. J.Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Ham-mond, and E. Sollberger. 2nd ed. Cambridge:Cambridge University.

1982b An Inscribed Sherd from Al Mina. OxfordJournal of Archaeology 1: 365-67.

1990 Al Mina and History. Oxford Journal of Ar-

chaeology9: 169-90.

1999 The Excavated History of Al Mina. Pp. 135-61in Ancient Greeks, West and East, ed. G. R.Tsetskhladze. Mnemosyne Supplement 196.Leiden: Brill.

Boehlau, J.1898 Aus ionischen und italischen Nekropolen.

Leipzig: Teubner.Bonatz, D.

1993 Some Considerations on the Material Cultureof Coastal Syria in the Iron Age. Egitto e VicinoOriente 16: 123-57.

Borchhardt, J.1972 Homerische Helme. Mainz: von Zabern.

Bossert, H. T; Alkim, U. B.; Cambel, H.; Ongunsu, N.;and Siizen, I.

1950 Die Ausgrabungen auf dem Karatepe: ersterVorbericht. Ankara: Tirk Tarih KurumuBasimev.

Branigan, K.1981 Minoan Colonialism. Annual of the British

School at Athens 76: 23-33.1984 Minoan Community Colonies in the Aegean.

Pp. 49-52 in The Minoan Thalassocracy: Mythand Reality. Proceedings of the Third Interna-tional Symposium at the Swedish Institute inAthens, 31 May-5 June 1982, ed. R. Hagg andN. Marinatos. Stockholm: Svenska Institutet iAthen.

Braun, T. F R. G.1982a The Greeks in the Near East. Pp. 1-31 in

The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 3.3:The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighthto Sixth Centuries B.C., eds. J. Boardman andN. G. L. Hammond. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cam-bridge University.

1982b The Greeks in Egypt. Pp. 32-56 in The Cam-bridge Ancient History, Vol. 3.3: The Expan-sion of the Greek World, Eighth to SixthCenturies B.C., eds. J. Boardman and N. G. L.Hammond. 2nd ed. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity.

Bron, F, and Lemaire, A.1983 Inscriptions d'Al Mina. Pp. 677-86 in Atti del

I Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici ePunici. Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider.

Brug, J. F1985 A Literary and Archaeological Study of the

Philistines. BAR International Series 265.Oxford: B.A.R.

Burkert, W.1992 The Orientalizing Revolution: Near Eastern

Influence on Greek Culture in the Early Ar-chaic Age. Revealing Antiquity 5. Cambridge,MA: Harvard University.

Chadwick, J.1958 The

Decipherment ofLinear B.

Cambridge:Cambridge University.Coldstream, J. N.

1975 Review of Sukais : The North-East Sanctuaryand the First Settling of Greeks in Syria and

2001 25


17/23


Palestine, by P. J. Riis, [and] Sakas II: TheAegean, Corinthian and Eastern Greek Potteryand Terracottas, by G. Ploug. American Jour-nal of Archaeology 79: 155-56.

1977 Geometric Greece. London: Routledge.1982 Greeks and Phoenicians n the Aegean. Pp. 261-

72 in Phonizier im Westen, ed. H.-G. Niemeyer.Madrider Beitrige 8. Mainz: von Zabern.

1989 Early Greek Visitors to Cyprus and the East-ern Mediterranean. Pp. 90-95 in Cyprus andthe East Mediterranean in the Iron Age, ed.V. Tatton-Brown. London: Trustees of the Brit-ish Museum.

Coldstream, J. N., and Bikai, P. M.1988 Early Greek Pottery in Tyre and Cyprus: Some

Preliminary Comparisons. Report of the De-

partment of Antiquities, Cyprus, 1988, Part 2:35-44.

Cook, J. N1962

Cook, R. 1

I.The Greeks in lonia and the East. AncientPeople and Places 31. London: Thames andHudson.

W.1937 Amasis and the Greeks in Egypt. Journal of

Hellenic Studies 57: 227-37.1954 Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. Great Britain

Fasc. 13, British Museum Fasc. 8. London:Trustees of the British Museum.

1959 Die Bedeutung der bemalten Keramik fiir dengriechischen Handel. Jahrbuch des DeutschenArchdologischen Institutes 74: 114-23.

Cook, R. M., and Dupont, P.1998 East Greek Pottery. New York: Routledge.

Courbin, P.1978 A-t-on retrouve l'antique Posideion a Ras el

Bassit. Archeologia 116 (March): 48-62.1986 Bassit. Syria 63: 175-220.1990 Bassit-Posideion in the Early Iron Age. Pp.

503-9 in Greek Colonists and Native Popu-lations. Proceedings of the First AustralianCongress of Classical Archaeology Held inHonour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall,Sydney, 9-14 July 1985, ed. J.-P. Descoeudres.Oxford: Clarendon.

1993 Fouilles de Bassit: Tombes du Fer. Paris: ltdi-tions Recherche sur les Civilisations.

Cross, F. M., Jr.1962 Epigraphic Notes on Hebrew Documents of the

Eighth-Sixth Centuries B.C.: II. The Murabb'atPapyrus and the Letter Found near Yabneh-Yam. Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori-ental Research 165: 34-46.

d'Agostino, B.1994 Pitecusa-una apoikia ti tipo particolare. Pp.

11-18 in Apoikia, Scritti in Onore di G. Buch-ner, eds. B. d'Agostino and D. Ridgway. Annali

di Archeologia e Storia Antica, New SeriesNo. 1. Naples: Dipartimento di studi delmondo classico e del Mediterraneo antico,Istituto universitario orientale.

1999 Euboean Colonisation in the Gulf of Naples.Pp. 207-27 in Ancient Greeks, West and East,ed. G. R. Tsetskhladze. Mnemosyne Supple-ment 196. Leiden: Brill.

De Vries, K.1977 Attic Pottery in the Achaemenid Empire.

American Journal of Archaeology 81: 544-48.Diakonoff, I. M.

1992 The Naval Power and Trade of Tyre. IsraelExploration Journal 42: 168-93.

Dothan, T.1982 The Philistines and Their Material Culture.

New Haven: Yale University.1992 Social Dislocation and Cultural Change in the

12th Century B.C.E. Pp. 93-98 in The CrisisYears: The 12th Century B.C. rom Beyond theDanube to the Tigris, eds. W. A. Ward andM. S. Joukowsky. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt.

1995 Tel Miqne-Ekron. The Aegean Affinities of theSea Peoples' (Philistines') Settlement in Canaanin Iron Age I. Pp. 41-56 in Recent Excavationsin Israel: A View to the West, ed. S. Gitin.Archaeological Institute of America, Colloquiaand Conference Papers 1. Dubuque, IA: Ken-dall/Hunt.

1998 Initial Philistine Settlement: From Migrationto Coexistence. Pp. 148-61 in MediterraneanPeoples in Transition, Thirteenth to EarlyTenth Centuries B.C.E.: n Honor of ProfessorTrude Dothan, eds. S. Gitin, A. Mazar, andE. Ster. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Dothan, T., and Dothan, M.1992 People of the Sea: The Search for the Philis-

tines. New York: Macmillan.Dothan, M., and Porath, Y.

1993 Ashdod V: Excavation of Area G. CAtiqot(English Series) 23. Jerusalem: Department ofAntiquities and Museums.

Doumet, C., and Kawkabani, I.1995 Les tombes de Rachidieh. Remarques sur les

contactes internationaux et le commercephenicien au VIIIe siecle av. J.C. Pp. 379-95in Actes du IlIe Congres International desEtudes Pheniciennes et Puniques, Vol. 1.Tunis: Institut National du Patrimonie.

Dunbabin, T. J.1957 The Greeks and Their Eastern Neighbours:

Studies in the Relations between Greece andthe Countries of the Near East in the Eighthand Seventh Centuries B.C. SupplementaryPaper 8. London: Society for the Promotion ofHellenic Studies.

BASOR 3226


18/23


Duhoux, Y.1998 Pre-Hellenic Language(s) of Crete. Journal of

Indoeuropean Studies 26: 1-39du Plat Taylor, J.

1959 The Cypriot and Syrian Pottery from Al Mina,Syria. Iraq 21: 62-92.

Edel, E.1978 Amasis and Nebukadnezar II. Gottinger Mis-

zellen 29: 13-20.Edmonds, J. M., ed.

1958 Lyra Graeca I, trans. J. M. Edmonds. Rev. andenl. ed. Loeb Classical Library 142. Cam-bridge, MA: Harvard University.

Elayi, J., and Cavigneaux, A.1979 Sargon II et les Ioniens. Oriens antiquus 18:

59-75.

Freedy, K. S., and Redford, D. B.1970 The Dates of Ezekiel in Relation to Biblical,

Babylonian and Egyptian Sources. Journal ofthe American Oriental Society 90: 462-85.

Gal, Z.1990 Khirbet Ros Zayit-Biblical Cabul. Biblical

Archaeologist 53: 88-97.Galling, K.

1977 Handel und Verkehr. Pp. 134-38 in BiblischesReallexikon, ed. K. Galling. 2nd ed. Tubingen:Mohr.

Garfinkel, Y.

1988 MLS HKRSYM in Phoenician Inscriptionsfrom Cyprus, the QRSY n Arad, HKRSYM nEgypt, and BNY QYRS n the Bible. Journal ofNear Eastern Studies 47: 27-34.

Gitin, S.1997 The Neo-Assyrian Empire and Its Western

Periphery: The Levant, with a Focus on Phi-listine Ekron. Pp. 77-104 in Assyria 1995:Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Sympo-sium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, eds. S. Par-pola and R. M. Whiting. Helsinki: TheProject.

1998a Philistia in Transition: The Tenth CenturyB.C.E. and Beyond. Pp. 162-83 in Mediter-ranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth toEarly Tenth Centuries B.C.E.: In Honor of Pro-fessor Trude Dothan, eds. S. Gitin, A. Mazar,and E. Stem. Jerusalem: Israel ExplorationSociety.

1998b The Philistines in Prophetic Texts: An Ar-chaeological Perspective. Pp. 273-90 in Hesedve-Emet: Studies in Honor of Ernest S. Fre-richs, eds. J. Magness and S. Gitin. Atlanta:Scholars.

Gitin, S.; Dothan, T; and Naveh, J.1997 A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.

Israel Exploration Journal 47: 1-16.

Gjerstad, E.1948 The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, Vol. 4, Part

2: The Cypro-Geometric, Cypro-Archaic andCypro-Classical Periods. Stockholm: Swedish

Cyprus Expedition.1974 The Stratification at Al Mina (Syria) and ItsChronological Evidence. Acta Archaeologica45: 107-23.

Grace, V. R.1971 Samian Amphoras. Hesperia 40: 52-95.

Graham, A. J.1986 The Historical Interpretation of Al Mina. Dia-

logues d'histoire ancienne 12: 51-65.Greco, E.

1994

Gunel, S.

Pithekoussai: emporion o apoikia? Pp. 11-18in Apoikia, Scritti in Onore di G. Buchner, eds.

B. d'Agostino and D. Ridgway. Annali diArcheologia e Storia Antica, New Series 1.Naples: Dipartimento di studi del mondo clas-sico e del Mediterraneo antico, Istituto univer-sitario orientale.

1998 Eine mykenische Figurine aus Liman Tepe.Istanbuler Mitteilungen 48: 445-49.

Gyles, M. F1959 Pharaonic Policies and Administration, 663 to

323 B.C. Chapel Hill: University of NorthCarolina.

Hagg, R., and Marinatos, S.1984 Conclusions. Pp. 221-22 in The Minoan

Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceed-ings of the Third International Symposium atthe Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5June, 1982. Stockholm: Svenska Institutet iAthen.

Haider, P. W.1988 Griechenland, Nordafrika: Ihre Beziehungen

zwischen 1500 und 600 v. Chr. Impulse derForschung 53. Darmstadt: WissenschaftlicheBuchgesellschaft.

1996 Griechen im Vorderen Orient und in Agypten.Pp. 59-115 in Wege zur Genese griechischerIdentitat: Die Bedeutung der friiharchaischenZeit, ed. Ch. Ulf. Berlin: Akademie.

Hall, H. R.1929 The Ethiopians and Assyrians in Egypt. Pp.

270-88 in The Cambridge Ancient History,Vol. 3: The Assyrian Empire, eds. J. B. Bury,S.A. Cook, and F E. Adcock. Cambridge:Cambridge University.

Hamilton, V. P.1990 The Book of Genesis, Chapters 1-17. Grand

Rapids: Eerdmans.Helck, W.

1975 Thementhes. P. 579 in Der kleine Pauly,Lexikon der Antike, Vol. 5, eds. K. Ziegler,

2001 27


19/23


Herzog, Z.1992

Hesse, B.

W. Sontheimer, and H. Gartnet. Munich:Artemis.

Settlement and Fortification Planning in the

Iron Age. Pp. 231-74 in The Architecture ofAncient Israel, eds. A. Kempinski and R.Reich. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

1986 Animal Use at Tel Miqne-Ekron n the BronzeAge and Iron Age. Bulletin of the AmericanSchools of Oriental Research 264: 17-27.

How, W. W., and Wells, J.1964 A Commentary on Herodotus. Corrected im-

pression. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon.Huxley, G. L.

1966 The Early lonians. London: Faber.

Jeffery, L. H.1976 Archaic Greece: The City States c. 700-500

B.C. London: Benn.Jones, R. E.

1986 Greek and Cypriot Pottery: A Review ofScientific Studies. Athens: British School atAthens.

Kammerzell, F1993 Studien zu Sprache und Geschichte der Karer

in Agypten. Gottinger Orientforschungen, Se-ries 4, Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Katzenstein, H. J.1973 The History of Tyre, rom the Beginning of the

Second Millennium B.C.E. until the Fall of theNeo-Babylonian Empire in 538 B.C.E. Jerusa-lem: Schocken Institute.

Kearsley, R. A.1989 The Pendent Semi-Circle Skyphos. Bulletin

Supplement 44. London: University of Lon-don, Institute of Classical Studies.

1995 The Greek Geometric Wares from Al MinaLevels 10-8 and Associated Pottery. Mediter-ranean Archaeology 8: 7-81.

1999 Greeks Overseas in the 8th Century B.C.:Euboeans, Al Mina and Assyrian Imperial-ism. Pp. 109-34 in Ancient Greeks, West andEast, ed. G. R. Tsetskhladze. MnemosyneSupplement 196. Leiden: Brill.

Kees, H.1919 Karikon. P. 1947 in Paulys Realencyclopadie

der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Vol.10.2. Stuttgart: Druckenmuller.

1931 Memphis. Pp. 660-86 in Paulys Realencyclo-padie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft,Vol. 15.1. Stuttgart: Metzlersche Verlagsbuch-handlung.

Kempinski, A., and Niemeier, W.-D.1993a Kabri, 1992. Israel Exploration Journal. 43:

181-84.

1993b Kabri, 1993. Israel Exploration Journal 43:256-59.

Kienitz, F.1953 Die politische Geschichte Agyptens vom 7. bis

zum 4. Jahrhundert vor der Zeitenwende. Ber-lin: Akademie.

Killebrew, A.1998 Ceramic Typology and Technology of Late

Bronze II and Iron I Assemblages from TelMiqne-Ekron: The Transition from Canaaniteto Philistine Culture. Pp. 379-405 in Mediter-ranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth toEarly Tenth Centuries B.C.E.: In Honor ofProfessor Trude Dothan, eds. S. Gitin, A. Ma-zar, and E. Ster. Jerusalem: Israel Explora-tion Society.

Kitchen, K. A.1973 The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-

650 B.c.). Warminster: Aris and Philipps.Kunze, E.

1930 Zu den Anfangen der griechischen Plastik.Mitteilungen des Deutschen ArchdologischenInstituts, Athenische Abteilung 55: 141-62.

1956 Schildbeschlage. Pp. 35-68 in V Bericht iiberdie Ausgrabungen in Olympia. Berlin: deGruyter.

1958 Helme. Pp. 118-51 in VI. Bericht iiber die Aus-grabungen in Olympia. Berlin: de Gruyter.

1991 Olympische Forschungen XXI: Beinschienen.New York: de Gruyter.

Kyrieleis, H.1996 Samos X: Der grosse Kuros von Samos. Bonn:

Habelt.Lehmann, G.

1994 Area E. A: Architecture and Stratigraphy. Pp.*19-*29 in Excavations at Kabri 7-8: Pre-liminary Report of 1992-1993 Seasons, eds.A. Kempinski and W.-D. Niemeier. Tel Aviv:Tel Kabri Expedition, Tel Aviv University.

Lloyd, A. B.1975 Herodotus, Book II, Vol. 1: Introduction.

Leiden: Brill.Loffreda, S.

1968 Typological Sequence of Iron Age Rock-Cut Tombs in Palestine. Liber Annuus 18:282-87.

Luckenbill, D. D.1927 Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia,

Vol. 2: Historical Records of Assyria fromSargon to the End. Chicago: University ofChicago.

Luke, J.1992 Greek-East Relations in the Geometric Period.

Paper presented to the Classical AssociationConference, Oxford.

28 BASOR 322


20/23


Lund, J.1986 Sukas VIII: The Habitation Quarters. Publica-

tions of the Carlsberg Expedition to Phoenicia10. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.

Maisler (Mazar), B.1952 Ancient Israelite Historiography. Israel Explo-

ration Journal 2: 82-88.Malamat, A.

1979 The Last Years of the Kingdom of Judah. Pp.205-11 in The World History of the JewishPeople: Ancient Times, Series 1, Vol. 4:1: TheAge of the Monarchies: Political History, eds.A. Malamat and I. Eph'al. New Brunswick, NJ:Rutgers University.

Markoe, G.1985 Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls from

Cyprus and the Mediterranean. University ofCalifornia Publications, Classical Studies 26.Berkeley: University of California.

Masson, 0., and Yoyotte, J.1956 Objets pharaoniques a inscription carienne.

Bibliotheque d'6tude 15. Cairo: Institut fran-qais d'archeologie orientale.

Mazar, A.1988 Some Aspects of the Sea Peoples Settlement.

Pp. 252-69 in Society and Economy in theEastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.c.),eds. M. Helzer and E. Lipiriski. OrientaliaLovaniensia Analecta 23. Leuven: Peeters.

Mazar, A., and Kelm, G. L.1993 Batash, Tel (Timnah). Pp. 152-57 in The New

Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavationsin the Holy Land, Vol. 1, ed. E. Stern. NewYork: Simon & Schuster.

Mazar, B.1992 The Philistines. Pp. 22-40 in Biblical Israel:

State and People, ed. S. Ahituv. Jerusalem:Magness.

Mazzarino, S.1947 Fra Oriente ed Occidente: Ricerche di storia

greca antica. Florence: La nuova ItaliaEditrice.

McClellan, T. L.1979 Chronology of the Philistine Burials at Tell

el-FarCah South). Journal of Field Archaeol-ogy 6: 57-73.

Momigliano, A.1980 Saggezza straniera: L'Ellenismo e le altre cul-

ture. Turin: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura.Murray, O.

1980 Early Greece. Atlantic Hills, NJ: Humanities.

Myres,J. L.

1933 The Amathus Bowl: A Long-Lost Masterpieceof Oriental Engraving. Journal of HellenicStudies 53: 25-39.

Na'aman, N.1992 Nebuchadnezzar's Campaign in the Year 603

B.C.E.Biblische Notizen 62: 41-44.Naveh, J.

1960 A Hebrew Letter from the Seventh CenturyB.C. Israel Exploration Journal 10: 129-39.

1962a More Hebrew Inscriptions from Mesad Ha-savyahu. Israel Exploration Journal 12: 27-32.

1962b The Excavations at Mesad Hashavyahu, Pre-liminary Report. Israel Exploration Journal12: 89-113.

1977 Mesad Hashavyahu. Pp. 862-63 in The En-cyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations inthe Holy Land, Vol. 3, eds. M. Avi-Yonahand E. Stern. Jerusalem: Israel ExplorationSociety.

1987 Early History of the Alphabet: An Introductionto West Semitic Epigraphy and Palaeography.2nd ed. Jerusalem: Magness.

1993 Hashavyahu, Mezad. Pp. 585-86 in The NewEncyclopedia of Archaeological Excavationsin the Holy Land, Vol. 2, ed. E. Stem. NewYork: Simon & Schuster.

Neimeier, W.-D.1990 Area E: The Greek Pottery. Pp. xxxIv-xxxix

in Excavations at Kabri 4: Preliminary Reportof 1989 Season, eds. A. Kempinski and W.-D.Niemeier. Tel Aviv: Tel Kabri Expedition, TelAviv University.

1994 Area E. C: Greek Pottery. Evidence for GreekMercenaries at Kabri. Pp. *31-*38 in Excava-tions at Kabri 7-8: Preliminary Report of1992-93 Seasons, eds. A. Kempinski andW.-D. Niemeier. Tel Aviv: Tel Kabri Expedi-tion, Tel Aviv University.

1995 Greek Mercenaries in Phoenicia. New Evi-dence from Tel Kabri. American Journal ofArchaeology 99: 304-5 (Abstract).

1998 The Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia and theProblem of the Origins of the Sea Peoples.Pp. 6-65 in Mediterranean Peoples in Transi-tion, Thirteenth to Early Tenth CenturiesB.C.E.: In Honor of Professor Trude Dothan,eds. S. Gitin, A. Mazar, and E. Ster. Jerusa-lem: Israel Exploration Society.

Nitsche, A.1987 Bemerkungen zu Chronologie und Herkunft

der protogeometrischen und geometrischenImportkeramik on Tyros. Hamburger Beitrdgezur Archdologie 13-14: 7-49.

Olmstead, A. T.1923

History of Assyria.New York: Scribner's Sons.

Oppenheim, A. L.1969 Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts.

Pp. 264-317 in Ancient Near Eastern Texts

2001 29


21/23


Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J. B.Pritchard. 3rd ed. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity.

Oren, E.

1984 Midgol: A New Fortress on the Edge of theEastern Nile Delta. Bulletin of the AmericanSchools of Oriental Research 256: 7-44.

1993 Northern Sinai. Pp. 1386-96 in The New Ency-clopedia of Archaeological Excavations in theHoly Land, Vol. 4, ed. E. Stern. New York:Simon & Schuster.

Page, D. L1955

Pakman, D

Sappho and Alcaeus. An Introduction to theStudy of Ancient Lesbian Poetry. Oxford:Clarendon.

1992 Late Iron Age Vessels at Tel Dan. Eretz-lsrael23 (Avraham Biran volume): 230-40 (He-brew), 154* (English summary).

Papadopoulos, J. K.1997 Phantom Euboeans. Journal of Mediterranean

Archaeology 10: 191-219.Pastor, H.

1990 Area E, Architecture, Stratigraphy and theObjects. Pp. xxIx-xxxiv in Excavations atKabri 4: Preliminary Report of 1989 Sea-son, eds. A. Kempinski and W.-D. Niemeier.Tel Aviv: Tel Kabri Expedition, Tel AvivUniversity.

1991 Area E, The Stratigraphy and Finds. Pp. 11*-22* in Excavations at Kabri 5: PreliminaryReport of 1990 Season, eds. A. Kempinski andW.-D. Niemeier. Tel Aviv: Tel Kabri Expedi-tion, Tel Aviv University.

Petrie, W. M. F.1888 Tanis, Vol. 2: Nebesheh (Am) and Defenneh

(Tahpanhes). Memoirs of the Egypt Explora-tion Fund 4. London: Triibner.

Ploug, G.1973 Sukais I: The

Aegean,Corinthian and Eastern

Greek Pottery and Terracottas. Publicationsof the Carlsberg Expedition to Phoenicia 2.Copenhagen: Munksgaard.

Popham, M.1994 Precolonization: Early Greek Contact with the

East. Pp. 11-34 in The Archaeology of GreekColonisation. Essays Dedicated to Sir JohnBoardman, eds. G. R. Tsetskhladze and F. deAngelis. Oxford: Oxford University Commit-tee for Archaeology.

Prausnitz, M., and Mazar, E.1993 Achzib.

Pp.32-36 in The New

Encyclopediaof Archaeological Excavations in the HolyLand, Vol. 1, ed. E. Stern. New York: Simon& Schuster.

Quinn, J. D.1961 Alcaeus 48 (B 16) and the Fall of Ascalon (604

B.C.). Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori-ental Research 164: 19-20

Ray, J. D.1982 The Carian Inscriptions from Egypt. Journal of

Egyptian Archaeology 68: 181-98.Redford, D. B.

1992 Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times.Princeton: Princeton University.

Reich, R.1989

Riis, P. J.

A Third Season of Excavations at MesadHashavyahu. Eretz-Israel 20 (Yigael Yadinvolume): 228-32 (Hebrew), 203* (Englishsummary).

1965 L'activite de la mission archeologique da-noise sur la cote phenicienne en 1963. Annalesarcheologiques arabes syriennes 15, no. 2:57-82.

1969 First Greeks in Phoenicia and Their Settlementat Sukas. Ugaritica 6: 435-50.

1970 Sakas I: The North-East Sanctuary and theFirst Settling of Greeks in Syria and Palestine.Publications of the Carlsberg Expedition toPhoenicia 1. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.

1979 Sukas VI: The Graeco-Phoenician Cemeteryand Sanctuary at the Southern Harbour. Pub-lications of the Carlsberg Expedition to Phoe-nicia 7. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.

1982 Griechen in Ph6nizien. Pp. 237-60 in Phoni-zier im Westen, ed. H.-G. Niemeyer. MadriderBeitrage 8. Mainz: von Zabern.

Robertson, M.1940 The Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia, IV: The

Early Greek Vases. Journal of Hellenic Studies60: 2-21.

Roebuck, C.1959 Ionian Trade and Civilization. New York:

ArchaeologicalInstitute of America.

Rollig, W.1971 Griechen. Pp. 643-47 in Reallexikon der

Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archiolo-gie, Vol. 3. New York: de Gruyter.

Riiger, H. P.1961 Das Tyrosorakel, Ezechiel 27. Tiibingen: Mohr.

Saidah, R.1971 Objets grecs d'epoque geometrique decouverts

recemment sur le littoral libanais (a Khaldepres de Beyrouth). Annales archeologiquesarabes syriennes 21: 193-98.

Schafer, H.1904 Die Auswanderung der Krieger unter Psam-metichus I. und der Soldneraufstand in Ele-phantine unter Apries. Klio 4: 152-63.

30 BASOR 322


22/23


Schaus, G. P.1986 Two Fikellura Vase Painters. Annual of the

British School at Athens 81: 251-95.Seibert, J.

1979

Simons, J.1959

Singer, I.1994

Smend, R.1989

Smith, S.

Die politischen Fluchtlinge und Verbannten nder griechischen Geschichte. 2 vols. Impulseder Forschung 30. Darmstadt: Wissenschaft-liche Buchgesellschaft.J.The Geographical and Topographical Texts ofthe Old Testament. Studia Francisci ScholtenMemoriae Dicta 2. Leiden: Brill.

Egyptians, Canaanites, and Philistines in thePeriod of the Emergence of Israel. Pp. 282-338 in From Nomadism to Monarchy: Ar-

chaeological and Historical Aspects of EarlyIsrael, eds. I. Finkelstein and N. Na'aman.Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society.

Die Entstehung des Alten Testamentes. 4thed. Theologische Wissenschaft 1. Stuttgart:Kohlhammer.

1929 The Supremacy of Assyria. Pp. 32-60 inThe Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 3: TheAssyrian Empire, eds. J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook,and F E. Adcock. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity.

Snodgrass, A. M.1964 Early Greek Armours and Weapons. Edin-

burgh: Edinburgh University.1994 The Nature and Standing of the Early Western

Colonies. Pp. 1-10 in The Archaeology ofGreek Colonisation: Essays Dedicated to SirJohn Boardman, eds. G. R. Tsetskhladze andF de Angelis. Oxford: Oxford UniversityCommittee for Archaeology.

Spalinger, A.1973 The Year 712 B.C. and Its Implications for

Egyptian History. Journal of the AmericanResearch Center in Egypt 10: 95-101.

1974 Assurbanipal and Egypt: A Source Study.Journal of the American Oriental Society 94:316-28.

1976 Psammetichus, King of Egypt: I. Journal ofthe American Research Center in Egypt 13:133-47.

1978 The Death of Gyges and Its Historical Implica-tions. Journal of the American Oriental Society98: 400-409.

Stager,L. E.

1991 When Canaanites and Philistines Ruled Ash-kelon. Biblical Archaeology Review 17, no. 2:24-43.

1993 Ashkelon. Pp. 103-12 in The New Encyclope-dia of Archaeological Excavations in the HolyLand, Vol. 1, ed. E. Stern. New York: Simon &Schuster.

1995 The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan(1185-1050 B.C.E.). Pp. 332-48 in The

Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, ed.T. E. Levy. New York: Facts on File.

1996a Ashkelon and the Archaeology of Destruc-tion: Kislev 604 B.C.E. Eretz-lsrael 25 (JosephAviram volume): 61*-74*.

1996b The Fury of Babylon: Ashkelon and theArchaeology of Destruction. Biblical Archae-ology Review 22, no. 1: 56-69, 76-77.

Stein-Holkeskamp, E.1989 Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft: Studien zum

griechischen Adel in archaischer und klassi-scher Zeit. Stuttgart: Steiner.

Stiebing, W. H., Jr.1970 Another Look at the Origins of the Philistine

Tombs at Tell el-FarCah S). American Journalof Archaeology 74: 139-43.

Stier, H. E.1950 Probleme der friihgriechischen Geschichte und

Kultur. Historia 1: 195-230.Strange, J.

1966 The Inheritance of Dan. Studia Teologica 20:120-39.

Sullivan, R. D.1996 Psammetichus I and the Foundation of

Naukratis. Pp. 177-95 in Ancient Naukratis,Vol. 2, Part 1: The Survey of Naukratis, byW. D. E. Coulson. Oxford: Oxbow.

Sundwall, J.1913 Die einheimischen Namen der Lykier nebst

einem Verzeichnis kleinasiatischer Namen-stamme. Klio, Beiheft 11. Leipzig: Weicher.

Tadmor, H.1958 The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A

Chronological-Historical Study. Journal ofCuneiform Studies 12: 22-40, 77-100.

1978 Das Reich Juda vom Untergang Samarias biszum Untergang Jerusalems. Pp. 174-98 inGeschichte des jiidischen Volkes, Vol. 1, ed.H. H. Ben-Sasson. Munich: Beck.

Thissen, H. J.1977 Griechen in Agypten. Cols. 898-903 in Lex-

ikon derAgyptologie, Vol. 2, eds. W. Helck andW. Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Thureau-Dangin, F, and Dunand, M.1936 Til-Barsib. Bibliotheque arch6ologique et his-

torique23. Paris: Geuthner.

Vanschoonwinkel, J.1999 Between the Aegean and the Levant: The Phi-

listines. Pp. 85-107 in Ancient Greeks, West

31001


23/23


and East, ed. G. R. Tsetskhladze. MnemosyneSupplement 196. Leiden: Brill.

Ventris, M., and Chadwick. J.1956 Documents in Mycenaean Greece. Cambridge:

Cambridge University.Waldbaum, J. C.

1966 Philistine Tombs at Tell Fara and their AegeanPrototypes. American Journal of Archaeology70: 331-40.

1994 Early Greek Contacts with the Southern Levantca. 1000-600 B.C.: The Eastern Perspective.Bulletin of the American Schools of OrientalResearch 293: 53-66.

1997 Greeks in the East or Greeks and the East?Problems in the Definition and Recognition ofPresence. Bulletin of the American Schools of

Oriental Research 305: 1-17.Waldbaum, J. C., and Magness, J.

1997 The Chronology of Early Greek Pottery: NewEvidence from Seventh-Century B.C. Destruc-tion Levels in Israel. American Journal of Ar-chaeology 101: 23-40.

Weinberg, S. S.1969 Post-Exilic Palestine: An Archaeological Re-

port. Proceedings of the Israel Academy ofSciences and Humanities 5. Jerusalem: IsraelAcademy of Sciences and Humanities.

Weippert, H.

1988 Palastina in vorhellenistischer Zeit. Handbuchder Archaologie, Vorderasien, Vol. 2, Part 1.Munich: Beck.

Wenning, R.1989 Mesad Hasavyahu, ein Sttitzpunkt des Joja-

kim? Pp. 169-96 in Vom Sinai zum Horeb. Sta-tionen alttestamentlicher Glaubensgeschichte,ed. F-L. Hossfeld. Wiirzburg: Echter.

1991 Nachrichten uiber Griechen in Palastina in derEisenzeit. Pp. 207-19 in Proceedings of the

First International Congress on the HellenicDiaspora from Antiquity to Modern Times I:From Antiquity to 1453, ed. J. M. Fossey.McGill University Monographs n Classical Ar-

chaeology and History 10. Amsterdam: Gieben.Westermann, C.1986 Am Anfang, 1. Mose (Genesis), Part 1: Die

Urgeschichte, Abraham. Neukirchen-Vluyn:Neukirchener.

Wilson, J.-P.1997 The Nature of Greek Overseas Settlement in

the Archaic Period: Emporion or Apoikia.Pp. 199-207 in The Development of the Polisin Archaic Greece, eds. L. G. Mitchell and P. J.Rhodes. New York: Routledge.

Wiseman, D. J.

1956 Chronicles of the Chaldaean Kings (626-556B.C.) in the British Museum. London: Trusteesof the British Museum.

1985 Nebuchadnezzar and Babylon. New York: Ox-ford University.

Woolley, C. L.1921 Carchemish, Vol. 2: The Town Defenses. Lon-

don: British Museum.1938 The Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia I-II.

Journal of Hellenic Studies 58: 1-30, 133-70.1953 A Forgotten Kingdom. Baltimore: Penguin.

Zadok, R.

1985 Geographical Names According to New- andLate-Babylonian Texts. Beiheft zum TiibingerAtlas des Vorderen Orients, Series B, 7; R6per-toire geographique des textes cuneiformes 8.Wiesbaden: Reichert.

Zimmerli, W.1967 I. Mose 1-11: Die Urgeschichte. Zurcher

Bibelkommentare AT 1.1. 3rd ed. Zirich:Theologischer Verlag.

BASOR 3222