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Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria Volume 13 Number 1 2010 (pp. 1-25)

Nigerian Pidgin (Nigerian Dialect of Afro-Caribbean English Lexifier

Creole)

Nicholas Faraclas Universidad de Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras

0. Introduction Nigerian Pidgin (hereafter NP) is the dialect of Afro-Caribbean English Lexifier

Creole which is spoken in Nigeria as well as in parts of Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon,

and Ghana. The other major dialects of Afro-Caribbean English Lexifier Creole

include Cameroonian Pidgin, Sierra Leonian Krio, Jamaican Creole, and the English

Lexifier Creoles spoken in the Lesser Antilles, along the coasts of South and Central

America, and possibly Liberian English, Ghanaian English, Bahamian Creole, Gullah

and African-American Vernacular English. Well over half of the 140 million

inhabitants of Nigeria are now fluent speakers of the language, making NP the most

widely spoken language in Nigeria as well as the indigenous African language with

the largest number of speakers. Given the rapid spread of NP among younger

Nigerians, this proportion should increase to over seventy or eighty per cent by the

time the present generation of children reaches adulthood. There is no Creole language

worldwide with nearly as many speakers as Nigerian Pidgin.

In its basilectal varieties, NP is still undergoing pidginization, with substrate

languages continuing to exert an important influence. In its mesolectal varieties, NP

can be considered to be functionally a creole, given the fact that it is used by a great

number of people as their principal means of communication in all of their daily

activities. In its acrolectal varieties, NP is decreolizing under the influence of English.

There is a substantial and rapidly growing number of people who speak NP as their

first language or as one of their first languages. The NP substrate languages at present

include the 400 languages of Nigeria, a number of which had developed pidginized

varieties for interethnic contact and trade before the colonial period.

The features and constructions identified in this work as typical of NP are those

found in the speech of mesocecal speakers of the language in Port Harcourt, Rivers

State. The database used comes from transcripts of tape recordings of at least one hour

of spontaneous speech from each member of a sample group of 30 speakers. Sample

group members belonged to a network of friends, family members, and associates,

who were chosen on the basis of ethno linguistic background, sex, age, amount of

formal education, whether NP was learned as a first or second language, and the extent

to which NP was used by each speaker in day to day interactions, so that the samples

would represent a rough cross section of the NP speaking community in Port Harcourt.

A systematic comparison of NP features with those of its substrate languages was also

conducted as part of this study, and the results appear in Faraclas (1990). Numerous

studies of NP exist (see References section below for a partial listing of older sources)

as well as a comprehensive grammar (Faraclas 1996).

The following abbreviations are used in the examples in the text:

A Anterior Sequence Auxiliary

+C Completive Aspect Auxiliary

2 Faraclas: Nigerian Pidgin

-C Incompletive Aspect Auxiliary

CM Complementizer

CP Copular Verb

HL Highlighter

I Identity

L Locative

N Negative

PF Proximal Future Auxiliary

+R Realis Modality Auxiliary

-R Irrealis Modality Auxiliary

RL Relative Pronoun

SJ Subjunctive Marker

SR Subject Referencing Pronoun

1.0 Unmarked Verbs 1.1 Stative verbs with non-past reference

(1) A sabi yu.

I know you

'I know you.'

In NP, verbs do not take inflectional affixes to show tense, aspect, or modality. As in

most NP substrate languages, stative verbs are assumed to be non-past, unless marked

otherwise by an auxiliary, an adverbial, or by context.

1.2 Stative verbs with past reference

(2) A sabi yu bifo yu kom wok for Pitakwa.

I know you before you come work L Port Harcourt

'I knew you before you came to work in Port Harcourt.'

As in most NP substrate languages, stative verbs can be past for tense, if accompanied

by the appropriate contextual cues.

1.3 Non-stative verbs with past reference

(3) A bay egusi for maket.

I buy pumpkin seed paste L market

'I bought egusi at the market.'

As in most NP substrate languages, non-stative verbs are assumed to refer to events

which occurred in the past, unless marked otherwise by an auxiliary, an adverbial, or

by context.

1.4 Non-stative verbs with non-past reference

(4) A: Dis taym yu chop weting?

this time you eat what?

A: 'What are you eating now?'

Faraclas: Nigerian Pidgin 3

B: Dis taym a chop loyloy.

this time I eat cassava fufu

B: 'I'm eating cassava fufu.'

As in most NP substrate languages, non-stative verbs can be non-past for tense, if

accompanied by the appropriate contextual cues.

2.0 Anterior Tense/Sequentiality 2.1 Stative verbs with past reference

(5) A bin sabi yu.

I A know you

'I knew you.'

While anterior sequence is usually signalled or inferred by contextual cues, adverbials,

or by the use of unmarked non-stative verbs, the anterior preverbal auxiliary bin may

be used as well for this purpose.

2.2 Non-stative verbs with (past-before-) past reference

(6) Di taim yu (bin) rich ma ples, a (bin) (don) go tawn.

the time you (A) reach my place I (A) (+C) go town

'When you arrived at my village, I had (already) gone to town.'

As in the case of past tense, pluperfect tense is usually signalled or inferred by

contextual cues, adverbials, or by the use of unmarked non-stative verbs, but the

anterior auxiliary bin with or without the completive aspect markers don and/or finish

may be used as well for this purpose.

2.3 Anterior = counterfactual

(7a) If a go tawn a go bay gari.

If I go town I -R buy gari

'If I go to town, I will buy gari.'

(7b) If a bin go tawn a for (don) bay gari..

If I A go town I should (+C) buy gari

'If I had gone to town, I would have bought gari.'

As shown in (7a) the conditional is usually expressed by the construction: if+ rest of

'if' clause + (orait) bai + rest of 'then' clause. For past conditional constructions

such as (7b) the anterior auxiliary bin is usually inserted into the ‘if’ clause and the

modal auxiliary for ‘should’ optionally followed by the completive aspect marker don

is used in the ‘then’ clause.

2.4 Anterior with an adjectival verb

(8) (Yestade) di son (bin) hot welwel.

(yesterday) the sun (A) hot thoroughly

'The sun was very hot yesterday.'


The category 'adjective' is a weak one in NP and most of its substrate languages. Most

of what are considered to be adjectives in languages like English are expressed by

adjectival verbs in NP. Adjectival verbs can take the full range of auxiliaries that

normally occur with other verbs in the language. As noted above, past tense can be

marked or inferred in a number of ways, including: 1) by context (in which case all of

the optional elements in 8 could be eliminated); 2) by the use of an adverbial such as

yestade; or 3) by the use of the anterior auxiliary bin.

2.5 Anterior with locative

(9) Im (bin) de (for) haws (yestade).

s/he (A) LCP (L) house (yesterday)

'S/he was at the house yesterday.'

The copula de can be used with a locative or an existential meaning. de can be used

with any of the tense/aspect/modality markers that normally occur with NP verbs. As

noted above, past tense can be marked or inferred in a number of ways, including: 1)

by context; 2) through the use of an adverbial such as yestade; or 3) by using the

auxiliary bin.

3.0 Incompletive Aspect 3.1 Indicating the incompletive aspect

(10a) A sabi se yu (de) waka.

I know that you (-C) walk

'I know that you are walking.'

Incompletive aspect can be signalled or inferred by contextual cues, adverbials, or by

the use of unmarked stative verbs. Other ways to mark the incompletive aspect

include the incompletive preverbal auxiliary de (as in the NP substrates, the

incompletive marker is related to the locative/existential copula de). In (10a) the verb

sabi is stative, and therefore incompletive for aspect unless otherwise marked, while

the verb waka is non-stative and is therefore more likely to take the incompletive

marker de.

3.2 Incompletive to indicate the future

(10b) A de kom.

I -C come

‘I am coming.’ OR ‘I will come.’

In the isolated case in (10b), the incompletive can be used to indicate a future

meaning.

3.3 Anterior plus incompletive

(11) Taym a rich, im (bin) (de) ple.

time I reach s/he (A) (-C) play

'When I came, s/he was playing.


In a clause containing the incompletive marker de, anterior sequentiality can be

marked or inferred in a number of ways, including: 1) by context; 2) through the use of

an adverbial; or 3) by using the auxiliary bin.

3.4 Incompletive with adjectival verb = inchoative

(12) Im de yelo.

s/he -C be yellow

'It is getting yellow.'

The incompletive marker de may be used with some adjectival verbs to show the

incohative.

4.0 Habitual Aspect 4.1 Zero marker for the habitual aspect

The habitual aspect cannot normally be expressed by zero marking in NP.

4.2 Incompletive marker for the habitual aspect

(13) A de chop for maket.

I -C eat L market

‘I (habitually) eat in the market.’

The habitual aspect can be expressed by the incompletive marker de in NP.

4.3 Marker for the habitual aspect only

There is no marker in NP whose sole function is to signal the habitual aspect.

4.4 Anterior plus habitual

(14) Di pikin dem (bin) de kray evritaym.

the child them (A) -C cry often

'The children used to cry all the time.'

In a clause containing the incompletive auxiliary de, anterior sequentiality can be

marked or inferred in a number of ways, including: 1) by context; 2) through the use of

an adverbial; or 3) by using the auxiliary bin. When used as a habitual auxiliary, de

can also be used in the same clause with the irrealis marker go. Habitual de is not

normally found in the same verb phrase with any of the other auxiliaries.

5.0 Completive Aspect 5.1 Completive only before verb

(15) A don sabi finish se yu kom.

I +C know +C say you come

'I already know/knew that you came.'

Completive aspect can be signalled or inferred by contextual cues, adverbials, or by

the use of unmarked non-stative verbs. The completive aspect may also be marked by

the auxiliary don which precedes the verb and/or by the postverbal auxiliary finish,


which is related to the verb finish 'to finish' (as in most NP substrate languages). In

(15) the verb kom is non-stative, and therefore completive unless otherwise marked,

while the verb sabi is non-stative and is therefore more likely to take the completive

markers don and/or finish.

5.2 Completive with adjectival verb

(16a) Im don yelo finish.

It +C be yellow +C

'It is completely yellow.'

(16b) A don taya finish.

I +C be tired +C

'I'm completely exhausted.'

Either one or both of the completive markers don and finish may be used with

adjectival verbs to show achieved states rather than inceptive states. finish can also be

used to emphasise the high degree to which the state of affairs expressed by the verb

has been accomplished.

5.3 Anterior (or other verbal markers) plus completive

(17a) Anterior plus completive (don and/or finish possible here)

Bifo im kom rich, a bin don chop finish.

before s/he +R reach I A +C eat +C

'Before s/he arrived, I had already eaten.'

(17b) Irrealis plus completive (don and/or finish possible here)

Di taym we yu go rich, a go don chop finish.

the time that you -R reach I -R +C eat +C

'When you arrive, I will have already eaten.'

(17c) Realis (narrative) plus completive (finish only possible here)

Em kom rich finish.

s/he +R arrive +C

'(It came to pass that) s/he arrived.'

6.0 Irrealis Mode 6.1 Future

(18a) A go waka.

I -R walk

'I will walk.'

(18a) A wan waka.

I PF walk

'I am about to walk.'

Verbs are assumed to be realis, unless otherwise marked. In narratives, the truth value

of a statement can be emphasised by using the preverbal realis auxiliary kom, which is


related to the verb kom 'to come' (see 17c above). Irrealis modality is sometimes

signalled or inferred by contextual cues and/or adverbials, but in most cases irrealis is

marked by the use of the preverbal irrealis marker go (see 17b above) or the preverbal

proximal future auxiliary wan (which is related to the verb wan 'to want/desire,' see

18b above). As in most of the NP substrate languages, the irrealis marker is normally

used to mark the future tense.

6.2 Anterior plus irrealis = conditional

(19) A (bin) wan rich, bot di rot don spoil.

time (A) PF reach but the road +C be spoiled

'I would have made it, but the road was no good.'

In a clause containing the irrealis marker go or the proximal future auxiliary wan,

anterior/past tense can be marked or inferred by context or through the use of an

adverbial. The meaning conveyed by such sentences has a conditional flavour, to the

extent that it expresses an event that almost occurred. While the anterior/past auxiliary

bin may occur in the same clause with the proximal future auxiliary wan, it does not

normally occur with the irrealis marker go.

6.3 Anterior plus irrealis = future in the past

Combinations of bin and wan discussed in 6.2 above could be considered to convey

future in the past meanings as well as conditional meanings.

6.4 Anterior plus irrealis = past in the future (future perfect)

Constructions containing the irrealis marker go and the completive auxiliary finish are

utilised to express the future perfect in NP (see 17b above).

7.0 Other Combinations of Verbal Markers 7.1 Irrealis plus incompletive

(20) A go de wet.

I -R -C wait

‘I will be waiting.’

7.2 Proximal future plus irrealis plus incompletive

(21) A go de wan wok, bot a no go fit.

I -R -C PF work but I N -R be fit

'I will be about to work, but I won't be able to.'

7.3 Other auxiliary-like elements

Preverbal modality markers include: fit 'be able, be fit'; wan 'desire, wish'; mos 'must';

for ‘should’; and trai 'try'

8.0 Complementizers 8.1 No infinitive marker

(22) A go (for) baf.

I go (CM) bathe

'I went to bathe.'


In some constructions and with some verbs, complementizers are optional.

8.2 for (general adposition) as infinitive marker

(23) A de redi for go.

I -C ready LOC go

'I am ready to go.'

(24a) Im go (for) baf, bot im no fit.

s/he go (L) bathe but s/he N be able

'She went to bathe but she wasn't able to.'

(24b) Im go (for) baf, and im kom riton.

s/he go (L) bathe and s/he +R return

'She went to bathe and she came back (from washing).'

The general adposition for in NP, which is found in a number of Atlantic and Pacific

pidgins and creoles, is commonly used as a complementizer (see 19.1 below). The use

of for and other complementizers in NP is not conditioned by the fact that the events

referred to by the verbs in the clauses that they introduce are actually completed or not.

8.3 for as a quasi-modal

for can have a modal or quasi-modal function in NP (see 2.3 above):

(25) Dem for fray di planten.

They should fry the plantain

'They should fry/should have fried the plantain.'

8.4 for introducing a tensed clause

for is not normally used to introduce an overtly tensed clause in NP.

8.5 Subordinator from superstrate 'that'

There is no subordinator in NP that can be readily recognised as being derived from

that in its lexifier language English.

8.6 Distinct subordinator after verbs of speaking/thinking

(26) Dem tel mi (se) dem no si yu.

they tell me CM they N see yu

'They told me that they didn't see you.'

The complementizer se, which is derived from the verb se ‘to say’ is utilized rather

than other subordinators such as we after verbs of communication and cognition. The

use of se is often optional.

8.7 No subordinator

(27) A tink (se) im redi (for) kam.

I think (CM) s/he be ready (CM) come

'I think that she is ready to come.'


As noted in 8.1 and 8.6, subordinate constructions with no overtly marked

subordinator are very common in NP.

9.0 Dependent Clauses 9.1 Subordinate clauses (non-embedded)

(28a) If yu rich maket, mek yu bay kokonyam.

If you reach market SJ you buy Singapore taro

'If you go to the market, buy Singapore taro.’

(28b) Mek yu bay kokonyam if yu rich maket.

SJ you buy Singapore taro if you reach market

'If you go to the market, buy Singapore taro.’

A non-embedded subordinate clause introduced by an adverbial like (di) taym 'when'

or if 'if' may either precede or follow its main clause.

9.2 Subordinate clauses (embedded)

(29) A hapi se yu fit kom.

I be happy CM you be able come

'I’m happy that you were able to come.'

Subordinate clauses introduced by se can function as objects of adjectival verbs and as

objects of verbs of communication and cognition (see 8.6 above).

9.3 Relative clauses (relative pronoun = subject)

(30) Di pikin we (i) sik (im) go haws.

woman DEM RL (SR) be ill s/he go house

'The child who has a cold went home .'

The relative pronoun we, may serve as the subject of a subordinate clause, in which

case it may be optionally followed by the subject referencing pronoun that corresponds

to the subject of the main clause. If we is deleted, the subject referencing pronoun

must be included.

9.4 Relative clauses (relative pronoun = direct object)

(31) Di pikin (we) yu bin bit(-am) (im) don go haws.

the child (RL) you A beat(-him/her) (s/he) +C go house

'The child whom you beat went home .'

The relative pronoun we, may refer to the object of a subordinate clause. In such

cases an anaphoric object pronoun optionally follows the verb in the relative clause

and the use of we is optional.

9.5 Relative clauses (relative pronoun = object of an adposition)

(32) Di moto we injin no de for-am de for yad.

the vehicle RL engine N LCP L-it LCP L yard

'The vehicle which has no engine in it is in the yard. '


The relative pronoun we, may refer to the adpositional object of a subordinate clause.

In such cases an anaphoric object pronoun must follow the adposition in the relative

clause and the use of we is optional.

9.6 Relative clauses (no relative pronoun)

As shown in 9.3, 9.4, and 9.5 above, the inclusion in relative clauses of relative

markers is optional, except in relative clauses where it plays the role of subject and no

other subject marker is present. In relative clauses whose adpositional objects are

coreferent to main clause nouns object pronouns obligatorily follow the adposition.

10.0 Negation 10.1 Single negation (verbal)

(33) A: Yu no go maket?

you N go market?

A: 'Didn’t you go to the market?'

B: Yes. A bin wan go, bot a neva rich.

no I A want go but I N reach

B: 'No. I want to go, but I can't.'

The verbal negative marker no occurs before the verb, following the subject, the

subject referencing pronoun and preceding all preverbal tense aspect modality

markers, except the completive auxiliary don, with which it combines to form the

completive negative marker neva. Other constituents are also negated by the marker

no. Responses to negative questions are logical, as in the NP substrate languages.

10.2 Discontinuous double negation

Discontinuous double negation constructions do not exist in NP.

10.3 Negative concord

There is no evidence for negative concord in NP.

11.0 Passive 11.1 Passive construction

There is no passive construction in NP. There are however, a few idiomatic

constructions using the role reversal verbs kach ‘catch’ and du ‘do’ that convey

similar meanings to the passive in English:

(34) Hongri kach mi. OR Hongri du mi.

hunger catch me hunger do me

'I'm famished.'

11.2 Passive equivalents

(35) Chop don finish.

food +C finish

'The food is finished.'


(36) Dem kom kol yo nem.

they +R call your name

'Your name has been called.'

Constructions that approximate the semantics of agentless passives include the passive

use of verbs such as finish 'finish' and the generic use of the third person plural

pronoun dem.

12.0 Adjectives=Verbs 12.1 Tense/aspect/modality markers with adjectival verbs (see also 2.4 [anterior], 3.4

[progressive], 5.3 [completive], and 13.3 [no copula])

(37) A go hot di wota sote im go don hot finish.

I -R be hot the water until it -R +C hot +C

'I will heat up the water until it is completely hot.'

As in the NP substrate languages, adjectival verbs normally occur with any

tense/aspect/modality marker. In some cases adjectival verbs can take objects as well.

Adjectival verbs can be used as nouns without any additional marking.

12.2 Tense/aspect/modality markers with nouns (see also 13.1)

(38) A neva sabi se im don kom ticha finish.

I N+C know that s/he +C +R teacher +C

'I never knew that you were already a teacher.'

In some constructions, nouns may occur with a number of tense/aspect/modality

markers.

12.3 Tense/aspect/modality markers with locatives (see also 2.5 [anterior])

(39a) A go de (for) haws.

I -R CP (L) house

'I will be at home.'

(39b) Moni go de mi for hand.

money -R CP me L house

'I will have money.'

The locative copula de can occur with most tense/aspect/modality markers. In some

cases the locative copula can take objects as well.

12.4 Predicate clefting (adjectives or adjectival verbs)

(40) Na taya (we) a don taya.

HL be tired (RL) I +C be tired

'It's tiredness that tires me.'

The highlighter na obligatorily precedes a fronted constituent in a cleft construction,

while relative markers optionally follow.


12.5 Predicate clefting (other verbs)

(41) Em chop (we) a don chop.

HL eat (RL) I +C eat

'It's eating that I ate.'

The highlighter na obligatorily precedes a fronted constituent in a cleft construction,

while relative markers optionally follow.

12.6 Comparison with 'pass'

(42a) Ma haws fayn pas. OR A waka pas.

My house be fine pass I walk pass

'My house is better/best.' OR ‘I walked more/most.’

(42b) Ma haws fayn pas yo on. OR A waka pas yu.

My house be fine pass your own I walk pass you

'My house is better than yours.' OR ‘I walked more than you.’

(42c) Ma haws fayn pas ol. OR A waka pas ol.

My house be fine pass all I walk pass all

'My house is the best.' OR ‘I walked most.’

Comparative and superlative constructions usually include the verb pas 'surpass’ in a

serialized verb construction (see 14.5). Without any object, pas conveys either a

comparative or superlative meaning. With the object ol ‘all,’ pas expresses the

superlative, and with any other object it signifies the comparative.

12.7 Comparison as in the superstrate

(43a) Na beta nyam bi dat.

HL better yam ICP that

'That’s better (high quality) yam.'

(43b) Im go yelo moa.

S/he -R be pale more

'S/he will get even more pale.'

While no superstrate-like comparative construction exists in NP, some items from

superstrate comparative constructions such as beta ‘better’ and moa ‘more’ are

occasionally used in related constructions.

13.0 Copula 13.1 Equative copula (before NP)

(44) Uche bi ticha. OR Uche na ticha.

Uche ICP teacher Uche HL teacher

'Uche is a teacher.'


Either the identity copula bi or the highlighter na may be used in equative

constructions. In a restricted set of equative constructions, tense/aspect/modality

markers can be used with nouns without a copular verb (see 12.2 above).

13.2 Locative copula (before expressions of place)

(45) A: Uche de we?

Uche LCP where

A: 'Where is Uche?'

B: Uche de (for) haws.

Uche LCP (L) house

B: 'Uche is at home.'

The locative copula de can be used with a locative or an existential meaning (see 13.3

below). de can be used with any of the tense/aspect/modality markers that normally

occur with NP verbs (see 2.5 above). In some cases, de can take an object (see 12.3

above).

13.3 Copula before 'adjectives' (see 12.1)

(46a) A: Haw yu de?

how you LCP

A: 'How are you?'

(46b) B: A hapi. OR A de hapi.

I be happy I LCP happiness

B: 'I am happy.'

(46b) C: A de layk a no de.

I LCP like I N LCP

C: 'I exist as if I weren’t existing.' OR ‘I am on the edge of existence.’

As in most TP substrate languages, adjectives usually function as verbs and therefore

are not normally preceded by copulas. Nominalized adjectival verbs may, however, be

found in zero equative copular constructions (see example 46b above).

13.4 Highlighter with question words (see 12.4 and 12.5 [predicate clefting])

(47) Na hu tek solt kom spoil di styu?

HL who take salt +R spoil the stew

'Who is it who put too much salt in the stew?'

The highlighter na may sometimes be used before question words.

13.5 Highlighter with other structures (see 12.4 and 12.5 [predicate clefting])

(48) Na Halima dem mek-am, no bi mi o.

HL Halima they do-it N ICP me +R

'It was Halima and her people who did it, it wasn’t me.’


The highlighter na can be used to introduce a wide range of fronted topicalized

constituents.

13.6 Existential ('have' = 'there is')

(49) I get tu moto for rod.

SP have two vehicle L road

'There are two vehicles on the road.'

In the affirmative, the verb get 'have' is normally preceded by a dummy subject to

express existential 'there is.' In the negative, the use of the dummy subject with get is

optional.

14.0 Serial Verbs 14.1 Directional with 'go'

(50) Kari bok go.

get book go

'Take the book away.'

As in most NP substrate languages, go ‘go’is commonly used in serialized verb

constructions to indicate motion away from the speaker.

14.2 Directional with 'come'

(51) Kari buk kom.

get book come

'Bring the book.'

As in most NP substrate languages, kom ‘come’ is commonly used in serialized verb

constructions to indicate motion toward the speaker.

14.3 Serial 'give' meaning 'to, for'

(52) Kari buk giv mi.

get book give me

'Give the book to me.'

As in many NP substrate languages, giv ‘give’ can be used in serialized verb

constructions to introduce indirect objects.

14.4 Serial 'say' meaning 'that'

As in many NP substrate languages, se ‘say’ can be used in a serialized verb

construction as a complementizer after verbs of communication or cognition (see 8.6

and 9.2 above).

14.5 Serial 'pass' meaning 'more than'

As shown in 12.6 above, while the verb pas 'to surpass' is used in serialized verb

constructions to express the comparative in NP.


14.6 Three serial verb construction

(53) Kari buk kom giv mi.

get book come give me

'Bring the book to me.'

As in most NP substrate languages, serialized verb constructions containing three

verbs are not uncommon in NP.

14.7 Four or more serial verb construction

(54) Im bay nyam kari-am go rich haws kuk-am chop.

s/he buy yam get-it go reach house cook-it eat

'She bought yams and took them home and cooked and ate them.'

Four or more verbs may occur in the same serial verb construction in NP.

15.0 Noun Phrases 15.1 Bare nouns

(55) Im kari buk kom.

S/he get biik come

S/he brought a/the book.’

Bare nouns are normally interpreted as definite or indefinite by context, without the

use of articles.

15.2 Indefinite article

(56a) Won man de slip.

one man -C sleep

'A man is sleeping.'

(56b) Som man de slip.

some man -C sleep

'Some men are sleeping.'

won 'one' marks indefinite nouns in the singular (as in most TP substrate languages)

while som 'some' marks indefinite nouns in the plural.

15.3 Definite article

(57) Di man de slip.

the man -C sleep

'The man is sleeping.'

The definite article di ‘the’ is used to mark the definiteness of nouns.

15.4 Plural marker = 'they'

(58) Di man dem de slip.

the man they -C sleep

'The men are sleeping.'


As in most NP substrate languages, dem ‘they’ is used both as the third person plural

pronoun and as the plural marker for nouns, in which case it follows the noun that it

modifies.

15.5 Personal noun plus plural marker

(59) Shehu dem de slip.

Shehu they -C sleep

'Shehu and his people are sleeping.'

As in most NP substrate languages, dem, which is both the third person plural pronoun

and the plural marker for nouns, may follow a personal noun to refer to people

associated with the person whose name is mentioned.

15.6 Demonstratives

(60a) Dis man de slip.

this man -C sleep

'This man is sleeping.'

(60b) Dat man de slip.

that man -C sleep

'That man is sleeping.'

In NP, the proximal demonstrative is dis ‘this,’ while the distal demonstrative is dat

‘that.’

15.7 Demonstrative plus definite or plural

(61a) Dis man dem de slip.

this man they -C sleep

'These men are sleeping.'

(61b) Dat man dem de slip.

that man they -C sleep

'Those men are sleeping.'

The plural marker dem may be used with the demonstratives dis ‘this’ or dat ‘that’ to

express the plural ‘thes’ and ‘those’ respectively. Demonstratives cannot be used with

the definite article di.

15.8 Relative clauses plus definite or plural marker

(62) Di man (dem) (we) (dem) de slip (dem) neva chop.

the man (they) (RL) (they) -C sleep (they) N+C eat

'The men who are sleeping have not eaten.'

Neither the definite article nor the demonstratives have a relativizing function in NP.

No conclusive arguments have as yet been put forward as to whether dem functions as

a plural marker or as a pronoun when it is found at the head of a relative clause.


15.9 Prenominal adjective

(63) Di yelo we di yelo man de yelo go yelo moa.

The palor RL the pallid man -C be pale -R be pale

more

'The paleness that the pallid man is pale by will be even more pale.' OR

‘The pallid man will be getting a lot paler.’

As explained in 12.1 above, adjectival verbs can be used as nouns without any

additional marking. Nominalised adjectival verbs are placed before nouns in a

possessive construction (see 16.1 below) when they are used as prenominal

‘adjectives’.

15.10 Postnominal adjective

(64) Adeola sik.

s/he be sick

'Adeola is sick.'

Adjectival verbs normally occur after the subject to which they refer.

15.11 Gender agreement

As in most of its substrates and superstrates, there is no gender agreement within noun

phrases in Nigerian Pidgin.

16.0 Possession 16.1 Unmarked noun plus noun constructions

(65) di pikin plet

the child plate

'the child’s plate’

When nouns are juxtaposed without any overt markers indicating the relationship

between them, the usual order in NP is [modifier noun + head noun]: Nayjirya

wuman 'a Nigerian woman.' This same pattern applies as well to unmarked

possessives in NP, where the noun which refers to the possessor precedes the noun

that refers to the possessed entity ([possessor + possessed]).

16.2 Noun plus noun constructions containing adpositions

(66) nayf for Chinyere

knife L Chinyere

'Chinyere’s knife’

A marginal noun plus noun construction containing the adposition for exists in some

lects of NP. In this construction, the usual order is [head noun + for + modifier noun]

tebol for rayt ‘writing table’ or [possessed + for + possessor].


16.3 Noun plus noun constructions containing possessive adjectives

As shown in 16.4 below, possessive adjectives are normally inserted between two

nouns in NP possessive constructions, yielding the following structure: [possessor +

possessive adjective + possessed entity].

16.4 Possessive adjectives

(67a) Chinyere im nayf

Chinyere her knife

'Chinyere’s knife’

Possessive adjectives precede the nouns that they modify. The possessive adjectives

in NP include the following:

(67b) ma ‘my’

yo ‘your (singular)’

im ‘his/her/its’

awa ‘our’

una ‘your (plural)’

dem ‘their’

16.5 Possessive pronouns

(68) Ma on fayn pas yo on.

My own be fine pass your own

'Mine is better than yours.'

Possessive pronouns are formed by using the particle on ‘own’ after a possessive

adjective (see 12.6 above).

16.6 Possessive pronouns as emphatic possessive adjectives

(69) Ma on haws fayn pas yo on.

My own house be fine pass your own

'My (emphasis on my) house is better than yours.'

In some lects of NP possessive pronouns may be used as emphatic possessive

adjectives.

17.0 Pronouns (see also 16.4 and 16.5 above)

17.1 Personal pronouns: first person singular

(70) mi (high tone) 'I (emphatic)'

a (low tone) ‘I (SR)’

mi ‘me’

The emphatic first person singular subject pronoun mi carries a high tone, while the

subject referencing first person singular subject pronoun a carries a low tone. The

first person singular object pronoun is mi.


17.2 Personal pronouns: second person singular

(71) yu (high tone) 'you (singular, subject, emphatic)'

yu (low tone) ‘you (singular, subject, SR)’

yu ‘you (singular, object)’

The emphatic second person singular subject pronoun yu carries a high tone, while the

subject referencing second person singular subject pronoun yu carries a low tone. The

second person singular object pronoun is yu.

17.3 Personal pronouns: third person singular

(72) im (high tone) 'he/she/it (emphatic)'

im~i (low tone) ‘he/she/it (SR)’

-am ‘him/her/it (object)’

The emphatic third person singular subject pronoun im carries a high tone, while the

subject referencing third person singular subject pronoun im (which may be shortened

to i) carries a low tone. The third person singular object pronoun is the clitic -am.

17.4 Personal pronouns: first person nonsingular

(73) wi (high tone) 'we (emphatic)'

wi (low tone) ‘we (SR)’

os ‘us’

The emphatic first person plural subject pronoun wi carries a high tone, while the

subject referencing first person plural subject pronoun wi carries a low tone. The first

person plural object pronoun is os.

17.5 Personal pronouns: second person nonsingular

(74) una (low-low tone) 'you (plural, subject, emphatic)'

una (low-low tone) ‘you (plural, subject, SR)’

una ‘you (plural, object)’

The emphatic second person plural subject pronoun una carries a low-low tone

sequence, and the subject referencing second person plural subject pronoun una also

carries a low-low tone sequence. The second person plural object pronoun is una as

well.

17.6 Personal pronouns: third person nonsingular

(75) dem (high tone) ‘they (emphatic)'

dem (low tone) ‘they (SR)’

dem ‘them’

The emphatic third person plural subject pronoun dem carries a high tone, while the

subject referencing third person plural subject pronoun dem carries a low tone. The

third person plural object pronoun is dem as well.


17.7 Reflexive pronouns

(76a) A si ma sef for glas.

I see my self L glass

'I saw myself in the mirror.'

(76a) A si (ma) bodi for glas.

I see (my) body L glass

'I saw myself in the mirror.'

Possessive pronouns are formed by using the words sef ‘self’ or bodi ‘body’ after a

possessive adjective. bodi may be used as a reflexive pronoun alone without the

possessive adjective as well.

17.8 Interrogative pronouns and other question words (see also 13.4 above)

(77a) wating, weting 'what, which'’

(77b) hu, huspesin 'who, whom'

(77c) haw moch, haw meni 'how much, how many'

(77d) haw, wichwe 'how'

(77e) way, weting mek 'why'

(77f) we, weples 'where'

(77g) wichtaim, hustaim 'when'

(77h) abi, no bi so yes-no question tag

17.9 Relative pronouns (see also 9.3 above)

(78) we 'what, which''

18.0 Coordinating Conjunctions 18.1 'and' joining sentences

(79) A go go maket and yu go go haws.

I -R go market and you -R go house

'I’ll go to the market and you’ll go home.'

The conjunctions and 'and', o 'or' and bot 'but' are used to join full sentences.

18.2 'and' joining sentence parts

(80) Mi and yu go go maket.

me and you -R go market

'I and you will go to the market.'

and 'and' and o 'or' may be used to join a wide variety of constituents.

19.0 Adpositions 19.1 General locative preposition

(81) A kom for haws witi yu and Okon.

I come L house with you and Okon

'I came home with you and Okon.'


Following a pattern typical of both the NP substrates and the Atlantic creoles, for 'at,

in on, to, etc.' is the general adposition in NP. for may be followed by locational

nouns to further specify its function: for insayd 'inside of' or it may be used as a

subordinator or as a modal (see 8.2 and 8.3 above) or modal. A few other secondary

prepositions occur in NP, including of 'of,' wit(i) 'with,' and sote 'until.'

19.2 Zero preposition between motion verb and destination

(82) A go maket witi yu and Okon.

I go market with you and Okon

'I went to market with you and Okon.'

It is not always necessary to include for before a destination of a verb of motion.

20.0 Miscellaneous 20.1 Word order: questions

(83) Yu chop weting? OR (Na) weting yu chop?

you eat what? (HL) what? you eat

'What did you eat?'

Interrogative words (see 17.8 above) normally occupy the position in the sentence of

the constituent that they question. There is no special inversion process or other

obligatory word order modification in interrogative constructions. All interrogative

words, however, may be fronted, in which case the highlighter na (see 13.4 above)

may be used with all except the yes-no-question tags abi and no bi so which may

occur either immediately before or after the constituent or construction that they

question.

20.2 Sentence-final o

(84) A neva ring yu o. Sori o.

I N+C ring you +R sorry +R

'I didn’t get a chance to call you. Sorry.'

As in most of its substrate languages, the sentence final realis modality particle o is

used with a range of meanings in NP, from solidarity and empathy to stressing the

realis (truth value) of the entire proposition.

20.3 Ideophones

(85) A go slap yu zaway!

I -R slap you ideophone

'I’m going to slap you so that it really hurts!'

As in most of its substrate languages, an open and productive class of onomatopoetic

words called ideophones may be used at the end of NP utterances (and sometimes

elsewhere in a sentence) to punctuate or dramatize the event expressed by a verb.


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