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National Knowledge Commission 2009

G l im p s e s f ro m t he N o r t h - E a s t


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Glimpses from the North-East

National Knowledge Commission

2009


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National Knowledge Commission, 2009

Cover photo credit: Don Bosco Centre for Indigenous Cultures (DBCIC),Shillong, Meghalaya

Copy editing, design and printing:New Concept Information Systems Pvt. [email protected]


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Preface v

Oral Narratives and Myth - Mamang Dai 1

A Walk through the Sacred Forests of Meghalaya - Desmond Kharmawphlang 9

Ariju : The Traditional Seat of Learning in Ao Society - Monalisa Changkija 16

Meanderings in Assam - Pradip Acharya 25

Manipur: Womens World? - Tayenjam Bijoykumar Singh 29

Tlawmngaihna: Uniquely Mizo - Margaret Ch. Zama 36

Cultural Spaces: North-East Tradition on Display - Fr. Joseph Puthenpurakal , DBCIC, Shillong 45

Meghalayas Underground Treasures - B.D. Kharpran Daly 49

Tripura: A Composite Culture - Saroj Chaudhury 55

Annexure I: Excerpts on the North-East from 11 th Five Year Plan 62

Annexure II: About the Authors 74

Table of Contents


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The north-eastern region of India is a rich tapestry of culture andnature. Breathtaking flora and fauna, heritage drawn from the agesand the presence of a large number of diverse groups makes thisplace a treasure grove. If culture represents the entire gamut ofrelationships which human beings share with themselves as well aswith nature, the built environment, folk life and artistic activity, thenorth-east is a cultural and biodiversity hotspot, whose immensepotential is beginning to be recognised. There is need for greaterawareness and sensitisation here, especially among the young. Inthis respect, the National Knowledge Commission believes that thetask of connecting with the north-east requires a multi-prongedapproach, where socio-economic development must accompanymulti-cultural understanding.

This book, Glimpses from the North-East, seeks to highlight andcelebrate some of the unique cultural and environmental aspectsof the north-east. Here, a few well-known writers based in theregion delve into some cultural traditions and institutions throughthe medium of folk narratives and stories. The language of folkloreis at once universal and particular. We believe that the canvas

of commonness and togetherness in the midst of variations anddistances provides the backdrop for an appreciation of the NorthEast. Articulation through the folk idiom helps in understandingcommunity perceptions, institutions and responses. Thisunderstanding, in turn, facilitates bridges of dialogue.

A number of schemes have already been undertaken for the socio-economic development of the north-east (see for example, AnnexureI of this book for relevant excerpts from the 11 th Five Year Plan). A

few cultural initiatives are also underway, under the aegis of theDepartment of the North-East Region (DONER) and the Ministryof Culture. Nevertheless, a broader, more systematic and long-termplan to enrich the cultural and environmental heritage of the north-east is necessary.

A plan on Knowledge from the North-East could focus on themessuch as Traditional Health Systems, Folk Music, Folk Art, DanceForms, Oral Literature and Biodiversity. There is need for detailedanalysis on the enormous potential for economic opportunitythat such themes could generate for the people of the north-east.Further, creating a Green is Clean conclave, focusing on the regions

Preface


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unique biodiversity, could involve scientific and community-basedinitiatives of knowledge-sharing for forest conservation, watermanagement, land use and eco-sustaining agricultural practices. AnArt, Culture and Literature conclave could provide a platform forregional artists, folk performers, film makers, writers and poets ina manner that could make the north-east a cultural hub. Electronicinitiatives, with cutting-edge equipment and facilities, including aNorth-East Portal, are also necessary to document changing socio-cultural landscapes. This will provide invaluable data to constructhistoriographies and ethnographies of various communities throughlifestyles, occupations, cuisines, practices, costumes and otherelements of heritage.

A lot more needs to be done. This book is a step in such a direction. Itis hoped that Glimpses of the North-East will provide insights andencourage a newer generation of young writers and scholars to carryout more detailed work on the various interesting and significantaspects pertaining to this important region of India.


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On the eve of the newmillennium, newspaperscarried reports of a small andbreathtakingly beautiful valleyhidden in the hills. The reportssaid that the valley of Dong,in Lohit district of ArunachalPradesh, and not Katchal ofAndaman and Nicobar Islands,was the place that would receivethe first rays of the millenniumsun in mainland India. This fact,further confirmed by scientistsand the Survey of India,promoted a rush of visitors to theremote spot in the mountains ofArunachal Pradesh which wasdubbed the sunrise village.

Part of the Eastern Himalayanrange, Arunachal Pradesh is thelargest state of Indias North-EastRegion (NER), the broad termgiven to the group of 7 states,dubbed as the seven sisters . Thestate was earlier known as NEFA- the North East Frontier Agency

until 1972, when it becamea union territory with thebrand new name of Arunachal

Pradesh, Land of the Dawn LitMountains. Arunachal Pradeshbecame a full fledged statein 1987. It is 83,743 sq km. inarea stretching eastwards fromBhutan in the west to the PatkoiHills that forms Indias boundarywith Myanmar. To the north and

north-east, the state marks thelast frontier of the country witha 1,080 km long internationalboundary with China along thecrest of the eastern Himalaya.

It is an area of great scenicbeauty with snow peaks fallinggradually southwards intopristine forests and valleys criss-crossed by turbulent rivers andstreams. These water routes feedthe mighty Brahmaputra River inthe plains of Assam, providinga unique environmental worldwhich gives the state the honourof being one of the greenest partsof the country. The Himalayan

region captures some of theworlds heaviest rainfall andthe result is an expanse of lushtropical forest where life breedsin myriad forms. It is estimatedthat Arunachal Pradesh harboursa minimum of 5,500 floweringspecies. Arunachal Pradeshis also known for naturally

occurring orchids with over 525species. An orchid centre set upin Tipi in West Kameng districtis the largest orchidarium inAsia. The state is also one of thefew places in the world that canboast the four big felines thetiger, leopard, clouded leopardand snow leopard within onearea in the Namdapha biospherereserve of Changlang district.

Or chids

Oral Narratives and Myth Mamang Dai


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This, in summary, is a briefintroduction to ArunachalPradesh. A closer examinationwill reveal that the area offersa complex cultural mosaiccharacterised by uniquefeatures that the state, due to

geographical and historicalreasons, has succeeded inkeeping as one of the last bastionsof the tribal world. The tribes ofArunachal Pradesh have alwayslived off the forest without anythreat to the ecosystem. Thetenets of traditional practiceare deep rooted in environment

ethics, supporting a close andharmonious relationship withnature. Arunachal tribes havea tremendous knowledge ofthe use of plants for nativemedicine and the instructionshanded down from generationto generation are containedin stories and myths thatis a unique feature ofthe different communitiesliving here.

Snow Peaks The state is divided into16 administrative districts and ishome to 26 tribal groups, furthersub-divided into clans and sub-groups each with its distinctivetraditions and customs. Apartfrom the Buddhist tribes of thenorthern boundaries, the tribesof what is termed the centralbelt of Arunachal Pradesh, viz:the Adi, Galo, Nyishi, Apa-Tani,Tagin and Mishmi comprisethe Tani group of tribes thatclaim ancestry from a commonlegendary forefather called AboTani , the first man on earth.This in turn forms the tenets ofindigenous faith called the wayof Donyi-Polo , literally translatedas Donyi-sun , Polo-moon , thatrecognises the sun and moonas the cosmic symbolic powerthrough which the supreme

spiritual being, the world-spirit,is made manifest.

According to this belief, inthe beginning there was only

Keyum or nothingness. Therewas neither darkness norlight, nor was there any colouror movement. Keyum is the

remote past beyond the reachof our senses. It is the place ofancient things from where noanswer is received. Out of thisgreat stillness, the first flickerof thought began to shine likea light in the soul of man. Thisshimmering trail took shape andexpanded to what is known as thepathway. Out of this nebulousarea, a spark was born that wasthe light of imagination. It grew


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into a shining stream that wasthe consciousness of man, andfrom this stage all the stories ofthe world, its creation, and allits creatures came into being. 1

The myth as primitive historyexpressed in poetic form isnotable among the tribes ofArunachal Pradesh. This is anentirely non-script collection,sung or chanted as narrativeballads and epics about theorigin of the world, the sky,the heavenly bodies and themother earth, are recounted byprofessional rhapsodists on avariety of occasions, especiallyduring the time of the greatfestivals. Almost all of tribalbelief is tied up with agriculturalpractice, but though the festivalsare agricultural rites marking

the passage of the seasons, thereligious aspect is always presentalong with the recollection of aserene and happy co-existencewith the natural world thathelped man to survive in a harshenvironment all these yearswith very little contact with theoutside world.

An example of this is revealedin one of the first stories that Iheard as a child about a far awayland of fish and stars ( EngoTakar ) and the lost civilisationof the Kojum Koja . It is said thatat the dawn of human existence,there sprang up on the surface

of the earth an ancient humansociety known as Kojum Koja .2

Kojum Koja established villagesand were a self sufficient,contented and happy people.The Kojum Koja civilisationwas destroyed by a devastatingflood let loose by the ruler of thewaters, Biri Bote , whose son wasaccidently trapped and killed bythe people of Kojum Koja duringa festival. At this time, a guestappeared amongst the societyof Kojum Koja . It was the bat,

Koru Ponsung Babu . The guestinquired about the meat and thepeople of Kojum Koja replied thata fish had been caught in theirtraps and that they had killedit for the festival. After hearingthis, the bat left for the domainof water ( Silli-Sidong ). Arrivingin the deepest depths, the bat

noticed the wife of the ruler ofthe watery regime weeping ingreat sorrow. The queen wasasking who had kidnapped herbeloved son, Biri Angur Potung .The bat broke the news to herthat her son had been killed andconsumed in a festival by the

Kojum Koja .

The news of the killing of Biri Angur sparked off a great war.Message of the tragedy reachedevery nook and corner of thewatery regime and its rulercommanded his war generalsto launch a destructive andterrifying attack on the people of

1 Adi belief in Donyi-Polo, the way of the sun and moon.2 The legend of Nyangi Myete as recorded by Oshong Ering, scholar and doyen of Adi

Literature .


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Kojum Koja . With sharp dazzlingblades and rattling swords, thecombined armies unleashedtheir fury wave after wave onthe land of Kojum Koja . The

Kojum Koja defended themselvesvaliantly but the armies of thegreat king besieged them from allsides. In the form of rain, storm,flood and erosion, the armies ofthe waters destroyed the land ofthe Kojum Koja and buried theircivilisation.

After this great battle, the worldwas dark and silent. Everythingwas covered in water and itseemed all life had ended,until, out of this wreckage alady emerged like a lonely reedrising taller and steadier inchby inch, like a ray of hope. Thiswas the popular beauty known

as Nyangi Myete , celestial brideof the Kojum family who drifteddown to humanity to tell the taleof destruction, and to generatenew hope for another civilisationon earth. Dressing herself in thefashion of a glamorous bridewearing a white silken skirt witha green border, and possessing

all the qualities of civilised life,the celestial beauty floated downto bring grace and warmth to thesociety of humans. Indeed, herarrival generated a new currentof life and enthusiasm amongthe people she visited.

Tradition presents her as themost charming and beauteousbride of the Kojum Koja . She isthe centre of attraction and the

warmth of the society revolvesaround her. It is Nyangi Myetewho pleases guests and friendsby pouring out cups of ricewine while her charismatic andentertaining manner maintainsthe honour and humour of thesociety. It is her generosity thatmakes people dance and singand enjoy life. The land andpeople of Kojum Koja may beburied in the deluge but becauseof this celestial lady the memoryof that civilised society remainsimmortal. From the obscureworld of myth, this celestial ladycame down to live on this earth.Her beauty is present in the formof natural things. The greenvegetation on the surface of theearth is the green-bordered skirtthat she wears. Her silken whiterobe is transformed into clouds.

The changes of the seasonsare her appearance at differentsocial occasions. The water andrain are her sweat and tears. Hermelodious songs and music aretransformed into the sweet voicesof birds and humming insects.The ever changing and beautifulnatural world represents the

charming beauty of the Kojum Koja. Thus, mythological beliefis projected into present realitythrough natural surroundingsand the interpretation of humanimagination.

The Land of Fish and Stars (engotakar) is akin to the Dreamtime that is so crucial in Australianaboriginal literature. All thethings that we perceive-the sun,

The ever changing andbeautiful natural worldepresents the charming

beauty of the Kojum Koja.Thus, mythological beliefs projected into present

eality through naturalurroundings and thenterpretation of humanmagination.


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moon, hills and rivers were allborn out of that mythical placethat exists as the dreamtime, the place of ancient things fromwhich the stories of the world,the stories of gods and goddessesand the birth of man and life onearth unfolded since thoughtand speech began. There aresimilarities across the world inthe first stories of wanderingtribes and vanished empires.The ancient Mayan and Azteccivilisations worshipped the skygod and sacrificed to the mightysun, and stretching from Chinathroughout the Far East andacross to the frozen frontiersof Alaska and to the Americas,myths and legends are the basisof traditions and beliefs ofcommunities across the world.So it is with the Homeric legends,

the gods of Northern Europe,Hindu mythology, and myths ofancient Egypt and Rome.

In the fast-paced global worldof today, one may well ask whatthe worth of these old storiesand legends is. The question ofdirection and destiny has become

one of great complexity and soulsearching. And the question isWhere do we begin? What isthe most important thing to startwith? Perhaps in this, mythand memory have their role too.How do we identify ourselvesas members of a communitybelonging to a particular place,with a particular history? Someof the signs for this lie with ourstories. We are here today as

members of a community witha particular set of beliefs, by anact of faith, because we believedin the word as composed in ourmyths and legends. It is herethat we may find that peculiar,indefinable something by whichwe recognise each other, andmake others see us as a group, asociety, a people of a particularcommunity.

Today I might say that thesestories of gods and demonshave no basis in logic, but thestoryteller will tell me that theywere born out of reason, out ofthe minds of men. The stories didnot come out of nowhere like abolt of lightning. Life generatedit in us, and the significance ofsongs and stories is that theydemonstrate the complex nature

of human faith founded onmemory and the magic of wordsin the oral tradition.

With time, the collection ofmyths developed into parablesand a code of conduct thatbecame the basis for dailycustomary practice as observed

by the tribes. Everyone knows thestories, in one form or another,and it is this knowledge thatlinks the individual to a group,a certain region and community,but most often the stories areinseparable from the routine ofdaily life that they are not evenperceived as stories anymore.This is why if I asked someoneto tell me a story they would saythere was nothing to tell. There

The ancient Mayanand Aztec civilisations

worshipped the skygod and sacrificed to

the mighty sun, andstretching from China

throughout the Far Eastand across to the frozen

frontiers of Alaska andto the Americas, myths

and legends are thebasis of traditions andbeliefs of communities

across the world.


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are no reference books, fewrecorded volumes in print, andto find out anything you needpatience and persistence. Forinstance, if I approach someone,pointed out as a great storyteller, he will inevitably shrugand say, What! What kind ofstory? How can anyone pull astory out of air, eh? And if I turnto the young girls weaving clothand asked them who taught usto weave, I know they will burstinto laughter and say, Whoknows about these things. It washere before we were born!

But if I persist, asking whatis this colour, what did weuse before this, what is thatimplement called, I mightunearth interesting informationabout the cloth of butterflies ,

how the wife of a god whisperedthe secret of weaving to awoman in a dream and how thefirst cotton plant grew out ofthe white feather of a kite. Whoinvented these stories? Whosaid this should be done? Whogave us these instructions andtold men and women to erect

a guardian gate at the entranceto every village? Who told usthat the leaves and branchesof certain trees are auspicious?One gateway leads to anotherand a story begins to unfold astorehouse of meanings.

Scholars tell us that in thehistory of literature, the verseform is older than prose. Theearly history of many countries

proves this as recounted inepics, ballads and heroicpoems. Our own traditionalliterature offers similar proof.People here still believe thatdifferent clans possess differentroots that return to haunt everygeneration. These roots revealthemselves as the powers ofhealing, prediction, war andchase, or the root of words,meaning oratory. It is what holdsour ceremonies, rites and ritualstogether. In this context, therole of memory becomes crucialand remembrance of the wordbecame the art of the storyteller,the orator, the medicine man,the priest.

This seems to tally with whatI now read that: we are theversicles or words or letters of a

magic book, and that incessantbook is the only thing in theworld: more exactly, it is theworld. (JL Borges)

Arunachal Pradesh is a place fullof stories. The stories explainobserved behaviour and naturalphenomena and imbue them

with sense and order. Theyalso remind the communitythat it is important to keepour obligations, the reasonsfor which are contained in thestories. These obligations applyto every aspect of daily life fromsocial behaviour, ceremonies,worship and environment tothe preparation of food with itsassociated taboos. In Arunachalmythology, rice is of divine

Arunachal Pradesh is aplace full of stories. Thetories explain observed

behaviour and naturalphenomena and imbuehem with sense and

order. They also remind

he community that it ismportant to keep our

obligations, the reasonsor which are contained inhe stories.


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origin. It is a gift of the gods thatcame to a race of sky dwellersin the land of fish and stars.The story goes that during agreat hunt, the faithful dog of alegendary hunter lost his wayand strayed into the kingdomof the great mother earth, thegoddess of grain. The dog toldher how he had lost his way. Thegoddess heard him out and gavehim a few seeds of rice, whichthe faithful dog carried back tothe land of the sky dwellers inthe crease of his ear. This is oneof the many stories of how graincame to man.

The energy of the village isconcentrated on the cultivationof rice and every fertile plot ofland is given over to growingthis crop. Based on the rich

store of rice myths, its relevanceis associated with all theimportant rites of life, birth anddeath, ranging from festivals andcommunity feasts to marriagesand ritual offerings. Specialrice preparations are requiredfor many occasions. Among theKhamptis and Singphos of Lohit

district, a preparation of redrice wrapped in leaf packets isan essential item of offering inweddings. Rice is also the chiefingredient for the local rice beerthat is believed to be a gift fromthe gods. Like any other goodwine, making rice beer is an art.A house is lucky if its women

make good rice beer for it is theprecious ingredient of social lifethat frees the mind, loosens thetongue and makes people happy.Before rice beer was invented,life was very dull. Men satabout feeling bored; they hadnothing to talk about; they didnot hold councils or tell storiesor laugh. 3

In parts of Dibang valley, apale gold local wine is madeby the Idu Mishmi from extractof honeycombs. The regionis noted for its tradition ofhoney gathering. This event isassociated with the performanceof prescribed rituals after whichmen scale the craggy peaksand caves lined with enormousbeehives using bamboo ladders,rope and twine. It is a dangerous

feat and only the strong andfearless are chosen. The bees aresmoked out with the burning ofleaves and long bamboo polesare used to dislodge the hives.The honeycomb is boiled andyeast is added to make a potentbrew that is called yu ambey. Sometimes, at the entry of a

house a visitor might be surprisedto see a dangling honeycombthat is referred to as the devilss

puzzle . An Idu home generallysports this item as a protectionagainst evil spirits. When nightfalls and spirits are wanderingthe earth, the honeycomb actsas a spell that diverts their

3 An old Hill Miri belief recorded in Myths of the North-East Frontier by Verrier Elwin

Based on the rich store ofrice myths, its relevance

is associated with allthe important rites oflife, birth and death,

ranging from festivalsand community feasts

to marriages and ritualofferings.


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attention. The spirits begin toexamine and count the cells ofthe empty comb. This exercisetakes up all their time and soontheir power is broken as thenight passes and they flee backinto their world, and no harmbefalls the family.

These days we talk aboutidentity, culture, heritage, andwhat it means. There are manymovements to forge regionalidentities. Everyday we arereminded to uphold our culture.It is a line inserted in everyspeech, as if culture is the magicword that will arouse attentionand endear the speaker to hisaudience. What then, is myth,identity, meaning and culture?

One bright sunny day, a host of

school, children drew pictures,worked on paper masks andthere, in the shade of thenormally empty and silentstate museum, practiced a wardance loud with laughter, battlecries and ferocious footwork.Part of the Tribal TransitionsProject, 4 the Museum Max

workshop was all set to reorientmethods of teaching and linkingmuseums with education. In theprocess, drawings blossomedon paper, flutes and trumpetswere coloured orange and blue,pyramids of mountains rose

towards a flock of birds circlinga red sun, while a picture of thefamous log drum of the Nocteand Wancho of Tirap districtshowed a smiling face andfour legs. In fact, this was thefirst time I heard the log drumbeing freely sounded as a groupof students tap-tapped on theburnished wood bringing to lifethe sounds of a bygone era.

In the present time when theregion is confronted with rapidchanges, these ancient talesneed not be perceived solely assomething of the past, as deadliterature, that in the process ofdocumentation all the old wordsare frozen in print and will havereached a dead end. With everynew understanding a story willunfold endless doorways. As

in the case of the activities atthe museum it is apparent thattribal traditions need not bedevoted to, or perceived solelyas something of the past, butinstead be the catalysts for thecreative instincts of a peoplethat identify their culture. Inthis way this literature of oral

narratives also gives us oursense of identity. In short, likethe flute, the gong and the logdrum, and the storytellersart, culture and identity willmean nothing unless it canbe shared.

4 The Tribal Transitions Project was launched in the state in 2002, and is based at the

School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), London, the British Museum (London), inpartnership with the Centre for Cultural Research and Documentation, (CCRD, Itanagar),Rajiv Gandhi University (Arunachal), and the Government of Arunachal Pradesh.

Children dressed for performance

Tribal traditions neednot be devoted to, orperceived solely asomething of the past,

but instead be thecatalysts for the creativenstincts of a people thatdentify their culture. Inhis way this literature of

oral narratives also givesus our sense of identity.


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The sacred forests of the Khasiand Jaintia hills of Meghalaya arelocated in public forests set asidefor religious purposes underthe traditional land use system.These sacred forests are dividedinto three categories, dependingon the places where they arelocated. In places controlled bythe Lyngdoh or priest, the sacredforests are called Law Lyngdoh .In places that have a heavyconcentration of people whoadhere to the Khasi indigenousfaith, these forests are called

Lawniam, and in places where

villages are under the control ofthe village headman, the forestsare called Law Kyntang (whichis the literal meaning of sacredforest). The sacred forests areintrinsically related to thesocial, religious and cultural lifeof the Khasi people. Needlessto say, these forests are home

to a number of flora and fauna,which are endangered and assuch are rich in bio-diversity.

About a hundred and forty eightyears ago, Sir J.D. Hooker, thewell-known and widely respectedbotanist visited the Mawphlangsacred forest. Impressed withthe bio-diversity of its environs,he strongly urged its protection

A Walk through the SacredForests of Meghalaya

Desmond Kharmawphlang

and conservation. Later, anotherbotanist and a colonial ForestService officer, Dr. N.L. Borvisited the place and likewise,he echoed Hookers sentiments.These and other observationswere considered by the localpeople and a situation wascreated leading to a movementof sorts within the Hima or thetraditional state of Mawphlangwhich assumed a very importantdimension. Opinion wasbrought to bear on the electedheads of the 12 ruling clans anda riti synshar or an instrument

of law was introduced by theHima Mawphlang through theoffice of the Lyngdoh or prieston 30 th April, 1970. Throughthis proclamation, the forestsof Mawphlang were formallycategorised according to therequirements of the time andtheir functions and uses stated

in writing. These forests are Ka Khlaw Raij Ka Khlaw Adong, Khlaw Lyngdoh, Khlaw Lyngdoh Khun, Khlaw Lait-Tyrkhang, Khlaw Ri-Kynti or Ri Sumar and Khlaw Ri-Kur.

Some important scientific studyhas been conducted in some ofthese forests and environmentalscientists have opined that these

The sacred forests areintrinsically related to

the social, religious and

cultural life of the Khasipeople. Needless to say,these forests are home

to a number of floraand fauna, which are

endangered and as suchare rich in bio-diversity.


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forests provide the best habitatfor the reproduction of speciesand could help in better use offallow land. They could alsoserve as very important controlsites for ecological study.

The restrictions that areassociated with the sacred forestsare simple and reasonable everybody may go there and findwhatever muse or pleasure he orshe may be looking for inside.Families or friends may go thereand have a picnic, but no one isallowed to take anything be ita leaf stuck in shoes or hair-outof the groves boundary. And ofcourse, felling of timber in theseareas is absolutely prohibited.

The sacred groves at Mawphlang,a heaven-sent treasure-house for

environmentalists and botanists,is one of seven different kinds ofgrove to be found in the chiefdomof Mawphlang. Occupying asaucer-shaped depression, withhills falling away all round, thisancient forest is surroundedby numerous rough-hewnmonoliths, erected in memory

of the departed Khasi elders.As one approaches, one will seebrightly clad Khasi women andgirls, fetching water for domesticuse, passing to and from thestream that meanders into theforest, with the usual conicalbasket on their backs, supportedby a strap around the forehead.

As soon as you enter thegrove, you feel its cool air and

a sense of refreshment thatdefies definition. You are in thehumbling presence of Nature.Nothing may be removed fromhere: the ground is as soft asa carpet with the leaves andvegetation that has piled up,layer on layer, untouchedthrough the ages. The entwiningtrees and orchids are so thickoverhead that the suns raysbarely penetrate the ferns,mosses, lichens and fungi onthe forest floor.

The grove stands undisturbedtoday in its natural form notbecause of any legal sanctionbut because it is believed bythe people that the sylvandeities would be offended wereanything to be taken away, abelief reinforced by generations

of oral tradition and by referenceto the concept of the Basa , avillage deity and guardian spiritof the grove. Mawphlang, likeany other sacred grove, also hasits share of mischievous spiritswho like to play pranks toscare and confuse people. Thename of the spirit haunting the

Mawphlang sacred forest is SuidTynjang and that of the sacredforests located in the Northernparts of Khasi Hills, the Ri-Bhoidistrict, is the Thabalong .

Like most things, sacred forestsalso have stories and stories, aswe know, are about time andspace. Stories have everywhereand always found eagerlisteners. Whether the narrative

The sacred groves atMawphlang, a heaven-ent treasure-house for

environmentalists andbotanists, is one of sevendifferent kinds of grove tobe found in the chiefdomof Mawphlang. Occupyinga saucer-shaped

depression, with hillsalling away all round,his ancient forest isurrounded by numerousough-hewn monoliths,

erected in memory of thedeparted Khasi elders.


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is a report of a recent happening,an antiquated legend or acleverly contrived fiction, menand women have hung uponwords churned by storytellersand satisfy their yearningsfor amusement, for validatinga belief, for information,for religious edification orsimply for the release from theoverwhelming monotony oftheir lives. The art of storytellingis far older than history andtill today, it is one of the mostfilling pastimes. Curiosity aboutthe past and especially aboutstriking phenomena has broughtlisteners to tales and legendsbecome legends because theygrow with the telling. Religionhas played a significant role in theencouragement of the narrativeart and entire cosmologies

and philosophical discourseshave been derived from thesenarratives. The parameters ofthese tales which in turn creatediscourses and belief systemsare drawn by the limitations ofhuman life and the similarityof its basic situations. Stories,while existing in time and space,

are influenced by the nature ofthe land, by the linguistic andsocial constitution of its people,by the shadowing historicalcircumstances and changes.

According to the Khasiindigenous faith, these patchesof wilderness which are the law

kyntang are held sacred due tothe presence of U Ryngkew U

Basa believed to be the earthly

embodiment of the primeval Ryngkew and husband of Lisan ,the primeval universal mother.Conceived as a male, he is alsoregarded as the first light andfather to rock and soil. The

Ryngkew and Basa are believedto manifest their being andpresence, at times, throughhuman and animal agencies.These spirits were sent by Godto dwell on earth. Why didthis happen? There is a storybehind it!

When the earth was young, it wasbelieved that there grew a gigantictree with branches spreadingin all directions and as the treegrew, swathes of shadows werecast. Gradually, more and moreplaces became overcast and asthe tree continued growing with

rapidity, the branches also startedreaching across larger and largerareas. Very soon, the sun wasalmost eclipsed and creatures,both humans and animals, wereseized with fear. Finally, totaldarkness covered the earth andnone dared venture out in searchof food or to finish any chores. It

was finally decided in a councilthat the tree had to be felled andcollectively, humans in greatnumbers went to the mountainrange of Diengiei to the west ofpresent day Shillong and startedto work at bringing the tree downwith their axes and machetes.However, the tree trunk was toohuge and the people found thatthey could not finish the workin one day. They left the place

Stories, while existingin time and space, are

influenced by the nature ofthe land, by the linguistic

and social constitutionof its people, by the

shadowing historicalcircumstances and

changes.


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and returned home to rest andsleep.

When they returned the nextday, the cut marks and notchesmade on the trunk of the gigantictree had all disappeared andthe Diengiei stood as new asever. The people, determinedto bring the tree down, begananew to hack at the trunk onceagain and as the day before,had to give up without successswearing to finish the work thefollowing day. The next daywhen they came to the placethey discovered to their dismaythat the tree was whole again.Nearby, a small migratory birdcalled the Phreit was perched ona bush and it taunted the peoplethere telling them that it wouldbe impossible to fell the tree

unless they heeded it because itknew the secret of how the treeregained its lost sinews. Afterobtaining permission for itselfand its ilk to feast from ripenedpaddy fields for generationsto come, the Phreit disclosedthat when the people go homeafter their labours, a tiger used

to come and lick the woundedportions of the tree trunk andthus, the Diengiei would healitself.

The bird then advised the peopleto tie their axes and machetes tothe tree trunk all around so thatwhen the tiger comes to lick thewounds and notches it wouldcut its tongue and abandon itsmission. As predicted, the tiger,

after hurting itself, ran away inthe darkness of night and thefollowing day, the tree fell. Godwas offended by the actionsof the humans as the tree wassupposed to symbolise a closerelationship between God andman and this destructive actionsevered all connections betweencreator and creature. The fellingof the Diengiei tree ushered inlong periods of calamity anddeprivation. There was discordbetween animals and humansand peace died. The earthincluding all its inhabitantsbeseeched Gods forgiveness andas signs of atonement, forsworethe use of axes and machetes ontrees and plants unless necessary.God also looked on kindly at thisgesture and resolved to sendthe Ryngkew and the Basa , his

representatives to live in the law kyntang or sacred forests andaccept the annual deificationthrough ritualistic offerings andceremonies.

This narrative constitutes afundamental tenet of the Khasireligious philosophy and is often

told and retold in ceremonialsituations lasting several hours.In conjunction, offerings inmemory of clan progenitors andfounders are also performed inthe sacred forests. Therefore, itis very common to see symbolicrepresentations of the Ryngkew in the form of a rock or stonewhich may be naturally formedor constructed and to also seeimposing megalithic structures

This narrative constitutesa fundamental tenet of theKhasi religious philosophyand is often told and retoldn ceremonial situationsasting several hours. In

conjunction, offerings

n memory of clanprogenitors and foundersare also performed in theacred forests.


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which are actually cromlechs,cairns sarcophagi and otherforms of commemorative stonestructures. An event to giveofferings to the Ryngkew couldalso double up as one in whichthe ancestors are propitiated.In fact, almost all clan andcommunity ceremonies ofconsequence are performedwithin the confines of the sacredforests. The Mawphlang sacredforest, one of the most well-known, was established by

ka Khmah , the founder of the Lyngdoh Mawphlang clan. Tilltoday, one can see the imposingcommemorative stones erectedin her memory. In addition, therecan be seen other stones whichhave sacerdotal significance tilltoday.

Regeneration of the sacredforest law kyntang thaiangAnother sacred forest whichhas striking accounts of how itoriginated, flourished and wasdestroyed is the law kyntang thaiang . Thaiang is the namegiven to the community ofseven villages in a remote part

of North Khasi Hills in theState of Meghalaya in NorthEast India. These villagesof Mawlaho, Umtyrkhang,Pamlatar, Pamphlang, Iam Khon,Mawshunam and Mawtari onceshared a common traditionaladministrative set up, religion(Khasi Indigenous faith) andmost importantly, a huge sacredforest. For centuries, adherenceto indigenous faith and respect

for the forest deities ensured thetotal preservation of the forestwith its incredible wealth offlora and fauna.

During the early 1990s, mywork as a folklorist took me toThaiang and after a long timeof work in this area, collectingsongs and stories, I was acceptedby the villagers. One of the mostfascinating stories I heard wasabout the sacred forest, thetraditions associated with it,its subsequent destruction andthe fallout in its wake. The sitewhere the old sacred forest usedto be located is exactly in thecentre of the seven constituentvillages of Thaiang and one caneasily visualise that it functionedas the heart and somethingthat the villages drew spiritual

sustenance from. It servedas a meeting place for villagecouncils and spring dances. Asis the case in most sacred forestsfound in Khasi and Jaintia Hills,the sacred forest of Thaiang wasprotected by a spiritual tutelarydeity called U Ryngkew U Basa who, whenever he makes himself

visible, takes the form of a tiger.Till today, in quite a few of theseforests, religious ceremonies inthe form of rituals and springdances are regularly performedin honour of the Ryngkew or thetiger spirit who is perceived asthe master of wilderness.

During my countless visits toThaiang, I could see that the areawas shorn of any trees and as far

The site where the oldsacred forest used to

be located is exactly inthe centre of the sevenconstituent villages ofThaiang and one can

easily visualise that itfunctioned as the heart

and something that thevillages drew spiritual

sustenance from. It servedas a meeting place for

village councils and springdances.


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as the eye could see, there wereonly naked hills extending to theskies. Inferior quality bamboo,elephant grass, lantana andbroomstick plants added to thestark, dry, unkempt sight of theslopes where shifting cultivationwas practiced. There was notrace of rain. Spring seemed tohave failed to breathe a newlease of life. The rotting stumpsof once magnificent trees dottingthe hills told their own story ofdestruction. A series of droughtsdestroyed the crops, year afteryear, compelling the villagersto take up the monocultureplantation of broomsticks. Thevillagers realised their loss asthey struggled to eke out a livingin the unforgiving hills. It is thecurse of the Ryngkew . Ever sincethe forests were destroyed, we

have had nothing but trouble,sickness and poverty, said thesyiem (chief) of Raid Thaiang,

Jerly Syiem, during one of hisconversations with me.

On my next visit, I wasapproached by the chief andhis elders and they told me thatthey had a series of meetings inthe village and they had come toconvey their desire to reforest thesite where the splendid sacredforest of Thaiang used to be. Thiswould be done as a symbolic actof atonement, to bring back goodfortune to Thaiang and to set anexample for other villages thathad lost their sacred forests. Thiswas August 1995.

One of the problems faced bythe present Lyngdoh or priestwas that he was no longer ableto initiate the rituals necessaryfor the consecration of the forestand a process of re-learning hadto be undertaken by him andother religious functionaries.

This process took two years. Theactual launching of this project toregenerate the decimated foresttook place on 24 th April, 1997with the performance of thetraditional spring dance, a dancewhich had been abandonedever since the destruction of theforest some 28 years ago. Three

ceremonial stones were erected atthe Khyrdop or the gateway of theforest and the rituals performedonce again.

The actual re-plantationwork was done on 25 th and26 th June, 1997 and on thesedays, about 3500 saplings whichwere brought by truck from aforest department nursery wereplanted. All the able-bodied


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people of Thaiang participatedin this community work. I wasinvolved in this entire Thaiangsacred forest regenerationprogramme but I was interestedin this more as a poet and afolklorist who sees the sacredforest as the central symbol andfocal point of mythological andpoetic imagination.

The belief in sacred forestsas religious and culturalspace is intrinsic to Khasithought and philosophy. It

perhaps provides material forserious thinking about thecivilisational evolution of bio-diversity, including man andhis institutions. It is a validationof the importance of engaginglocal discourse in diverse globalchallenges and developmentalagendas. The conflation offolklore, traditional knowledge,and bio-diversity reveals theinterdependencies of all theseforces which may ensurethe survival of this, our onlyplanet.


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To the casual outside observer,Naga society, like other tribalsocieties, must appear verysimple. However, tribal societiesare very complex and they differvastly in nature from non-tribalsocieties.

Tribal societies are also very wellstructured and organised andeach individual has very clearcut roles and responsibilities,which are considered essentialfor the smooth running ofvillage/community life. In fact,the strength of a tribal society

lies in their well-definedinstitutions and organisations,which exercise great discipline

Ariju : The Traditional Seat ofLearning in Ao Society

Monalisa Changkija

over individuals and influencethe quality of life in any village.

Naga society is made up ofover 40 tribes spread over thestates of Nagaland, Manipur,Assam, Arunachal Pradeshand our neighbouring countryMyanmar. We will discuss avery fundamental institutionof the Nagas, which is calledthe Morung . For our purpose,we will focus on the Ao tribesinstitution of the Morung , whichis called Ariju . In any Ao village,the Ariju plays the central role in

every aspect of an individualslife. It is the fundamental basisof Naga cultural heritage.

A unique institution, the Ariju isakin to the modern day school,college and university for this iswhere from a very early age, Aoboys live together and are taught

and trained to shoulder theresponsibilities of adulthood. Ariju basically means thebachelors dormitory or house. Itis better understood in terms ofa modern university or militaryheadquarters because of itsfunctions, nature of training andexchange and propagation ofideas. Ariju is generally a boysschool, college and universityall rolled into one, as also the


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centre and agent of socialisationand in ancient traditional Aosociety, it is considered to bethe perfect seat of learning. The

Ariju is necessarily the pivotalplace and/or space where ideasare exchanged.

The Ariju is also a place inwhich war strategy is plannedand discussed. The Arijucan be likened to a fortress.Etymologically, Ar means enemyand ju means to guard or watchor keep vigil, denoting that itis a headquarters for warfaretraining and military matters.

The Ariju is one of the oldestand strongest means of socialcontrol and serves as an agentof community protection sincethis institution trains and

disciplines the youth. Thisinstitution also serves societysneed for social security andpromotes culture. It also servesas a training centre for mastercraftsmanship in handloom,handicraft, pottery, masonryetc., and all other agriculturaland trade activities. JP Mills

had described Ariju as a PublicSchool (as also a boys club)and indeed in modern termsthat is exactly what it is andbecause from Ariju , the processof socialisation for an Ao manbegins.

Ao Migration and SettlementTo understand the concept of

Ariju more clearly, we mustunderstand the structural and

organisational systems andinstitutions of an Ao village.

Like all Naga tribes, the Aos toohave migrated from China andSouth East Asia and settled downin their present territory, whichis the Mokokchung district ofNagaland, the 16 th State of theIndian Union. The route of theAos migration is said to bealong the banks of the YunanRiver through present Myanmarduring the period from the endof BC and beginning of AD.However, the Aos migrationdid not take place at one go orthrough the same route.

After the long migration fromthe East, various groups ofAos set up villages in differentparts of the six mountainous

ranges of Mokokchung district.However, life was insecure forthe new settlers, as they had toface the vagaries of an unknownenvironment replete with wildanimals, as also raids from otherAo groups and other tribes,who attacked them for variousreasons. According to oral

traditions, the Ariju is as old asthe village itself because it wasconstructed simultaneouslywith the establishment of thevillage. The exact time of avillages establishment may beshrouded in mystery but thecircumstances and purpose ofbuilding the Ariju was clear.Legend has it that when all themale members of the village wereaway at work in the paddy fields,

The Ariju is one of theoldest and strongest

means of social controland serves as an agent

of community protectionsince this institution

trains and disciplines theyouth. This institution

also serves societysneed for social security

and promotes culture.


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unknown enemies entered thevillage and took away domesticanimals and other valuables.Like all traditional Naga villages,Ao villages too are inevitablyset up on hilltops for protectionfrom enemies, and paddy fieldsare always on the plain areas ofvalleys below the villages. Raidsand attacks from enemies madevillagers insecure hence they metto discuss the villages protectionfrom such enemy incursions.They decided to build a platformin an ideal place from wherethe arrival of enemies could beeasily seen. This platform wascalled Arrjobang , which lateron evolved into the Ariju . Inthe initial stages, the platformwas constructed without a roof.Only later, roofs and walls wereadded to protect the sentinels

from rain and sun. In the courseof time, it became the mostdecorated house in the village,much like the village Chiefs ora rich mans house.

A couple of warriors weredeputed to keep vigil night andday to guard the village and soon

enough it became the centralmeeting point of all the villagers.The Arrjobang created a sense ofsecurity amongst the villagers,which later evolved into a livinginstitution.

The system and practice ofguarding the village exist tilltoday and the guard or sentinelis called Tstemonger . The dutyof the Tstemonger (the guard) is

to guard the village throughoutthe day while everyone is busy atthe paddy fields, as also to alertthe villagers during emergenciessuch as fire, sickness, death,accident etc. They also deliverofficial letters and messages toother villages. The Tstemonger ,however, does not remainconfined to the Arrjobang alone,he also patrols the entire lengthand breadth of the villagethroughout the day and night toensure all is well.

When the population of villageswas small in the olden days, one

Arrjobang was built in the centreof the village and was accessibleto everyone. However, with theincrease in population, eachclan in the village built its own

Arrjobangs or Arijus . While there

is no fixed rule as to how many Arijus can be built in a village,normally in bigger villagersthere are two Arijus and onlyone in smaller villages.

Ao villages, comprising severalclans, are normally dividedinto two distinct khels upper

khel and lower khel and eachkhel normally has an Ariju eachbut then again the populationand the demand of the villagedictates the number of Arijus .

The construction of the Ariju isbased on very clear-cut customsand religious beliefs, hence it is atedious task and each step has tobe followed precisely so as not toinvite bad luck. The details of the

The system and practiceof guarding the villageexist till today and theguard or sentinel is calledTstemonger . The dutyof the Tstemonger (theguard) is to guard the

village throughout the daywhile everyone is busyat the paddy fields, asalso to alert the villagersduring emergencies.


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construction of an Ariju indicatehow crucial this structure is, asevery member, every clan andevery age group in the villagehas well-delineated roles to playand responsibilities to shoulderthroughout the period of theconstruction. The constructionalso underscores how centralthe Ariju is, not only to thevillage as a collective but also toeach villager, as an individual.Indubitably, the Ariju at oncereflects the interdependenceof the collective and theindividual.

The Age Group SystemThe interdependence of thecollective and the individual isalso reflected in the compositionof the Ariju . The entire life ofthe Ariju is solely based on the

network of the age group systemcalled the zngaren. Zngameans age group and ren meansin lines . Without the zngaren ,the organisation, functions andthe working system of the Arijuwould be impossible. Znga orage group plays an importantrole in the social life of the Aos.

Those born within three yearsform a znga . Each znga (agegroup) has to remain in thestatus for three years before theyare upgraded to a higher status.All males are members of the

Ariju from 12 years onwards.The oldest znga retires everythree years at about 25 years ofage. A boys tenure at the Ariju isabout 10 to 15 years after whichhe would automatically become

a village councillor in thevillage administration called the

Putu Menden .

However, a bachelor above theage of 30, even after his tenureexpires, may continue to liveat the Ariju but he is exemptedfrom all compulsory duties andcontributions.

If a man marries before or at 25years of age, he ceases to sleep inthe Ariju but is bound to performall compulsory duties and makethe compulsory contributionstill his tenure expires along withthe rest of his znga .

As stated above, the entry pointinto the Ariju is 12 years of ageand the exit point is 25 years ofage. Membership into the Ariju

also compulsorily entails thatfrom the time a znga s tenurebegins, the boys live and sleepin the Ariju and not in theirparents residence. The membersof the Ariju have not onlytheir assigned duties, chores,tasks, roles, responsibilitiesand contributions but must

also accept their share ofpunishment when there is anydereliction of duty and whenfound delinquent. Therefore,the overall upbringing andeducation of a boy is a collectiveresponsibility and not that ofthe parents alone. Is this whatthe African adage: It takesthe whole village to bring up achild means?

All males are membersof the Ariju from 12 years

onwards. The oldest znga retires every three yearsat about 25 years of age.

A boys tenure at the Arijuis about 10 to 15 years

after which he wouldautomatically become avillage councillor in the

village administrationcalled the

Putu Menden.


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By and large, Arijus consists ofsix zngas (age groups). Theyare:

Sngpur Tenapang Ztsung/Sangremzen Salang Senyim Jozen or Ajozen.

The foundation of the Ariju isthe distinct classification ofeach age group. Each grouphas a very well-defined statusand they play their roles andshoulder their responsibilitiesaccordingly. Basically, eachage group maintains a two-tier system (upper and lowergrades) within the same cadre.The nature, the structure andthe functions of Ariju s in all Aovillages are same.

Starting from manual and menialchores, like carrying water,chopping fire wood, sharpeningdaos and other implements ofwar and agriculture, runningerrands for the seniors etc.,the age groups are promoted toagricultural and horticultural

tasks, as also disciplining theyounger group in all mattersincluding war tactics. But thisgroup is still considered tooyoung to participate in head-hunting. The next age groupcontinues the normal tasksassigned to the first age group butthere are designated principalroles in the construction ofnew Ariju s and repairs in theold ones.

Punishments are meted out tothe first three age groups butthe fourth and the groups abovethem are exempted from hardlabour and punishments. Thefourth age group consists ofthe master artisans and trainerswho are entrusted to train theyounger age groups in variousspecialised trades. The fifthgroup, the second most seniorgroup is engaged in monetarymatters and it handles thefinancial aspects of the Ariju .The sixth group comprises thecommanders of the Ariju andis the overall in-charge of allactivities and matters pertainingto the Ariju . They are thecommanders, administrators,rules and controllers of the

Ariju life.

The sixth age group is thesubordinate body of the overallvillage administration. They candirectly impose fines on culpritsand law-breakers in the village.They settle disputes betweenzngas , they organise feastsand lead war dances and tendto the village welfare activities.

They are the military force oncommand, ready to defend thevillage. It is from this group,that members are inducted intothe village council, the Putu

Menden .

The Ariju is under the overallsupervision of the Tir (Fatherof the Ariju ), who is also itsreligious head. The selectionof the Tir is based on status,

The foundation of the

Ariju is the distinctclassification of eachage group. Eachgroup has a verywell-defined statusand they play theiroles and shoulderheir responsibilities

accordingly. Basically,each age groupmaintains a two-tierystem (upper andower grades) withinhe same cadre. The

nature, the structureand the functionsof Ariju s in all Aovillages are same.


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wealth, knowledge of wartactics, bravery and heroism(especially in bringing huntedheads), contributions to the lifeof the Ariju and generally a manmuch respected for his integrityand leadership qualities. As theFather of the Ariju , the Tir maynot actually fight wars but hestrategises and directs wars andit is under his generalship, warsare fought. He also performs allreligious ceremonies before andafter wars. He predicts omensand can postpone wars. As theFather of the Ariju , the Tir furtherperforms all religious sacrificesand heads the management ofthe Ariju . In him is vested thepowers to reward and punish.The Tir enjoys an indisputableand prominent place inthe village society. This is

underscored by the fact that theTir lends paddy for festivals andhe takes care of other unforeseenexpenditure. He mediatesbetween the village councillorsand the Ariju members duringtimes of crisis. The Tir s tenure isunlimited and he may continuetill death or till age or infirmity

prevents him from shoulderinghis responsibilities.

In Ao society, every memberof the znga maintains his/ her identity and prestige fromchildhood till they die andit is the Ariju that formalisesthis arrangement. Even muchafter the British colonials andAmerican missionaries came andleft Nagaland, much of the Ariju

traditions are still practiced,not physically and literally, butthrough very modern ways andperspectives. Even today, onoccasions like weddings, deathsand festivals, each age group hasits responsibilities well definedand well shouldered too. Everyyear between Christmas andNew Year, a general meetingof all male citizens, whereverthey currently reside, is held ineach Ao village and young menbelonging to the various agegroups are present in the villageto attend to their tasks during2-3-day meetings in the village.

Another very encouragingaspect of the age group systemis the social obligations theymeet collectively. There areincreasing number of instances

wherein particular age groupshave established schools, homesfor senior citizens, hostels,libraries, etc. in their villagesalthough most members of theage group may no longer live inthe village.

Continuing Social Relevance

The greatest impact of thetraditional Ao Ariju is its role asthe cementing force in all socialand societal aspects of tribal life,which still guides the modernAo. The Ariju also imbibes astrong sense of responsibilitytowards the community,without which a small tribelike the Ao, as also other Nagatribes, would have been blownaway like dried leaves, by the

As the Father of the Ariju,the Tir further performs

all religious sacrifices andheads the management

of the Ariju. In him isvested the powers to

reward and punish. TheTir enjoys an indisputable

and prominent place inthe village society. This is

underscored by the factthat the Tir lends paddy

for festivals and he takescare of other unforeseen

expenditure.


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storms of modernity. The Ariju also strengthens the bonds ofindividuals with the collectiveand it is these bonds that tieNaga society into a closely-knitentity and helps the Naga societyface the uncertainties of newerages that had dawned with thearrival of the British colonialsand American missionaries, whobrought in modern education, analien religion, hitherto unknownvalue systems, unheard ofideologies, and political,economic and social systemsand structures to a very differenttraditional Naga society.

Although the role and positionof the Ariju has changed with theadvent of the British colonialsand American missionaries, thesignificance and impact of this

institution still remains centralto the Ao Naga in several ways.It is this institution, after all,that imbibes all knowledge andeducation on how to conductlife for the Ao Naga, be it inthe family and home, be itamongst villagers and villages,be it trade and commerce,

agriculture and allied activitieslike handloom, handicrafts andother crafts, dances, music, waror diplomacy.

However, it is not only boys thathave been privileged to have aseat of learning in the Ao village.There were Ariju s for girls toobut because women have asecondary position in a basicallypatriarchal Naga society, Ariju s

for girls were never accorded theimportance they should havebeen given. Because boys andgirls were not allowed to entereach others Ariju s both the seatsof learning were considered tobe sacred to each of the sexes.In the girls Ariju , they weretaught the traditional rolesand responsibilities accordedto women in any patriarchalsociety. And the girls Ariju functioned much like the boysexcept for training in warfareand other activities that wereheld to be mens prerogative.The girls Ariju s too functionedalong the age group system.The concept of co-ed was notpracticed, which could alsoindicate a highly developedsense of morality among thetraditional Ao villagers.

An Ao womans worth istraditionally measured by thequality of the handloom sheproduces and the finest wastaught in the girls Ariju , asalso her culinary proficiency.Community feasting is anintegral part of the Ao village but

the fact that they cannot be heldwithout collective efforts waswell-imbibed in the young boysand girls, who were assignedspecific tasks to perform for thesuccess of the community feasts.Each individuals contributionwas accepted in the form oftasks he/she performed for thesuccess of these feasts, and someof these community events doinclude weddings and funerals.

t is this institution, afterall, that imbibes allknowledge and educationon how to conduct lifeor the Ao Naga, be it inhe family and home, bet amongst villagers and

villages, be it trade andcommerce, agricultureand allied activities likehandloom, handicraftsand other crafts, dances,music, war or diplomacy.


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The Ao village has a verywell-defined system of villageadministration, which requiresknowledge and the Ariju provides education to acquirethis knowledge. The Aovillage also has traditional andhistorical trade and diplomaticties with other Ao and non-Aovillages, as also with villagesnow in the State of Assam. Ittakes a lot of learning for theyounger generations to continuethese ties and this is where theeducation imparted in the Ariju comes in handy. The Assam andNagaland border disputes arewell-known and despite somevery unfortunate tragedies overthe decades, much disaster hasbeen averted simply on thestrength of the traditional andhistorical ties of Ao villages

with those of neighbouringAssam. The knowledge oftraditions and history requiredto maintain diplomatic ties isnot taught in modern schoolsand colleges and this is wherethe education imparted in the

Ariju supplements modern daypolitical leaders, bureaucrats

and law enforcers.

Ariju and TraditionalKnowledge : The other importantfeature of the Ariju is that itimparts traditional knowledgethat is today conceded to havescientific basis. Agriculture isnot a random activity in Aosociety. It is, in fact, the mainstayof Naga society. Agriculturein Ao society is practiced

along very sound environmentfriendly principles. Eventhe much-condemned jhumcultivation was traditionallypracticed according to a 15-yeargap, time enough for the soil torejuvenate. Planting, sowing andharvesting was done accordingto propitious times taking intoconsideration the condition ofthe soil, the quantity of rainfalland other climatic and weatherconditions. The youngergenerations were taught thevalues of the innumerable herbsand medicinal plants that growwild in the jungle, as also thevegetables, fruits, berries thatheal and can also be used as dyesfor traditional Naga handloomand handicrafts. Protectionof the environment, wildlife,traditional means of pest control,

fishing without destroyingthe wealth abounding in ourrivers and streams, preservingtrees and other flora, as alsokilling domestic animal for foodwithout causing pain, livestockmanagement, introduction ofvarieties of seeds and theirpreservation techniques of

grain storage system, forestmanagement etc. were alsotaught in the Ariju .

Aos are still much dictatedand directed by customs andtraditions that keep the personal,private, public and professionallife well-oiled. From the way toconduct oneself in a weddingor a funeral to what clothes anyoccasion demands are issues that

The knowledge oftraditions and historyrequired to maintaindiplomatic ties is not

taught in modern schoolsand colleges and this

is where the education

imparted in the Ariju supplements modernday political leaders,bureaucrats and law

enforcers.


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are very well defined. Customsand traditions, which involve allkinds of relationships, whethermarital or otherwise, are alsounambiguous in Ao society andthe Ariju is the seat of learningwhich imparts the requiredknowledge on Ao customs andtraditions. An Ao, who showsa lack of knowledge of customsand traditions, which is calledSubaliba, is considered to be anuneducated person even if he/ she has a post-doctoral degreefrom the finest university in thecountry or abroad.

Story telling, passing down ofthe oral traditions, folklore,rituals, ceremonies, matrimonialrelations, family management,art of speech, recitation ofpoems and renditions of songs,

training in traditional musicalinstruments etc, were all taughtin the Ariju too. Clearly, the Ariju taught a youth how to survive,how to make a living and howto live and bond with otherindividuals and the collective.

Ariju and Democracy : The Ao

village is not only well-structuredand highly organised but alsogoverned in a very simple butat the same time sophisticatedmanner, which has all the salientfeatures of a modern democracy.The objective of the educationimparted in the Ariju is donekeeping in mind that every

citizen has responsibilities, asmuch as rights, and that to beable to play the roles, shoulderthe responsibilities and enjoythe rights, one must acquirethe necessary knowledge andeducation as much as acquirethe wisdom to enable thesmooth functioning of thesedemocratic ideals, principlesand traditions.

Certainly, the importance ofthe traditional Ariju cannotbe over-emphasised even intodays liberalised, privatisedand globalised world. In fact,there is a need to revive the bestthat the Ariju can still offer inconsonance with modern dayeducation. The knowledge erainto which we have enteredhas to be strengthened with a

synthesis of the old and the newto recycle and rehabilitate ourtired world.

Bibliography:

JP Mills: The Ao Nagas

WC Smith: The Ao Naga Tribes

of Assam

N Talitemjen Jamir & ALanunungsang: Naga Societyand Culture

A Bendangyabang Ao: History ofChristianity in Nagaland

An Ao, who shows aack of knowledge of

customs and traditions,which is called Subaliba,s considered to be an

uneducated person evenf he/she has a post-

doctoral degree from theinest university in thecountry or abroad.


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There is an enchanting Jaintiavillage called Jatinga somenine kilometers from Haflong,the district headquarters of theNorth Cachar Hills in district ofAssam. Jatinga is a Jeme Nagaword meaning the Pathway ofrain and water. The village ison a longish hump with the loftyBarail hills on one side. A deepvalley stretches towards it wherebirds are supposed to cometo die. It so happened that the

Jeme Nagas, while rounding upstray cattle one evening with litbamboo torches, were shockedout of their wits to find birdsdescending on them in hordes.

They readily sold off their landto the Jaintias for a paltry sumand moved on. The Jaintias, too,saw the same thing happen asthey sat round a campfire tellingstories and gossiping at the hourwhen dogs howl at ghosts. Theythought it was a blessing fromheaven and started making a

sport of killing and capturingthe birds by attracting themwith lit bamboo torches. Thesedays, they use hurricanes andmantle-lamps.

On dark moonless nights whenthere is a thick fog and thedirection of the wind is right,birds come in hordes to the

Jatinga valley wherever theysee light. There is often a slight

Meanderings in Assam Pradip Acharya

drizzle at the time. It starts inlate August and continues tillNovember. Birds do not commitsuicide. It remains a humanprerogative. They are killed bybirdlighting as the process iscalled. Much the same thinghappens in the Philippines.Studies show that almost allthe birds are diurnal; they arejuveniles, that is, they belongto the current years brood, andhave no previous experienceof the valley. They are, almostentirely, water birds. The timecoincides with their feedingand training hours. Their tenderwings are wet and heavy with

the fog and rain and they arelost. They fly to the comparativesafety of illumined spaces. TheAssam forest department has putup a watch tower with powerfulsearch lights which attract morebirds than the mantle-lamps ofthe villagers. They are caught,studied and freed. The myth

that they refuse food in captivityis just, a myth.

This is accessible history andis often written about. In fact,we are so used to the writtenword that we forget that therewere centuries of literaturebefore the first word came tobe written. Folk tales, songs,riddles etc. (oral literature)lengthen our past, and they are

Studies show that almostall the birds are diurnal;

they are juveniles, that is,they belong to the current

years brood, and have noprevious experience of the

valley. They are, almostentirely, water birds.

The time coincides withtheir feeding and training

hours.


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handed down from generationto generation, and in placeslike Assam, they persist tillthis day. They change and areoften added to. They are livingmemory, not ethnography. Theyare tales and songs I rememberfrom when I was a wee lad.The Jaintias had close ties withthe Ahoms , who ruled Assamfor six hundred years fromthe thirteenth century to thenineteenth. The famed annalsor chronicles written duringthe Ahom rule also include one

Jaintia Buranji or The History ofthe Jaintias. The village Jatinga,however, is in Dimasa land andthe Dimasas are concentrated inthe North Cachar Hills district.They belong to the greater Bodogroup of people who are thelargest ethnic community in

the plains of Assam. They are,in fact, a civilisation, for theyhad built cities. The remains ofDimapur, Maibong and Khaspurare still extant. The Bodos andthe Assamese have a lot incommon because of centuriesof close contact. Assamese isthe major language spoken by

the people of the Brahmaputravalley and the adjacent hills. Itis used as the link language bythe various ethnic communitiesof the region. The Misings , forinstance, celebrate their Bihuover a long period in the fields,by the river and even in thewilderness. The spring festival

Bihu was initially looked downupon by the elite classes in both

Assamese and Mising society asbeing vulgar and too physical.But the Assamese are knownall over for their Bihu now andthe Misings swear by it. Thisis how the Misings celebrate

Bihu in their songs calledoi-nitom:

O my dear one, Bihu is already here

Lets go and play Bihu as thedrums beat and cymbals ring

Koels are crooning Bihu songsand I go mad, am possessed.

My darling, youre a Bihu blossomsprouting from the earth

and me an orchid hanging from atree, swaying in the wind,

for this is the Bihu season, dear,the hour of love blossoming.

Come, lets too flower and talkmatters of the heart.

The Karbis are anotherimportant ethnic community ofAssam. They are hill dwellersand are concentrated in the

Karbi Anglong district but have

also spilled over to the plains.Basically animists, the Karbishave, however, down the ages,absorbed some elements ofHinduism in folk forms. Theirrich oral literature includes the

Karbi Ramayana called Sabin Alun . This is not a translationof the great epic. The entireRamayana story is retold andrecast in the model of Karbi

Assamese is the majoranguage spoken

by the people of theBrahmaputra valley andhe adjacent hills. It is

used as the link language

by the various ethniccommunities of theegion.


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society and culture. Birth anddeath are considered the twomost important events in Karbilife. Chomangkan, largely adeath ritual, is celebrated likea community festival. TheKarbis differ from the othercommunities in that their mostimportant festival is associatedwith death and not with plantingor harvest or the advent ofspring.

Assamese has over a thousandyear old tradition of writtenliterature but a rich folktradition is vitally alive evennow especially in the festivitiesrelating to the coming ofspring and the harvest. TheAssamese spring festival Bihu has its parallel in most ofthe other communities. The

bagarumba of the Bodos , theali-ai-lrigang of the Misingsand the Bihu of the Assameseare singularly beautiful songand dance ensembles which arestill meaningful and are not astring of obscure gestures whenmeanings are lost. Here the folkand the modern live side by

side. In like manner, differentreligions also meet here andinfluence one another. In oneof the greatest tantric seats,Kamakhya, there are panelsshowing vignettes from the lifeof the Buddha and a few secularfrescos. I have come across apeculiar nursery rhyme, withamusing absurdities, in thelower districts of Assam, which

Bihu Dance

The duck chases the civet away

As the owl looks on

The roast fish in the fire-place

Plan gobbling the tomcat

is supposed to belong originallyto a mystic cult:

It may also have the riddleelement which makes versemore complex. As it is, all thecommunities in Assam havetheir own rich store of riddles

which are now being threatenedby the modern quiz. Childrenare amused by unusual linkages.The surprise element and thepeculiar pleasure of discoverystill sustain the riddle. Newriddles continue to be madewhere airplanes and much laterartifices figure. A quiz demandsinformation and a quick memoryrecall but a riddle demands

Tiwa Folk Dance

O r i g i n a

l P h o t o g r a p h

b y S H P a t g i r i

O r i g i n a l

P h o t o g r a p h



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imagination and synthesis. Themodern child may not be able tosolve a riddle without any hazardto himself or his community buthis pleasure is genuine when itis explained and he begins to

see. The fateful riddles of theSphinx and the Yaksha involved

the life of the Thebans and thePandavas respectively but theriddle in our communities ispure fun:

Why does this essay wander andwhy has it taken such a windingcourse? The answer lies in a folkbelief of the Assamese, popularin the Nagaon district of Assam.Three tributaries, Kalang, Kapiliand Dizu meet the Brahmaputrato see the sea. Why have theytaken such a zigzag, tortuous

path? Their guide was the wily,dodging fox.

Chitrabhagawat, manuscript painting

A two-tongued bird

Black water drinks

And spits out everything

That man thinks. (a quill pen)

Satriya Dance O r i g i n a l

P h o t o g r a p h


O

r i g i n a l

P h o t o g r a p h



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Markets run by WomenAnyone visiting Manipur forthe first time cannot help butwonder at seeing a marketrun entirely by women. Allthe vendors are women. Mostof the buyers also comprise

women. Inside the market,on rows of raised platforms,covered with corrugated ironsheets for shelter from theelements of nature, women selleverything from vegetables andfishes to clothes and cosmetics.Womens market, popularlyknown as Ima (Ema) Keithel lies

in the heart of KwairambandKeithel (Kwairamband Bazar)in the centre of Imphal city. InManipur, markets are ruled bywomen which also serve as ameeting place for gossip and toexchange ideas and views.

Another name of Ima Keithelis Sana Keithel (Sana Keithen)or royal market. It is one ofthe ten markets dedicated by

Manipur: Womens World?Tayenjam Bijoykumar Singh

A nations culture resides in the hearts and in the soul ofits people.

M.K. Gandhi

Is the sky higher He, our Father, is still higher. Is the earth heavier She, our Mother, is still heavier.

An old Manipuri Verse

Meetingu Khakempa (MeidinguKhagemba) in the year 1614 AD.The other nine markets are: (1)Awang Keithen, (2) Kha Keithen,(3) Phayeng (Phabang) Keithen,(4) Moirang Keithen, (5) Andro

Keithen, (6) Khooman Keithen,(7) Kwa Keithen, (8) KondongKeithen and (9) Chairen Keithen.Some of the markets were namedafter valiant warriors and heroesof war. For some markets, thepurpose of running and itemsto be traded were specificallyassigned.

In the womens market, thevendors have their own termsfor everything. Insultingand contemptuous terms areoften used to express love,satisfaction, appreciation,etc, bewildering those whooverhear them. Ordinary wordslike full, half, quarter, less andmore have hidden meanings.Once they come to the market,

Womens market,popularly known as Ima(Ema) Keithel lies in the

heart of KwairambandKeithel (KwairambandBazar) in the centre of

Imphal city. In Manipur,markets are ruled by

women which also serveas a meeting place for

gossip and to exchangeideas and views.


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these women metamorphosefrom their original selves andassume the image of Ema . Thissimple word Ema meaningmother when colloquially usedassumes a unique personalityakin to the Amazons of theGreek mythology. Irrespectiveof age, caste and creed, everyvendor at the womens marketis an Ema. It is difficult for theoutsider to comprehend whatthey feel and why they behavein such a strange manner, forwhen they laugh it may meanthey are actually crying. To acasual visitor, they always seemso happy and radiant.

The womens market is indicativeof the position women hold inManipuri society. They excelin weaving, arts, crafts and

sporting practices. They havekept the culture and traditions ofManipur alive. It is interestingto note that it was a combinationof curious events which hasled to the unique nature of themarkets in Manipur. The factsmay be traced back in the oldendays when the then Manipur

was an independent kingdom.

In their domestic life, menhad to do all the works thatwere considered strenuousand required great physicalexertion and strength. Sincemen were engaged in theirduties to the state in the workrequired physical strength theremaining tasks which theycould not complete and which

were considered lighter were leftto the women. And spinning,weaving and small trade hadbecome womens responsibility.For cultivating rice, menploughed the paddy fields whiletransplantation of rice plantswas left to the women. Everywoman was versed in weaving.In every house, women wovecotton cloth for their family andhusband. Girls of respectablefamilies learnt dancing, where inthose times, in other parts of thecountry, dancing as a professionwas looked down upon. So muchso for the division of labour,if circumstances compelled,women did not hesitate totake up arms to protect theirsovereignty. During the reignof Meetingu Ningthoukhompa(Meidingu Ningthoukhomba)

who ascended the throne in1443 AD, his queen, Meetei

Reima Linthoi Ngampi (MeiteiLeima Linthoi Ngambi) subduedan armed revolt by highlanddwellers.

War results in casualty on bothsides. Only the numbers may

differ. When the male head of afamily is killed or imprisoned,the mother has to fill in thegap caused by the patriarchsabsence. She has to work to bringup the children. It is a necessitythat cannot be overlooked. Inthe old days, since Manipur wasoften at war to keep off invadersand protect its borders, thenumber of families with womenas the heads was comparatively

Girls of respectableamilies learnt dancing,

where in those times, inother parts of the country,

dancing as a professionwas looked down upon.


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high. This resulted in womencoming out of the house to earnlivelihood.

Nupi Lal: Women inIndependence StruggleWomen had come to theforefront many times in the pastto protest and fight against thestate authorities. At least twoof such incidents are known asNupi Lal or womens war. In1904, residential buildings ofthree British Officers and someother houses at KhwairambandBazar including the house of theAssistant Political Agent werecompletely gutted down by fire.The British Resident, H. St. P.Maxwell suspected foul play. SixRajkumars or men of royal bloodwere convicted and sentencedto rigorous imprisonment.

The matter did not end with theconviction of the six Rajkumars.Maxwell forced the nativesto rebuild the house of theAssistant Political Agent andordered them to supply all thematerials locally available. Thehonour of men was at stake.

They could not openly revolt,the resounding defeat they hadfaced at the hands of the Britishin 1891 had not still worn offfrom their memory, nor werethey willing to work as bondedlabours for the alien master.They fled and went into hiding.Maxwell was not deterred. Hesent out his men to capture thefleeing men and bring themback. The unfortunate ones

who got caught were severelythrashed and forced to work.

The irked women could no longerremain as silent spectators whiletheir men were being torturedand made to work as bondedlabourers. They protestedagainst the order of Maxwell.He had to submit to the courageof the determined women. Thewomens uprising in 1904 is nowknown as the first Nupi Lal.

Women came to the forefrontagain in 1930. It was whenthe government decided tointroduce a new tax. Peopleresented it but the President ofthe Durbar, an Englishman, triedto enforce it. When he came outto meet the women resistingthe enforcement of the new tax,

he was bundled into a pondby them.

His successor, G.P. Stewart,I.C.S., faced a more dangeroussituation. He went to inquirea dispute about fishing in theLoktak Lake. He was put in a boatwith some local leaders. Women

stood on the shore, shouting,screaming and hurling abusesat them. Stewart could nothelp submitting to the women.Only after he conceded to theirdemands he was allowed toreturn to the base.

The second Nupi Lal was for areason, altogether different. In1939, floods caused extensivedamage to the standing

Women came to theforefront again in 1930. Itwas when the government

decided to introduce anew tax. People resentedit but the President of the

Durbar, an Englishman,tried to enforce it. When

he came out to meetthe women resisting theenforcement of the new

tax, he was bundled into apond by them.


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crops. The State Durbar, inapprehension of food shortage,passed a resolution to ban theexport of rice in September.The woes of the farmers werecompounded when unexpectedhailstorms in mid-Novembercaused further damage to theladen paddy plants left standingin the fields after the floodshad claimed their shares. Thefarmers were gripped with thefear of starvation. They triedto salvage whatever they couldfrom the paddy fields. Much totheir displeasure, the ban wassuddenly lifted when harvestwas in full swing. At the onsetof winter, prices kept soaringand paddy had almost vanishedfrom the market.

It was the women again who

came out to fight the unjustdecision of lifting the ban on theexport of rice. On December 11,1939, when the woman tradersarrived at Khwairamband Bazarto do their business, they weredisappointed to see that not evena morsel of rice was available inthe market. Famished as they

were, they could not controltheir anger. The women, inthousands, marched straightto the Durbar to lodge theircomplaints and demand re-imposition of the ban.

At that time the Maharaja, SirChurachand Singh was away inNabadwip on pilgrimage. T.A.Sharpe, I.C.S., the President ofthe Durbar pleaded his inability

saying it was the Maharajasprerogative to sanction theban. He reluctantly agreed toget in touch with the Maharajatelegraphically and obtain hissanction. With the womenfollowing him he went to thetelegraph office. After sendinga telegram to the Maharaja, hethought he had done his duty.He tried to leave but the womenblocked his way, kept himencircled and requested to stayon to receive the reply. Theypleaded that they were famishedsince the previous day if theycould stay on an empty stomachand wait, why couldnt heremain for a few more hours forthe Maharajas reply. What thewomen did could be describedas Gherao or keeping a personof authority surrounded by a

group of people to make himfulfil their demand.

On learning of the confinementof Sharpe, the President of theDurbar, a British Major from the4 th Assam Rifles and the CivilSurgeon, another British officer,came to the Telegraph office to

help him. They were allowedto enter but exit was simplyimpossible as the agitation hadgained momentum. The womenstarted hailing and shoutingslogans. By afternoon, a platoonunder the command of a BritishOfficer arrived to free the Britonskept in detention. A scuffleensued and hell broke loose. Inthe ensuing melee, many womenwere injured. Twenty-one of

The woes of the farmerswere compounded whenunexpected hailstormsn mid-November causedurther damage to theaden paddy plants left

standing in the fields afterhe floods had claimedheir shares. The farmers

were gripped with the fearof starvation.


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them were reportedly woundedby bayonets and gun-butts.

Those injured in the afternoonremained turning and groaningwithout proper medicaltreatment. It was only after tenat night they were admitted tohospital. However, no memberof the public was allowed tovisit them. None of the famishedwomen went home. They heldtheir ground braving the icy coldwintry night of December tillthe wee hours before daybreak.They disbursed only afterlearning that the British Civiland Military Officers had madegood their escape and vanished.The next day a message wasreceived from the Maharajasanctioning the re-imposition ofthe ban. The unarmed women

had won the Battle.

Women against AlcoholismIn the olden days, there wasa curious customary practiceof keeping vigil at night by themen of a locality wheneverthere was a threat to the livesand

nkc northeast

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