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Wie is ons? / Who are we? We are an informal group of police and defence veterans who would like to foster an interest in South Africa’s police, defence and national security history from 1652 with cut-off-date 1994; when the new South Africa came into being. We only tell and explain what we did; for we were the “on the spot” eyewitnesses! In fact we are the ones you saw on TV and in the news reels of the time following orders from parlia-ment. However we have to debate the incidents because our memory is fallible as we grow older. In the terms of the day "we earned the T-shirt and right to tell our stories for you to enjoy with malice towards none." We all can learn from the past.

Administration We are mainly a “one-man-show”, so if we do not respond immediately to your email

– please send a reminder to heymanshb@gmail.com or phone Hennie Heymans at

012-329-4229. We are mainly “writers” and very bad “clerks” – history is such an all

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absorbing subject; we have do much reading, research, scanning, liaison and other

tasks - so sometimes we tend to forget, however that’s one of the bonuses or plights

when we get old. We always have vacancies for volunteers, editorial contributors

and the like.

Legalities This publication is not intended to be a comprehensive review of all developments in

policing/ national security or to cover all aspects of those referred to. Readers should

take legal and other advice before applying the information contained in this

publication to specific issues or transactions.

The Nongqai contains various and sundry personal opinions of different

correspondents and neither the compiler of The Nongqai nor The Nongqai will be

held responsible for any of their comments which is entirely their own and not

necessarily that of eNongqai or its publishers.

This is not a literary magazine, but a magazine by and for veterans of the SA Security Forces; we want to capture the words and moods as written by our former veterans.

Our languages are Afrikaans and English

Contents Wie is ons? / Who are we? ......................................................................................... 2

Administration ............................................................................................................ 2

Legalities .................................................................................................................... 3

Item 1: Welcome / Welkom ...................................................................................... 84

Different views: Adv BJ Vorster and General HJ van den Bergh .......................... 84

The truth and nothing but the Truth ...................................................................... 84

Wikipedia and the Truth ........................................................................................ 84

Destruction of Security Branch files ...................................................................... 95

Filler: Zarps: Nico Moolman ................................................................................ 106

Item 2: 1970: Commissioned Ranks: South African Police: Non-whites................. 117

1970: SAP-range: Kommissierang vir Swart-, Indiër- en Kleurlingoffisiere ......... 117

In Lighter vein: Tertiary education in South Africa ............................................ 1410

Item 3: 1985: Farewell Parade: South African Police Force: Gen CL Viljoen South

African Defence Force .......................................................................................... 1511

Item 4: BSAP Post: Terry Schwartz...................................................................... 1814

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Item 5: Grave: SA Police Dog: Cradock ............................................................... 1814

Moenie dié dooies met rus laat ......................................................................... 1814

Lenie Nr. 277, ’n Duitse SAP snuffelhond ..................................................... 1814

Item 6: Poetry /Gedig ........................................................................................... 1915

Droogte: kol MJJ van Rensburg (SALM) ....................................................... 1915

Item 7: SAAF ........................................................................................................ 2117

Exiting pilots 'stole' Air Force planes – minister ................................................ 2117

Item 8: Poetry / Gedig .......................................................................................... 2218

Winter! Jy klop aan my deur: Kol MJJ van Rensburg ...................................... 2218

Item 9: “Tronkie”: WC Bibby: Johan Ferriera ....................................................... 2319

Item 10: Heroine ................................................................................................... 2521

Sonja Dressel: 23 February 1980 ..................................................................... 2521

Item 11: KGB: Maj Koslov .................................................................................... 2521

KOZLOV: 1980: Deep cover in South Africa ..................................................... 2521

Item 12: Pro-Nazi movements in wartime South Africa ........................................ 2723

The Ossewabrandwag: Peter Dickens .............................................................. 2723

Stormjaers ........................................................................................................ 2925

Stormjaers ........................................................................................................ 3228

Robey S Leibbrandt .......................................................................................... 3228

Item 13: The Torch Commando: Peter Dickens ................................................... 3531

Adolph “Sailor” Malan ....................................................................................... 3531

“Torch Commando” (The Torch) ....................................................................... 3733

Cape Coloured Franchise ................................................................................. 3733

Springbok Legion: Joe Slovo ............................................................................ 3834

Filler: Two African policemen and a prisoner: Nico Moolman ........................... 4036

Item 14: The Torch Commando and the South African Police ............................. 4137

Politieke Organisasies: Torch Commando ........................................................ 4137

Iets oor die “Torch Commando” ........................................................................ 4137

Agtergrond .................................................................................................... 4137

Stigting .......................................................................................................... 4238

1953-verkiesing ............................................................................................. 4238

Ondergang .................................................................................................... 4339

Bronne .......................................................................................................... 4339

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Dr Danie Craven en die Torch Commando ....................................................... 4339

Item 15: It's unconstitutional for cops to remove MPs from Parliament – ConCourt

............................................................................................................................. 4440

Item 16: The Boers take Natal .............................................................................. 4541

Item 17: KwaZulu Police: Lt Gen RP “Roy” During ............................................... 5248

Chapter 10: KwaZulu - Some Background ....................................................... 5248

The KwaZulu Coat-of-Arms: Traditional Symbols. ........................................ 5248

Item 18: SADF: New Book ................................................................................... 6056

Nuwe boek: Die Verste Sektor: Johan van Wyngaard ...................................... 6056

Item 19: Police Uniforms ...................................................................................... 6460

Uniform uitstalling deur Zetef du Plessis ........................................................... 6460

Item 20: University of Cape Town: Inquiries ......................................................... 7470

University of Cape Town: Inquiries into the police in South Africa: 1910-2015 . 7470

Inquiries into the police in South Africa, 1910-2015 .......................................... 7470

Introduction ................................................................................................... 7470

Inquiries into administrative systems and processes .................................... 7470

Inquiries into Corruption ................................................................................ 7571

Policing of protest related actions ................................................................. 7672

Other inquiries ............................................................................................... 7773

Conclusion .................................................................................................... 7874

Item 21: Portuguese flag: Anton Barkenhuisen .................................................... 7975

Filler: Spit & Polish and Elbow Grease ................................................................. 7975

Item 22: Police File: David Hall Green .................................................................. 8076

Where are they now? ........................................................................................ 8076

Item 23: Hoofstuk Twee ....................................................................................... 8278

Verloop van die 36-dae beleg van Makapansgrot: Dr JC van der Walt ............ 8278

MW Pretorius se verslag ............................................................................... 8278

Menslike oorblyfsels gevind .......................................................................... 8379

Boere buit kinders ......................................................................................... 8379

Ndebele se kultuurskatte ............................................................................... 8480

Kinders se mummies gevind ......................................................................... 8480

Foto ............................................................................................................... 8480

Bronne .......................................................................................................... 8581

Item 24: Airmen Killed in Lake St Lucia ................................................................ 8581

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The Graves of eight Catalina Flying Boat Airmen Killed in Lake St Lucia (1943): Dr

Jc Van Der Walt ................................................................................................ 8581

Sources ......................................................................................................... 8682

Photographs .................................................................................................. 8682

Item: 25: Naval Ranks .......................................................................................... 8682

South African Navy Ranks and Insignia: Part Two Warrant Officers: Captain (San)

(Retd) Charles Ross ......................................................................................... 8682

Warrant Officer’s Insignia .............................................................................. 8783

Cap Badge of the Warrant Officer ................................................................. 8985

Various WO ranks ......................................................................................... 8985

Filler: Medals for Bravery ..................................................................................... 9086

Item 26: Compol & Unrest .................................................................................... 9187

Bestryding van Onluste: Genl JV van der Merwe ............................................. 9187

Item 27: SA Legion ............................................................................................... 9692

UK Mendi Parade Southampton ....................................................................... 9692

Background ................................................................................................... 9692

99th Commemoration Service ....................................................................... 9793

Laying of Wreaths ......................................................................................... 9894

Item 28: SA Legion ............................................................................................. 10197

SA Legion: Mendi Parade: Noordwijk: Netherlands ........................................ 10197

Item 29: Tie Collection ...................................................................................... 106102

Eerw. Swanepoel het foto’s bygevoeg. ......................................................... 106102

Item 30: Chopper Day ...................................................................................... 106102

27 August 2016 Swartkop AFB ..................................................................... 106102

Item 31: Farm Murders in South Africa ............................................................. 107103

Regering moet nou erns maak met plaasmoorde en die wreedheid daarvan107103

Dr. Pieter Groenewald: VF Plus-LP en voorsitter ...................................... 107103

Item 32: Police Despatch Rider. ....................................................................... 108104

Polisieman van Pretoria Konstabel Curin: Nico Moolman ............................. 108104

Item 33: Natal Police: Durban .......................................................................... 109105

Zulu Police: Andre Martinaglia ..................................................................... 109105

Item 34: SAP HQ Wachthuis ............................................................................ 110106

Maj AG van Tonder: Val agt verdiepings en leef .......................................... 110106

Item 35: Police Service Records ...................................................................... 110106

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Diensrekords: SWA Polisie en SAP .............................................................. 110106

Item 36: News Letter: SADF Veterans ............................................................. 111107

Item 37: SA Causalities: Part One .................................................................... 111107

South African Commonwealth War casualties buried across the world: Captain

(SAN) (Ret) Charles Ross ............................................................................ 111107

El Alia War Cemetery, Algiers ................................................................... 112108

La Reunion War Cemetery, Algiers ........................................................... 112108

Le Petit Lac Cemetery, Algiers .................................................................. 113109

Item 38: SAP Ranks ......................................................................................... 114110

Collecting Police Ranks ................................................................................ 114110

Sandy Evans Hanes ..................................................................................... 114110

Item 39: 1952 - 54: Non-White Policing .................................................................. 119

Sgt Lucas Majozi, MM ........................................................................................ 119

1954: 2360 fully trained Non-Whites ................................................................... 121

Reorganisasie ..................................................................................................... 122

Item 40: Rietfontein West ....................................................................................... 125

Item 41: Edward John Wilding: South African Police ............................................. 126

Item 42: Paul Greyling & Dawid Lotter ................................................................... 128

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Item 1: Welcome / Welkom Welcome to this edition with a few thought provoking articles. We ask you to help us

search for the truth without malice. Our South African National Security history has

been changed to suit the circumstances of the day. Some of our so-called national

security history is pure undiluted propaganda to serve in somebody’s interest. It has

been misused and literally “airbrushed” to suit the political flavour of the day. Let’s try

and stick to the facts as they happened.

We are only interested in the truth. We will ask you to be the judge. Your comments

are welcome. Please remember that we publish various views, views that may differ

from your view, however take the courage to place your view or interpretation on

record. Our history is so involved and there are actually no clear cut views. Let’s

respect one another’s views and make a positive contribution in order to understand

our history – history of which we take ownership!

Different views: Adv BJ Vorster and General HJ van den Bergh

Nobody is above criticism. However, it is upsetting to see how the history of “our”

national security is being portrayed by some researchers and authors. Various

“smear” or “untrue” articles on Adv BJ Vorster and General HJ van den Bergh have

been published on the internet and in various books without any regard for the truth.

A deduction is certainly not a fact. In our next issue we will take a serious look at the

matter. Some intelligent readers even consider fiction on Gen Van den Bergh, as

fact!

In the mean time we will have a look at Peter Dickens’ two interesting articles on the

Ossewabrandwag and the Torch Commando. Our parents certainly lived in

interesting times! Next month we will look at various other articles smearing both Adv

John Vorster and Gen Hendrik van den Bergh. More research is needed on this

matter. One has for e.g. have to read “Inside Boss” and then compare the contents

to “Really Inside Boss.”

The truth and nothing but the Truth

What truth is, is sometimes difficult to fathom or to state. I may even pass a lie-

detector test and even lie under oath because I have seen or heard the same

incident differently, from all the other sworn witnesses. I might even be the only one

to be right. I think history is like a court case: The facts must be produced and you

the reader (or the the listener) may make a finding on the facts presented.

Wikipedia and the Truth

This is what Wikipedia has to say about truth:

“Truth is most often used to mean being in accord with fact or reality,[1] or fidelity to an original or standard. Truth may also often be used in modern contexts to refer to an idea of "truth to self," or authenticity.

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The commonly understood opposite of truth is falsehood, which, correspondingly, can also take on a logical, factual, or ethical meaning. The concept of truth is discussed and debated in several contexts, including philosophy, art, and religion. Many human activities depend upon the concept, where its nature as a concept is assumed rather than being a subject of discussion; these include most (but not all) of the sciences, law, journalism, and everyday life. Some philosophers view the concept of truth as basic, and unable to be explained in any terms that are more easily understood than the concept of truth itself. Commonly, truth is viewed as the correspondence of language or thought to an independent reality, in what is sometimes called the correspondence theory of truth.

Other philosophers take this common meaning to be secondary and derivative. According to Martin Heidegger, the original meaning and essence of "Truth" in Ancient Greece was unconcealment, or the revealing or bringing of what was previously hidden into the open, as indicated by the original Greek term for truth, "Aletheia." On this view, the conception of truth as correctness is a later derivation from the concept's original essence, a development Heidegger traces to the Latin term "Veritas."

Pragmatists like C.S. Pierce take Truth to have some manner of essential relation to human practices for inquiring into and discovering Truth, with Pierce himself holding that Truth is what human inquiry would find out on a matter, if our practice of inquiry were taken as far as it could profitably go: "The opinion which is fated to be ultimately agreed to by all who investigate, is what we mean by the truth..."

Various theories and views of truth continue to be debated among scholars, philosophers, and theologians.[5] Language and words are a means by which humans convey information to one another and the method used to determine what is a "truth" is termed a criterion of truth. There are differing claims on such questions as what constitutes truth: what things are truthbearers capable of being true or false; how to define and identify truth; the roles that faith-based and empirically based knowledge play; and whether truth is subjective or objective, relative or absolute.

Friedrich Nietzsche famously suggested that an ancient, metaphysical belief in the divinity of Truth lies at the heart of and has served as the foundation for the entire subsequent Western intellectual tradition: "But you will have gathered what I am getting at, namely, that it is still a metaphysical faith on which our faith in science rests - that even we knowers of today, we godless anti-metaphysicians still take our fire too, from the flame lit by the thousand-year old faith, the Christian faith which was also Plato's faith, that God is Truth; that Truth is 'Divine'..." 1

Destruction of Security Branch files

It is a great pity that we as policemen destroyed our security branch files. My

personal view is that we should have kept our security files for the next generation.

We could have hidden them in a friendly country say Israel or Taiwan. We could

have exported them secretly and stored them in containers. We had “dynamite” and

we could trade some of the intelligence in these files especially at sittings of the

TRC. We would have had primary sources. Now is the time to reflect. In our old age

we should have had access to our files, to our well kept statistics and to our secret

1 Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Truth 21 March 2016

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lists of membership of the various organisations. We should have only destroyed the

names of those sources who worked for us.

When the Smuts-government lost the election in 1948 they also unfortunately

destroyed many files but some papers were sent by Col Powell by air to Rhodesia

first, and then on to the UK.

In this regard please refer to the book: Avenge Tobruk by Brig EP Hartshorn, DSO,

DCM, ED. The book was printed in 1960 and published by Purnell & Sons, Cape

Town & Johannesburg. See the last chapter from pp 207. (The DMI of the old Union

Defence Force dabbled in Afrikaner politics and had reason to destroy some files.

The files were personally burnt with Field Marshall JC Smuts present.)

Filler: Zarps: Nico Moolman

PW Blignuat: Pretoria Polisie Kmdt JSF Blignaut: Swasiland Polisie

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Item 2: 1970: Commissioned Ranks: South African Police: Non-whites

1970: SAP-range: Kommissierang vir Swart-, Indiër- en Kleurlingoffisiere

“Politiek is die kuns van die moontlike en die praktiese en mens moet ingee op

kleiner beginsels ten einde groter beginsels te handhaaf.”2

Beleid word deur die politiek bepaal....

2 Meiring, Piet: Tien Politieke Leiers, Tafelberg (1973) p 116.

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Die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie was die eerste Mag in Suid-Afrika om offisiersrange aan

destyds genoemde nie-Blankes te verleen. Ook is die SAP die eerste Mag om nie-

Blankes met outomatiese wapens toe te rus.

Selfs tydens die tweede wêreldoorlog is nieblankes nie bewapen nie.3 Genl JC

Smuts het oorweeg om kleurlinge te bewapen, maar dit het nie realiseer nie. Toe

genl Smuts eenmaal tydens die konferensie van eerste ministers in Londen laat weet

dat dit tyd is om kleurlingsoldate te bewapen, het Jan Hofmeyr die kabinet

3 Die geskiedenis toon aan dat kleurlinge wel gewapen was bv tydens die gebeure wat Slagtersnek

voorafgegaan het en selfs die Zulupolisie (Nongqai) van Zululand was gewapen – HBH.

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byeengeroep. Hofmeyr het sy standpunt teen die punt gestel. Die kabinet het Smuts

se voorstel dat kleurlingsoldate bewapen moes word, eenparig verwerp.4

Gedurende 1970 was ek ‘n AO verbonde aan die Port Natalse Veiligheidstak en ek

onthou luit Nayager goed. (Hy het vir my soos die rolprentster Omar Sharif gelyk.)

Hy is niks anders as “luitenant” aangespreek nie. As selferkende-militaris het ek net

gedink dat ʼn kommissie van die staatspresident vry moes wees van die “ras-

voorvoegsel”. Die rasvoorvoegsel was nie in die akademie gebruik nie.

In Lighter vein: Tertiary education in South Africa

4 Meiring, Piet: Tien Politieke Leiers, Tafelberg (1973) p 118.

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Item 3: 1985: Farewell Parade: South African Police Force: Gen CL

Viljoen South African Defence Force

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Item 4: BSAP Post: Terry Schwartz

Terry Schwartz Hello Hennie, fyi ……

Leading on from the debate on interrogation techniques, it would be interesting to have a discussion about the conflict between maintaining police ethics and the need to go against those ethics to collect intelligence or more importantly to respond to intelligence.

“There are few professions that demand so much moral fibre as policing. Police stand in “harm’s way” not so much against enemies with bullets but against enemies skilled in every form of trickery, deceit, feigned ignorance, and deception.” (policecrimes.com) In Rhodesia’s case, policemen did stand against enemies with bullets and the Special Branch had to practice a reasonable amount of trickery, deceit, feigned ignorance, and deception in their assignments.

Intelligence gathering and most certainly responding to intelligence required the Special Branch man to have a slightly different ethos to his CID contemporaries. Sometimes their activities bordered on the criminal in the national interest. Illicit opportunism, but never for personal gain, provided much temptation to the Special Branch man.

Some of the works published about the story of Special Branch/CIO carry specific details of assassination, house breaking, assault, medical experimentation, use of toxins and generally subjects which our history critics tend to grasp upon at every opportunity.

Our mission was never as clear cut as say the military, who were tasked to kill the enemy. No, there was a grey area between policeman and intelligence officer; the cause for friction between police commissioner and Branch I supremo on many an occasion. I would be interested in your views.

Item 5: Grave: SA Police Dog: Cradock

Moenie dié dooies met rus laat

Lenie Nr. 277, ’n Duitse SAP snuffelhond

Deur Wilna de Klerk 12 Januarie 2016 00:00

Lenie die polisiehond het ook haar ereplek in Cradock gekry. Foto’s: Wilna de Klerk

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Nog grafte wat in Cradock besoek kan word, is dié van die bekende Cradock Vier in Lingelihle, dié van hoofsaaklik 1820-Setlaars en hul afstammelinge by die St. Peter-kerk asook die graf van die eerste plaaslike polisiesnuffelhond, Lenie Nr. 277, ’n Duitse herdershond wat in 1950 op dertienjarige ouderdom dood is. Haar graf is by die kantoor van die departement van waterwese wat voorheen die landdros se huis en daarna die polisiekantoor was. http://www.netwerk24.com/Ontspan/Buite/moenie-die-dooies-met-rus-laat-20160111

Item 6: Poetry /Gedig

Droogte: kol MJJ van Rensburg (SALM)

DROOGTE

Stof duiwels wals oor die veld, Hulle speel soos kinders in die sand. Die son se element brand bloedrooi

En dag vir dag word alles `n woestynland.

Die strydwaens van die kokende son En krygers met vlammende swaarde

Daal neer op die eina aarde Om ons uit te wis , as hulle kon.

Die son is boos en humeurig.

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Sy hoogoonde is met kole gestook. Miljoene vulkane bruis en kook.

Die tonge vlamme vleg in en uit mekaar. Die een knop om die ander En almal verwurg mekaar.

In die son, groei al die mensdom se sonde En soos suurdeeg rys dit meer en meer.

In sy eie is die son , `n eindelose hel, Onuitblusbare, verskietende vlamme.

Die kurk damme kraak in die hitte,

Die swart klippe lê soos koolstoof plate. Die wolke loer op die plase. Hulle het hul ankers opgelig.

Dan seil hulle na die vêr horisonne. Hulle is reisigers met die groot water sakke

Die kiewietjie wat die reën voorspel

Is stil soos die profete van ouds. Die paddas wat die plaasdam besing

Sit met hulle instrumente en ween in `n kring.

Die windpomp gryp en huig na onder Hy staan verleë want dis net modder.

Ons woorde en hoop is op `n skinkbord, Net trane en gebede het `n sug geword.

Elke nag het die Engele die gebede versamel En in die Hemel gaan voorlê

As die diere sterf is die lewe verniel.

Dan sterf die boer se siel. O Here ! hoe broos ons lewe

Maar U luister na die fluister van die mier

Droogte ! waar jou asem val Is die vêr berge rooi geroes.

Hier en daar is takkies van die oes. Die pletter hitte het die weivelde geel geroes.

Elke plaas is Volkseiendom.

In elke plaas is die saad van gebede. Plase is heilig Adams tuine. Dis `n plek , net `n eie plek

Met `n ou geroeste plaashek

Die droogte is `n vyand sonder `n gesig, Sonder taal een klank en gewete.

Hy is die dou van die son Maar vir die mens, is die stryd verbete.

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Die sluise van die Hemel is toe.

Het die Engele klagtes van sonde geskryf ? Spreek die droogte hoofstukke tot ons?

Miskien lê die plaas Bybel onder die stof. Miskien is daar `n droogte in ons harte ?

Nogtans sal ons gee aan die Here ons lof.

MJJ van Rensburg Januarie 2016.

Item 7: SAAF

Exiting pilots 'stole' Air Force planes – minister

Jenni Evans | 23 February, 2016 19:35

"Sometimes these young people train and they run short of flying hours before they can get their wings," explained Mapisa-Nqakula. "We can't give them those flying hours because there are no aircraft," she said. File photo Image by: Gallo Images / Rapport / Deaan Vivier

Some of the South African Air Force's (SAAF) planes were stolen and put in

museums, which is why there were not enough planes for pilots to get their wings,

Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula said on Tuesday.

SAVE & SHARE

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EMAIL PRINT

"We have a problem," she said in response to a question to the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) on why SAAF pilots were being sent to Russia and Cuba to train. "Sometimes these young people train and they run short of flying hours before they can get their wings," explained Mapisa-Nqakula. "We can't give them those flying hours because there are no aircraft," she said. The minister said that if the government buys them people start "screaming" about buying aircraft. "So you are damned if you do, and damned if you don't," she said. "I tell you that some of the aircraft were taken by some of the people who left the Air Force and they belong to them in their museum. "Actually it started ages ago and some of the people stole some of the assets of the people and left with them. So when you talk about shortages it has to do with the fact that some of the assets were stolen," Mapisa-Nqakula said. Get our planes back But, in spite of this, none of the SAAF flying schools were closed. Economic Freedom Fighters NCOP member, Leigh-Ann Mathys, urged her to go and get them back and said the EFF would support the government in this. "We must bring our stolen stuff back. If people stole our equipment we must go and get it back. Just like our land." In January 2005, three people were arrested at the SA National Military History museum in Saxonwold, Johannesburg for being in possession of equipment suspected to be stolen, or used without permission. They were released after the prosecution declined to proceed. According to DefenceWeb, in 2005 a Ratel military vehicle was confiscated from the museum on suspicion of being there illegally, but it was handed back last year. Source News 24 http://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2016/02/23/Exiting-pilots-stole-Air-Force-planes-%E2%80%93-minister

Item 8: Poetry / Gedig

Winter! Jy klop aan my deur: Kol MJJ van Rensburg

WINTER! JY KLOP AAN MY DEUR

Die nuwe winter is aan die skinder Agter die lente en herfs se skouer.

Hy bekruip die land baie stil en niemand kan hom verhinder

Sy sielsgenote is die winde

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Want hulle dryf sy ysige koors. Op die berge praat die Zulu dromme

Van die vaal winter se aankoms En die oue van dae se gryse kop

Elke dag gee die winter nog `ʼn tree,

Saai net nog `ʼn bietjie koue En nog `ʼn handvol van sy seisoene. Ek hoor die klop van sy hout skoene

Jy vertoef bitter koud in jou eie poorte

Terwyl jy die nag-sneew saai, Vlokkie vir vlokkie reën jou volmaakte blomme.

Jou maaksel maak my net raai

Stilte en vrede lê hier in ballinskap. Ver in die vallei af lê die lakens van die landskap.

Winter! jy is `ʼn eenman-karakter In jou eie wit teater

Die witmos lê swaar op die boom takke

Al sy wasgoed hang soos Kersvaderbaarde. Sy tema is net wit en koud

Maar tog skilder hy sy eie tuin

Winter is uit gedos in sy wit manelpak. Hy is so koud , ja ! so bitter koud.

Met baie verjaarsdae is hy stokoud. My klein rook vuurtjie maak my benoud Want winter lê op my erf , sake ʼn pak.

Winter ! jy is kop en een mis met die wind.

Julle wals en skaats rondomtalie en skaterlag vir die lewe

Die mens en die natuur is aan die bewe. Winter , jou naam en van is koue En ek hoor jou klop aan my deur.!

MJJ van Rensburg 6 Maart 2016

Item 9: “Tronkie”: WC Bibby: Johan Ferriera Ek het in die Sarp’s (Hoofkantoor - Nuus van heinde en ver) van 1967/68 rond

gelees dat “Bibby” met 'n dame van Barberton getrou het. In 'n latere uitgawe waarin

hy gelukgewens word met die geboorte van 'n kind. Aan die dame se van het dit

geblyk dat sy Engelssprekend was. Hy was dalk ook.

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Item 10: Heroine

Sonja Dressel: 23 February 1980

The date could also be the 22nd of February - HBH.

Item 11: KGB: Maj Koslov

KOZLOV: 1980: Deep cover in South Africa

Eposse oor die Russiese spioen Koslov

Henk van Heerden

Goeienaand;

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Hier is iets interessant wat ek raakgeloop het oor ʼn Russiese spioen van die 1980 se era: http://espionagehistoryarchive.com/2016/01/15/kgb-illegal-intelligence-in-south-africa/ Groetnis; Henk van Heerden

Hennie Heymans

Dankie Henk Ek het hom in lewende lywe gesien - het een of twee mooi stories oor hom. Groete

Henk Dankie - alles deurgelees. Nie alles is waar nie. Dit was brig Kalfie Broodryk wat hom gearresteer het. Kol (later genl) Hans Gloy - was geen Nazi nie. Hitler se portret was glad nie in sy kantoor nie - so bietjie dis-informasie hier en daar!

Louis Lubbe

Ja dis gaaf as ‘n mens die ware feite ken. Ek het so gevoel gekry dat die Hitler-

foto ‘n bietjie dik vir ‘n daalder is. Dankie Hennie.

Groete.

Genl JV van der Merwe

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Hallo Hennie As sy weergawe oor wat gebeur het ‘n aanduiding is van die gehalte van sy inligting dan was dit inderdaad power. Groete Johan van der Merwe

Item 12: Pro-Nazi movements in wartime South Africa

The Ossewabrandwag: Peter Dickens

History is always a three-way prism. As with South African statute forces fighting “communism” on two fronts - the Angolan Border “Bush" War and the internal “struggle” movements in the 70’s and 80’s - so too during the Second World War, this time the “struggle” movement was a little different and South African statute forces were fighting Fascism, Nazism and “National Socialism” on two fronts, both on the international stage and on the domestic front at home. Little is known of the domestic conflict during World War 2 as it was effectively shielded and even erased from the state’s educational history curriculum – to the point that little is known about it by subsequent generations of South Africans even to this day. By far the biggest of all the domestic fascist organizations in South Africa at this time was a movement called the “Ossewabrandwag”.

The feature image shows an Ossewabrandwag rally and its leadership along with an inserted emblem of the organization. Read on for a fascinating and relatively unknown part of South African military history.

The Ossewabrandwag (OB), meaning in English “Ox-wagon Sentinel” was an anti-British and pro-Nazi German organization in South Africa during World War II. It was officially formed in Bloemfontein on 4 February 1939. As a background to it, in the Second Boer War (1899–1902), Britain conquered the Boer Republics. Germany supported the Boer cause. After the war, there was a general reconciliation between Afrikaners and Britain, culminating in the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, under the leadership of former Boer fighters such as Louis Botha and Jan Smuts (who was of Cape Dutch origin fighting on the side of the Boers). South African troops, including thousands of Afrikaners, served in the British and South African Union forces during World War I and again in World War 2. Nonetheless, many Boers from the ex Transvaal and Orange Free State Republics remembered the extremely brutal tactics used by Britain in the Boer War and remained resentful of British rule. They were especially resentful of the concentration camp and scorched earth policies engaged by the British to bring to bring an end to the guerrilla tactics used by “Bitter einders” at the close of the war.

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In the 1930’s the chief vehicle of Afrikaner nationalism was the “Purified National Party” of D. F. Malan, which later became “National Party”. As in 1914, the Second World War appeared to a relatively small group of far right wing Afrikaner nationalists as a golden opportunity to establish Afrikaner nationalist rule and move to make South Africa a republic independent of Britain. ‘We are now ceaselessly on the road to our goal: the Republic of South Africa - the only status under which we can truly exercise the right to self-determination as a country,' said D.F. Malan on 6 September 1939 at the on-set of the Second World War. Prior to this, 1938 was also the centennial anniversary of the Great Trek (the migration of Boers to the interior). The Ossewabrandwag was established in commemoration of the Trek. Most of the migrants traveled in ox-drawn wagons, hence the group's name. The group's leader was Johannes Van Rensburg5, a lawyer who had served previously as Secretary of Justice under Smuts (as Minister) and was an admirer of Nazi Germany. The OB at the on-set of the centennial was loosely associated to Malan’s National Party. There was however sharp differences between van Rensburg and D.F Malan over the right course of action to be followed when South Africa declared war on Germany

5 Dr JFJ van Rensburg, then Administrator of the Orange Free State – HBH.

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in 1939. Both believed that everything depended on the outcome of the war, both believed that Germany would win it, however Malan relied on negotiation with Germany to achieve his objectives, van Rensburg on the other hand believed that at some stage freedom would have to be fought for and began to formulate a militant opposition to the South African government to undermine South Africa’s war effort. At first, relations between the National Party and the Ossewabrandwag were cordial, with most members of the Ossewabrandwag belonging to the party as well. At the higher levels, National Party leaders like P.O. Sauer and F. Erasmus (later to be made Cabinet Ministers when Malan came to power) were members of the OB as were Ossewabrandwag Generals like C.R. Swart (later South Africa’s first State President) who was a member of the Groot Raad (Chief Council) of the Ossewabrandwag, whilst Eric Louw (later to become the National Party’s Foreign Minister) was also prominent in the organisation. Even PW Botha (future South African State President) joined the Ossewabrandwag but became disillusioned with the movement and denounced them at the end of the war returning to the more mainstream National Party. Combining the impact of the war and the very dynamic personality of van Rensburg, the Ossewabrandwag soon grew into a significant force, a mass movement whose membership at its peak was estimated to be between 200,000 and 400,000 members. The relationship between the Ossewabrandwag and National Party at first was very well defined and D.F. Malan even met with OB leaders in Bloemfontein which resulted in declaration known as the 'Cradock Agreement'. It specified the two operating spheres of the two respective organizations. They undertook not to meddle in each other’s affairs and the National Party endeavoured to focus on Afrikanerdom in the party political sphere, while the Ossewabrandwag was to operate on the other fronts of the volk (Afrikaans peoples).

Stormjaers

In 1940 the Ossewabrandwag created within in structures an elite organization known as the Stormjaers - the storm troopers of Afrikanerdom. The formation of the Stormjaers (English meaning: Assault troops) was in essence a paramilitary wing of the OB. The nature of the Stormjaers was drawn upon the lines of Nazi Germany’s army “Storm troopers”, as were the fascist rituals and salutes, this is evidenced by the oath sworn in a by new recruits (in some instances a firearm was levelled at them whilst they read the oath): “If I retreat, kill me. If I die, avenge me. If I advance, follow me"6 The Stormjaers were deployed in variety of military operations ranging from the defence of Nationalist political platforms to pure sabotage; they dynamited post offices and railway lines and cut telephone wires. Van Rensburg even wrote “The

6 Afrikaans: As ek omdraai, skiet my. As ek val, wreek my. As ek storm, volg my.

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Ossewabrandwag regards itself as the soldiery of the (South African) Republic . . . the Ossewabrandwag is the political action front of Afrikanerdom.” The ideologies of the Nazis were penetrating deep into rightwing Afrikaner political identity. In 1940, directly after Nazi German decisive victories in Europe, Otto du Plessis (later to become Administrator of the Cape under the National Party) published a pamphlet - The Revolution of the Twentieth Century - in which he openly espoused the Ossewabranwag’s policy of totalitarianism. Oswald Pirow also publicly identified himself with National-Socialist doctrines and Nazi Germany and established the Nazi expansionist “New Order” movement inside the ranks of the former Hertzogites. There even existed South Africa’s own Nazi party called the SANP and its militant wing the “Greyshirts” led by Louis Theodor Weichardt (who later became the National Party Senator for Natal). This pure Nazi movement had 5000 odd loyal followers. Van Rensburg from the OB had always professed National Socialist, as an open admirer of Nazi Germany and Adolph Hitler, the ideas and rituals of membership put forward by his organization had a distinctive Nazi leaning. According to OB political thinking, Afrikaans would be the only official language in a free, independent, Christian-National Republic. The English speaking South Africans, regarded as an “un-national” element, would be condemned to an inferior status. Anti-Communism was an important backbone of OB policy in line with Nazi hatred of communism. The emphasis of the OB was also on race and racial purity. Members were exhorted to 'think with your blood', and the creed of Blut und Boden was promoted as an OB value. 'Family, blood, and native soil - that is, next to our religion and our love of freedom, our greatest and our most sacred national heritage' (Die O.B. 28 October 1942). The O.B. always displayed an exaggerated interest in physical culture and the need for discipline. "Give us a master! Give us bonds which tie us to a stable way of life"' wrote van Rensburg. On issues of family value, the leaders of the OB proclaimed that the duty of the man was to work and fight and the duty of the woman to create and tend the home and family. In essence the Ossewabrandwag was based on the Führer-principle, fighting against the British Empire, anti capitalist - they called for the expropriation of “British-Jewish” controlled capital, the communists, the Jews and the system of parliamentarism. All based on the principles national socialism. From the outset of the war a series of violent incidents took place between statutory force South African soldiers and the Ossewabrandwag. This all cumulated on Friday 31 January 1941, when van Rensburg was due to hold a meeting at the

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Johannesburg City Hall when a riot broke out between OB Stormjaers and South African Union Defence Force soldiers who were determined not to allow van Rensburg to have a platform for his support of Nazi Germany – with whom they were now at war with. The Stormjaers were armed with sticks, pipes, batons, knives, sjamboks and even bicycle chains, while the soldiers were for the most part unarmed and the battle raged in downtown Johannesburg for two days. Armoured cars were brought in while enraged UDF soldiers set fire to Nationalist newspaper offices and set police vans alight. Tear-gas canisters were hurled in every direction between the two antagonists and the Police. Before a commission of inquiry on the Johannesburg riot, van Rensburg declared that it was only OB discipline and restraint which had prevented reinforcements in outlying areas from being brought into town and broadening the scope of the battle. In support of OB activities the National Party even came out in direct support of the OB against Smuts’ government resolution to detain and ban members of the OB. Dr D.F. Malan defended the OB in a speech on 5 March 1941, saying: “The Ossewabrandwag has been accused of lending itself to subversive activities and also of encouraging them. Now I say: Carry out your threat. Ban it. Prevent it and prevent its meetings. If the Ossewabrandwag decides to be passively disobedient and refuses to be dissolved . . . I shall share the consequences with the Ossewabrandwag. At this stage I am prepared to say to you that if the government decides upon that act and the Ossewabrandwag decides not to submit, I shall keep my pledge”. It was a clear sign to Smuts’ government that unity in the ranks of the Afrikanerdom movements was as unified as ever since the outbreak of the Second World War.

Adv BJ Vorster One very predominant member of the Ossewabrandwag was Balthazar Johannes (B.J.) Vorster, South Africa's future Prime Minister and President. Along with likeminded OB colleagues he regarded the war as an opportunity to get rid of the hated domination of the United Kingdom of South Africa and welcomed the Nazis as allies in their fight. The firebrand nature of the Ossewabrandwag appealed to Vorster more than the National Party, so while South African troops were helping to make the world safe from Hitler’s National Socialism, Vorster was appointed as a General in the Ossewabrandwag for the Port Elizabeth district to promote the National Socialism doctrine back home. On his politics he famously announced the Ossewabrandwag’s position on Nazism and said in 1942: 'We stand for Christian Nationalism which is an ally of National Socialism. You can call this antidemocratic principle dictatorship if you wish. In Italy it is called Fascism, in Germany German National Socialism and in South Africa, Christian Nationalism.' Vorster was eventually arrested under the emergency regulations in September

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1942; he immediately went on hunger strike and after two months was transferred to Koffiefontein internment camp as prisoner No. 2229/42 in Hut 48, Camp 1. B.J. Vorster was eventually released on parole in January 1944 and placed under house arrest.

HJ van den Bergh Interned alongside BJ Vorster was another Ossewabrandwag member Hendrik Johan van den Bergh who eventually went on to found the Bureau of State Security (B.O.S.S.), an intelligence agency created under the National Party on 16 May 1969 to coordinate military and domestic intelligence. Van den Bergh was to become known as the “tall assassin”7 given his height.

Stormjaers

To give an idea of sabotage and violent attacks, at the height of the Second World War – 1942, Ossewabrandwag Stormjaer activities included: Explosions over a large area of mines at Klerksdorp, Vereeniging, Delmas and in Potchefstroom the OB blew up power lines - 29 January 1942. All telegraph and telephone communication between Bloemfontein and the rest of South Africa were dislocated in one attack in February 1942. Railway, telegraph and telephone lines in various parts of the Free State where destroyed in February 1942. Fifty-eight Stormjaers were eventually charged with high treason, and a quantity of hand grenades were found. Stormjaers also blew up two telephone poles behind the Pretoria Central Jail, but were never captured. Two other Stormjaers, Visser and van Blerk were convicted of a bombing at the Benoni Post Office, as a result of which an innocent bystander was killed, they were both sentenced to death. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. A few members of the OB were shot while trying to escape from internment camps or jails, the most known was the dramatic pursuit OB General, Johannes van der Walt, who was shot while on the run near Krugersdorp. The German Nazis themselves saw the activities of the Ossewabrandwag as very positive to their fight. Van Rensburg was even played up over Zeesen radio as the real leader of the Afrikaner people.

Robey S Leibbrandt

In June 1941 Robey Leibbrandt8 was landed from a German yacht on the Namaqualand coast with 10,000 dollars, a radio transmitter, and instructions to make contact with van Rensburg and investigate the possibilities of joint action with the Ossewabrandwg. His mission, overseen by German Admiral Wilhelm Canaris was Operation Weissdorn, a plan for a coup d’état to overthrow the government of General Jan Smuts, Leibbrandt was a South African Olympic boxer who later came a fervent Nazi follower. He joined the German Army, where he became the first South

7 He never had that name. There is a book called the Tall Assassin – HBH.

8 RS Leibbrandt was related to Lord Haw-Haw – Sydney Joyce. Leibbrandt’s mother was a Miss

Joyce before her marriage – HBH.

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African to be trained as a Fallschirmjäger and glider pilot. Leibbrand was trained with comrades of the Brandenburgers at a sabotage training course of Abwehr II (Abwehrschool "Quenzgut") near Brandenburg at der Havel, west of Berlin. In South Africa he soon made contact with the Stormjaers and was brought to Pretoria to see van Rensburg. Nothing, however, came of the negotiations. Leibbrandt's megalomania was enough to deter anyone from cooperating with him, and van Rensburg refused to be drawn. At the same time Leibbrandt’s fanaticism attracted a number of members of the Ossewabrandwag over to his side, and within a short while Leibbrandt was leading his own group, whose members were bound to one another by a blood oath which partly read: “All my fight and striving is for the freedom and independence of the Afrikaner people of South Africa and for the building up of a National Socialist State in accordance with the ideas of Adolf Hitler." The quite truce between Leibbrandt and van Rensburg quickly developed into open hostility. Leibbrandt, disappointed that the OB did not officially support his mission and its resultant failure began to attack van Rensburg as an agent of Smuts. This sealed his fate. After a few months in South Africa he was ‘sold out’ by insiders, his location now known he was the arrested, together with a number of leading Stormjaers. Placed on trial he was sentenced to death for treason, but the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment after much lobbying from Afrikaner Nationalist organisations.

Sabotage activities The Stormjaers sabotage activities were getting too violent for DF Malan’s National Party policy of negotiated settlement with Germany when (and if) they won the war. Many of these acts of violence were going too far for the majority of moderate Afrikaners, and Malan ordered the National Party to break all ties with the OB later in 1942. The South African Union government then cracked down heavily on the OB and the Stormjaers, placing thousands of them in internment camps for the duration of the war. Summing up the achievements of the Ossewabrandwag’s campaign of sabotage, van Rensburg wrote this in his autobiography which was published after the war: “I fought (Smuts') war effort and I fought it bitterly with all the means at my disposal - which were considerable.... There is no doubt that they (the Ossewabrandwag) seriously hampered the government's war effort. Hampered it because the government was forced to draw off considerable manpower to guard many strategic points and essential services. A not inconsiderable military element also had to be retained in South Africa as a strategic reserve for possible emergency.” At the end of the war, the Ossewabradwag was absorbed back into the National

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Party9 and ceased to exist as a separate body, many of its members achieving political notoriety as members of the National Party government on their accent to power with the National Party electoral win over Smut’s United Party in 1948. Imagine the sheer frustration felt by the veterans after “The War for Freedom” (as WW2 was known) had been fought with the massive cost in South African lives (literally thousands), to rid the world of Nazism and Fascism in the “good fight” – only to come home in 1945 and within three short years find the “home grown” pre-war pro Nazi Germany and pro Nazi philosophy politicians swept into government. The very men and their philosophy they had gone to war against in the first place. By the early 1950’s the South African nationalist government was littered with men, who, prior to the war where strongly sympathetic to the Nazi cause and had actually declared themselves as full blown National Socialists: Oswald Pirow, B.J. Vorster, Hendrik van den Bergh, Johannes von Moltke, P.O. Sauer, F. Erasmus , C.R. Swart, P.W. Botha and Louis Weichardt to name a few, and there is no doubt that their brand of politics was influencing government policy. Also by the 1950’s, this state of affairs led to open Anti-Apartheid protests from the South African military veterans community – in their tens of thousands, led by Adolph “Sailor” Malan and other returning war heroes in “Torch Commando rallies” (Torch) and it ultimately led to the marginalization of South African war veterans, their veteran associations and the ultimate suppression of anti Apartheid movements like the Torch by the National Party. In the interests of consolidating themselves in power and in the interests of securing the “white vote” both English and Afrikaans voters (especially English speaking white South Africans of British extraction) much of this legacy was a political “hot potato” for the National Party. Nazism, Fascism and National Socialism was purged from Europe with the loss of millions of lives, and exposed for what it is - a crime against humanity. Political careers - especially those of future National Party State Presidents and Prime Ministers would not be helped if their associations to Nazi Germany, Nazi political philosophy and even anti British ideals was openly promoted. Especially when National Service was instituted and the National Party called on English speaking white South Africans (and even moderate or leftist Afrikaners) to rally behind their causes and serve in the armed forces. So it was shielded – in formal secondary education it was at best trivialised if even taught at all and it was never really widely reported on national media mouthpieces. Little is left in the modern historical narrative on South Africa, surprising since this is all still in living memory of the old World War 2 vets still alive. In the end it disappeared into a politically generated one-sided narrative of South Africa’s involvement in the two world wars, and lost to future generations. It even remains a very dark and relatively unknown topic even to this day.

9 Actually via Klasie Havenga’s Afrikaner Party. See also Furlong, PJ: Between Crown and

Swastika, (1991) Wits. University Press, pp 236 – HBH.

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The irony is that the future “struggle” of South Africa’s Black people (and many White veterans too) against the political philosophy of these men would emulate the same “struggle” these men initiated against the philosophy of British Parliamentarian rule - and in both instances it carried with it armed insurrection, detention of “heroes,” imprisonment of a future President and the promotion of a political “ism”, albeit that “Communism” and “African Socialism” where diametrically opposite to “Nazism” and “National Socialism”” left and right of the political sphere. The net result is that “centre” balanced moderate politics in South Africa has been completely elusive since 1948. Article researched and written by Peter Dickens

References from South African History On-Line, Wikipedia and “The Rise of the South African Reich” written by Brian Bunting, “Echoes of David Irving - The Greyshirt Trial of 1934” by David M. Scher. “Not for ourselves” – a history of the SA Legion by Arthur Blake. Lazerson, Whites in the Struggle Against Apartheid. Neil Roos. Ordinary Springboks: White Servicemen and Social Justice in South Africa, 1939-1961

Item 13: The Torch Commando: Peter Dickens On “Human Rights Day” let’s take perspective on who the real heroes are, and in light of all the moral high ground posturing we will hear today, as they say in journalism, “let’s not let facts get in the way of a good story”. Today’s article - The Torch. Another inconvenient truth to the current political narrative of the “struggle”, the first mass anti-Apartheid protests were led by this highly decorated Afrikaner war hero - Adolph “Sailor” Malan - and the mass protesters were not the ANC and its supporters, this very first mass mobilisation was made up of “White” war veterans – read on for some fascinating “hidden” South African history.

Adolph “Sailor” Malan

Many people may know of the South African “Battle of Britain” Ace - Adolph “Sailor” Malan DSO & Bar, DFC & Bar - he is one of the most highly regarded fighter pilots of the war, one of the best fighter pilots South Africa has ever produced and he stands as one of the “few” which turned back Nazi Germany from complete European dominance in the Battle of Britain – his rules of aerial combat helped keep Britain in the war, and as a result he, and a handful of others, changed the course of history. But not many people are aware of Sailor Malan as a political fighter, anti-apartheid campaigner and champion for racial equality. “Sailor” Malan can be counted as one of the very first anti-apartheid “struggle” heroes. The organisation he formed “The Torch Commando” was the first real anti-

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apartheid mass protest movement - and it was made up primarily of “white” South African ex-servicemen. Yet today that is conveniently forgotten in South Africa as it does not fit the current political rhetoric or agenda. Born in Wellington, Cape Province, in 1910 Malan joined the Union Castle Line of the Mercantile Marine at the age of 15, from which service he derived his nickname “Sailor”. He foresaw the onset of war with Nazi Germany, promptly went off to Britain and learned to fly at a flying school near Bristol, England where he received his pilot's wings. In 1936, he was posted to No. 74 (Fighter) Squadron (known as the “Tiger Squadron”). It was his first and only squadron, and he is regarded as the squadron's most famous fighter pilot of all time. In total Malan destroyed 27 Nazi German Luftwaffe planes and damaged or shared another 26 all the while flying the iconic Spitfire. After the Second World War, Sailor Malan left the Royal Air Force and returned to South Africa in 1946. He was surprised by the unexpected win of the National Party over the United Party in the General Election of 1948 on their proposal of “Apartheid” as this was in direct opposition to the freedom values he and all the South African veterans in World War 2 had been fighting for.

What he and other returning World War 2 servicemen saw instead was far right pro Nazi Germany South African reactionaries elected into office. By the early 1950’s the South African National Party government was littered with men, who, prior to the war where strongly sympathetic to the Nazi cause and had actually declared themselves as full blown National Socialists during the war as members of organisations like the Ossewabrandwag, the SANP Greyshirts or the Nazi expansionist “New Order”: Oswald Pirow, B.J. Vorster, Hendrik van den Bergh, Johannes von Moltke, P.O. Sauer, F. Erasmus , C.R. Swart, P.W. Botha and Louis Weichardt to name a few,

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and there is no doubt that their brand of politics was influencing government policy. This was the very philosophy the retuning South African servicemen and women had been fighting against, the “war for freedom” against the anti-Judea/Christian “crooked cross” (swastika) philosophy and its false messiah as Smuts had called Germany’s National Socialism doctrine and Adolph Hitler. Some of these men had been detained during the second World war as “terrorists” (mainly for acts of sabotage against the South African Union in support of Nazi Germany - Hendrik van den Bergh, Johannes von Moltke, Louis Weichardt and B.J. Vorster to name a couple), and now they were in office running the country as members of the National Party and governing elite.

“Torch Commando” (The Torch)

In the 1951 in reaction to this paradigm shift in South African politics to the very men and political philosophy the servicemen went to war against, Sailor Malan formed a protest group of ex-servicemen called the “Torch Commando” (The Torch). In effect it became an anti-apartheid mass movement and Sailor Malan took the position of National President. The Torch’s first activity was to fight the National Party’s plans to remove “Cape coloured” voters from the common roll which where been rolled out by the National Party two years into office in 1950.

Cape Coloured Franchise

The Cape Coloured franchise was protected in the Union Act of 1910 by an entrenched clause stating there could be no change without a two-thirds majority of both houses of Parliament sitting together. The Nationalist government, with unparalleled cynicism, passed the High Court of Parliament Act, effectively removing the autonomy of the judiciary, packing the Senate with National Party sympathisers and thus disenfranchising the coloureds. This was the first move by the National Party to secure a “whites only” voting franchise for South Africa (reinforcing and in fact embedding them in power). The plight of the Cape Coloured voters was especially close to most White ex-servicemen as during WW1 and WW2, the Cape Coloureds had fought alongside their White counterparts as fully armed combatants. In effect forging that strong bond of brothers in arms (which so often transcends racial barriers). The Torch Commando strategy was to bring the considerable mass of “moderate’ South African war veterans from apolitical organisations such as the Memorable Order of Tin Hats (MOTH) and South African Legion (BESL) into allegiance with more “leftist” veterans from an organisation called the Springbok Legion - of which Joe Slovo, who himself was also a South African Army World War 2 veteran and was a key leader, his organization – The Springbok Legion, led by a group of white war veterans who embraced Communism was already very actively campaigning against Apartheid legislation and highly politically motivated. The commando's main activities were torchlight marches, from which they took their name. The largest march attracted 75 000 protesters. This ground swell of mass

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support attracted the United Party to form a loose allegiance with The Torch Commando in the hope of attracting voters to its campaign to oust the National Party in the 1953 General Election (The United Party was now run by J.G.N. Strauss after Jan Smut’s death and was seeking to take back the narrow margins that brought the National Party into power in 1948). In a speech at a massive Torch Commando rally outside City Hall in Johannesburg, “Sailor" Malan made reference to the ideals for which the Second World War was fought: "The strength of this gathering is evidence that the men and women who fought in the war for freedom still cherish what they fought for. We are determined not to be denied the fruits of that victory." The Torch Commando fought the anti apartheid legislation battle for more than five years. At its height The Torch had 250 000 members, making it one of the largest protest movements in South African history at that time. DF Malan’s government was so alarmed by the number of judges, public servants and military officers joining The Torch that those within the public service or military were prohibited from enlisting, lest they lose their jobs – this pressure quickly led to the erosion of the organisation’s “moderate” members, many of whom still had association to the armed forces, with reputations and livelihoods to keep.

Springbok Legion: Joe Slovo The “leftist” members of The Torch where eroded by anti-communist legislation implemented by the National Party, which effectively ended the Springbok Legion forcing its members underground (many of its firebrand communist leaders, including Joe Slovo, went on to join the ANC’s MK armed wing and lend it their military expertise instead). In essence, the newly governing National Party at that time could not afford to have the white voter base split over its narrow hold on power and the idea that the country’s armed forces community was standing in direct opposition to their policies of Apartheid posed a real and significant threat – bearing in mind one in four white males in South Africa (English and Afrikaans) had volunteered to go to war and support Smuts – this made up a very significant portion of the voting public, notwithstanding the fact that there all now very battle hardened with extensive military training, should they decide to overthrow the government by force of arms. There has also been some speculation that the Torch Commando untimely failed because it could distinguish the difference of being a mass Anti-Apartheid protest movement or a political arm of the United Party. One political cartoon of the time lampoons The Torch Commando as a hindrance to the United Party. Sailor Malan’s political career was effectively ended and the “Torch” effectively suppressed by the National Party, so he returned to his hometown of Kimberly and joined his local MOTH “Shellhole” (Memorable Order of Tin Hats – one of the apolitical veteran associations from which the Torch had drawn its supporters).

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Sadly, Sailor Malan succumbed on 17th September 1963 aged 53 to Parkinson’s disease about which little was known at the time. Some research now supports the notion that Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) can bring on an early onset of Parkinson’s Disease, and it is now thought that Sailor Malan’s high exposure to combat stress may have played a part in his death at such a relatively young age. Although he fought in the blue sky over England in the most epic aerial battle to change the course of history, one of the “few” to which Churchill recorded that the free world owes a massive debt of gratitude to, he lies today under an African sun in Kimberley - a true hero and son of South Africa. It is to the embarrassment now as to his treatment as a South African WW2 military hero that all enlisted South African military personnel who attended his funeral where instructed not to wear their uniforms by the newly formatted SADF. The government did not want a Afrikaner, as Malan was, idealised as a military hero in death in the fear that he would become a role model to future Afrikaner youth. The “official” obituary issued for Sailor Malan published in all national newspapers made no mention of his role as National President of The Torch Commando or referenced his political career. The idea was that The Torch Commando would die with Sailor Malan. All requests to give him a full military funeral where turned down and even the South African Air Force were instructed not to give him any tribute. Ironically this action now stands as testimony to just how fearful the government had become of him as a political fighter. A lot can be said of Sailor Malan as a brilliant fighter pilot; even more can be said of political affiliation to what was right and what was wrong. He had no problem taking on the German Luftwaffe in the greatest air battle in history, and he certainly had no problem taking on the entire Nationalist regime of Apartheid South Africa – he was a man who, more than any other, could quote the motto of the Royal Air Force’s 74 Squadron which he eventually commanded, and say in all truth: “I fear no man” The campaign to purge the national consciousness of The Torch Commando, The Springbok Legion and Sailor Malan was highly effective as by the 1970’s and 1980’s the emergent generation of White South Africans had never heard of them (especially in the Afrikaans community), and even more so to the Black political consciousness who knew even less about these early “white” mass protests against Apartheid.

Irony This “scrubbing” of history by the National Party in aid of their political narrative strangely also aids the ANC’s current political narrative that it is the organisation which started mass protests against Apartheid with the onset of the “Defiance Campaign” on the 6th of April 1952 led primarily by Black South Africans. Whereas the truth of that matter is that the first formalised mass protests in their tens of thousands against Apartheid where in fact led by White South Africans and more to

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the point mainly white military veterans starting a year earlier in 1951. Another inconvenient truth - luckily history has a way of re-emerging with facts.

Authors note: the purpose of his article is not to have a bash at the politics of the

National Party or the ANC, the purpose is also not to drag apolitical organisations

like the MOTH or the SA Legion into political debate – the purpose is to set the

historical record strait and highlight the veterans role in it, far too much is wrong in

the way South African statute force military veterans (then and now) are treated or

perceived – the facts and “truth” can yet yield some surprises.

Written by Peter Dickens References: South African History On-Line (SAHO), South African History Association, Wikipedia, Neil Roos: Ordinary Springboks: White Servicemen and Social Justice in South Africa, 1939-1961.

Filler: Two African policemen and a prisoner: Nico Moolman

This one took some research: I know Nico Moolman has a lot of photos of the old

Eastern Transvaal. In his book: African Manhunts, Col HF Trew has published a

photo of himself and “Native police” at Pilgrim’s Rest (facing page 58.) So these are

members of the South African Constabulary – HBH.

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Item 14: The Torch Commando and the South African Police

Politieke Organisasies: Torch Commando

Bron.10

Iets oor die “Torch Commando”

Torch Commando of te wel die Fakkelkommando11 is in Mei 1951 deur oudstryders van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gestig om die kleurlingstemreg, soos verskans in die Suid-Afrika-wet van 1909, te verdedig teen 'n hewige aanslag van die Nasionale Party.

Agtergrond

In Mei 1951 het 'n groep politiek-bewuste oudstryders besluit om 'n optog met fakkels te hou om beswaar aan te teken teen die regering se voorneme om die Suid-Afrika-wet van 1909 te wysig ten einde kleurlinge van die algemene kieserslys te verwyder en hulle op 'n afsonderlike kieserslys te plaas. Die wekroep om deelname is gerig aan alle oudstryders, eers in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth en Kaapstad, 10

Nongqai: 1952:06:663. 11

Volgens: https://af.wikipedia.org/wiki/Torch_Commando afgelaai op 27 Januarie 2016 – HBH.

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maar later ook in ander stede, om hulle stem te laat hoor vir die waardes waarvoor hulle in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog geveg en hulle kamerade gesterf het. Niemand het aanvanklik gedink dat die optogte enigiets meer sou wees as net 'n buiteparlementêre demonstrasie van korte duur om baie Suid-Afrikaners se beswaar teen die Nasionalistiese regering te laat hoor nie. Daar was geen meesterplan nie en niemand het aanvanklik 'n blywende organisasie of vereniging in gedagte gehad nie. Oudstryders by die duisende het gehoor gegee aan die oproep, want hulle was gretig om die kameraderie, patriotisme en opwinding van die oorlog te herleef in die vae hoop dat iemand hulle iets konkreets sou gee om te doen ten einde van die Nasionale Party-regering ontslae te raak. Dit was die enigste samebindende faktor in die vyf-jarige bestaan van die Torch Commando. Die Torch Commando het uit die staanspoor geweier om standpunt in te neem oor die vraagstuk van swart regte. Hy het selfs kleurlinge, vir wie hy veronderstel was om te veg, vervreem en sy geloofwaardigheid ingeboet toe die organisasie ná hewige debatvoering geweier het om sy lidmaatskap aan alle Suid-Afrikaners oop te stel.

Stigting

Die eerste en enigste leier van die Torch Commando was die vegvlieënier en held van die lugslag van Brittanje, Sailor Malan, wat in Mei 1951 tydens die eerste fakkelligoptog genooi is om die saluut te beantwoord. By dié geleentheid het Sailor Malan 'n toespraak gelewer waarin hy die oudstryders gevra het om te help verseker dat die bepalings van die Suid-Afrika-wet in elke opsig nagekom word. Ná optogte in verskeie stede het die Torch Commando amptelik in Junie 1951 sy beslag gekry met 'n nasionale kongres in Johannesburg waar Sailor Malan tot nasionale president en leier van die Torch Commando verkies is. Kort voor lank het die organisasie op 250 000 lede, waarvan die meeste ook Verenigde Party-ondersteuners was, aanspraak gemaak. Tot almal se verbasing en selfs die leiers s'n, het hulle gou nasionale bekendheid verwerf. Maar die Torch Commando het in gewildheid en krag begin afneem nadat hy 'n vennootskap, die United Democratic Front (wat nie met die organisasie van die jare 80 verwar moet word nie), met die Verenigde Party en die Arbeidersparty aangegaan het om saam die Nasionale Party die verkiesing van April 1953 te beveg. Baie lede het met die uiterste ywer gewerk om die verkiesing te wen, maar die VP-leierskorps het vooraf reeds besef hulle kans om die NP te verslaan bra skraal was, ondanks die United South African Trust Fund wat in 1949 deur genl. Jan Christian Smutsgestig is om die V.P. se geldsake op vaster grondslag te plaas, en die deeglike beplanning en organisasie.

1953-verkiesing

Hoewel die NP se getal setels in die verkiesing van 86 tot 94 verhoog het en die VP s'n van 65 tot 57 gedaal het, het laasgenoemde en die Arbeiders saam steeds meer stemme as die NP gekry. Oudergewoonte het die VP in talle stedelike kiesafdelings met 'n reuse-meerderheid gewen, terwyl die NP baie setels naelskraaps gewen het.

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Die NP se steun was eweredig oor die platteland en sommige Afrikaanse gebiede in die stede versprei, terwyl die VP se steun toenemend beperk begin raak het tot sommige stedelike gebiede. Die NP se verhoogde getal setels was deels toe te skryf aan die toekenning in 1950 van ses Volksraadsetels aan Suidwes-Afrika, wat almal deur die NP gewen is. Die verkiesing was nietemin 'n groot terugslag vir die VP en is in Mei 1953 gevolg deur die eerste van ses afstigtings toe lede van die Torch Commando onder sen. Heaton Nicholls die Verenigde Federale Party in Natal gestig het om hulle te beywer vir 'n federale stelsel waarin die provinsies groter magte sou bekom en Natal selfs die reg sou hê om af te stig van die Unie. Die party het egter nie aan sy stigters se verwagtinge voldoen nie en het binne 'n jaar of wat van die toneel verdwyn. Baie oud-lede van die Torch Commando, wat nooit ontbind het nie maar net van die toneel verdwyn het, het hulle steun weer aan die Verenigde Party toegesê.

Ondergang

Die Torch Commando het hoofsaaklik verdwyn omdat hy misluk het in die doelwit van sy lede, naamlik die onttroning van die NP Die faktore wat tot die organisasie se ondergang bygedra het, was:

Dit was onmoontlik om duidelike leiding te gee ten op stigte van die rassevraagstuk, want sy lede was net so veel daaroor verdeeld as die meeste ander anti-NP-groepe.

Die VP is van tyd tot tyd in die verleentheid gestel deur uitlatings van Torch Commando-leiers, wat nie deur die reëls van 'n politieke party gebind is nie en dus eintlik kon sê wat hulle wou.

Daar was 'n poging van sommige lede om die Commando te gebruik as grondslag vir die stigting van die Verenigde Federale Party.

Die algemene verslaenheid en frustrasie met die verkiesingsuitslag wat die NP magtiger as vantevore gemaak het en wat gewys dat die party se steun in al die provinsies toegeneem het, buiten Natal.

Die regering het, weens kommer oor die getal regters, staatsamptenare en Weermaglede wat by die Torch Commando aangesluit het, 'n wet uitgevaardig in gevolge waarvan dié mense nie aan die organisasie mag behoort het nie.

Bronne

Cameron, Trewhella (hoofred.), Nuwe Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika, Human & Rousseau, Kaapstad en Pretoria, 1986.

Saunders, Christopher (raadgewende red.), Reader's Digest Illustrated History of South Africa - The Real Story, Reader's Digest Association Limited, Kaapstad en elders, 1992.

Mostert, J.P.C., Politieke Partye in Suid-Afrika, Instituut vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, U.O.V.S., Bloemfontein, 1986.

Dr Danie Craven en die Torch Commando U kan meer oor dr Danie Craven en die Torch Commando lees in Gerber, H: CRAVEN, Tafelberg, 1982. ISBN 0-624-001720-6. (pp 239 – 240).

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Item 15: It's unconstitutional for cops to remove MPs from Parliament

– ConCourt Genevieve Quintal, News24 | 18 March 2016

Diè uitspraak word verwelkom. Skeiding van magte: Deur die jare is daar soveel gebruike wat in die praktyk ontstaan het, dat sodanige gebruike sy eie regskrag verkry. Ons lewe in ʼn demokrasie en ons is ‘n “rechtstaat”, die grondwet is dus die hoogste reg. Dit is eintlik voor die handliggend dat die polisie geen normale regsbevoegdheid binne in die parlementsgebou het nie, dws die plek waar die “wet” gemaak word. Die polisie se bevoegdheid lê buite die parlementsgebou. Die parlement is soewerein en het sy eie amptenare, ook amptenare om die orde te handhaaf. Die parlement het sy eie sanksies om sy lede in toom te hou. Sou polisie in die parlement toegelaat word sou dit tot misbruik van die polisie se magte aanleiding gee! “Konstabel, arresteer daardie man (lees; LV), ek as speaker hou nie van wat hy sê nie!” Slegs as daar ʼn misdaad in die parlement gepleeg is, ondersoek die polisie die saak met die nodige magtiging. (vgl moord op dr Verwoerd).

It's unconstitutional for cops to remove MPs from Parliament – ConCourt 18 March 2016 Johannesburg - The Constitutional Court has ruled that the law which allows police to remove MPs from Parliament is unconstitutional. However, it would not confirm the declaration of the constitutional invalidity of section 11 of the Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act made by the Western Cape High Court, it said in its order handed down on Friday. The omission of the words "other than a member" after the word "person" at the beginning of section 11 of the Act was declared to be inconsistent with the Constitution. In a majority judgment, Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga said: "If 'person' in section 11 of the Act does not include a member, then the constitutional issue of an infringement – by the section – of the parliamentary privilege of freedom of speech does not arise. "The matter must end there; and there cannot be confirmation of the high court’s declaration of constitutional invalidity. If it does, then I must engage in the confirmation debate. The question is: does it? It does." The Constitutional Court found that the high court had correctly found section 11 to be constitutionally invalid, but that it was necessary to make a different order.

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"The high court declared the provision invalid 'to the extent that it permits a member to be arrested for conduct that is protected by sections 58(1)(b) and 71(1)(b) of the Constitution. "That order is not apposite. The invalidity of section 11 stems from the fact that the section applies to members," according to the judgment. On the question of whether to suspend the declaration of constitutional invalidity, the Constitutional Court found that Parliament's rules made it possible to deal with errant members effectively, including removing them from the Chamber forcibly. "When the order made... takes effect, Parliament will not be left unable to deal with members who cause or take part in disturbances." The court did not see a need for a suspension. In May last year, the high court declared that Section 11 of the Powers and Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislatures Act was inconsistent with the Constitution, and thus invalid. The court found that the argument that members would disrupt Parliament’s functions with impunity, without certain legislation governing their conduct, was "unconvincing". The Democratic Alliance had brought an application to the court, questioning the right to remove or arrest parliamentary members who caused disturbances. National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete and National Council of Provinces chairperson Thandi Modise had invoked section 11 during President Jacob Zuma's State of the Nation Address on February 12, 2015, calling on Parliamentary staff and security forces to forcefully remove members of the EFF from the joint sitting as a result of disturbances that were caused. EFF members had risen on a point of privilege or point of order after being dissatisfied with the manner in which Mbete dealt with a question about when Zuma was going to pay back money he was said to owe for his Nkandla homestead.12 This article first appeared on News24, see here.

Item 16: The Boers take Natal A friend, Ms Elsmarie Welman, passed on this old copy of a manuscript of the history

of the Boers taking Natal. A note says: “Copied from the manuscript of: Campbell,

Ethel: On the Side of the Biggars.”

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http://www.politicsweb.co.za/news-and-analysis/its-unconstitutional-for-cops-to-remove-mps-from-p?utm_source=Politicsweb+Daily+Headlines&utm_campaign=365ed576e2-DHN_22_March_2016&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_a86f25db99-365ed576e2-130042309

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Item 17: KwaZulu Police: Lt Gen RP “Roy” During

Chapter 10: KwaZulu - Some Background

The KwaZulu Coat-of-Arms: Traditional Symbols. 13

Ndlovu: The elephant that is the centre figure of the crest represents Strength and Intelligence. IsiCoco: A black polished head-ring worn by Zulu dignitaries. Symbolises Wisdom and Maturity, Dignity, Impeccable Manners and Respect for Authority - Inhlonipho”.

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Information from the KwaZulu Government Diary – 1992. Joint Executive Authority. (Roy During)

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Ingonyama: The Lion has been placed on the right hand side supporting the shield (centre) and represents Bravery and Dignity. Isilo: The Leopard has been placed on the left-hand side of the shield and represents Beauty and Grace. Iklwa: The traditional short Zulu-stabbing Spear held in the paws of the two animals, the lion and the leopard, represents the Will to Defend the Nation. Inyonikayiphumuli: The traditional white Zulu shield with the single black spot made from the hide of the Royal Cattle represents the shield, which protects the Zulu People. Sonqoba Simunye: The motto means “United we conquer”. Inhlendla: This is the barked assegai, which was held by the Zulu Kings and symbolises the Authority of the Zulu King. (Depicted in the centre of the shield)14

Mace of the KwaZulu legislative assembly and its symbolic significance. On the top of the mace is a typical Zulu hut – “Indlu”. This is to symbolise the birthplace of Zulu culture and customs and is also symbolic of the close-knit Zulu family on which the whole Zulu social structure is built. The hut stands firmly on the mystical coil – “Inkatha”. The grass in the mystical coil was plucked from the thatch of the doorways of all Zulu amakhosi’s huts and is known to the Zulus as “Inkatha yokusonga isizwe”. This is to symbolise the coil’s

14

Coat of Arms: see http://www.oocities.org/landswapen/KZNe.html - HBH.

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deep power to unite and keep firm all the different tribes of the Zulu people. Each of the 285 strands around the coil represents one of the tribes composing the Zulu Nation. Below the mystical coil is a black beer pot - “Umkhamba” adorned with the head of a white bull from the Royal Zulu herd. This is to symbolise the traditional generosity and hospitality of both Zulu inkosi and commoner. Below the beer-pot is the traditional grain basket - “Isilulu”, a battle-axe – “Isizenze” and a knob-stick – “Iwisa”. This is to symbolise the Zulu’s origin from the North and a reminder to its rulers of their duty to see that the basket is kept full so the nation is fed, and the shield warns that the Nation will be protected. Below the grain basket is a black polished head-ring – “Isicoco” worn by Zulu dignitaries. This is to symbolise the Zulu elders and councillor’s wisdom and maturity, their inherent dignity, impeccable manners and respect for authority – “Inhlonipho”. All these symbols stand on four ostrich feathers – “Izimpaphhe Zentshe” worn by the Zulu warriors of old. Below the feathers the staff is square in shape. On two opposite sides of the square is the broad bladed stabbing assegai - “Iklwa” used by the armies of Shaka the Zulu King. This is to symbolise the discipline and strength of the Zulu Nation. On the two other opposite sides of the square is portrayed the historical everlasting spear of the Zulus - “Umkhonto Wenkosi Oyisimakade” kept by His Majesty the King of the Zulus. This is to symbolise the close association of the Royal House of the Zulus has with the governing body; and the Nation’s continued existence. On the scroll around the haft appear the words of praise and respect; this Zulu Government body will utter symbolising its affirmation of loyalty and union with the King of the Zulus and the Royal House - “Wena Wendlovu Bayete!” The mace is made of the inner heartwood of the Russet Willow (Combretum Apiculatum). The Zulus know this tree as “Mbondwemnyama”. In the time of the Zulu Kings, Shaka and Dingane, the “Keepers of Order” (and executioners) were armed with heavy knobsticks of this dark wood. The red wood of which the spears are made is the heartwood of the tree Rhamus Zeyheri, known to the Zulus as “Mnini” or “Mcaca”. This is the “Royal” wood of the Zulus. The mace is carried vertically and is known in Zulu as “INDUKU YOMBUSO KA ZULU” Who or what was the KwaZulu government? In answering this question both de jure and de facto aspects must be considered. De jure refers to the legality of the governing body – the legislative assembly, and is underscored by the fact that the KwaZulu government was legally formed in terms of the Black States Constitution Act of 1971. Accordingly, the perception that the

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KwaZulu government was nothing more than a ‘homeland government’ or a ‘Bantustan’ created by the apartheid system was entirely incorrect. However, de facto, the KwaZulu government was more than just a ‘homeland government’. It was the constitution of an historic reality of the kingdom of KwaZulu, which had existed more than 200 years! The KwaZulu government in the 1990s was thus an administrative body that was certainly an improvement on the original system of the Zulu administration and governance. The KwaZulu Legislative Assembly was conducted as any modern democratically constituted government in the Western world. The following departments were well established and generally functioned efficiently: -

Department of the Chief Minister.

Public Service Commission.

Department of the Interior.

Department of Works.

Department of Education and Culture.

Department of Agriculture and Forestry.

Department of Justice.

Department of Health.

Department of KwaZulu Police.

Department of Correctional Services.

Department of Finance.

Department of Economic Affairs.

The KwaZulu Finance and Investment Corporation.

Department of Welfare and Pensions.

KwaZulu Natal Joint Executive Authority (JEA). Before moving on, just a brief look at the JEA15 as it played an extremely important role in unifying the governing structures of the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly and the Natal Provincial Administration. This was of cardinal importance to the KwaZulu-Natal populace as a whole because of unavoidable interwoven socio-economic and political considerations. Following the Natal Provincial Council’s refusal to be a party to the Buthelezi Commission Report (1982), the KwaZulu government withdrew its representation on the Natal Consultative Committee, which then ceased to function. Co-operation between the two bodies virtually ceased to exist, but in view of the urgent need for closer co-operation, given the prevailing socio-economic circumstances, the Town and Regional Planning Commission of the Natal Provincial Administration initiated a research project into the medium to long-term future of the KwaZulu-Natal region. This project culminated in the Ulundi Accord of October 1984, an agreement between the Government of KwaZulu and the Executive Committee of Natal that provided for two joint development Committees, the KwaZulu Natal Strategic Policy Group (SPG) and the Natal KwaZulu Work Group. The former provided a forum for

15

Joint Executive Authority for KwaZulu & Natal – Roy During.

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political representatives of the two administrations to discuss matters of common concern at a strategic policy level. The Work Group, consisting of senior members of the KwaZulu Government and Natal Provincial officials, advised the SPG on practical ways and means of co-operation between the two administrations and of alleviating the most urgent socio-economic and environmental problems of the region. While this type of informal co-operation produced many positive results and represented a considerable voluntary commitment on the part of the participants, it lacked the long-term certainty and permanence of a statutory body, which both parties felt was necessary as basis for the solution of the region’s problems. Consequently on the 13 June 1985 the Provincial Council of Natal adopted a motion that called upon the central government to establish a statutory body that would provide a link between the Natal and KwaZulu Administrations to deal with matters of common concern. At the same time Council requested that negotiations with the KwaZulu Government be proceeded with. In response to the motion the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning suggested that the Provincial Council and the KwaZulu Government investigate the matter and present the Government with concrete proposals in this regard. The proposals were handed to the responsible Minister, Mr. J.C. Heunis, on the 11 March 1986 by a delegation, amongst others, the Chief Minister of KwaZulu and the Administrator of Natal. The Minister was requested to pilot through parliamentary legislation that would pave the way for a statutory structure to establish and develop co-operation between the two administrations on a more permanent basis. Mr. Heunis agreed and the Joint Executive Authority for KwaZulu and Natal Act, 1986 (Act 80 of 1986), was approved by the South African Parliament and promulgated on 3 September 1986. This culminated in an event of great significance in the constitutional history of South Africa, the inauguration of the KwaZulu-Natal Joint Executive Authority in Durban on the 3 November 1987. This was the first occasion on which representatives of all four population groups met as equals in a government institution to manage the affairs affecting the interests and future of a province of the Republic of South Africa! Just for the record, the Judge President of Natal, Mr. Justice J. Milne, conducted the induction of the ten designated members in a public ceremony. For anyone who has some knowledge of the Zulu Nation it would be quite clear that, notwithstanding their defeat in the Anglo-Zulu war of 1879 and subsequent subjugation, the kingdom has undoubtedly continued to exist in the hearts and minds of the Zulu people to this very day. I believe that if the events of early colonial history are interpreted correctly, one can come to the conclusion that the intention was to destroy and eradicate the Zulu kingdom, or at the very least to “divide et imperia”. We know, however, that the Zulu remained throughout a close-knit family with admirable social and cultural structures.

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The cultural bonding and obvious pride in their traditions and culture was clearly illustrated when King Zwelithini revived the Reed Dance in 1985, which has since become a yearly celebration. The 1994 celebration, that I had the privilege of attending, drew no fewer than 10 000 participating Zulu maidens (virgins). The Reed Dance dates back many years to the era of thatched roofed huts that had to be protectively surrounded by reed windshields. It was customary to allocate this duty of grass and reed cutting to young Zulu maidens. It is an occasion on which the King emphasises the women’s burden of maintaining moral and compassionate values in society and urges the young maidens to uphold the maternal values of nurturing and caring and to implant them in the future generations. Admirable advice to ensure that the Zulu culture and heritage not only survives, but grows and develops in the heart of the Zulu Nation. By participating in the ceremony the young girls affirm their loyalty to His Majesty the King. They meet at the Royal Palace to celebrate the arrival of the new season, which is seen as a time of the regeneration of beauty, fertility and recreation. The girls then proceed from the Royal residence to fetch the cut reeds from across the valley, singing traditional songs as they return in a long procession. The procession is lead by a princess who was nominated by the King and she presents the reeds that she personally cut, to the King at a predetermined place. The other maidens stack their reeds in an upright position on specially prepared pylons. They then proceed to the arena where two days of celebrations commence in all earnest. The King accompanied by his Prime Minister, Dr M.G. Buthelezi, attends the reed laying ceremony. The celebration itself is attended by many dignitaries including the Queens, members of the Swazi Royal house, Provincial Cabinet Ministers, government representatives from other countries, mayors and councillors and may others. The Zulu’s unification and determination to rule themselves was yet again clearly demonstrated when they rejected a Bill that was passed by the South African Parliament for the establishment of the Transitional Executive Council (TEC). They believed that the TEC would dismantle KwaZulu without their consent and accordingly refused to be a party to it. Today, of course, we know that the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly’s suspicions were justified, as the TEC Bill did not make allowance for self-determination. In his King Shaka Day celebration speech on the 26 September 1993, Dr Buthelezi went as far as stating that: “No one must underestimate our determination to rule over ourselves. No one must underestimate our resolve to remain free from foreign rule!” He continued to state that should the enemies of the Zulu continue to subjugate them as the British and the Nationalist Party had tried to do, that the Zulu would resist and defend their right to rule themselves with all means at their disposal, just as they had done with racism and apartheid. We also know that King Goodwill Zwelithini at the National Imbizo in Durban echoed these same sentiments. The King stated: “KwaZulu is forever. It shall never be obliterated from the face of the earth. Every time the existence of KwaZulu has been threatened, the people rallied together and closed ranks against all enemies.”

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It must be noted that when Dr Buthelezi and the King referred to foreign rule or the enemy, they were referring to the NP government and the ANC! Notwithstanding this inflexible disposition, it is interesting to note that Dr. Buthelezi and other IFP members have been and still are serving in the ANC/SACP (foreign/enemy) government! In closing this brief chapter on the KwaZulu government, I believe that the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly was the most effective and competent governing body in South Africa other than that of the NP government. I believe also that Dr Buthelezi, as the undisputed Chief Minister of KwaZulu and the President of the Inkatha Freedom Party, was even more aware than President Mandela was of the country’s dependence on white civil servants and also in particular the dependence on white business expertise and acumen. It should be noted that 99% of the Departmental Chiefs and an appreciable number of the most senior members of government departments in the KwaZulu government were white, and a considerable number were seconded members of the SA government. It should also be noted that to the best of my knowledge, the acquisition and employment of whites in the KwaZulu government was not only accepted, but also appreciated by Dr Buthelezi as essential to efficient government. I am also sure that should Buthelezi have been elected as South Africa’s first black president, many more skilled whites of ability and integrity, not even of necessity those with good “struggle” credentials would have been established in key government positions. Buthelezi would certainly have been committed to bringing about a more equal and open race-free democracy. However, as many whites holding such positions are Afrikaners, it is appreciated that it would have been an embarrassment to Mandela and a source of friction within the ANC/SACP government to have accommodated more white Afrikaners in key government positions.

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Item 18: SADF: New Book

Nuwe boek: Die Verste Sektor: Johan van Wyngaard

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Oom Dirk en Johan Wynand du Toit en oom Dirk

Beskrywing van die inhoud van Die Verste Sektor Die boek handel oor die geskiedenis van die Oos-Caprivi sedert 1965 tot 1999 wat insluit die eerste vyandelike optrede in die Caprivi tot en met die onttrekking van die SAW en SWAGM magte as deel van Res 345 wat gelei het tot Namibië se onafhanklikheid in 1990. Buiten die oorsigtelike daarstelling van die bevolking, terrein, maatskaplike en sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede, meer spesifiek die SAW/ SWAGM se betrokkenheid by hierdie aspekte ten einde ʼn veilige omgewing te skep. Sluit in die vyandelike optrede deur SWAPO en bondgenote wat die spits bereik het op 23 Augustus 1978 met die aanval op Katima Mulilo vanuit Zambië wat gelei het tot 10 SAW soldate wat gedood is en talle beseer, en die SAW/SWAGM se teenvoeter met die teen aanval op Zambiese grondgebied. Die SAW- / SWAGM-eenhede en hul verantwoordelikhede asook die meer sosiale kant uitlig. Die herdenking van die 10 jaar van vrede in die Caprivi asook herdenking aan die manne wat daar gesneuwel het. Erkenning aan Oom Dirk (kmdt) du Toit vir sy onbaatsugtige diens spesifiek met die aanval waarvoor hy ook die Suiderkruismedalje en dekorasie ontvang het. Sy lewe sedert 1954 tot sy 90ste verjaardag op Dwarskersbos. Dan soos hy deur sy kollegas, vriende en familie onthou word. Stories nooit vertel, dit wat so stil verdwyn het of in die agtergrond afgespeel het. Oom Dirk (Kmdt Dirk du Toit) was vir 13 jaar die SO1 Burgersake (Komops) by

Sektor 70 op Katima Mulilo in die Oos-Caprivi tydens die bosoorlog - sjoe!! Baie min

weermaglede was so lank aaneenlopend op die grens. Oom Dirk was nie alleen ʼn

kenner op sy gebied nie, maar het uitgestaan as ʼn vaderfiguur vir honderde (dalk

duisende) troepies wat daar diens gedoen het. Ek het die voorreg gehad om vir 5

jaar vanaf Windhoek saam met Oom Dirk te werk en hom te leer ken. Oom Dirk het

lank gelede begin om sy wedervaringe op skrif te stel (hy het die mooiste handskrif

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wat ek nog gesien het) maar hy het dit nooit gepubliseer nie - en nou het een van sy

Makkers, Johan van Wyngaard, die boek geskryf en Oom Dirk vandag verras met sy

boek as verjaardaggeskenk. Wat ń whaaaaauw geleentheid om te kon meemaak -

ek het ń paar keer swaar gesluk!

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Item 19: Police Uniforms

Uniform uitstalling deur Zetef du Plessis

Die ou somerdrag en AO se wintertuniek – HBH.

Verskillende polisie uniformstukke – let op die assegaai. Daar was ook ‘n amptelike knopkierie – HBH.

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Zarp – berede-uniform.

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Knuppel: Met die kortbroek was dit moeilik om die knuppel te dra, vir die langbroeke het ons natuurlik ‘n spesiale knuppelsak gehad. Wanneer jy die knuppel nodig gehad het, het hy op die patrolliewa se sitplek gelê. Soms het ons die handboeie en die knuppel verbind en oor los die skouer gedra. Die knuppel was ʼn handige instrument om ʼn weerspanninge persoon mee te kalmeer – HBH.

Verskillende stukke polisie-uitrusting – HBH.

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Die nie-wit lede se vaal uniform gedra in die 1950’s. In gevaarlike gebiede in Durban het swart onder-offisiere die lang bajonet gedra – HBH.

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Die kakie polisieuniform vir blankes – later het nie-blankes die selfde patroon uniform gedra – HBH.

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Verskillende stukke SAP-uitrusting. (Ons het eers in die middel 1960’s opleiding met die FN – later die R1 – ontvang. Konstabels en sersante het 50 rondtes .303 ammunisie ontvang – HBH.

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Voetpolisie – Zarp.

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Die vaal uniform deur nie-wit lede in die 1950’s gedra. (Toe het wit lede blou-swart uniforms in die voetpolisie en kakie in die berede-afdeling gedra.) Tot in 1961 het die witlede die uniform in die agtergrond gedra. In die 1960’s het die nie-wit lede die kakieuniform gedra wat in die agtergrond verskyn met ‘n toeknoop nek. Later het die nie-wit uniform gelyk soos die kakie een wat blankes gedra het. Die nie-wit lede het die bruin leergordel met boeie gedra – HBH.

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Somerdrag SAP. (Konstabels en sersante het knope, kentekens ens van geelkoper gedra. Die petwapens was van soliede geelkoper. AO tot Majoor het vergulde knope en kentekens met gaatjies in gedra.) In die 1960’s circa 1965 het die growwe vaal someruniform uitgekom met die spleet in die rug. ʼn Ongemaklike uniform vir uitvoerende polisiewerk. Mens moes ‘n onderhemp dra omdat die materiaal so grof was – HBH.)

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Koevoet se drag.

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Item 20: University of Cape Town: Inquiries

University of Cape Town: Inquiries into the police in South Africa: 1910-

2015

Goeie middag Vind aangeheg die skrywe vir NONGQAI. Voel vry om dalk 'n paar foto's in te las om die stuk karakter te gee en laat weet asb. as daar veranderings nodig is. Sal dit moontlik wees om 'n gedeelte daaraan toe te wy om die lesers uit te nooi om hul persoonlike ervarings met-, en veral kennis van enige inquiries (intern of departementeel) wat ons dalk gemis het, met ons te deel? Vriendelike groete, Annie Kok

Inquiries into the police in South Africa, 1910-201516

Introduction

Much has been spoken recently about the Marikana and Khayelitsha Commissions of Inquiry. Both have yielded insights into the challenges and complexities confronting the police in South Africa today. From a broader historical point of view however, we need to put these Commissions into context. In this short report we collated information relating to a wide variety of public inquiries into the police in South Africa since 1910. Our search has yielded a total of 44 inquiries which straddle different historical periods. Closer scrutiny of these inquiries reveals both continuities and differences in their forms and substantive concerns. It would appear that inquiries have coalesced around four broad thematic areas of inquiry which are outlined below. Some inquiries however could easily be accommodated in more than one theme.

Inquiries into administrative systems and processes

The first theme concerns administrative matters. Throughout the period under consideration, a number of inquiries have been used to investigate administrative concerns. Examples include the 1918 Select Committee Inquiry, which investigated conditions of service after a police strike in Cape Town. In 1926 the Te Water Commission of Inquiry examined the organisational structure of the South African Police (SAP) and matters relating to police image and morale. In 1937 the Lansdown Commission of Inquiry conducted a comprehensive investigation into the general conditions of service prevailing within the SAP. Included in this review were the ways

16

Based on the introduction for South African inquiries into policing: 1910-2015 KOK, Annie; VAN DER SPUY, Elrena. South African inquiries into policing: 1910-2015. South African Crime Quarterly (SACQ), [S.l.], n. 53, jan. 2016. ISSN 2413-3108. Available at: http://journals.assaf.org.za/index.php/sacq/article/view/455/347.

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in which racial discrimination had an effect on black members of the force and the impact of racial politics on external relations with the disenfranchised. From a historical angle one is well placed to note that administrative questions relating to resources, capacity, efficiency and community police relations, as explored in the Khayelitsha Commission of 2012, reflect long-standing concerns that have been examined by inquiries in earlier periods. Inquiries of an administrative nature include the following: (1918) - The Public Service Commission of Inquiry (1918) - Report of the Select Committee on Police Striking and Recruiting (1926) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the organisation of the South African Police Force, Established under Act No. 14 of 1912 (1937) - Interim and Final Reports of the Commission of Inquiry to inquire into certain matters concerning the South African Police and the South African Railways and Harbours Police (1953) - Report of the Departmental Committee of enquiry on Pensions (South African Police Force) (1969) - Interim Report of the Commission of Inquiry into matters relating to the Security of the State (1971) - Final Report of the Commission of Inquiry into matters relating to the Security of the State (1980) - Commission of Inquiry into Reporting on Security Matters regarding the South African Defence Force and the South African Police (2006) - Commission of Inquiry into the mandate and location of the Directorate of Special Operations (‘the DSO’) (2014) - Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of Police inefficiency and a Breakdown in Relations between SAPS and the Community of Khayelitsha

Inquiries into Corruption

A second theme to which inquiries have responded relates to allegations of corruption. From the international record we know that corruption scandals act as powerful triggers for establishing inquiries. Take the New York City Police Department, for example. Between 1894 and 1994 no fewer than six commissions of inquiry have investigated corruption within its ranks. The Mollen Commission of 1994 is particularly well known. Its report made an important contribution to our understanding of the external and internal environments within which organisational corruption flourishes. In the South African case, the establishment of the Lansdown Commission of 1937 (mentioned earlier) was prompted by allegations of police corruption. A decade later the Hoexter Commission (1950) also turned its attention to bribery and corruption in the Johannesburg area, relating specifically to the provision of liquor licences and illegal abortions. (1937) - Interim and Final Reports of the Commission of Inquiry to inquire into certain matters concerning the South African Police and the South African Railways and Harbours Police (1950) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into Allegations against Members of the South African Police

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Policing of protest related actions

A third – and dominant – theme concerns the conduct of police in the context of disturbances, protest actions and riots. Police conduct in terms of public disorder is, in fact, the concern of a large number of inquiries. In different places and at different times crowds of people would assemble to express their concerns and frustrations and voice their aspirations. The triggers for these gatherings varied from hut and poll taxes, restrictions on the production and consumption of liquor or discriminatory labour practices, to the enforcement of pass laws, police brutality or, as in the case of Soweto in 1976, the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in the so-called Bantu education system. In all of the situations groups of people (often called ‘mobs’) would gather in localities both urban and rural, more or less spontaneously and more or less peacefully. Before long these gatherings would confront pockets of police. The police too may have been more or less organised to deal with the ‘situation’. Soon the mood between the two adversaries would turn acrimonious. Insults would be traded and provocations exchanged. The action or reaction of the police would as a matter of default be steeped in the logic of paramilitary defence of ‘state security’. The historical record provides abundant examples of the conflictual nature of the interactions between the state and, in most instances, the disenfranchised since the early period of the Union of South Africa. (1913) - Report of the Witwatersrand Disturbances Commission (1914) - Report of the Indian Enquiry Commission (1918) - Report of the Select Committee on Police Striking and Recruiting (1919) - Report of the Commissioner appointed to hold an enquiry regarding alleged ill-treatment of natives by members of the police force during the recent native unrest at Johannesburg (1921) - Report of the commissioners appointed to enquire into the causes of, and occurrences at, the native disturbance at Port Elizabeth on 23 October 1920, and the general economic conditions as they affect the native and coloured population (1921) - Interim and Final Reports of the Native Affairs Commission and telegram from Commissioner, South African Police, relative to ‘Israelites’ at Bulhoek and Occurrences in May 1921 (1923) - Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the Rebellion of the Bondelzwarts (1925) - Commission of Inquiry into Native riots at Bloemfontein (1929) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the Native Riots at Durban on the 17th and 18th June 1929 (1938) - Report of the Commission into the Riots and Disturbances at Vereeniging on 18–19 Sept 1937 (1941) - Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the riots which took place in Johannesburg on 31 January 1941, and 1 February 1941 (1943) - Judicial Commission of Enquiry – Pretoria municipal riot of 28 December 1942 Report (1948) - Report of the Commission to enquire into the disturbances of the 30th August, 1947, at the Moroka Emergency Camp, Johannesburg (1949) - Report of Commission of Enquiry into Riots in Durban (1950) - Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into Acts of Violence Committed by Natives at Krugersdorp, Newlands, Randfontein, and Newclare

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(1951) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the Disturbances in the Witzieshoek Native Reserve (1958) - Report of the Commission appointed by the City Council of Johannesburg to enquire into the causes and circumstances of the riots which took place in the vicinity of the Dube Hostel in the South-Western Native Township over the weekend 14/15 September 1957 (1960) - Report of the Commission Appointed to Investigate and Report on the Occurrences in the Districts of Vereeniging, namely at Sharpeville Location, and Evaton, and Vanderbijlpark, Province of the Transvaal, on 21st March, 1960 (1960) - Report of the Commission of enquiry into the events in Langa Location, district of Wynberg, Cape of Good Hope, on 21st March 1960 (1963) - Interim and Final Report of the Commission to inquire into the events at Paarl and the causes which gave rise thereto (1975) - Report of the Commission of Inquiry into certain matters relating to the University of the North (1980) - Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Riots at Soweto and elsewhere from the 16 of June 1976 to 28 of February 1977 (1985) - Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Violence which occurred on 29 October 1983 at the University of Zululand (Vol. 1 & 2) (1985) - Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Incident which occurred on 21 March 1985 at Uitenhage (1989) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the cause of the unrest in Venda during August 1988 and the investigation of ritual murders (1990) - Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the incidents at Sebokeng, Boipatong, Lekoa, Sharpeville and Evaton on 26 March 1990 (1990) - Report of the Commission of Inquiry into certain Alleged Murders (1992) - The Commission of Inquiry into the 1986 Unrest and Alleged Mismanagement in KwaNdebele (1994) - Report of Commission of Inquiry into Activities of Police and Military Relative to the Teachers’ strike (1998) - Commission of Inquiry into the incidents that led to the violence in the former Bophuthatswana on 11 March 1994, and the deaths that occurred as a result thereof (2012) - South African Human Rights Commission report: In the matter between Council for the Advancement of the SA Constitution and South African Police Service (2015) - Marikana Commission of Inquiry Report on matters of public, national and international concern arising out of the tragic Incidents at the Lonmin mine in Marikana, in the North West Province

Other inquiries

We also identify a fourth category within which we place other kinds of inquiries such as the following: (1913) - Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into Assaults on Women (1994) - Commission of Inquiry regarding the Prevention of Public Violence and Intimidation (1999) - Report by the South African Human Rights Commission Inquiry into racism in the SAPS Vryburg District

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As political negotiations got underway the Goldstone Commission was established. Its terms of reference were wide. In the course of its three-year existence it investigated a large number of violent incidents in which the police played some kind of role. A total of 47 reports were compiled by the Goldstone Commission, of which a significant proportion focussed on the police and military. An historical overview reveals the structural disposition toward confrontation, skirmishes and violence, resulting in injuries and deaths, between the police and the citizenry. Incidents of police brutality and the police’s use of lethal force against striking workers at Lonmin mine in 2012, for example, are contemporary manifestations of a much older theme.

Conclusion

Commissions of inquiry are worthy objects of inquiry themselves. They all embark on labour-intensive processes of fact-finding fitted to their respective terms of reference. Data would have to be collected; public hearings held at which testimonies are given and expert evidence considered. Once fact-finding is concluded the inquiries would enter the next phase of the life of a commission, where reports are drafted and eventually submitted. The reports would offer a reconstruction of the events that were investigated. Such reports would indicate where appropriate blame should be apportioned and people or institutions exonerated. Many of the commissions would identify the administrative and/or systemic weaknesses to which constructive recommendations may be added. The findings of the reports would make their way into the public domain. Dialogue on the findings may prove instrumental for raising public awareness about issues of national concern. At the end of all these efforts we enter the archival phase. At this point the wealth of data, consisting of reports, transcriptions, video recordings and visual images, will be deposited in an archival space. There the report may gather considerable dust, only to be rediscovered at some later point in time. We have tried here to capture a dense history relating to inquiries into aspects of policing in South Africa. This history deserves to be examined more carefully. Have we utilised the opportunities to learn that commissions afford us? The answer to this question awaits further research. In pursuit of answers to the question about the impact of inquiries we should situate inquiries in their historical context and be willing to engage with them in comparative ways. Furthermore, we should examine the social and political interests at stake and the contestations to which competing interests give rise. Finally, we should engage critically with the ways in which inquiries re-construct the world. It is when we turn inquiries into objects of critical analysis that we can investigate not only what they reveal about the world but also what they leave concealed. We are keen to find ways of documenting the views and experiences of police personnel with Commissions of Inquiry. We herewith would like to invite readers who want to share their views to contact us directly.

Annie Kok Prof Elrena van der Spuy

anniekok3@gmail.com Elrena.VanDerSpuy@uct.ac.za

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Item 21: Portuguese flag: Anton Barkenhuisen

A frayed Portuguese flag which must have been in the possession of a Portuguese soldier, who ostensibly served in Angola, was presented to the NONGQAI by Adv Anton Barkenhuizen. Anton is a former member of the South African Police. The flag was inspected by Tony Fernandes and he has identified some of the medallions and buttons attached to the flag. He says it is a valuable historical find. Al the political mementos are from Angola. The history is unknown and the photo was taken by Glenn Elsden.

Filler: Spit & Polish and Elbow Grease

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Item 22: Police File: David Hall Green

Where are they now?

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Item 23: Hoofstuk Twee

Verloop van die 36-dae beleg van Makapansgrot: Dr JC van der Walt

Die burgers van Zoutpansberg onder leiding van wyle Andries Hendrik Potgieter se

seun, kommamdant-generaal Pieter Johannes (Piet) Potgieter, het Makapansgrot

reeds op 12 Oktober 1854 bereik. Op 25 Oktober sluit kommandant-generaal MW

Pretorius en sy kommando van Rustenburg, by hulle aan. Insluitende die Kgatla en

Tshonga meelopers was daar ‘n totaal van 500 man buite die grot.

MW Pretorius se verslag

MW Pretorius se verslag van 6 Desember 1854 beskryf die verloop van die gebeure:

“My kommando het Makapansgat op 25 Oktober bereik. Die swartes was reeds

binne die grot. Daar was twee openings en dit sou dwaas wees om die grot te

bestorm. Tydens ons krygsraad van 28 Oktober is besluit om die rotse bokant die

grot met plofstof op te blaas om die grot toe te val. Die poging het misluk.

“Hierna het ek die bevel gegee om die grot dag en nag te beleër sodat geen kos of

water hulle kon bereik nie. Skanse is opgerig wat dag en nag deur 100 man beman

is. Die swartes het sonder oponthoud op ons gevuur.

“Op 6 November het kommandant-generaal Piet Potgieter my na die bek van die

grot vergesel. Die vorige nag het ons die gebied voor die grot ontbos. Piet Potgieter

was aan die voorpunt toe ‘n skoot hom deur die skouers en nek tref. Hy het oor ‘n

krans van 25 voet na benede geval.”

Die 19-jarige veldkornet Paul Kruger het later geskryf dat hy Piet Potgieter se lyk

onder geweervuur voor die bek van die grot opgeraap het. Hierdie heldedaad is op ‘n

paneel by die Krugerstandbeeld op Kerkplein in Pretoria verewig.

“Piet Potgieter se broer, H Potgieter, is tydelik in sy plek as kommandant aangestel.

Ek was die opperbevelhebber. Piet Potgieter was ‘n dapper man, hy was my

boesemvriend. Hy het swartes verag en ek het besluit om sy dood te wreek.

“Makapan is herhaaldelik uitgedaag om uit die grot te kom en vir die slagting wat hy

veroorsak het, boete te doen.” Hy is egter met rieme onder aan ‘n bees vasgemaak

en het saam met beeste gedurende die nag ontsnap. Die volgende jaar het Makapan

selfmoord gepleeg deur gif te drink.

“Op 8 November was ek vasbeslote om die twee openings, van vyftig voet breed en

25 voet hoog, te blok. Met die hulp van vyftig spanne osse en 300 swart helpers het

ons oor ‘n periode van vyf dae, sowat 1 500 vragte hout en klippe voor die bekke van

die grot afgegooi.

“Die swartes binne die grot was baie honger en dors en gedurende die nag het, veral

vroue en kinders, uit die grot gekom op soek na water. Party is dood kort nadat hulle

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water gedrink het. Tussen die oorlewendes was ‘n swarte wat oorgegee het. Hy wou

ons wys waar die oorledenes se gesteelde ivoor versteek was.

“Paul Kruger is opdrag gegee om die ivoor te soek en hy het op 11 November met

23 groot olifanttande en 15 kleiner tande teruggekeer.

“Op 16 November het nog ‘n groot getal vrouens en kinders uit die grot gekom. Die

volgende dag het van die burgers die grot sonder teenstand binnegegaan. Vier-en -

twintig gewere, 14 skietgordels gevul met buskruit en lood, een sak met lopers,

stukke lood, twee kiste met kledingstukke en 40 pond koffie is uitgebring. Van die

goed was die eiendom van die blanke vermoordes en is aan die naasbestaandes

teruggegee.

“Die krygsraad het besluit om van die ivoor sowel as die skape en die bokke op te

veil om die koste van die beleg te bestry. Die opbrengs van 3 800 riksdaalders is aan

die burgers van Piet Potgieter oorhandig.

“Op 21 November het ek die bevel gegee om die beleg te staak. Weens die stank

van die 900 verotte liggame buite die grot, kon ons nie voortgaan nie. Twee van ons

burgers is doodgeskiet en Adolf de Lary en twee Hottentotte van Hartley is gewond

toe hulle die grot wou binnegaan.”

Menslike oorblyfsels gevind

“Reeds op 21 November was ons na Mapela op pad. Hy het egter gevlug. My

partrollie het wel ‘n paar swartes doodgeskiet en 2 800 beeste gebuit. Dit maak ‘n

groottotaal van 3 300 beeste asook die 1 200 skape en bokke. Die weduwees is

hieruit vergoed. Ek het 160 beeste vir my burgers uitgehou.

“Tydens my terugkeer by Mapela se stat het ek die menslike oorblyfsels van ses

blanke slagoffers gevind. By die kraal van Makapan het ek die potte met

uitgebraaide liggaamsvet van die vermoordes gesien. Hulle ledemate was op ‘n spit

gerooster. Ek het die oorblyfsels laat begrawe en die stat verbrand.

“Ons kommando was sowat 500 sterk, meesal berede en met twee kanonne en 116

waens toegerus.”

Boere buit kinders

Die swart helpers van die Boere het honderde van die gevange vroue as hulle deel

van die buit gekry. Sowat 400 swart kinders is onder die Boere as buit verdeel. Die

BaKgatla was veral verjeug en hulle sing vandag nog die pryslied:

”Kgamanyane Pilane gryp die kinders van die borste van die moeders en gee hulle

vir die Boere.” Paul Kruger het later lobola vir sy een “inboekeling”, Paulina, ontvang.

Rachel, een van die dogters wat by Makapansgrot gevang is, vertel:

“Ek was deur die Dutch gevang toe ek nog klein was. My mense het aan die ander

kant van Makapanspoort gewoon. Die Dutch het met hulle oorlog gemaak. Ons

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vaders is verower en baie van hulle is doodgeskiet. Ons moeders het gevlug en het

in ‘n grot geskuil. Dors het hulle later uit die grot verdryf.

“My moeder en ander is deur die Dutch, voordat hulle die water kon bereik,

opgemerk. Daar is op hulle geskiet en ons kinders is gevange geneem. Die

kleinstes is op perde geplaas en die oueres moes voor die perde uithardloop totdat

ons die laer bereik het. Daar is ek aan my meester verkoop.

“Tydens my verblyf in Pretoria het ek baie kinders van Zoutpansberg gesien wat

ingebring en vir drie pond tot agt pond elk verkoop is. Sommiges is vir perde en

beeste verruil.”

Ndebele se kultuurskatte

Dr. Amanda B Esterhuysen van die Universiteit van die Witwatersrand, het in 2003

intensiewe argeologiese opgrawings in Makapansgrot gedoen en op kosbare

Ndebele kultuurskatte afgekom.

Dit sluit in: metaalvoorwerpe soos naalde, pikke, armbande, spiespunte en krale;

items uit been gemaak soos amulette; geweefde mandjies; gekleurde en gebakte

dekoratiewe potte en bekers; houtsneewerk soos lepels, bakke en borde; klip

implemente soos meulstene en hamers; kunstige leergoedere soos rompe,

borsplate, watersakke, hoede, speelgoed en penishouers.

Kinders se mummies gevind

Kinders wat van honger en dors binne die grot gesterf het, is in die kalksteenagtige

alkaliese grond begrawe. Danksy die goeie dreinering, die gunstige temperatuur

binne die grot en die afwesigheid van liggaamsvet, het van die lyke op ‘n natuurlike

wyse in mummies verander.

Foto’s van ʼn drie-jarige kleuter en ‘n 13-jarige knielende kind, toon duidelik aan hoe

die vel óm die ontwaterde lyke gespan het. Al twee se dood was as gevolg van totale

ontwatering – ʼn aaklige dood.

Foto

1). Die mummies van twee jong kinders het op natuurlike wyse ontstaan.

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Bronne

1). Esterhuysen, AB, “Let The Ancestors Speak”, (2006). 2). van der Walt, JC, “Zululand True Stories 1780 to 1978 and Child Slavery in South Africa 1837 to 1877”, (2011)

Item 24: Airmen Killed in Lake St Lucia

The Graves of eight Catalina Flying Boat Airmen Killed in Lake St Lucia

(1943): Dr Jc Van Der Walt

At 19:10 on the evening of 25 June 1943, the two Australian pilots of Catalina flying

bomber boat number FP 265 “H”, Flight Sergeant AF Jenkins and Flight Officer FNC

White of 262 Squadron RAF Station Congella, took off from the western shore of

lake St Lucia in the direction of today’s Charters Creek. The Catalina was heavily

laden with a crew of nine airmen plus four torpedo bombs under the aircraft’s wings.

The flying boat climbed steeply, stalled and dived into a deep part of the lake

between St Vincent islands and the western shore. There was a massive explosion

and a fire.

Pilot Officer Cl Keeble was at the end of the flare path and he reported that he saw a

large fire on the water. He signalled the shore and headed towards the flames to see

whether he could rescue any survivors. Sergeant Benjamin “Nobby” Lee, a flight

engineer, was rescued. He was severely injured. However there was no trace of any

other survivors.

A diving team from HMS Revenge, under Lieutenant AG MacLauchlan RN, was sent

to recover the torpedo bombs and the eight bodies. They failed and seven bodies

were later recovered between 2 and 9 July 1943 after divers had blasted the wreck.

The dead crew consisted of four Australians; the two pilots, Flight Sergeant AF

Jenkins and Flight Officer FNC White, Flight Sergeant THT Lane, navigator, Sgt. AF

Soady, flight engineer plus four British; Sergeants AJ Mills, wireless operator and air

gunner, TJ Burrington, RP Kay, air gunner and RJ Cork, wireless operator and air

gunner (see photo) of the RAF.

A photo submitted by veteran pilot, Major Dave Becker, clearly proves that the wreck

of Catalina “H’ was later used for bomb target practice and no trace of it remains

today. However, some wreck remains of Catalina FP 257 “E” is still visible at

Catalina Bay today.

Four bodies were buried in Stellawood Cemetery in Durban on 12 July 1943. They

were Flight Officer White, Sgt. Soady, Sgt Burrington and Sgt. Richard Thomas Cork

(RAF).

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Sadly, the body of one Australian Pilot, Flight Sergeant AF Jenkins, was never

recovered. His name is commemorated in the Alamein Museum in Egypt.

The search for the other three graves continues.

A total number of 11 061 Australian airmen died in aircraft crashes during world war

two.

Sources Allen Storr, Commonwealth Grave Records, Australia, Jeff Gaisford, Alan Jackson and G Howgego.

Photographs

1) A Catalina Flying Boat Similar to the One That Crashed And The Jetty At Southern Shores, St Lucia. 2). Sergeant Richard Tomas Cork of the RAF. 3). The graves of four of the airmen in Stellawood Cemetery in Durban.

Item: 25: Naval Ranks

South African Navy Ranks and Insignia: Part Two Warrant Officers: Captain

(San) (Retd) Charles Ross

In our previous article we addressed the rank insignia of the Junior and Senior Rates

in the South African Navy and as mentioned in the article on the Brief History of the

South African Navy it adopted the Royal Navy rank structure. Over the years there

have been minor changes to the rank insignia of South African Navy, but it has

largely remained in line with that of the Royal Navy.

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The South African Navy have more uniforms than the other Arms of Service of the

South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and rank insignia are therefore

adapted to each of the these uniforms. Add to this that the South African Navy also

have various branches for which each have a unique insignia worn by Warrant

Officers while there are also Warfare Type Affiliation badges for the various Flotillas,

Submarines, Mine Warfare, Surface Warfare and Combat Support Ships.

Qualification badges (commonly referred to as “Water Wings”) are worn by members

that are Bridge Watch Keeping qualified in Silver and in Gold for having or had

command at sea. There is also a Marine Officers badge. Medals are worn differently

to the other Arms of Service. All these will be addressed in a later articles. The

various uniforms will also be addressed in a future articles.

Warrant Officer’s Insignia

The lowest of the Warrant Officers is Warrant Officer Class 2 and is addressed as “Warrant” and the rank is abbreviated “WO II”. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

Next is Warrant Officer Class 1 and is addressed as “Warrant” and the rank is abbreviated as “WO 1”. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

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Next is the Level 4a Warrant Officer, the Unit Master at Arms addressed as “Master” and the rank is abbreviated as “MAA”. Equivalent is Regimental Sergeant Major or “RSM”. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

Next is the Level 4 Warrant Officer, the Base Master at Arms addressed as “Master” and the rank is abbreviated as “BMAA”. Equivalent is Command Sergeant Major. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

Next is the Level 3 Warrant Officer, the Fleet Master at Arms addressed as “Master” and the rank is abbreviated as “FMAA”. Equivalent is Formation Sergeant Major. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

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Next is the Level 2 Warrant Officer, the Master at Arms of the Navy addressed as “Master” and the rank is abbreviated as “MAA (Navy)”. Equivalent is Sergeant Major of the Service. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

Next is the Level 1 Warrant Officer, the Warrant Officers of the SANDF addressed as “Master” and the rank is abbreviated as “WO SANDF)”. The Rank Insignia shown on the left is that worn on the service dress (non-seasonal) as well as on Dress 3, Dress 4, Dress 5, and Dress 7. The rank insignia as indicated is worn on the sleeve of both the summer (ie white) and winter (black) uniforms 100 mm from the to the bottom of the badge from the edge of the sleeve. The relevant branch badge is only worn on the small collar of the winter (black) uniform. The words “SOUTH AFRICA” in blue on both arms 3 mm below the shoulder seam. The same configuration is applicable to the winter, ie black, uniform, except that the letters will be in gold.

Cap Badge of the Warrant Officer

Various WO ranks

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Level 1 Warrant Officer WO SANDF Master S/Major of the

SANDF

S/Major of the

SANDF

Level 2 Warrant

Officer

MAA (Navy) Master S/Major of a

Service

Master at Arms

of Navy

Level 3 Warrant

Officer

FMAA Master Formation S/Major Fleet Master at

Arms

Level 4 Warrant

Officer

BMAA Master Command S/Major Base Master at

Arms

Level 4a Warrant

Officer

MAA Master Regimental

S/Major

Unit Master at

Arms

Warrant Officer 1st

Class

WO1 Warrant WOI Sergeant

Major

Warrant Officer 2nd

Class

WO11 Warrant WOII Sergeant

Major

Filler: Medals for Bravery

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Item 26: Compol & Unrest

Bestryding van Onluste: Genl JV van der Merwe

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Item 27: SA Legion

UK Mendi Parade Southampton Nongqai report SA legion-UK Mendi Parade Southampton Peter

29 Feb

Morning Hennie. This is the first of 2 reports coming though. This was the parade held in Southampton, UK … the next one will be the report of the parade held in Noordwiyk, Netherlands. Best regards Peter Gillatt

Background The accidental ramming of SS Mendi Troopship by SS Daro on a cold foggy morning eleven miles off Isle of Wight, on21st February 1917, became an almost unparalleled wartime tragedy for South African forces. Daro, at almost three times Mendi’s weight, travelling ‘full ahead’ in fog conditions rammed the troop ship with such force the SS Mendi sunk and was resting on the sea-bed within 25 minutes. The violent impact, nearly at right angles, left a gaping 20ft tear amidships instantly trapping more than 100 soldiers below decks who were unable to escape the rapidly rising water as the ship quickly listed to starboard. Her crew, consisting 29 sailors, failed to launch sufficient life rafts for the 811 strong contingent of 5th Battalion South African Native Labour Corps (SANLC). In the dense fog and inadequate rescue effort that followed, many remained aboard the ship, unwilling to commit to an icy plunge. They were reportedly exhorted by the Chaplain Rev Isaac Dyobha who called them together to die like warriors and brothers - what he said is now legendary. He said “Be quiet and calm, my countrymen, for what is taking place now is exactly what you came to do. You are going to die, but that is what you came to do. Brothers, we are drilling the drill of death. I, a Xhosa, say you are all my brothers, Zulus, Swazis, Pondos, Basutos, we die like brothers. We are the sons of Africa. Raise your cries, brothers, for though they made us leave our weapons at our home, our voices are left with our bodies.” They took off their boots, picked up imaginary spears and shields and performed an African war dance, a dance of death. Thus, together, as brothers they chanted and

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danced on the tilting deck, facing death with unparalleled bravery until finally being sucked into the vortex created by the sinking ship. There were many more individual acts of bravery and selflessness in those terrifying early morning hours in the freezing water. A catalogue of failures exacerbated the final outcome, the Darro for example made no effort at all to rescue the men in the water, and ultimately it was that many of these brave men had no experience of the sea combined with extended exposure to the frigid February waters, off St Catherine’s Light, that accounted for the unusually high death toll. Fewer than 200 of the 840 souls aboard the SS Mendi survived. The total toll on human lives lost that day reached a staggering 646. Convention and prejudice meant this dreadful tragedy was not afforded appropriate recognition by respective Governments in South Africa and the United Kingdom. South African officials during these years demonstrated their unwillingness to highlight black people’s wartime contributions by withholding medals and reasonable post-war recompense to ‘non-combatant men’ deemed somehow less valuable. Particularly poignant was that South African Labour Corps men, drawn from a broad spectrum of backgrounds, had readily volunteered their services to support the British Crown’s war effort on the Western Front in the hope it would win them greater political concessions at home. The reality was that remarkably little changed for 7 decades. This however is now redressed and today recognition is finally awarded and these fine brave men are honoured at last. The shipwreck has also recently been awarded World Heritage and War Grave status and an increasing number of Memorials are testament to contemporary recognition for, and acknowledgement of the sacrifices made by not only the 607 South African Labour Corps men lost that day on His Majesty’s service but also many thousand silent black South African citizens who risked everything to join Europe, ‘like brothers’.

99th Commemoration Service

Saturday 20th February 2016 from 10:30am these brave South Africans were commemorated at CWGC Memorial to theMendi victims who have no known grave at Southampton Cemetery – Hollybrook in England. The South African High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, His Excellency, Mr Obed Mlaba and the Defence Advisor for the Republic of South Africa, Brigadier General Sithabiso Mahlobo MMS hosted the event with the assistance of The South African Legion – United Kingdom and the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC). The Program director for the day was Rev Dr Jongikaya Zihle who did an abosulte stunning job, both officiating the event and the leading the religious aspect of the commemoration. Message and tributes where given by the Right Worshipful the Mayor of

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Southampton – Linda Norris, followed by His Excellency, Mr Obed Mlaba and Peter Dickens from the South African Legion John McCabe gave a special tribute by Officer Commanding SAS Mendi. A reading of the poem “African Quest” Claudio Criste from the South African Legion followed by the reading of the famous words of Rev. Isaac Dyobha by Brigadier General Sithabiso Mahlobo. Mr David Street from The Royal British Legion did the honours of reading the Exhortation and the Kohima Epitaph

Laying of Wreaths

1. The Right Worshipful the Mayor of Southampton – Linda Norris 2. The High Commissioner of the Republic of South Africa - His Excellency Mr. Obed Mlaba 3. Defence Adviser for the Republic of South Africa - Brigadier General Sithabiso Mahlobo, MMS 4. Angola - Lt Col Rui Nelson Goncalves 5. Canada - Lt Cdr Janan Sutherland 6. Netherlands - Cdr Henk Kapma 7. France - Cdr Arnoud Dufour 8. Royal Naval Association – Ian Fraser 9. Royal British Legion National Branches Chair- Mr David Street 10. South African Legion - Lgr. Peter Dickens 11. CWGC - Mr Richard Hills : Director of Africa, Asia & Pacific Area 12. Royal British Legion Youth – Daniel McArdle 13. Black Poppy Rose – Garry Stewart 14. Rose Barry – Granddaughter to Lt RA MacTavish who perished on the SS Mendi

VIP’s in attendance 16. Rev Dr Jongikaya Zihle – South African High Commision 17. The South African Air and Deputy Defence Advisor – Colonel ND Tshiloane 18. Mr Graham Scott - Wessex Archeology 19. Garry Stewart - Recognize Black Heritage & Culture 20. Friends of Delville Wood – John McCabe 21. Sea Cadet Corps – Lt Mark Lampert 22. Why are West Indian Project Legionnaires 23. Sea Cadet Corps - Lt Mark Lampert 24. Parade Commander - Maj Russel Mattushek 25. Jubilee Brass Band - Mr Ian Williams (Trumpeter) - last post.

Colours/Standards on Parade: • Union Flag. Red Green & Gold: Peoples Flag • The Royal Naval Association • 139 Jamaica Squadron. • British West India Regiment – 1st World War • Royal British Legion – South Africa Branch • South African Legion

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From a tiny SA Legion parade to do the right thing for the SS Mendi, 4 years ago, this event has developed into a national event, the inclusion of the Mayor, High Commissioner, Defence Attaches - SADEC, Commonwealth and EU, Special Guests from Wessex Archaeology, the CWGC, the Black Poppy Rose, the Sea Scouts, the Royal Navy, the RNA and more and even a relative of one of the victims. This has all cumulated in attention of the national media, and we are proud to say that BBC TV, BBC Radio Solent and ITV coverage is now been given to Mendi. This is how far we have come as the SA Legion and the couple of Legionnaires who have held steadfast to this journey’s vision over the past four years - to establish us as a foremost South African veteran organisation on the UK Veterans scene promoting the recognition of South African veterans. However, this event is all about the memory of the Mendi - it’s about getting the men on the Mendi due recognition, increasing their profile and awareness in the UK (and in SA). We have the support this parade now has by South Africa’s official representatives in the UK, in turn brings in the authorities on the Mendi - people like Graham Scott from Wessex Archaeology, people like Garry Steward from Recognise Black Heritage and Culture, people like Andrew Stillman from the CWGC and their PRO Peter Francis. And the net result is this is “newsworthy” media - the BBC TV, ITV TV, BBC Solent etc. This brings up our objective - exposure, increased awareness by the British peoples to the sacrifice of South Africans in their wars. All these people are necessary to achieve the media impact we need to bring the voices of the men of the Mendi to broader British public. Our journey is the story of the men of the Mendi (not ourselves as Legion - that’s our motto). This will never ever happen if we just stand as individuals in a freezing cold cemetery doing a small introspective pilgrimage, and the message is finally getting out.

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Item 28: SA Legion

SA Legion: Mendi Parade: Noordwijk: Netherlands Hi Hennie. This is the second Mendi parade report Regards

Pete G

The SS Mendi Remembrance Parade on Saturday 27 February 2016 in Noordwijk in the Netherlands was a resounding success, and a fitting tribute to the fallen of the SS Mendi in particular, and South Africa in general. Even the weather cooperated and granted us a beautifully sunny day.

It was attended by the South African Chargé d’Affaires, Ms Namhla Gigaba17 (Counsellor Bilateral), on behalf of the South African Ambassador to The Hague, the South African Defence Attaché to Brussels, Brig. Gen. Macdonald Letsholo18, the Deputy Mayor of

17

See photo – HBH. 18

See photo – HBH.

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Noordwijk, Alderman Gerben van Duin19, as well as members of the South African Legion (UK & Europe and Scotland Branches).

Following the main ceremony at the Algemeen Begraafplaats in Noordwijk, guests and Legionnaires moved to the beachfront of Noordwijk-aan-Zee to pay tribute to all who perished at sea and were washed-up and buried in Noordwijk. These include five named and one unnamed victims of the SS Mendi disaster (21 Feb 1917), all of the South African Native Labour Corps.

This was followed by an informal lunch at a nearby hotel.

19

See photo – HBH.

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Peter Dickens

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Item 29: Tie Collection

Eerw. Swanepoel het foto’s bygevoeg.

2,358 is die getal waarop my versameling dasse staan. 32 dasse vandag gekry. Ai ek is so opgewonde en dankbaar en gelukkig. Hennie Heymans my liewe Vriend die versameling groei. Nico Frylinck ek moet in Roodepoort kom want Pine Pienaar het laat weet hy het nog n klompie dasse daar vir my versameling.

Koot Swanepoel Hennie Heymans ek het nogal begin om in groete te sorteer. SAP,

Weermag, Sport. Rugby, Motors, Myne, Banke, ens.

Pine Pienaar my liewe Boeta, ja Koerier is die beter opsie. Ek wens so ek kan self by

jou draai. Wil so graag ook ʼn braai bywoon. Maar dit sal kom. Dankie weereens vir

julle mooi omgee harte en lojaliteit teenoor my en my gesin.

Item 30: Chopper Day

27 August 2016 Swartkop AFB

From: Slade Healy Sent: 28 February 2016 11:02 PM To: paul@who-els.co.za; bruwer@3d-rags.com; rhgriff@shaw.ca;Bruce Harrison; mark@fireforce.co.za Subject: Chopper 2016 CHOPPER 2016 – 27 August 2016, AFB Swartkop, 5 Hangar 11.00 to 19.00. Please note that a big Chopper Function is being planned for August. The initial indications are that the day will coincide with a SAAF Museum Open Day as well as a SAAF Force Preparation Exercise. There should be lots of activity. Please use the Facebook Group “Chopper 2016” to tell us if you will be attending or not. We need this information desperately for security control and catering. You can either post your name on the site or email to chopperaug16@gmail.com. Please invite chopper friends and to the FB group. There will be a small fee for entrance to cover barman and cleaning costs. Otherwise food and drink will be available.

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I am working on memorabilia and will advise all as soon as I have items and costs etc. We will be using two badges - the young and the old: Please forward this email to all your chopper friends. Regards and thank you Crow Stannard co-ordinator.

Paul Els

29 Feb

Hi Slade, I have posted to Hennie Heymans also so that he can invite the SAP members of Ongulumbashe. Thanks Take care Boet.

Item 31: Farm Murders in South Africa

Regering moet nou erns maak met plaasmoorde en die wreedheid daarvan

Dr. Pieter Groenewald: VF Plus-LP en voorsitter

Die moord op ʼn negejarige dogtertjie, Kayla McCormak en drie ander mense op ʼn kleinhoewe buite Randfontein, laat opnuut die soeklig val op die hoë voorkoms van moord en die wreedheid daarvan in Suid-Afrika, en die regering sal nou daadwerklik moet optree, sê dr. Pieter Groenewald, die VF Plus se hoofwoordvoerder oor polisie. Dr. Groenewald het in ʼn ledeverklaring in die parlement gesê amptelike statistiek wys daar word 32 mense per 100 000 van die bevolking vermoor. Dit is byna vyf keer meer as die wêreldgemiddeld. Wat plaasmoorde aanbetref, is die syfer 133 per 100 000. Hy sê navorsing en syfers van die SA Mediese Navorsingsraad en ander instellings dui daarop dat die syfer selfs hoër kan wees. “Nog ʼn kenmerk van die moorde in Suid-Afrika is die buitensporige geweld waarmee dit gepaard gaan. Dit is ongekend en onaanvaarvaar. “As ʼn mens kyk na die onlangse moord van ʼn gesin op ʼn kleinhoewe buite Randfontein, wat per definisie plaasmoorde is, duik die vraag noodwendig op hoe dit

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moontlik is dat ʼn negejarige dogtertjie met ʼn graaf doodgeslaan kan word sonder dat daar eintlik iets geroof word. “Die regering het ʼn vorige ondersoek geloods na hierdie wreedheid wat met die moorde gepaard gaan, maar daar het niks van gekom nie. “Die waarnemende kommissaris van polisie sê nou plaasmoorde is ʼn prioriteit. Die VF Plus doen daarom ʼn beroep op die polisie en die regering om daadwerklik en met erns ondersoek te doen na plaasmoorde en alle moorde in Suid-Afrika en in besonder die wreedheid waarmee dit gepaard gaan.

Item 32: Police Despatch Rider.

Polisieman van Pretoria Konstabel Curin: Nico Moolman

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Item 33: Natal Police: Durban

Zulu Police: Andre Martinaglia

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Item 34: SAP HQ Wachthuis

Maj AG van Tonder: Val agt verdiepings en leef

Maj Van Tonder het die val oorleef en later hoof van die SAP se Finansiële Afdeling geword. Die jaartal van die voorval is onbekend. Ingestuur deur dr Henry Abbott - HBH

Item 35: Police Service Records

Diensrekords: SWA Polisie en SAP

Baie dankie Lourens en brig Heymans.

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Ek wonder ook waar die SAP papier diensrekords gehou word - indien hulle nog behoue is?

Ek soek nog diensrekords van my pa, my oupagrootjie, my oom en my groot oom asook die van ten minste twee van my 2x grootooms. (Dit sluit natuurlik Unie SAP in). Ek het slegs ʼn uitdruk van my pa se SAP diensrekords tans - en ʼn paar dokumente en foto’s hier en daar.

Met groot dankbaarheid vir al u hulp in die verlede,

Willem D. du Plooij

Item 36: News Letter: SADF Veterans Geagte leser Om Nuusbrief 04/2016 van die Militêre Veterane se Wel en Weë te lees, besoek die SAWV se webblad op die Internet by www.sawv.co.za. Op die SAWV se webblad gaan na ‘News / Nuus’ en klik op ‘Lees die Nuusbrief / Read the Newsletter’ reg oorkant die titel van die Nuusbrief. Die Nuusbrief is ook op die SA Infanterie-vereniging se webblad by http://www.sainfantry.co.za/index.php/news.html beskikbaar. Laat weet as u nie regkom nie. Goeie wense Johann Vorster

Item 37: SA Causalities: Part One

South African Commonwealth War casualties buried across the world:

Captain (SAN) (Ret) Charles Ross

South Africans participated in almost every theatre of war during both the First and

Second World Wars. According to the Commonwealth War Graves Commission

Casualty Data Base 7 290 (includes 607 unknown) First World War casualties and 9

986 (includes 84 unknown) Second World War casualties are buried in 1 207

cemeteries while 2 959 First World War and 2 005 Second World War casualties are

commemorated on 48 memorials. This does not include the 1 750 members of the

South African Native Labour Corps and the 306 from the South African Book of

Remembrance whose names are in the process of being added to the

Commonwealth War Graves Commission’s Casualty Data Base.

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With South Africans having served far and wide it is not surprising that you would

find single or small group graves in cemeteries across the world. Here are some of

those cemeteries where one or a very small group of South Africans are buried.

El Alia War Cemetery, Algiers

Allied troops made a series of landings on the Algerian coast in early November

1942. From there, they swept east into Tunisia, where the North African campaign

came to an end in May 1943 with the surrender of the Axis forces.

The cemetery was originally an Allied war cemetery, but was taken over as a civilian

cemetery by the municipal authorities when most of the non-Commonwealth war

graves were moved to other burial places.

El Alia Cemetery now contains 368 Commonwealth burials of the Second World

War. Eight war graves of other nationalities remain in the Commonwealth plot and

there are also 15 non-war graves, mostly of merchant seamen whose deaths were

not due to war service.

Lieutenant Charles Cross, South African Air Force, who died on 12 June 1943

is buried in this cemetery.

La Reunion War Cemetery, Algiers

Allied troops made a series of landings on the Algerian coast in early November

1942. From there, they swept east into Tunisia, where the North African campaign

came to an end in May 1943 with the surrender of the Axis forces.

Bejaia (formerly Bougie) was the landing place of the 36th Infantry Brigade Group on

11 November 1942.

La Reunion War Cemetery contains 211 Commonwealth burials of the Second World

War.

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Second Lieutenant C. H. G. Ruddle, South African Air Force, who died on 21

January 1944, is buried in this cemetery.

Le Petit Lac Cemetery, Algiers

Allied troops made a series of landings on the Algerian coast in early November

1942. From there, they swept east into Tunisia, where the North African campaign

came to an end in May 1943 with the surrender of the Axis forces.

The assault landings in the harbour at Oran failed, with heavy casualties, but

landings east and west of the port were successful.

Le Petit Lac Cemetery contains 200 Commonwealth burials of the Second World

War, 50 of them unidentified, and ten war graves of other nationalities. There are

also 14 non-war burials, all of merchant seamen whose deaths were not due to war

service.

The cemetery also contains ten First World War burials which were brought here

from Oran (Tamashouet) Cemetery in 1959. These include seven casualties of the

Lincolnshire Yeomanry, who died as a result of a submarine attack on the transport

'Mercian' in November 1915.

South Africans buried in this cemetery are:

Captain Philip Cohen, South African Medical Corps, and

Lieutenant Denis Oswa Bilse, 216 Squadron, Royal Air Force. Both were

killed on 03 June 1944.

Story for the South African Legion of Military Veterans by Lgr Charles Ross based on

information from the Commonwealth War Graves Commission’s Casualty Data Base

and photos of the cemeteries by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission

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Item 38: SAP Ranks

Collecting Police Ranks

It quite a job to collect the various badges of rank and other official police and

defence force badges. Even if one served in the police; not all badges were

published in the dress regulations. Take the “VIKTOR” name badge. Personally I

have never seen this model in the SAP before, until Gen Viktor showed it to me. On

the right is Ciskeian Police badges. Also not all qualification badges are mentioned in

the police regulations – Hennie Heymans

Sandy Evans Hanes Pics from Sandy with comments by Hennie Heymans

The badge of rank: Chief Sergeant. At first chromed and later gilt – HBH.

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A 2nd Class Sergeant

A 1st Class Sergeant (Before 1957.)

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Chief Sergeant – It was a rank for Senior Non-White policemen (Circa 1960 – 1970)

I think this specific badge of rank was worn by Non-White Members (Smaller chevrons.) In days of old footmen wore chevrons on both arms – HBH.

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From the top: Lance Sergeant, Corporal and Lance Corporal.the 1960’s we wore these chevrons on our summer uniforms. The chevrons washed well – HBH.

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Once again I presume these ranks were for Non-White members.

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Item 39: 1952 - 54: Non-White Policing

Nongqai, October 1952, p 1070.

Sgt Lucas Majozi, MM

Note the ranks and the uniform as worn in 1952.

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Above source.20

I have made a superficial study of Non-White members in the South African Police

from 1948 up to the present.

Under National Party Rule, from 1948 onwards, the Policy of Separate Development

was put forward, also in the South African Police. The first thing the then Minister of

Justice implemented was for wanted to police themselves in their own areas. In

order to do this, and this is as far as I can determine, formal training for Non-Whites

was for the first time brought in. Depots (later colleges) were established all over the

country. New ranks for Black were brought in.

As I perceived the situation, Blacks were not formally trained. Some started as

labourers – the rank was Labourer Constable - and progressed to the rank of

Constable while serving some kind of apprenticeship at the local police station.

Blacks were unofficially perceived as “auxiliary policemen” and in Durban the English

speakers referred to a Black policeman as a “police-boy” instead of policeman or

Constable.

20

Nongqai, November 1952, p 1180

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From Colonial times Non-White policemen wore uniforms different to that of whites.

(I found one exception in the Zarps of Paul Kruger. I have not yet found a different

uniform for Blacks.) The National Party started with training and the recruitment of

Blacks for Blacks.

1954: 2360 fully trained Non-Whites

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Reorganisasie

123

124

Bron21

21 Nongqai, September 1954, p 923.

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Item 40: Rietfontein West Does anybody have an idea where this is or was?

The Nongqai, July 1953 page 681

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Item 41: Edward John Wilding: South African Police Hello, I'm trying to verify a family story. We believe that my great-grandmother's brother, Edward John Wilding, was a policeman in South Africa. Some say that his rank was Colonel, others that he later became a Judge and that there's even a statue of him somewhere. I've searched the web but haven't been able to find anything. Are you aware of any resources that might help us? Edward John Wilding was born in 1881 in the parish of St. George Hanover Square, London. So I would presume that he would have arrived in South Africa around 1900 or so. Yours sincerely, Philip.

Hello Hennie, Thanks so much for your reply and offer to place my letter in your February-issue of the Nongqai. I have continued to search since writing to you and have finally found a record that provides some hope in the following book: White Rising: The 1922 Insurrection and Racial Killing in South Africa By Jeremy Krikler Manchester University Press, 2005. The following footnotes mention E. J. Wilding, policeman. They provide a year (1922) and a rank (Sub-Inspector) that should help in any future searches.

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I’m going to try to borrow a copy of the book from the State Library of NSW to see if there are any other mentions. It may also be possible to obtain copies of the court case or testimonies. My old notes from interviews with family members suggest that he may have been known as “Jack” Wilding, his middle name may be James rather than John and that he married a nurse in South Africa. I have included my cousin Pamela in England in this reply as I know that she is also very interested in learning if there is any truth in the old family stories about Edward J Wilding. Thanks so much for your help. Regards, Philip

Dear Philip I have done research and will place your letter in the March-issue of the Nongqai. It was very long in February! Here is what I have on EJ Wilding in my archive: No 214 Foot 2nd class Head Constable - date of joining 8-3-1901 - during 1916 he was stationed at Bloemfontein.

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Ref: Orange Free State Division page 87 - SAP List dated 1916. Greetings Hennie Heymans

Dear Hennie, Thanks for the information. It certainly looks like this is the right man. What do you think Pam??? Our EJ Wilding was listed as being 4 months old in the 1881 census (3rd April) so probably born in December 1880. That would make him 20 years old when he joined in 1901. That’s right in the middle of the Boer War isn’t it? Did the South African Police have a role to play in the war? So, a 2nd class Head Constable in 1916. Would this put him on track to be a Sub-Inspector in 1922? If so it’s likely that the EJ Wilding mentioned in the testimonies into the 1922 insurrection is the same person. Finally, was there a rank of Colonel or Colonel-in-Chief? This was the rank our uncle supposedly achieved according to some of the family’s oral histories? Thanks again. Regards, Philip

Hi Philip I have been following your ‘comms’ with Hennie and it does look like this is our relative. This is great to finally get confirmation. I noticed in Hennie’s email that the British Police played a role in the Boer War. Is it possible that he actually ended up in South Africa via the British Police force? Possibly joined up in the UK and took the opportunity to go to South Africa with them. I hope you are well. Look forward to finding out more. Regards Pamela

Item 42: Paul Greyling & Dawid Lotter Hierby aangeheg die koerantuitknipsel.

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Ek is jammer dat ek dit nou eers doen maar moes dit eers weer aftas en regkry. My eie geskiedenis is in kort:- Op 1968/07/09 geattesteer en ingesweer deur kapt. JSM Venter (Later Generaal). As student daar gewerk tot Januarie 1969 na Kollege Jaar troep) Uitgeplaas na Middelburg Tvl na uitpassering. Gedurende 1971 verplaas na Perdekop en bevorder tot Sersant. Waargeneem as SB en vroeg in 1972 verplaas na Kriel. Ondersoeke en ook waargeneem as SB. Einde 1972 verplasing aangevra na Florida SAP. As SB-klerk, Uniform-ondersoek en as Speurder daar gewerk. Middel 1978 na Honeydew as TB van Speurtak tot en met Maart 1983. Maart 1983 na V/Tak Soweto as ondersoekbeampte. Vanaf 1990 die Stelselbestuurder, Spesialiseenhede te Soweto Provinsialekantoor en daarna met inkorporering van Soweto by Johannesburg Prov. April 1995 Medies af as Superintendent. Ek was vir 25 jaar lid van die MOTH en het ongeveer 24 jaar daarvan in verskeie bestuursposte gedien. O.a. Adjudant (Scribe), Tessourier (Pay Bill), Voorsitter (Old Bill), Provinsiale Voorsitter (Provincial Old Bill). Het in 2015 bedank. Ek was ook 20 jaar lid van die SA Legioen waarvan ongeveer die laaste 6 jaar as Voorsitter van die Stilfontein Tak. Die SA Legioen het uitstaande medaljes van Grensoorlog soldate van die Noordwes na my toe gestuur om te oorhandig. Ek moet nog twee persone verbonde aan 61 Meg, 1 van Militêre Inligting en 1 van die Parabats oorhandig. Die datums is nog nie vasgemaak nie. Ek kan net meld dat Skoonpa was AO HP du Bruyn wat tot en met 1978 as speurder in die Roodepoort Distrik gewerk het. Sy dogter (my wederhelfte) Petro was ook ongeveer 5 jaar in die SAP en het die rang van sersant gehad. Sy hou al amper 44 jaar met my uit. My swaer, brig (afgt) A. du Bruyn is ook deel van die Polisie-familie. As daar dalk nog iets is wat jy wil weet. Laat weet maar. Ek is net sleg met presiese datums. Groetnis, Paul

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Kind regards / Groete Hennie Heymans & The Team