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Notes

Introduction

1. Inaugural Address, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, JohnF. Kennedy, 1961 (Washington, 1962), 1–3.

2. For excellent accounts of US promotion of West European unity afterWorld War II, see Michael Hogan, The Marshall Plan (New York, 1988);John Gillingham, Coal, Steel, and the Rebirth of Europe, 1945–1955 (NewYork, 1991); Pascaline Winand, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the Unity ofEurope (New York, 1993); and Geir Lundestad, “Empire” by Integration:The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997 (New York, 1988),40–98.

3. For comparative figures on gross world product, see Paul Kennedy, TheRise and Fall of the Great Powers (New York, 1989), 486.

4. “Kennedy Pledges He Will Maintain Value of Dollar,” New York Times,31 October 1960, A1. For comprehensive studies of the paymentsdeficit, see Robert Triffin, The Evolution of the International MonetarySystem: Historical Reappraisal and Future Perspectives (Princeton, 1964);Harold James, International Monetary Cooperation since Bretton Woods(New York, 1996), 150–219. Francis J. Gavin, Gold, Dollars and Power:Money, Security and the Politics of the U.S. Balance of Payments, 1958–1971(Chapel Hill, NC, forthcoming).

5. Quoted in Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose andState Power from Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca, 1998), 180.

6. William Hitchcock, France Restored: Cold War Diplomacy and the Quest forLeadership in Europe, 1944–1954 (Chapel Hill: University of NorthCarolina Press, 1998), 12–71. See also Richard Kuisel, Capitalism and theState in Modern France: Renovation and Economic Management in theTwentieth Century (New York, 1981).

7. Serge Berstein, The Republic of de Gaulle, 1958–1969, trans. Peter Morris(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 101–24; Loriaux, Franceafter Hegemony: International Change and Financial Reform, (Ithaca, NY),168–74.

8. Wolfram F. Hanrieder and Graeme P. Auton, The Foreign Policies of WestGermany, France, and Britain (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1980), 30–49. Seealso Pierre Maillard, De Gaulle et l’Europe: entre la nation et Maastricht(Paris, 1995), 169–90.

9. For background on Britain’s postwar economic troubles, see PaulKennedy, Realities behind Diplomacy (London, 1981), 120–85.

10. For a good overview of British motivations and objectives in the twoand a half years preceding its bid for EEC membership, see JacquelineTratt, The Macmillan Government and Europe (New York, 1996).

169

11. See especially John Duffield, Power Rules: The Evolution of NATO’sConventional Force Posture (Stanford, 1995); Marc Trachtenberg, AConstructed Peace (Princeton, NJ, 1999); and Francis Gavin, “The Mythof Flexible Response: United States Strategy in Europe during the1960s,” International History Review (4 December 2001), 847–75.

12. See generally Beatrice Heuser, NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG(London, 1997), 40–7.

13. Geoffrey Warner, “De Gaulle and the Anglo-American ‘SpecialRelationship’ 1958–1966: Perceptions and Realities,” in Maurice Vaïsseet al., La France et l’OTAN, 1949–1996 (Paris, 1996), 250.

14. Wilfrid Kohl, French Nuclear Diplomacy (Princeton, NJ, 1971), 3–119.15. Gordon, A Certain Idea of France, 27; For how the Algerian war impinged

on de Gaulle’s power, see Pierre Messmer, Après tant de batailles:mémoires (Paris, 1992), 252; and Pierre Lefranc, . . . Avec qui vous savez:vingt-cinq ans avec de Gaulle (Paris, 1979), 212.

16. For representative works reflecting the “grand design” thesis, seePascaline Winand, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the United States of Europe(New York, 1993), 139–350. See, also, Frank Costigliola, France and theUnited States: The Cold Alliance since World War II (New York, 1992).

17. For representative works on balance of payments disagreements, seeHarold James, International Monetary Cooperation since Bretton Woods(New York, 1996), 150–219. See also Diane Kunz, Butter and Guns:America’s Cold War Economic Diplomacy (New York, 1997), 94–108. Foran excellent work on the relative importance of security to financialissues in US policies toward Western Europe, see, forthcoming, FrancisGavin, Gold, Dollars and Power: Money, Security and the Politics of the U.S.Balance-of-Payments, 1958–1971 (Chapel Hill, NC, forthcoming).

18. For works that discuss Berlin during a longer time period, see, forexample, Ann Tusa, The Last Division: A History of Berlin (Reading, MA,1997), 225–353. See also Tractenberg, A Constructed Peace: The Making ofthe European Settlement, 1945–1963. For works on Berlin as an interrup-tion to grand designs, Frank Costigliola and Thomas Alan Schwartzprovide a good starting point, but the unavailability of French andallied sources produces an incomplete analysis. See Costigliola, “ThePursuit of Atlantic Community: Nuclear Arms, Dollars and Berlin,” inThomas Paterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory: American ForeignPolicy, 1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 24–56; and Schwartz, “Victoriesand Defeats in the Long Twilight Struggle: the United States andWestern Europe in the 1960s,” in Diane Kunz, ed., The Diplomacy of theCrucial Decade (New York, 1994), 115–33. For crisis diplomacy accounts,see Michael Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev,1961–1963 (New York, 1991). For French works, see, Pierre Maillard, DeGaulle et les allemands (Paris, 1990), 200–1; Cyril Buffet, “La politiquenucléaire de la France et la seconde crise de Berlin (1958–1962),”Relations internationales (Autumn 1989), 350–8; and Frédéric Bozo, DeuxStratégies pour l’Europe: De Gaulle, les États-Unis et l’alliance atlantique,

170 Kennedy, de Gaulle, and Western Europe

1958–1969 (Paris, 1996), 77–82. The best account is in Maurice Vaïsse,La Grandeur: Politique étrangère du général de Gaulle, 1958–1969 (Paris,1998).

19. Charles S. Maier, “Alliance and Autonomy: European Identity and U.S.Foreign Policy Objectives in the Truman Years,” in Michael J. Lacey, ed.,The Truman Presidency (New York, 1989). Costigliola’s works have givencurrency to increasingly accepted charges about Kennedy’s policiestoward Western Europe. His works include France and the United States:The Cold Alliance since World War II (Boston, 1994); “The Pursuit ofAtlantic Community: Nuclear Arms, Dollars, and Berlin,” in ThomasPaterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy,1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 24–56; “Kennedy, de Gaulle, and theChallenge of Consultation,” in Robert O. Paxton and Nicholas Wahl,eds., De Gaulle and the United States (Providence, Rhodes Island, 1994),169–94. For a significant exception, see John Lewis Gaddis, We NowKnow: Rethinking Cold War History (New York, 1997), 26–53 and189–220. Gaddis discusses the relationship of ideology and economicsbut adroitly avoids discussion of hegemony.

20. For significant exceptions, all by French historians, see Frédéric Bozo,Deux stratégies pour l’Europe: De Gaulle, les États-Unis et l’alliance atlan-tique, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1996). See also Maurice Vaïsse, La Grandeur:politique étrangère du général de Gaulle, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1998).

21. My analysis builds on the insights of Geir Lundestad, “Empire” byIntegration: The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997 (NewYork, 1998), 58–98; idem, ed., No End to Alliance: The United States andWestern Europe, Past, Present, and Future (London, 1998).

1 Personalities and Policies

1. André Malraux, quoted in memorandum, Robert G. Neumann to ArthurSchlesinger, Jr., 5 February 1963, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., papers,White House files, box WH-4, folder: Common Market, John F. KennedyLibrary, Boston, Massachusetts.

2. Arthur Schlesinger to Kennedy, memorandum, 8 May 1961, John F.Kennedy National Security Files, Countries series, box 70, folder: France,5/1/61–5/10/61, JFKL.

3. Pierson Dixon to the Earl of Home, Dispatch 148, 7 October 1963,General Records of the Foreign Office, FO 371/172070, Public RecordsOffice, Kew.

4. Historian Stanely Hoffman applied this colorful description to deGaulle’s statecraft. See, Gordon A. Craig and Francis L. Loewenheim,eds., The Diplomats (Princeton, 1994), 233.

5. James M. Gavin, Beyond the Stars (Gavin’s proposed book about histenure as ambassador to France), 144, Gavin papers, Personal and StateDepartment Files on France, box 18, folder: (n).

6. De Gaulle’s biographers emphasize those formative experiences in

Notes 171

shaping his attitude toward Germany. See, for example, Jean Lacouture,De Gaulle: The Rebel, 1890–1944 (New York, 1990), 29–72. See also PierreMaillard, De Gaulle et l’Allemagne: le rêve inachevé (Paris, 1990), 27–45.

7. Richard J. Whalen, The Founding Father: The Story of Joseph P. Kennedy(New York, 1964), 171.

8. Kennedy’s closest advisers often felt baffled by his fixation on thebalance of payments deficit and believed that it stemmed from JosephKennedy’s influence. See, for example, Theodore Sorenson’s comments,Members of Kennedy’s presidential staff Oral History, JFKL, 16. See,George Ball, The Past Has Another Pattern (New York, 1992), 205.

9. Few Gaullist biographies omit the impact of World War II on thegeneral’s attitude toward Great Britain and the United States. See, forexample, Jean-Paul Olivier, De Gaulle et la Bretagne (Paris, 1987), 31–85;and Bernard Ledwidge, De Gaulle (New York, 1982), 99–159.

10. Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992), 192.11. Hugh Sidey, ed., Prelude to Leadership: The European Diary of John F.

Kennedy, Summer 1945 (Washington, D.C., 1995), 43–74.12. Philippe de Gaulle, De Gaulle (Paris, 1989), 9–11.13. André Malraux, Fallen Oaks: Conversations with De Gaulle, trans. Irene

Clephane (London, 1971), 8.14. Pierson Dixon (British ambassador to France), “Visions and Illusions of

General de Gaulle” 26 November 1961, PREM 11/3338.15. Christopher S. Thompson, “Prologue to Conflict: De Gaulle and the

United States, From First Impressions Through 1940,” in Robert O.Paxton and Nicholas Wahl, eds., De Gaulle and the United States: ACentennial Reappraisal (Oxford, 1994), 14–16.

16. Georges Henri-Soutou, “General de Gaulle and the Soviet Union,1943–5: Ideology or European Equilibrium,” in Francesca Gori andSilvio Pons, The Soviet Union and Europe in the Cold War, 1943–53 (NewYork, 1996), 310–33.

17. Hamilton, Reckless Youth, 141–3.18. Herbert Parmet, Jack: The Struggles of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1980),

24–8, 182; and Parmet, JFK: The Presidency of John F. Kennedy (New York,1983), 45.

19. See Mark Hayne, “The Quai d’Orsay and the Formation of French Policyin Historical Context,” in Robert Aldrich and John Connell, eds., Francein World Politics (London, 1989), 197–208.

20. Kenneth R. Crispell and Carlos F. Gomez, Hidden Illness in the WhiteHouse (Durham, 1988), 160–202.

21. Richard Reeves, John F. Kennedy: A Presidential Profile (New York, 1991),171–2; Thomas Reeves, A Question of Character (New York, 1991), 295.

22. George W. Ball, The Past Has Another Pattern: Memoirs (New York, 1982),167.

23. Kennedy shared this prevalent belief among postwar policymakers. See,Charles Maier, “Politics of Productivity: Foundations of AmericanInternational Economic Policy after World War II,” InternationalOrganization 31 (Autumn 1977), 607–33.


24. John Kennedy, “The Economic Gap,” speech before Senate, 19 February1959, The Strategy of Peace, 45.

25. “Kennedy Pledges He Will Uphold Dollar,” The New York Times, 31October 1960, 1, 22. See, generally, Report of Task Force on ForeignEconomic Policy, 31 December 1960, George Ball papers, box 155,folder: Task forces, Seely G. Mudd Library, Princeton, New Jersey.

26. Alan Wolfe, America’s Impasse (New York, 1981), 32–4. 27. See, generally, William S. Borden, “Defending Hegemony: American

Foreign Economic Policy,” in Thomas G. Paterson, ed., Kennedy’s Questfor Victory: American Foreign Policy, 1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 57–85.See, also, Thomas W. Zeiler, American Trade and Power in the 1960s (NewYork, 1992).

28. See, Lawrence Budash, Scientists and the Development of Nuclear Weapons(New Jersey, 1995), 96.

29. Quoted in Ernest R. May and Philip D. Zelikow, The Kennedy Tapes:Inside the White House during the Cuban Missile Crisis (Cambridge, Mass.,1997), 16.

30. Kennedy, Strategy of Peace, 37–8.31. For a translation of Khrushchev’s speech, see “Statement of Conference

of World Communism,” November 1960, The Current Digest of the SovietPress 12 (28 December 1960), 3–9; ibid., Part II, 12 (4 January 1961), 3–8.

32. For John Kennedy’s reaction, see Edwin O. Guthman and JeffreySulman, eds., Robert Kennedy: In His Own Words (New York, 1988), 310.For the evolution of flexible response, see Duffield, Power Rules: TheEvolution of NATO’s Conventional Response.

33. For an excellent summary of an evolving US nuclear policy in Europe,see Beatrice Heuser, NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG: Nuclear Strategiesand Forces for Europe, 1949–2000 (London, 1997). For specific fears of theincoming Kennedy administration concerning Western Europe, seeNational Intelligence Estimate (NIE 1–61), 17 January 1961, FRUS,1961–1963, 8: 8.

34. Marc Trachtenberg, History and Strategy (Princeton, 1991). Trachtenberg,A Constructed Peace: The Making of the European Settlement, 1945–1963(Princeton, 1999), 146–283.

35. Kennedy, “The Reconstruction of NATO,” speech delivered in PalmBeach, 15 December 1959, in The Strategy of Peace, 99; James A. Bill,George Ball: Behind the Scenes in U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, 1997),65–6.

36. John Kennedy, “A Democrat Looks at Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 36(October 1957), 49.

37. Theodore White, Making of a President: 1960 (New York, 1962), 145.38. Thomas J. Schoenbaum, Waging Peace and War: Dean Rusk in the

Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson Years (New York, 1988), 263–4. 39. For an excellent biography, see Kai Bird, The Color of Truth: McGeorge

Bundy and William Bundy, Brothers in Arms (New York, 1998).40. Deborah Shapley, Promise and Power: The Life and Times of Robert

Notes 173

McNamara (Boston, 1993); the faith in a technocracy was inspired byJohn Kenneth Galbraith’s seminal work, The New Industrial State(Boston, 1958). Galbraith joined the administration as Kennedy’s polit-ical and economic adviser and later as ambassador to India.

41. Comment of Henry Ford in Paul B. Fay, Jr., The Pleasure of His Company(New York, 1966), 206.

42. Irving Bernstein, Promises Kept: John F. Kennedy’s New Frontier (New York,1991), 127–8.

43. The best summary of Kennedy’s “team” remains Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.,A Thousand Days (New York, 1965), 133–55. Part-time consultants to theadministration included additional professors. Harvard professor HenryKissinger advised Kennedy on German affairs. Yale professor RobertTriffin sought unsuccessfully to influence the president’s views oninternational liquidity.

44. Sorenson, Kennedy, 252–3.45. James A. Bill, George Ball: Behind the Scenes in U.S. Foreign Policy (New

Haven, 1997), 40–2.46. William Tyler oral history, JFKL.47. Bradley Biggs, Gavin (Hamden, CT, 1980), 117.48. See, generally, Maurice Vaïsse, La Grandeur: politique étrangère du général

de Gaulle, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1998).49. Anton W. DePorte, “De Gaulle Between the Superpowers,” The

Tocqueville Review 13 (1992), 5.50. Georges-Henri Soutou provides a thoughtful analysis of de Gaulle’s fluid

and shifting relations with the Soviet Union, Germany, and the UnitedStates from the early 1940s to the mid-1950s. See, Soutou, “General deGaulle and the Soviet Union, 1943–5: Ideology or EuropeanEquilibrium,” in F. Gori and S. Pons, eds., The Soviet Union in the ColdWar, 1943–53, 310–31. See, also, Robert Aron, An Explanation of DeGaulle, trans. Marianne Sinclair (New York, 1966), 137.

51. Djermen Gvichiani, “Les relations franco-soviétiques pendant la prési-dence du général de Gaulle,” in Institut Charles de Gaulle, De Gaulle enson siècle, vol. 5: “La sécurité et l’indépendance de la France” (Paris,1992), 381–92. See also André Eshet, “Aspects stratégiques de la poli-tique étrangère gaullienne,” in Elie Barnavi et Saul Friedlander, Lapolitique étrangère du général de Gaulle (Paris, 1985), 77–8.

52. Kennedy administration officials often expressed fears of a French-led“third force.” The orientation of the dreaded “third force” varied,ranging from fears of neutrality to fears that it would work at cross-purposes to the United States. See, for example, Memorandum ofconversation between Rusk and Alphand, 28 May 1962, FRUS,1961–1963, 13: 709. Memorandum of conversation between Couve deMurville and Kennedy, 26 May 1963, Pactes 1961–1970, Politique del’OTAN, carton 409, dossier: entretiens bipartites/Couve-Kennedy, 25mai 1963.

53. For a text of de Gaulle’s speech, see “L’Allocution radiotélévisée dugénéral de Gaulle,” 2 June 1960, Le Monde, 3.


54. Pierre-Olivier Lapie, “Avec de Gaulle en juillet 1960,” Revue des deuxmondes (July 1981), 29.

55. Former defense minister Franz-Josef Strauss captured the prevailingWest German sentiment well when he wrote that the West could not“in the long run have a Germany which [was] an economic giant and apolitical dwarf.” See Franz-Josef Strauss, The Grand Design: A EuropeanSolution to German Reunification, trans. Edward Fitzgerald (New York,1965), 80.

56. See, for example, Couve de Murville to French embassies inWashington, London, and Moscow, telegram, 19 January 1961, Cabinetdu ministre, Couve de Murville, dossier: 346 (échange de messages etnotes).

57. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, 260.58. Vladislav Zubok, “Khrushchev and the Berlin Crisis (1958–1962),”

Working Paper 6, Cold War International History Project, WoodrowWilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, DC, May 1993,12.

59. Telegram, U.S. Embassy in Paris to Department of State, 2 July 1962, RG59, Central Files, 1960–63, box 1736, folder: 751.00/7–262, NationalArchives II, College Park, Maryland.

60. François Duchêne, Jean Monnet: The First Statesman of Interdependence(New York, 1994), 328.

61. The centrality of Germany to de Gaulle’s European policies is broadlyexplored in Pierre Maillard, De Gaulle et l’allemagne: le rêve inachevé(Paris, 1990) and Jacques Binoche, De Gaulle et les Allemands (Paris,1990).

62. Michel Debré, “Copie d’annotations manuscrites a/s d’une note du 27February 1961 du Premier Ministre, sur la politique européenne,” papersof Maurice Couve de Murville, tome II, CM7, Fondation des sciences depolitique.

63. See, generally, P.M.H. Bell, France and Britain, 1940–1994: The LongSeparation (London, 1997), 179–203.

64. Olivier Guichard, Mon général (Paris, 1980), 407.65. Michel Debré, Entretiens avec le général de Gaulle, 1961–1969 (Paris,

1993), 22; Aron, An Explanation of De Gaulle, 160.66. For a delineation of Gaullist attitudes toward the EEC, see, Maillard, De

Gaulle et l’Europe, 103–90. See specifically Debré, “Copie d’annotationsmanuscrites a/s d’une note du 27 February 1961, du Premier Ministre,sur la politique européenne,” Couve de Murville papers, tome II, CM7.

67. Ibid. For de Gaulle’s evolving views on NATO, see, for example, Vaïsse,De gaulle: La grandeur, 111–61.

68. This analysis was influenced by Beatrice Heuser, NATO, Britain, France,and the FRG: Nuclear Strategies and Forces for Europe, 1949–2000 (London,1997), 95–110.

69. Memorandum of Conversation between Paul Henri Spaak (ForeignMinister of Belgium) and Kennedy, 28 May 1963, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13:582.

Notes 175

70. Jean Klein, “Le désarmement,” Espoir 93 (septembre 1993), 38–41. Forgeneral accounts of France’s nuclear program, see Raymond Tourrain,De la défense de la France à la défense de l’Europe (Paris, 1987); MarcelDuval et Yves le Baut, L’arme nucléaire française: Pourquoi et comment?(Paris, 1992); Charles de Gaulle Institute, L’Aventure de la bombe: DeGaulle et la dissuasion nucléaire, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1985).

71. General George Buis oral history, Archives orales, Institut Charles deGaulle, Paris, France.

72. François Seydoux, Mémoires d’outre-rhin (Paris, 1975), 224.73. There have been few detailed studies of de Gaulle’s economic concerns

and policies of the early 1960s. Most articles and books detail the Frencheconomic miracle of the late 1950s and the Bretton Woods system crisisof the late 1960s. Representative works that offer a good starting pointinclude Alain Prate, Les Batailles économiques du Général de Gaulle (Paris,1978); and Michael Loriaux, France after Hegemony: International Changeand Financial Reform (Ithaca, 1991).

74. Rueff to Wilfrid Baumgartner, 26 June 1961, papers of WilfredBaumgartner, box 3BA34, folder DR 7, FNSP, Paris.

75. See, generally, “Les problèmes du marché commun,” L’Année politique,économique, sociale et diplomatiques en France, 1961 (Paris, 1962), 193–6.Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Powerfrom Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca, NY, 1998), 159–237; and InstitutCharles de Gaulle, De Gaulle en son siècle, vol. 5: L’Europe (Paris, 1992).

76. For comments on de Gaulle’s economic advisers, see Jean Maxime-Lévèque (economic adviser at Élysée) oral history, Charles de GaulleInstitute. Raymond Triboulet, “Notice sur la vie et les travaux de WilfridBaumgartner,” lué dans la séance du 10 février 1981, Institut de France,Académie des sciences morales et politiques, 5–21, Bibliothèquenationale, Paris, France.

77. J.R. Fears, France in the Giscard Presidency (London, 1981), 1–18. See, also,Entretien biographique de Claude Pierre-Brossolette, entretien 5, 28.

78. Marc Ullmann (assistant managing editor of L’Express), “The FlawlessPerformer: French Foreign Minister Couve de Murville,” General JamesGavin papers, box 26, folder: letter collecting information onFrenchmen, U.S. Army History Instititue, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

79. See, generally, Vaïsse, La Grandeur: politique étrangère du général de Gaulle,1958–1969.

80. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, 85.81. Serge Berstein, The Republic of de Gaulle, 1958–1969, trans. Peter Morris

(Cambridge, 1989), 58–60.82. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope: Renewal and Endeavor, trans. Terence

Kilmartin (New York, 1971), 206–7.


2 Opening Moves

1. Gavin’s unpublished autobiography, ch. 9, Gavin papers, box 2, folder:“Beyond the Stars,” 411.

2. Couve de Murville, “Sénateurs américains les plus influents,” September1960, Cabinet du ministre, Couve de Murville, dossier: 128. See, also,Couve, circular telegram (Washington, London, Moscow), 19 January1961, ibid., dossier: 346 (échange de messages et notes).

3. Theodore Sorenson, ed., “Let the Word Go Forth”: The Speeches,Statements, and Writings of John F. Kennedy, 1947–1963 (New York,1988), 330–68.

4. John F. Kennedy, The Strategy of Peace, ed. Allan Nevins (New York,1960), 57–8.

5. Ibid., 48–9, 141–4.6. Walt Rostow, Stages of Economic Growth (Boston, 1960). For a more

comprehensive analysis about industrial growth, see Rostow, TheDiffusion of Power: An Essay in Recent History (New York, 1972).

7. Ball, memorandum to Dean Rusk and Chester Bowles, 29 December1960, Ball papers, box 155, folder: Task Forces.

8. Memorandum, George Ball to Rusk, 29 January 1961, George Ballpapers, box 153, folder: [Duplicates telecon].

9. Gerald S. and Deborah H. Strober, “Let Us Begin Anew”: An Oral Historyof the Kennedy Presidency (New York, 1993), 245.

10. The importance Kennedy placed on foreign aid to the LDCs as criticalcomponent of his Cold War strategies was reflected in his compilationof statements and speeches published in 1962. See, Kennedy, “SpecialMessage to Congress on Foreign Aid,” 22 March 1961, in To Turn theTide (New York, 1962), 147. Ball and Rostow talked generally about theadministration’s interest in burden-sharing. See, telephone conversa-tion between Ball and Rostow, 1 February 1961, Ball papers, box 153,folder: Duplicates telecon; ibid., 2 February 1961.

11. Testimony of Dean Rusk, 28 February 1961, US Senate, ForeignRelations, Executive Sessions, 13: 187.

12. Author’s telephone interview with Francis Bator (assistant to GeorgeBall), 7 July 1997. Although 1 percent sounds low by today’s standards,it is roughly equivalent to asking foreign governments to provide $50billion dollars annually.

13. François Seydoux to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, telegram, 17 March1961, Amérique, États-Unis, dossier 381 (Allemagne) MAE; Jean Monnetto Couve, 12 March 1961, Papers of Maurice Couve de Murville, tomeII, CM7, FNSP.

14. Baumgartner, memorandum, 17 March 1961, Papiers de Baumgartner,carton 3BA46, dossier DR 6, FNSP.

15. Heinrich von Brentano, Germany and Europe: Reflections on GermanForeign Policy, trans. by Edward Fitzgerald (New York, 1962), 114, 118.Jacques Rueff, Balance of Payments: Proposals for the Resolution of the Most

Notes 177

Pressing World Economic Problem of Our Time, trans. Jean Clément (NewYork, 1967), 6–7.

16. “Compte-rendu du premier réunion du Comité de PolitiqueÉconomique de l’OCED,” 25–26 January, Fonds 9: InstitutionsFinancières Internationales, Côte B 54754, Ministère de l’économie etfinances, Paris, France.

17. Memorandum, Douglas Dillon (Secretary of Treasury) to Fred Dutton(special assistant to the president), 3 February 1961, JFK NSF, box 289,folder: Dept. of Treasury, 1/61/–5/62.

18. Charles de Gaulle to Geoffroy de Courcel (French ambassador to GreatBritain), 16 January 1961, Archives de Baumgartner, dossier Dr 2, FNSP.

19. Christopher Steel (British ambassador to Bonn) to Foreign Office, 20February 1961, PREM 11/3286.

20. Record of conversation between de Gaulle and Macmillan atRambouillet, 28 January 1961, PREM 11/3322. A few weeks before hismeeting at Rambouillet, the prime minister had privately inveighedagainst the Wirtshaftswunder: “German policy [was] short-sighted andselfish,” he confided to his journal. “The Germans secretly enjoy theirpower and the feeling that fifteen years after defeat they are threateningboth the dollar and the pound.” See note, 3 January 1961, PREM11/3325. On a more rational level, Macmillan’s government realizedthat it needed to reduce costs or at least prevent them from escalating,particularly defense expenditures, which had steadily increased duringthe 1950s from $2.3 billion to $4.4 billion by the end of the decade. See,Paul Kennedy, Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (London, 1988), 495.

21. Christopher Steel, 15 February 1961, PREM 11/3286.22. “Informationsgespräch mit Wolfgang Bertholz,” in Konrad Adenauer,

Rhöndorfer Ausgabe: Teegespräche, 1959–1961, ed. by Hans-Peter Mensing(Berlin, 1992), 465–71.

23. Record of meeting between Macmillan and Adenauer, 22 February 1961,PREM 11/3286.

24. François Seydoux to Ministry, 2 February 1961, Europe 1961–1965,République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1571 (janvier 1961–mars1962). Courson to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 8 February 1961, ibid.

25. Gordon Craig, “Konrad Adenauer and his Diplomats,” in Craig andFrancis L. Loewenheim, eds., The Diplomats, 1939–1979 (Princeton,1989), 220.

26 Horst Osterheld, “Adenauer and de Gaulle: portraits comparés,” Espoir:Revue de l’institut de Charles de Gaulle (March 1992), 7. Seydoux,Mémoires d’outre-rhin, 217.

27. “Réunion des six chefs de gouvernement,” 10 February 1961, PapiersCouve de Murville, Tome II, CM9, dossier 3, FNSP.

28. Telegram from the Mission at Geneva to the Department of State, 24May 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 22.

29. Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold War Years, 1953–1971 (NewHaven, 1992), 117–18.

30. “A Review of North Atlantic Problems for the Future,” March 1961, JFK


NSF, box 220, folder: Acheson report, 3/61, JFKL, 24 .31. Ibid., 65–7.32. Ibid., 45, 61.33. Ibid., 4–7.34. John S. Duffield, Power Rules: The Evolution of NATO’s Conventional Force

Posture (Stanford, 1995), 123–130.35. Beatrice Heuser, “The Development of NATO’s nuclear strategy,”

Contemporary European History 4 (Winter 1995), 37–66. For a more exten-sive analysis that particularly highlights European fears, see Heuser,NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG: Nuclear Strategies and Forces forEurope, 1949–2000 (London, 1997), 1–18.

36. “NATO and the Atlantic Nations,” NSAM 40, 20 April 1961, FRUS,1961–1963, 13: 286, 289, 288–90.

37. George Ball, memorandum for Rusk and memorandum for Kennedy,1 April 1961, RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Office of AtlanticPolitical and Economic Affairs, Records relating to UK membership inEEC, box 1, folder: UK position.

38. Sabine Lee, “Staying in the Game? Coming into the Game? Macmillanand European integration,” in Aldous and Lee, eds., Harold Macmillanand Britain’s World Role, 142–5. George Hutchinson, The Last Edwardianat No. 10: An Impression of Harold Macmillan (London, 1980), 76; HaroldEvans, Downing Street Diary: The Macmillan Years, 1957–1963 (London,1981), 113.

39. Memorandum of Conversation between Ball and Macmillan, 6 April1961, RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Office of Atlantic Political andEconomic Affairs, Records relating to UK membership in EEC, box 1,folder: UK Position.

40. McGeorge Bundy oral history, JFKL. For an excellent analysis of thecomplexities and contradictories involved in Anglo-American relationsduring this era, see Alan P. Dobson, “The USA, Britain, and the Questionof Hegemony,” in Geir Lundestad, ed., No End to Alliance: The UnitedStates and Western Europe, Past, Present and Future (New York, 1998),134–63.

41. “Prime Minister’s Talks in Washington,” 12 April 1961, PREM 11/3318.42. Edgar Beigel (International Relations Officer, Office of Western

European Affairs, Bureau of European Affairs, Department of State) toRobert J. Schaetzel (special assistant to the under-secretary of state foreconomic affairs), 13 April 1961, CD711.51, box 1473, folder: 7–2260;David Bruce diary, 14 April 1961, Virginia Historical Society.

43. Dean Acheson Oral History, JFKL, 15.44. Briefing paper for Dean Rusk’s press conference, 9 March 1961, RG 59,

Records of Bureau of European Affairs, Office of German Affairs, RecordsRelating to Berlin, 1957–63, box 6, folder: Soviet memos of US replies.

45. For Adenauer quote characterizing his consistent sentiment towardincreased conventional weapons, see Roland Jacquin de Margerie toMinistry, telegram, 5 January 1963, Europe 1961–65, République

Notes 179

Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1565 (rélations avec les États-Unis 1963).46. Kaplan, NATO and the United States: The Enduring Alliance, 89. Brinkley,

Dean Acheson, 128–9.47. Telegram, Acheson to Department of State, 10 April 1961, FRUS,

1961–1963, 13: 269. Adenauer missed the security of his “special rela-tionship” with Eisenhower’s secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, whogave the CDU government full support. See Hans-Jürgen Grabbe,“Konrad Adenauer, John Foster Dulles, and West German–AmericanRelations,” in Richard Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and theDiplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton, 1990).

48. Seydoux, Mémoires d’outre-rhin, 273–4.49. Dillon to Kennedy, 7 April 1961, RG 56 Records of the Treasury,

Classified Files of Henry Fowler, box 3C-F, folder: Germany.50. Memorandum of Conversation, 12 April 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13:

274–5.51. Only three days after Adenauer and de Gaulle’s first historic meeting at

Rambouillet in September 1958, which the French president sent lettersto London and Washington demanding tripartite consultation thosetwo capitals and Paris.

52. Memorandum of Conversation, 12 April 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13:274–5.

53. Memorandum of Conversation, “Adenauer Visit,” 13 April 1961, FRUS,1961–1962, 14: 46–51; ibid., FRUS, 1961–1963, 9: 114–16; For WestGerman ambassador Wilhelm Grewe’s voicing of Adenauer’s displeasureto Rusk, see Memorandum of Conversation, 15 April 1961, FRUS,1961–1962, 14: 51–5. Only after the Berlin Wall was built was WestGermany allowed as an “observer“ on Live Oak. For an excellent micro-fiche documentary collection on the contingency planning for theBerlin crisis, see William Burr, ed., The Berlin Crisis, 1958–1962(Alexandria, VA, 1991).

54. “Coopération à trois,” 20 May 1961, Pactes 1961–70, Politique del’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: entrétiens de Gaulle/Kennedy, MAE.

55. The French ambassador to Moscow confirmed de Gaulle’s fears bydescribing Khrushchev’s return from Vienna as a triumph similar to hisreturn after the collapse of the Paris summit. Maurice Dejean to Ministryof Foreign Affairs, telegram, 9 June 1961, Amérique, États-Unis, dossier368 (URSS). Scholarly attention to French demand for tripartism isessentially superficial. See, for example, Frank Costigliola, “Kennedy,the European Allies, and the Failure to Consult,” Political ScienceQuarterly (Summer 1996), 105–23.

56. Schlesinger, memorandum for Kennedy, 8 May 1961, JFK NSF,Countries series, box 70, folder: France 5/1–5/10/61, JFKL.

57. Macmillan to Kennedy, 28 April 1961, JFK NSF, box 171, folder: UK,Macmillan correspondence, 4/8/61/-4/30/61, JFKL.

58. Charles de Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope: Renewal and Endeavor, trans. byTerence Kilmartin (New York, 1971), 254–5.


59. John Gavin to Dean Rusk, telegram, 20 May 1961, RG 84, Records of theForeign Service Posts of the Department of State, Classified GeneralRecords, 1961, box 43, folder: France–US, 1961; Gavin’s unpublishedautobiography, Gavin papers, box 2, folder: “Beyond the Stars,” ch. 9,404.

60. “Note pour l’entretien du Général de Gaulle avec le Président Kennedy:Coopération à trois,” 20 May 1961, Pactes, 1961–70, Politique del’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: entretiens de Gaulle/Kennedy.

61. Memorandum of Conversation between Kennedy and de Gaulle, 31May 1961, 12:30 pm, RG 84, box 51, folder: President’s Visit.

62. Couve de Murville, “Indépendance ou ‘partnership’?” Espoir (June1974), 24.

63. “Note pour l’entretien du Général de Gaulle avec le President Kennedy:Coopération à trois,” 20 May 1961, Pactes 1961–1970, Politique del’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: Entretiens de Gaulle/Kennedy, 31 mai-2juin 1961. Memorandum of conversation between Kennedy and deGaulle, 1 June 1961, RG 84, box 51, folder: President’s visit.

64. Memorandum of conversation between Kennedy and de Gaulle, 1 June1961, RG 84, box 51, folder: President’s visit.

65. For an analysis of how the centralization of control in NATO affected USrelations with the allies, see Marc Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace: TheMaking of the European Settlement, 1945–1963 (Princeton, 1998), 302–22.

66. Memorandum of conversation between Kennedy and de Gaulle, 2 June1961, RG 84, box 51, folder: President’s visit.

67. De Gaulle, note, 13 June 1961, Maurice Couve de Murville, tome II,CM7, FNSP.

68. Bundy to JFK, 28 July 1961, JFK NSF, Meetings and Memos series, box330, folder: NSAM 64, JFKL.

3 The Berlin Crisis: Contrasting Franco-AmericanStrategies

1. Meeting with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, 10 September 1962,transcribed by author, in The Miller Center of Public Affairs, ThePresidential Recordings of President John F. Kennedy, vol. 2 (New York,2000). Kennedy did not install a secret recording system in the WhiteHouse until mid-July 1962.

2. See, for example, memorandum, “A non-economic report fromGermany,” Walter Heller, 2 August 1961, JFK POF, Part V, reel 8: 899.Author’s interview with Martin Hillenbrand, 19 September 1997.

3. Beschloss, The Crisis Years, 278.4. Theodore Sorenson, Kennedy (New York, 1965), 289.5. Alphand, L’Étonnement d’être, 364.6. Khrushchev’s attitude going into and during the Vienna meeting, see

Vladislav Zubok and Constantine Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlin’s ColdWar: From Stalin to Khrushchev (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), 236. For

Notes 181

transcripts of the two leaders” various discussions, see, memorandumof conversations between Kennedy and Khrushchev, 3–4 June 1961,Berlin crisis collection, box 30, National Security Archive, Washington,DC.

7. Memorandum of conversation between Kennedy and Khrushchev, 4June 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14: 96–8; ibid., 8: 86–91. Thomas Finletter,“June 5 – report on Vienna meeting,” telegram, 5 June 1961, RG 59.Records of Department of State, JCS meetings, 1959–1963, Lot 70D328,box 2, National Archives II, College Park, Maryland.

8. Gerald S. and Deborah H. Strober, “Let Us Begin Anew”: An Oral Historyof the Kennedy Presidency (New York, 1993), 359.

9. NATO strategy and Berlin contingency planning meeting, 13 June 1961,RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Office of German Affairs, Recordsrelating to Berlin, 1957–63, box 6, folder: NSC discussion of Berlin,June–July 1961.

10. Memorandum for the President, “Current Organization of the WhiteHouse and NSC for Dealing with International Matters,” 22 June 1961,FRUS 1961–1963, 8: 108; Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold WarYears, 1953–1971 (New Haven, 1992), 135. Report by Dean Acheson, 28June 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14: 128–59.

11. See, generally, John C. Ausland, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Berlin-CubaCrisis, 1961–1964 (Oslo, 1996), 3; for specific references to perceptionsof Khrushchev’s motivations and Soviet intentions, see, memorandumof Conversation between Rusk and Dirk Stikker (Secretary-General,NATO), 14 June 1961, Berlin Crisis Collection, box 25, folder: Ruskmemcons, National Security Archive; Record Meeting of theInterdepartmental Coordinating Group on Berlin ContingencyPlanning, 16 June 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14: 120.

12. Report by Dean Acheson, 28 June 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14: 128–59.13. Walt W. Rostow, memorandum for JFK, 7 July 1961, JFK POF: Countries,

box 117, folder: Germany Security, 7/61; McGeorge Bundy, “Proposeduse of Substantial Non-nuclear Ground Force in Europe,” undated, JFKNSF: Countries, box 82, folder: Germany, General, 7/23/61–7/26/61,JFKL; Charles Bohlen, memorandum for the files, 17 July 1961, RG 59,Records of Bohlen, Lot 74D379, box 17, folder: Correspondence,1960–1961. Hillenbrand to Kohler, memorandum, 28 June 1961, RG 59,Central Files, 762.00/6–2861, box 1743.

14. Alphand to Couve de Murville, telegram, 22 June 1961, Amérique1952–63, États-Unis, dossier 381 (Allemagne), MAE.

15. Alphand, L’Étonnement d’être, 352.16. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, 260. Alphand to Couve, 22 June 1961,

Amérique, États-Unis, dossier 381 (Allemagne), MAE.17. Inspection général de l’armée de terre, “Les formes de la guerre et de

l’armée future,” no. 412, undated, Cabinet du ministre de la défense,politique de défense, carton 1R58, dossier 2, Ministère de la Défense,Service Historique de l’Armée de Terre [SHAT], Paris. De Gaulle, note, 5January 1962, Papiers de Couve de Murville, tome II, CM 7, dossier 1962.


18. Many Gaullist contemporaries have noted his rhetorical ploy. See, forexample, Horst Osterheld, “Adenauer et de Gaulle: portraits comparés,”Espoir: Revue d’institut Charles de Gaulle 79 (March 1992), 4–9.

19. Memorandum of conversation, meeting of four-power working groupon Germany and Berlin, 7 July 1961, Berlin crisis collection, box 25,folder: Rusk memcons, NSA.

20. Laloy to Ministry, telegram, 5 July 1961, Pactes, Politique de l’OTAN,carton 408, dossier: Berlin, réponse au note soviétique du 2 juin 1961,MAE. Unable to agree on a common reply to the Soviet aide-mémoire,the French government issued its own response on 12 July, which reit-erated almost verbatim Couve’s comments to Gromkyo on July 5. See,texte de la note française sur Berlin, 12 July 1961, Pactes, Politique del’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: Berlin, réponse au note soviétique du 2 juin1961, MAE.

21. Kennedy to de Gaulle, 30 June 1961, Cabinet du ministre, Couve deMurville, dossier 346 (échange de messages et notes), MAE.

22. État-Major Général de la Défense nationale to Prime Minister MichelDebré, 7 July 1961, État-Major des Armées, OTAN: conseil de l’atlan-tique nord, 1961–1963, carton 12S75, dossier: Commandement uniqueà Berlin, 1960–1963, SHAT.

23. Martin Hillenbrand Oral history, 37, JFKL. Duffield, Power Rules, 154,158.

24. Author’s telephone interview with Martin Hillenbrand, 19 September1997.

25. Memorandum of Conference with Kennedy, 27 July 1961, RG 218,Records of Joint Chiefs of Staff, Records of General Maxwell Taylor, box34, folder: Memos for President, 1961, National Archives II.

26. Gavin, “The Myth of Flexible Response: United States Strategy in Europeduring the 1960s,” 858–9.

27. Kennedy to Adenauer, 20 July 1961, The Berlin Crisis, 1958–1961(Washington, DC: The National Security Archive and Chadwyck-Healy,1996), no. 2198; Kennedy to Macmillan, ibid., no. 2199; Kennedy to deGaulle, ibid., no. 2200. Memorandum on Berlin, Inter-departmentalcoordinating group on Berlin, 21 July 1961, 9, Berlin Crisis Collection,box 30, NSA.

28. Memorandum of Conference with Kennedy, 27 July 1961, RG 218,Records of Joint Chiefs of Staff, Records of General Maxwell Taylor, box34, folder: Memos for President, 1961.

29. Guthman and Shulman, eds., Robert Kennedy: In His Own Words, 281.30. Grandes unités revenant d’Algérie en Metropole, Commission de la

Défense à l’issue d’un voyage aux F.F.A., Juillet 1961, Cabinet duministre de la Défense, Forces françaises en Allemagne, carton 1R179,dossier 12/B8, SHAT; Laloy à de Rose, fiche, compte rendu de réunionrelative au memorandum U.S. sur Berlin, 26 July 1961, Pactes1961–1970, Politique de l’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: Conférence desministres des Affaires étrangères, 28 July and 4 August 1961, MAE.

Notes 183

31. De Gaulle, note au sujet de l’Europe, 17 July 1961, Lettres, notes etcarnets, 107–8.

32. Inspection Général de l’Armée de terre, “Les formes de la guerre et del’armée future,” no. 412, July 1961, Cabinet du ministre de la Défense,Politique de défense, carton 1R58, dossier 2, SHAT.

33. Pierre Messmer to le Général, Commandant en Chef des ForcesFrançaises en Allemagne, 13 July 1961, Cabinet de Ministère de laDéfense, FFA, carton 1R179, dossier 12/B3, SHAT.

34. Couve de Murville, “Discours avant l’Assemblée Nationale,” 20 July1961, Papiers de Couve de Murville, CM 1, FNSP.

35. Lauris Norstad to Chief of the British Defense Staff, 13 July 1961, ibid.36. McGeorge Bundy, “Meeting of the Interdepartmental Steering Group,

July 24, 1961”, 25 July 1961, JFK NSF: Countries, box 88, folder:Germany, Berlin Steering Group, 7/17/61–9/11/61, JFKL; memorandum,“Berlin: Military Aspects,” Minister of Defence, 27 July 1961, CAB129/106 C.(61)118, PRO.

37. Memorandum of Conversation between Franz-Josef Strauss and top USofficials in State, Defense, and JCS, 14 July 1961, Berlin Collection, box25, folder: Rusk memcons, NSA.

38. “The President’s News Conference of July 19, 1961,” Public Papers of thePresidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy, 1961, 515.

39. “Radio and Television Report to the American People on the BerlinCrisis,” 25 July 1961, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States:John F. Kennedy, 1961, 533.

40. Ibid., 535–7. Khrushchev had faced pressure from his defense ministerand military advisors to suspend those reductions and increase theSoviet defense budget because the Kremlin had feared the initialAcheson line would shape the Western response. See Thompson,Khrushchev, 235; James G. Richter, Khrushchev’s Double Bind:International Pressures and Domestic Coalition Politics (Baltimore,Maryland, 1994), 141. Duffield, Power Rules, 160.

41. Conclusions of Cabinet Meeting, 28 July 1961, CAB 128/35 Part II [C.C.45 (61)], Public Record Office [PRO], Kew, England. See, generally, JohnP. Gearson, Harold Macmillan and the Berlin Crisis, 1958–1962 (London,1998), 165–98.

42. Macmillan to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 20 June 1961, DEFE7/2265, PRO. A.W. Ramsbotham (Foreign Office) to A.W. France(Treasury), 7 July 1961, DEFE 7/2265, PRO; France to Ramsbotham, ibid.

43. Bernard Ledwidge, “La crise de Berlin 1958–1961: stratégie et tactiquedu général de Gaulle,” De Gaulle en son siècle, 4: 380. Alphand,L’Étonnement d’être, 352.

44. David Childs, The GDR: Moscow’s Ally, 2nd edition (London, 1988), 56, 64.45. Frank Mayer, Adenauer and Kennedy: A Study in German-American

Relations, 1961–1963 (New York, 1996), 44–5.46. Couve de Murville Une politique étrangère, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1971);

Heinrich von Brentano, Sehr verehrter Herr Bundeskanzler! (Hamburg,1974), 341–43.


47. “West German Reactions to the Berlin Wall, August 1961,” ResearchProject No. 655, Prepared by Historical Studies Division, Bureau ofPublic Affairs, Department of State, December 1963, Berlin crisis collec-tion, box 30, NSA.

48. Couve to Alphand, “Instructions pour les révisions des plans d’urgencepour Berlin,” 14 August 1961, Europe 1961–1965, République Fédéraled’Allemagne, dossier 1601 (plan d’urgence pour Berlin), MAE; Annexesde table des matières pour la crise berlinoise, ibid.; Message no. 14066,Délégation française, LIVE OAK à Ministère de la Défense, État-Majordes Armées, OTAN: conseil de l’atlantique nord, 1961–1962, carton12S75, dossier: documents du travail sur les accès aeriens à Berlin,Archives de l’armée de terre.

49. Memorandum of conversation between Froment Maurice (Counselor ofForeign Affairs) and Charles Bohlen, 29 August 1961, RG 59, Records ofBohlen, box 17, folder: correspondence 1960–61.

50. Bundy, memorandum for Kennedy, 25 August 1961, JFK NSF, Countriesseries, box 82, folder: Germany, General, 8/26/61–8/28/61, JFKL; Bundyto Kennedy, 28 August 1961, ibid.

51. Laloy to Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Direction des affaires politiques) 7October 1961, Pactes 1961–70, Politique de l’OTAN, carton 408, dossier:entretien bipartites, américano-soviétiques, MAE.

52. JFK to Rusk, 12 September 1961, JFK NSF, Countries series, box 82,folder: Germany, 9/9/61–9/12/61, JFKL.

53. Lyon (US Embassy, Paris) to Rusk, telegram, 27 October 1961, JFK NSF,Countries series, box 61, folder: France, General, 9/61–10–61, JFKL.

54. Memorandum of Conversation of Tripartite Foreign Ministers Meeting,14 September 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14 : 405–8. For summaries of thetalks between Rusk and Gromyko, see telegram form the Department ofState to the Embassy in France, 22 September 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963,14 : 431–3 and ibid., 2 October 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 14: 456–60.

55. See, for example, Alphand to Ministry, telegram, 3 octobre 1961, Pactes1961–1970, Politique de l’OTAN, carton 408, dossier: entretien bipar-tites, américano-soviétiques, MAE. Laloy to Ministry, telegram, 7October 1961, ibid.

56. Edwin O. Guthman and Jeffrey Shulman, eds., Robert Kennedy: In HisOwn Words (New York, 1988), 284.

57. Ann Tusa, The Last Division, 333–7. See, also, Raymond Garthoff, “TheUS-Soviet Tank Confrontation at Checkpoint Charlie,” in Stephen J.Cimbala, Mysteries of the Cold War (Brookfield, Vermont, 1999), 73–88.Schecter and Luchkov, Khrushchev Remembers: the Glasnost Tapes, 170.

58. Message, exemplaire No 9/10, 28 octobre 1961, centre de transmissionsde la défense nationale, État-Major des Armées, OTAN: conseil de l’at-lantique nord, 1961–1962, carton, 12S75, dossier: commandementunique à Berlin, 1960–1963, SHAT.

59. Ausland, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Berlin–Cuba Crisis, 44–6. See also,meeting on Berlin, transcribed by author, in Miller Center of Public

Notes 185

Affairs, The Presidential Recordings of John F. Kennedy: The Great Crises,vol. 1, 203–26.

60. Bundy, memorandum of meeting with Kennedy, 20 October 1961, JFKNSF, Meetings and Memoranda series, box 317, folder: meetings withPresident, 9/61–1/62, JFKL.

61. NSAM 109, 23 October 1961, JFK NSF, Meetings and Memoranda, box332, JFKL.

62. See, for example, note from General F. Subsbielle (État-major général dela défense nationale et chef de la délégation française de “Live Oak,” 2October 1961, État-major des armées, OTAN: conseil de l’atlantiquenord, 1961–1962, carton 12S75, dossier: Instruction du conseil OTANaux authorities militaires, 1961.

63. See, generally, Christoph Bluth, “Reconciling the Irreconcilable:Alliance Politics and the Paradox of Extended Deterrence in the 1960s,”in Cold War History (January 2001), 77–84; and Hans-Peter Schwarz,Konrad Adenauer: A German Politician and Statesman in a Period of War,Revolution and Reconstruction, transl. By Geoffrey Penny (Stuttgart,1997), 605–6.

64. Kennedy talked about his discussion with Alphand of 10 September1962 in Meeting with Dwight Eisenhower, transcribed by author, in TheMiller Center of Public Affairs, The Presidential Recordings of John F.Kennedy, 129.

65. Strauss’s visit of 7–8 June 1962 was discussed in a meeting about theSoviet Union, 21 September 1962, transcribed by author, in The MillerCenter of Public Affairs, The Presidential Recordings of John F. Kennedy,216–17.

66. Meeting with Dwight Eisenhower, 10 September 1962, transcribed byauthor, in ibid., 125.

67. Ibid., 129.68. This analysis is shared by Francis Gavin, “The Myth of Flexible

Response,” in The International History Review (4 December 2001), 859.Gavin points out that, “Senior U.S. officials did not necessarily believein the strategic, as opposed to the political, logic behind their call forincreased conventional capabilities, nor that the United States shouldenlarge its own conventional forces in Europe.”

69. Charles de Gaulle, notes, 18 September 1961; 4 October 1961; 26October 1961, Archives de Couve de Murville, tome II, CM7, FNSP.Général George Buis oral history, Institut Charles de Gaulle. The schol-arly literature on de Gaulle’s management of the Berlin crisis and itseffects on his overall European strategy is limited. For exceptions thatwere published before the opening of French documents on the crisis,see, Cyril Buffet, “La politique nucléaire de la France et la seconde crisede Berlin, 1958–1962,” Relations internationales 59 (Autumn 1989),347–58; and Bernard Ledwidge, “La crise de Berlin 1958–1961: stratégieet tactique du général de Gaulle,” in Charles de Gaulle Institute, DeGaulle en son siècle, vol. 4 (Paris, 1992), 366–80. For an example


published after French documentation opened but one that speaks ingeneralities, see, Frédéric Bozo, Deux Stratégies pour l’europe: de Gaulle, lesÉtats-Unis, et l’alliance atlantique, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1996).

70. De Gaulle, note de service, 14 August 1961, Papiers de Couve deMurville, tome II, CM7, FNSP. De Gaulle, “L’annotation manuscrite surle télégramme-circulaire no. 218,” 30 November 1961, ibid. Most of theliterature on the force de frappe neglects the decisive effects of the Berlincrisis. For the best studies of the French nuclear program, see, RaymondTourrain, De la défense de la France à la défense de l’Europe (Paris, 1987);Marcel Duval et Yves le Baut, L’arme nucléaire française: Pourquoi etcomment? (Paris, 1992); Institute Charles de Gaulle, L’aventure de labombe: De Gaulle et la dissuasion nucléaire, 1958–1969 (Paris: Plon, 1985).

4 The Challenge of French Nuclear Policy

1. Harold Watkinson (minister of defence) to Harold Macmillan, 12 April1962, PREM 11/3712.

2. De Gaulle, note, 4 August 1961, papiers de Maurice Couve de Murville,tome II, CM7. See, generally, Raymond Tourrain, De la défense de laFrance à la défense de Europe (Paris, 1987), 68.

3. Beatrice Heuser, NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG: Nuclear Strategies andForces for Europe, 1949–2000 (London, 1997), 100.

4. Tourrain, De la défense de la France à la défense de l’Europe, 83. GénéralFrançois Maurin, “La mise en place opérationnelle de la triadstratégique,” in Institut Charles de Gaulle, L’Aventure de la bombe: DeGaulle et la dissuasion nucléaire (1958–1969), 224.

5. Maurin, ibid., 227. Marcel Duval et Yves le Baut, L’Arme nucléairefrançaise: Pourquoi et comment? (Paris, 1992), 158.

6. Institut Charles de Gaulle, L’Aventure de la bombe: De Gaulle et la dissua-sion nucléaire (1958–1969), 119.

7. Chatenet oral history, Institut Charles de Gaulle. De Gaulle to FrançoisSeydoux (Bonn), 9 February 1962, Papiers de Couve de Murville, tomeII, CM 7, dossier 1962.

8. Tourrain, De la défense de la France à la défense de l’Europe, 80. ForGulliver analogy, see, for example, Peter Thorneycroft (British DefenseMinister) to Harold Macmillan, “Visit to Paris 16th to 19th October,” 24October 1962, PREM 11/3712.

9. Translated by and quoted in Jeffrey Vanke, “De Gaulle’s Atomic DefencePolicy in 1963,” Cold War History (January 2001), 121.

10. See, for example, Général François Valentin, “La dissuasion et les arme-ments classiques,” in Institut Charles de Gaulle, L’Aventure de la bombe:De Gaulle et la dissuasion nucléaire (1958–1969), 190–1.

11. Rusk, telegram to Department of State, 21 June 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963,13: 725.

12. Much has been written on the Kennedy administration’s opposition tonuclear proliferation. See, for example, John Newhouse, De Gaulle and

Notes 187

the Anglo-Saxons (New York, 1970), 149–83. See, also, Bernard J. Fireston,Kennedy and the Test Ban: Presidential Leadership and Arms Control, inDouglas Brinkley and Richard T. Griffiths, eds., John F. Kennedy andEurope (Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 1999), 66–94.

13. For quote, see Pierre Chatenet (President of the EURATOM commission)oral history, Institut Charles de Gaulle. For statement of general Frenchopposition to nuclear collaboration with West Germany, see note,“Coopération atomique franco-allemande,” Direction politique, Servicedes Pactes, 16 May 1961, Pactes 1951–70, Politique de l’OTAN, carton409, dossier: Atome/général, MAE.

14. See, for example, telegram, Dean Rusk to General James Gavin (USAmbassador to France), 29 November 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13:678–9. See, also, memorandum of conversation between Charles Bohlenand Alphand, 6 September 1962, RG 59 Bohlen Records, Lot 74D379,box 19, folder: Secretary of State, memos from Bohlen.

15. Gavin to Rusk, telegram, 27 December 1961, Central Files 1960–1963,751.11/4–1166, box 1740. Rusk telegram, 8 February 1962, RG 84,Records of Foreign Service, France, Classified General Records, 1962–63,box 54, folder: January-June 1962, National Archives II.

16. “Message to President from Prime Minister,” telegram from ForeignOffice to Washington Embassy, 27 November 1961, CAB 129/107.

17. Harold Watkinson to Macmillan, 12 April 1962, PREM 11/3712. 18. See, for example, “Anglo-French Co-operation in Defense Research and

Development,” Agreed report to Minister of Defence for periodNovember 1961–May 1962, 18 May 1962, DEFE 7/2135. For a chrono-logical record made by French officials of British references to nuclearcollaboration, see “Note sur programme de défense britanique etcoopération avec d’autre pays,” 10 December 1962, Pactes 1961–70,Politique de l’OTAN, carton 409, dossier: visite de Macmillan à Paris,MAE.

19. David L. DiLeo, “George Ball and the Europeanists in the StateDepartment, 1961–1963,” in Brinkley and Griffiths, eds., Kennedy andEurope, 263–80.

20. Joseph Kraft, The Grand Design: From Common Market to AtlanticPartnership (New York, 1962), 9.

21. Beatrice Heuser, NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG, 43.22. Ball, The Discipline of Power (Boston, 1986), 205–7; and ibid., The Past

Has Another Pattern, 22, 265.23. Rostow, The Diffusion of Power (New York, 1973), 241.24. Kohl, French Nuclear Diplomacy, 219.25. Couve de Murville oral history, JFKL, 6.26. C.V. Clifton, Memorandum of Conference with the President, 7 March

1962, JFK NSF: Chester Clifton files, box 345, folder: Conference withPresident and JCS, 10/61–11/62.

27. Rusk to Gavin, telegram, 29 November 1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 678.28. Bundy to Kennedy, memorandum, 28 February 1962, JFK NSF, countries

series, box 71, folder: France-General, 2/17/62–3/4/62.


29. Gavin followed up his meeting with Kennedy by elaborating andsummarizing the issues they discussed. Gavin to Kennedy, 9 March1962, JFK NSF, Countries series, box 116a, folder: France, General March1962.

30. L.D. Battle (Executive Secretary) to Bundy, “Matters raised with thePresident by Ambassador Gavin,” 5 March 1962, ibid.

31. Paul Nitze, From Hiroshima to Glasnost, 211. For the specifics of theDepartment of Defense proposals, see memorandum, Foy Kohler toRussell Fessenden (assistant to Rusk), 7 March 1962, RG 59, CDF1960–1963, 751.5611/3–261, box 1743.

32. Ball to McNamara, 10 March 1962, Central Files 1960–1963,751.5611/3–261, box 1743.

33. Ball to Gavin, telegram, 15 March 1962, RG 84, France, ClassifiedGeneral Records, 1962–1963, box 54, folder: France–US, 1962.

34. Henry Owen, memorandum, “Nuclear Aid to France,” 7 March 1962, RG59, Records of PPS, Lot 69D121, box 215, folder: France, 1962.

35. Meeting about the Soviet Union and France, 29 September 1962, tran-scribed by author, in Miller Center, Presidential Recordings of JohnKennedy, vol. 2, p. 218.

36. Memorandum of meeting (JFK, Robert Bowie, Bundy, Kaysen,McNamara, and Gilpatric), 15 March 1962, JFK NSF: Regional Security,box 216, folder: MLF, General, Vol. 1, 1961–6/62.

37. McGeorge Bundy, “Presidents and Arms Control: John F. Kennedy andLyndon B. Johnson,” in Kenneth Thompson, ed., Presidents and ArmsControl: Process, Procedures, and Problems, vol. 4 (Lanham, MD, 1997), 12.

38. George-Henri Soutou, L’Alliance incertaine: les rapports politico-stratégiques franco-allemands, 1954–1996 (Paris, 1996), 224.

39. Note, Compte rendu d’un entretien entre Pierre de Leusse (Représentantpermanent de la France au Conseil de l’O.T.A.N. et Thomas Finletter(Représentant permanent des Etats-Unis à l’O.T.A.N.), 2 April 1962,Documents diplomatiques francais, 1962, tome 1: 1 janvier–30 juin,376–7.

40. Courcel (Ambassador to UK) to Couve, 3 April 1962, Europe, Grande-Bretagne, dossier 1737, Défense nationale, MAE.

41. Nitze, From Hiroshima to Glasnost, 211. See, “The President’s NewConference of April 18, 1962,” Public Papers of the Presidents: John F.Kennedy, 1962, 333.

42. Gavin to Rusk, telegram, 9 March 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 685.43. NSAM 148, 18 April 1962, JFK NSF, Meetings and Memoranda series,

box 336, folder: NSAM 148.44. Rusk to Gavin, cable, 18 May 1962, 02800, National Security Archive

(NSA), Washington, DC.45. Randolph Kidder (Counselor to Embassy, USIA), telegram, 5 August

1962, Gavin papers, box 20, folder: French reaction to resignation.Kidder reports that the French were sympathetic to Gavin’s resignationand had “without exception linked it to Franco-American disagreement

Notes 189

over nuclear matters, in general, the force de frappe in particular.”46. George Ball, circular telegram from the Department of State to Certain

Missions, 9 May 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 389–93.47. L.J. Legere (Chief of Staff for General Maxwell Taylor) memorandum for

Taylor, 18 April 1962, General Maxwell Taylor papers, box 35, folder: 6BNATO, National Defense University, Washington, DC.

48. “McNamara speaks out against National Nuclear Forces,” 17 June 1962,New York Times, 1.

49. Taylor to McNamara, “Comments on the corrected draft ‘Remarksby Secretary McNamara, NATO Ministerial Meeting, May 6, 1962,’” 25April 1962, General Maxwell Taylor papers, box 35, folder: 6BNATO.

50. Bundy to Kennedy, memorandum, 7 June 1962, JFK NSF, Departmentand Agencies, box 274, folder: Dept. of Defense, 6/62.

51. George Ball, circular telegram from the Department of State to CertainMissions, 9 May 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 389–93.

52. Desmond Ball, Politics and Force Levels: The Strategic Missile Program of theKennedy Administration (Berkeley, 1980), 196.

53. Jane E. Stromseth, The Origin of Flexible Response: NATO’s Debate overStrategy in the 1960s (New York, 1988), 73.

54. Heuser, NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG, 13, 47. Trachtenberg, AConstructed Peace, 316.

55. Sixth press conference held by General de Gaulle in Paris at the ElyséePalace, 15 May 1962, Major Addresses, Statements and Press Conferences ofGeneral Charles de Gaulle: May 19, 1958–January 31, 1964 (New York,1965), 180–1.

56. Frédéric Bozo, Deux Stratégies pour l’Europe: De Gaulle, les États-Unis etl’Alliance atlantique, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1996), 85.

57. Macmillan, At the End of the Day, 1961–1963, 335.58. See, for example, Joint Defense Planning Staff, “NATO Strategy:

Conventional Forces and MRBM’s,” 18 April 1962, DEFE 6/79 [JP57(62)], PRO.

59. Robert McNamara to Kennedy, “Your interview with General Norstad,”14 July 1962, Taylor papers, box 37, folder: 104b NATO. See, generally,Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 302–17. On 1 August 1962, at hispress conference, President Kennedy was asked to comment onEuropean press speculation that Norstad’s resignation indicated “acomplete change in American strategy going as far as to a nuclear disen-gagement.” He responded that the speculation was “wholly unfounded,wholly untrue, and the slightest check by those who transmit themthrough Europe would demonstrate that they are unfounded.” See “ThePresident’s New Conference of August 1, 1962,” in Public Papers of thePresidents: JFK, 1962, 597.

60. Meeting with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, 10 September 1962,transcribed by author, The Miller Center of Public Affairs, ThePresidential Recordings of President John F. Kennedy, vol. 2 (New York,2001).


61. See, generally, Constantine Padgedas, Anglo-American Strategic Relationsand the French Problem, 1960–1963 (London, 2000).

62. Macmillan suggested to French Ambassador Chauvel that “the effect ofputting the French and British nuclear power might be considered. . .and that this idea depended on the success of the British negotiations.”See Note, “Prime Minister’s Talks with Chauvel,” 3 May 1962, PREM11/3792.

63. Conversation between de Gaulle and Macmillan, 3 June 1962, Pactes,Politique de l’OTAN, carton 409, dossier: entretiens bipartites, deGaulle/Macmillan, janvier–juin 1962. See also, Record of conversationat the Château de Champs, 3 June 1962, 14, PREM 11/3775.

64. Extract from Record of Watkinson’s talks with Messmer, 7 June 1962,DEFE 7/2135. Record of Harold Watkinson’s Talks with Pierre Messmerin Paris, 7 June 1962, PREM 11/4224. Watkinson to Macmillan, 4 July1962, PREM 11/3712.

65. Philip de Zueleta to Macmillan, “Anglo-French Relations in the NuclearField,” 24 June 1962, PREM 11/3712. André Puget (General of the airforce) to Couve de Murville, 9 April 1962, Europe, Grande Bretagne,dossier 1737: défense nationale, MAE.

66. Bruce diary, 23 May 1962, Virginia Historical Society. For quote, seenote of a conversation at Department of State luncheon, 28 April 1962,PREM 11/3712.

67. Kohl, French Nuclear Diplomacy, 223.68. For a discussion and analysis of the pros and cons of providing France

nuclear aid, see Minutes of Meeting (JFK, Rusk, McNamara, Bundy), 16April 1962, JFK NSF, Meetings and Memoranda, box 317, folder:2/62–5/62.

69. Soutou, L’alliance incertaine, 264–5.70. Pierre Messmer, Après tant des batailles: mémoires (Paris, 1992), 316–20.71. Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 284. Most scholars fail to frame the

nuclear sharing question with the context of the explosive Berlinproblem. See, for example, Lawrence Kaplan, NATO and the United States:The Enduring Alliance (New York, 1994), 82–96, and Beatrice Heuser,NATO, Britain, France, and the FRG: Nuclear Strategies and Forces forEurope, 1949–2000. For a significant exception but with a divergentinterpretation, see, Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 283–351.

5 Trade and the Atlantic Alliance: Protectionism versusOpenness?

1. Quoted in Philip Bell, France and Britain, 1940–1994: The Long Separation(London, 1997), 179.

2. Representative studies include Miriam Camps, Britain and the EuropeanCommunity (London, 1964); Ernst van der Beugel, From Marshall Aid toAtlantic Partnership (Amsterdam, 1966); Frank Costigliola, “The Pursuitof Atlantic Community: Nuclear Arms, Dollars, and Berlin,” in Thomas

Notes 191

Paterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy,1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 24–56; Thomas Alan Schwartz, “Victoriesand Defeats in the Long Twilight Struggle: the United States andWestern Europe in the 1960s,” in Diane B. Kunz, ed., The Diplomacy ofthe Crucial Decade (New York, 1994), 115–48; Geir Lundestad, “Empire”by Integration: The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997(New York, 1998), 26–7, 58–82; Alfred Grosser, The Western Alliance:European-American Relations since 1945 (New York, 1980), 199–200; andPierre Maillard, De Gaulle et l’Europe: entre la nation et Maastricht (Paris,1995), 205.

3. Some scholars mention Berlin as a backdrop to the EEC question, butoffer no details. See, for example, Schwarz, Konrad Adenauer, 521.

4. The scholarship dealing with the relationship between Britain’s bid andthe Berlin question is sparse. For two recent works that focus exclusivelyon the two issues as discrete phenomena, see John P. Gearson, HaroldMacmillan and the Berlin Wall Crisis, 1958–62 (London, 1998); andJacqueline Tratt, The Macmillan Government and Europe (New York,1996).

5. Adenauer’s veiled threats are conveyed most vividly in the memoir liter-ature. See, for example, Nitze, From Hiroshima to Glasnost, 207; FrançoisSeydoux, Mémoires d’outre-rhin (Paris, 1975), 211–12, 22.

6. George McGhee to Rusk, memorandum, 26 October 61, RG 59, Lot67D548, Policy Planning Staff, 1957–61, box 139, folder: Germany,Aug.-Dec. 1961. See, also, “Talking paper: discussion of general issueswith Chancellor,” unsigned, 8 November 1961, RG 59, Records of theDepartment of State, Bureau of European Affairs, Records Relating toBerlin, 1957–63, box 3, folder: Chancellor Adenauer’s Visit, 20–22November 1961.

7. “Highlights of discussion at the Secretary’s Policy Planning meeting,” 3November 1961, RG 59, Lot 67D548, box 132, folder: Secretary’s PolicyPlanning meetings.

8. Kennedy’s faith in a politics of plenty as a way to prevent the rise ofsocialism or communism was prevalent among post-World War IIpolicy-makers. See, generally, Charles Maier, “The Politics ofProductivity: Foundations of American International Economic Policyafter World War II,” in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., Between Power andPlenty: The Foreign Economic Policies of Advanced Industrial States(Madison, WI, 1978), 23–49.

9. Some historians fixate on the world systems view of “hegemony.” See,Frank Costigliola, “The Pursuit of Atlantic Community,” in ThomasPaterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory, 24–56; and Thomas J.McCormick, America’s Half Century (Baltimore, 1989), 125–47. Thereare two important exceptions. See John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies ofContainment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security(New York, 1982), 198–236; and, Tony Smith, America’s Mission: TheUnited States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth


Century (Princeton, 1994), 146–176. Although Gaddis stresses theconcept of an autonomous “third force,” his primary focus is Kennedy’sformulation and implementation of flexible response. Smith discusses theliberal internationalism of the Kennedy administration but focusesalmost exclusively on Latin America and neglects the technocraticproclivities of many Kennedy administration officials.

10. For a general study of the rise of a technocratic culture in the first twodecades of the post-World War II era, see William G. Carleton,Technology and Humanism: Some Exploratory Essays for Our Time(Nashville, 1970).

11. Dean Rusk echoed the president’s conviction in The Winds of Freedom(Boston, 1963), 111: “We have learned that assistance is not likely toachieve its purposes if it is unconnected with social objectives, if itmerely serves to enrich the rich and perpetuate the gap between richand poor that breeds discontent and revolt.” Modernization theoryapplied in this context has been criticized by scholars as paternalisticand a guise for global “Americanization.” For its prevalence and influ-ence within the Kennedy administration, see, generally, Walt W.Rostow, Stages of Economic Growth (Boston, 1960); and Rostow, TheDiffusion of Power: An Essay in recent history (New York, 1972). For acritique, see Zdenek Suad, “Modernization or Americanization?: TheConcept of Modernity and American Culture,” in Mustafa O. Attir, etal., eds., Direction of Change: Modernization Theory, Research, and Realities(Boulder, 1981), 249–64.

12. Christian A. Herter and William Clayton, “A New Look at ForeignEconomic Policy in Light of the Cold War and the Extension of theCommon Market in Europe,” paper for Joint Economic Committee, 23October 1961, 87th Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, 1961), 1. Ball empha-sized the same theme of winning the economic growth race with theSoviet Union: “We should stress that we see in the Common Market’sgrowth a partial answer to Khrushchev’s challenge of the competitionissued to the free world in his speech at the XXIII Congress,” in whichhe declared that the Soviet Union “threatened capitalism by peacefulcompetition.” See, Ball to Kennedy, 23 October 1961, Ball papers, box153, folder: Economic, Seeley G. Mudd Library, Princeton, New Jersey.

13. Remarks of Francis Bator (assistant to under-secretary of state foreconomic affairs George Ball), “Reflections on the Kennedy Round ofGATT Trade Negotiations after Thirty Years,” 5 May 1997, USInternational Trade Commission, Washington, DC.

14. Heller to Kennedy, 9 August 1961, JFK NSF, Department and Agencies,box 272, folder: Council of Economic Advisors.

15. Memorandum, Council of Economic Advisors, 27 September 1961,Behrman papers, box 8, folder: Interdepartmental committee on foreigneconomic policy reports, 8/61–9/61, JFKL.

16. See, generally, Judith Stein, Running Steel, Running America: Race,Economic Policy, and the Decline of Liberalism (Chapel Hill, NC, 1998),18–36.

Notes 193

17. For background analyses of US economic conditions and concernsduring this period, see generally, Irving Berstein, Promises Kept: John F.Kennedy’s New Frontier (New York, 1991), 118–217; William S. Borden,“Defending Hegemony: American Foreign Economic Policy,” in ThomasG. Paterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy,1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 57–89; and Judith Stein, Running Steel,Running America, 197–228.

18. National Security Action Memorandum No. 76, 21 August 1961, FRUS,1961–1963, 13: 32.

19. Thomas Zeiler, American Trade and Power in the 1960s (New York, 1992),60–7.

20. “La France et l’unification ouest-européenne,” L’année politique: 1961,179.

21. Pierre Pflimlin, Mémoires d’un Européen de la IV à la V République, 186.22. Bell, France and Britain, 187. For a general summary of the French

government’s position on a CAP, see Pierre Gerbet, “La politique agri-cole commune,” Espoir: La revue de l’institut Charles de Gaulle (March1993), 2–11. See also, Alain Prate, Les Batailles économiques du général deGaulle (Paris, 1978), 45–76.

23. Serge Bernstein, The Republic of de Gaulle, 1958–1969 (London, 1993),102–6. For a more detailed study of French economic planning but onethat covers only the Fourth Republic, see Richard F. Kuisel, Capitalismand the State in Modern France: Renovation and Economic Management inthe Twentieth Century (New York, 1981).

24. De Gaulle et ses premiers ministres, 1959–1969, colloque organisé parl’Institut Charles de Gaulle et l’Association française de science poli-tique (Paris, 1990), 34–41; Raymond Triboulet, “Notice sur la vie et lestravaux de Wilfrid Baumgartner,” 10 février 1981, Institut de France,Académie des sciences morales et politiques, 21, Bibliothèque nationale,Paris, France. On the effects of the CAP on food prices, see Bell, Franceand Britain, 187.

25. Annexe N. 1431 à 1439: “Exposé des motifs et projet de loi,” Documentsde l’assemblée nationale, 3 octobre 1961, 491–517. The Fourth Plan waspassed by the National Assembly on 17 November 1961.

26. For a general summary of the French government’s position on a CAP,see Pierre Gerbet, “La politique agricole commune,” Espoir: La revue del’institute Charles de Gaulle (March 1993), 2–11. For British demands, seeBell, France and Britain, 186.

27. Debré au comité interministériel pour les questions de coopérationéconomique européenne, 3 novembre 1961, Sécretariat général ducomité interministeriel pour les questions de coopération économiqueeuropéenne (SCGI), Politique agricole commune, article 771468/85–96,côte 52, Archives nationales, centre des archives contemporainesFontainebleau, France.

28. Jean-Maxime Lévêque oral history, Archives orales, Institut Charles deGaulle.


29. Note, “Problèmes monétaires et financiers posés par l’adhésionéventuelle du Royaume-Uni au Marché commun,” CommunautéEconomique Européenne Commission, 30 octobre 1961, Papiers deWilfrid Baumgartner, carton 3BA53, dossier Dr 5.

30. See, for example, Conclusions of Cabinet Meeting, 17 April 1962, CAB128/36, Part I [C.C. 28(62)]; ibid., 31 July 1962, CAB 128/36, Part II [C.C.51(62)]; Lord Privy Seal, memorandum, “Britain, the Commonwealthand the EEC,” 17 August 1962, CAB 129/119; and Note, Direction desaffaires économiques et financières du ministère des affaires étrangères,22 May 1962, Documents diplomatiques français, 1962, vol. 1 (Paris,1998), 511–4. For an excellent scholarly analysis, see Moravcsik, TheChoice for Europe, 159–237. On figures for 1963, see Bell, France andBritain, 188.

31. Dixon to the Earl of Home, 31 October 1961, FO 371/160446.32. Macmillan, Pointing the Way, 410–28; and ibid., The End of the Day, 32–3. 33. See, for example, Dixon, “EEC Negotiation: Discussion with Jean

Monnet,” 28 November 1961, FO 371/158184. See also, W.L. GorellBarnes, “Record of a discussion with Monnet,” 13 December 1961, ibid.

34. Henri, Comte de Paris, Dialogue sur la France: Correspondence et entretiens,1953–1970 (Paris, 1994), 164.

35. See, for example, François Seydoux to Ministry, telegram, 6 February1961, Europe 1961–1965, République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier1571 (janvier 1961 à mars 1962), MAE; Alphand to Ministry, telegram,25 May 62, Amérique, 1952–1963, États-Unis, dossier: 487 Relationscommerciales; and “Monsieur Ball, Sous-Secrétaire d’Etat, devrait êtrecensuré,” 2 or 3 February 1963, Amérique, 1952–1963, Etats-Unis,dossier 339 USA-France.

36. Memorandum of conversation between UK and US participants re/EECnegotiations, 4 April 1962, JFK NSF, United Kingdom, box 178, folder:General, 4/26/62–4/30/62, JFKL.

37. Dixon to Foreign Office, telegram, 19 January 1962, FO 371/164832.38. François Seydoux (Bonn) to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 14 June 1962,

Europe 1961–1965, RFA, dossier 1571. See, generally, Schwarz, KonradAdenauer.

39. Record of conversation between the Lord Privy Seal and Adenauer atCadenabbia, 1 October 1962, PREM 11/4522.

40. Scope paper for Rusk’s European Trip, prepared in Department of State,11 June 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 106.

41. Meeting with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, 10 September 1962,transcribed by author, forthcoming in The Miller Center of PublicAffairs, The Presidential Recordings of President John F. Kennedy, vol. 2(New York, 2000).


43. Memorandum, Ball to Kennedy, 23 August 1961, Kermit Gordon papers,box 32, folder: Foreign Economic Policy (Ball), JFKL. See, generally,

Notes 195

George Ball, The Past Has Another Pattern: Memoirs (New York, 1982),197–8; and James A. Bill, George Ball: Behind the Scenes in U.S. ForeignPolicy (New Haven, 1997), 120–2.

44. Memorandum, Ball to Kennedy, 23 August 1961, Kermit Gordon papers,box 32, folder: Foreign Economic Policy (Ball), JFKL. See, generally,George Ball, The Past Has Another Pattern: Memoirs (New York, 1982),197–8; and James A. Bill, George Ball: Behind the Scenes in U.S. ForeignPolicy (New Haven, 1997), 120–2.

45. W. Walton Butterworth (Mission to the EEC), telegram, 21 September1961, FRUS, 1961–1963, 13: 40–2.

46. The US attitude toward the EEC negotiations was aptly expressed byDepartment of State, European bureau officer, Richard Vine, to the firstsecretary of the US embassy in London when he wrote, “As you willhave seen from a recent cable we are under strict instructions to followour own prescription to ‘lay low’ on the UK-Common Market issue.”Richard Vine to Joseph A. Greenwald, 28 July 1961, RG 59, Bureau ofEuropean Affairs, Office of Atlantic Political and Economic Affairs,Records Relating to UK Membership in the EEC, 1961–62, box 1, folder:UK Relations w/EEC, 1961.

47. Quoted in James Bill, George Ball, 125.48. Harold Macmillan, At the End of the Day, 1961–1963 (London, 1973),

111. For a summary of British differences with Ball’s arguments duringthe autumn of 1961, see, David Ormsby-Gore (British ambassador toU.S.) to Ball, memorandum, RG 59, Bureau of European Affairs, Officeof Political and Economic Affairs, 1961–62, box 5, folder: UK-EEC nego-tiations. See, generally, George Ball, The Past Has Another Pattern (NewYork, 1988), 215–20.

49. Nelson D. Lankford, The Last American Aristocrat: The Biography of DavidK.E. Bruce, 1898–1977 (Boston, 1996), 310–312.

50. Bruce Diary, 4 April 1962.51. Alistair Horne, Macmillan, 1957–1986 (London, 1989), 306–8.52. David L DiLeo, “George Ball and the Europeanists in the State

Department, 1961–1963,” in Brinkley and Griffiths, eds., John F. Kennedyand Europe, 271.

53. Summary minutes of Committee on Foreign Economic Policy, 4October 1961, Jack Behrman papers, box 8, folder: InterdepartmentalCommittee on Foreign Economic Rpts., 10/61–12/61, JFKL.

54. Summary minutes of meeting of the Interdepartmental Committee ofUnder Secretaries on Foreign Economic Policy, 4 October 1961, FRUS,1961–1963, 9: 14; and George Ball to Luther Hodges (secretary ofcommerce), Jack Behrman papers, box 8, folder: InterdepartmentalCommittee on Foreign Economic Policy Correspondence, 1961–62,JFKL. For the administration’s focus on trade expansion as a cure-all forUS domestic economic ills, see, generally, William S. Borden,“Defending Hegemony: American Foreign Economic Policy,” in ThomasG. Paterson, ed., Kennedy’s Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy,


1961–1963 (New York, 1989), 57–89; and Diane B. Kunz, Butter andGuns: America’s Cold War Economic Diplomacy (New York, 1997), 105–6.A more comprehensive study is provided by Thomas W. Zeiler, AmericanTrade and Power in the 1960s (New York, 1992).

55. Remarks of Michael Blumental (deputy under-secretary of state foreconomic affairs), Symposium, “Reflections on the Kennedy Round ofGATT Trade Negotiations after Thirty Years,” 5 May 1997, USInternational Trade Commission, Washington, DC.

56. Paper prepared by Howard Peterson, 17 October 1961, Peterson papers,box 2, folder: trade legislation, correspondence on proposals, JFKL; andPeterson to Kennedy, memorandum, 23 October 1961, ibid.

57. Ball to Kennedy, memorandum, 23 October 1961, Ball papers, box 153,folder: Economic, Seely G. Mudd Library, Princeton, New Jersey.

58. Zeiler, American Trade and Power in the 1950s, 66. See also, Zeiler,“Meeting the European Challenge: The Common Market and TradePolicy,” in Mark White, ed., Kennedy: The New Frontier Revisited (NewYork, 1998), 135–40.

59. Winand, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the United States of Europe, 141–2.Most memoirs, biographies, and general studies of the Kennedy admin-istration provide descriptive accounts but focus on theintra-bureaucratic problems without analyzing the policy implications,especially for Western Europe. See, for example, Arthur Schlesinger, AThousand Days (New York, 1965), 440–5; Ball, The Past Has AnotherPattern, 171–2; and Bill, George Ball, 64.

60. For Gavin’s recollection of the Department of State’s animosity towardde Gaulle and skepticism of his diplomatic skills, see Gavin’s unpub-lished autobiography, Beyond the Stars, Gavin papers, box 2, folder:chapter 10: “An Ambassador’s Life,” U.S. Army Historical Institute,Carlilse, Pennsylvania.

61. See, for example, Alphand to Couve, 17 October 1961, Amérique, États-Unis, dossier 337, MAE.

62. “Compte rendu de l’entretien entre Debré et Gavin,” 4 September 1961,Cabinet du ministre, Couve de Murville, dossier: 346 (échange desmessages et notes), MAE. For an explanation of the poultry disagree-ment, see Ynze Alkema, “European–American Trade Policies,” inDouglas Brinkley and Richard T. Griffiths, eds., John F. Kennedy andEurope (Baton Rouge, 1999), 232.

63. J.J. Reinstein to Charles Bohlen, “Balance Sheet of our EconomicRelations with France,” 26 February 1962, RG 59 Bohlen records, Lot74D379, box 21, folder: economic-miscellaneous.

64. Ball to Kennedy, 24 April 1962, JFK NSF, Countries, box 175, folder: UK,4/62.

65. Ball to Baumgartner, 24 November 1961, Papiers de Baumgartner,carton 3BA53, dossier Dr 3, FNSP.

66. For Dillon’s advice to Kennedy, see Dillon to Kennedy, 12 December1961, JFK POF, Staff memoranda, box 62, folder: Bundy, 5/61–12/61. For

Notes 197

a summary of the Dillon Round negotiations, see “The Reciprocal TradeIssue: Background and Analysis,” Congressional Quarterly Weekly, (5January 1962), 14. For Baumgartner’s position, see “Décisions de laF.A.O. et recommendations du G.A.T.T.,” L’Année politique, 1961, 595.

67. “Excerpts from statements made at the GATT Ministerial Meeting,27–30, 1961,” unsigned, RG59, Bureau of European Affairs, box 4,folder: US-Internal Preparation.

68. “Special Message to Congress on Foreign Trade,” 25 January 1962, ibid.,68–69.

69. Circular telegram, Department of State to Certain Diplomatic Missions,30 January 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 9: 512–16.

70. Pierson Dixon to Foreign Office, telegram, 23 May 1962, PREM 11/3775.71. Oliver Guichard, Mon général, 389, 401. Hervé Alphand, L’Étonnement

d’être, 476.72. “La situation politique au début de 1962,” L’année politique, 1962 (Paris,

1963), 1–2.73. “Du ministère Debré au ministère Pompidou,” L’année politique, 1962,

40–5.74. Jean Charlot, “L’opinion publique en France face à la politique

européenne de Gaulle,” Espoir 90 (mars 1993), 36.75. For a general discussion of the effects of the Great Depression on post-

World War II economic thinking, see Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform:New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War (New York, 1995). For a Frenchstudy, see Richard Kuisel, Capitalism and the State in Modern France:Renovation and Economic Management in the Twentieth Century (New York,1981); and William Hitchcock, France Restored: Cold War Diplomacy andthe Quest for Leadership in Europe, 1944–1954 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1988).

76. Benard Bruneteau, “Mutation politique et mutation agricole: legaullisme et la révolution silencieuse des paysans,” in De Gaulle en sonsiècle: moderniser la France, vol. 3 (Paris, 1996), 194–206. See, also, SergeBernstein, The Republic of de Gaulle, 1958–1969, trans. Peter Morris (NewYork, 1989), 74–91.

77. Stein, Running Steel, Running America, 26–36. See, generally, NicholasLemann, The Promised Land: the Great Black Migration and how it ChangedAmerica (New York, 1991).

78. Geir Lundestad, “Empire” by Integration: The United States and EuropeanIntegration, 1945–1997 (New York, 1998), 75; Zeiler, American Trade andPower in the 1960s, 159–89.

6 Strain on the Dollar: Franco-American MonetaryDisputes

1. Cited in Gavin, Gold, Dollars, and Power.2. Henri Bourguinat, “Le général de Gaulle et la réforme du système moné-

taire international: la contestation manquée de l’hégémonie du dollar,in De Gaulle en son siècle, vol. 3, 110–18.


3. A term used by Jonathan Lee, “Kennedy, Johnson, and the Dilemma ofMultinational Corporations: American Foreign Economic Policy in the1960s,” Essays in Economic and Business History 14 (1996).

4. Robert Solomon, The International Monetary System, 1945–1981 (NewYork, 1982), 54.

5. Lee, “Kennedy, Johnson, and the Dilemma of MultinationalCorporations: American Foreign Economic Policy in the 1960s,” Essaysin Economic and Business History 14 (1996), 322.

6. Note, Olivier Wormser, 30 May 1961, Baumgartner papers, box 3BA48,folder DR 2, cited in Francis Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony orVulnerability? Giscard, Ball, and the Gold Standstill,” Journal of EuropeanIntegration History, 6 (December 2000), 61–84. For a summary of thisreasoning, see René Larre (le conseiller financier près l’ambassade deFrance aux États-Unis) to Baumgartner, 28 September 1961, FondsTrésor: Vol. 15, Relations bilaterales avec les États-Unis, côte B10917,dossier: balance des paiements, MEFI.

7. For a summary of the Anglo-French dialogue, see C.W. Sanders (BritishBoard of Trade), “Points for Meeting,” 26 June 1961, FO 371/158179.

8. Compte rendu de l’entretien entre Debré et Gavin, 4 septembre 1961,Cabinet du ministre, Couve de Murville, dossier 346 (échange desmessages et notes), MAE.


10. Dillon to Kennedy, 31 August 1961, ibid., 9: 122–5. Dillon reported thatthe gold loss for 1961 equaled a deficit of $274 million.

11. For figures on French conversion of gold, see “Tableau des transactionsen or des États-Unis avec les pays étrangers,” given by Bourguinat, “Legénéral de Gaulle et la réforme du système monétaire international: lacontestation manquée de l’hégémonie du dollar, in De Gaulle en sonsiècle, vol. 3, 110–18.

12. Entretien biographique de Claude Pierre-Brossolette, number 4, 23,Comité pour l’histoire économique et financière de la France. Dillon toBaumgartner, 4 May 1961, Archives de Baumgartner, box 3BA48, folderDr 1, cited in Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”.

13. André de Lattre, Servir aux finances (Paris, 1999), 150, cited in Gavin andMahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”.

14. Maurice Perouse (Directeur du trésor) to Giscard d’Estaing, Compte-rendu de la 8ème réunion du groupe de travail no. 3 du Comité depolitique économique de l’O.C.E.D, 16–17 April 1962 at Château de laMuette, fonds 9: institutions financières internationales, côte B54754,MEFI, cited in Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”.

15. Robert V. Roosa, Monetary Reform for the World Economy (New York,1965), 125–6. In brief, within the Kennedy administration Roosa andDillon generally favored ad hoc gentlemen’s agreements, while theDepartment of State supported a multilateral approach that elicitedpromises from the major Western European leaders that balance of

Notes 199

payment disparities were a political problem. Within the French govern-ment, the Ministry of Finance’s views were similar to its US counterpartsat Treasury.

16. The intricacies of the Triffin plan are analyzed in Robert Triffin, TheWorld Money Maze: National Currencies in International Payments (NewHaven, Conn, 1966), 266–72.

17. Baumgartner and US under-secretary of the Treasury Robert Roosadiscussed the upcoming IMF talks and the various proposals during mid-August. Dillon reiterated those discussions in an appeal to Baumgartnerfor France’s cooperation. Dillon à Baumgartner, 22 August 1961, Papiersde Baumgartner, carton 3BA49, dossier dr 4, FNSP.

18. Ibid. Throughout the late spring and summer of 1961, the Ministry ofFinance formalized its position on IMF expansion proposals. See, forexample, memorandum rédigé par de Lattre (cabinet du ministre desfinances) sur la position françaises, undated, Papiers de Baumgartner,carton 3BA47, dossier DR 5; Secrétariat particulier du ministre desfinances et des affaires économiques, “Contre un renforcement du fondsmonétaire: Inquiétude du gouvernement français,” 27 mai 1961, ibid.,carton 3BA49, dossier Dr 1.

19. Maurice Perouse (Directeur du Trésor) to Baumgartner, “Compte-rendude la 6ème réunion du Comité de politique économique de l’O.C.E.D.,18–19 avril au Château de la Muette,” Fonds 9: Institutions FinancièresInternationales, côte B54754, MEFI.

20. Baumgartner, note, 20 February 1961, Papers of Baumgartner, carton3BA46, dossier Dr 3. Alphand to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 20 February1961, Amérique, États-Unis, dossier 387 (Grande Bretagne).

21. Memorandum, Walter Heller to President Kennedy, 16 May 1961, Hellerpapers, Heller/JFK 1960–64 series, box 5, folder: memos to JFK, 5/61,JFKL.

22. Jacques Rueff to Charles de Gaulle, 5 May 1961, Papers of Baumgartner,carton, 3BA34, dossier Dr 5.

23. André de Lattre, memorandum, ibid., carton 3BA47, dossier Dr 5. 24. Jean-Maxime Lévêque Oral History, Institut Charles de Gaulle, Paris,

France.25. Summary of conversation between Baumgartner and Dillon, 18–19 mai

1961, Archives de Baumgartner, carton 3BA48, dossier Dr 1.26. James Tobin (Council of Economic Advisors) to Kennedy, 3 November

1961, Heller papers, Heller and JFK series, box 5, folder: memos,11/61–12/61, JFKL.

27. Memorandum, Bohlen to George Ball, 20 July 1962, RG 59, Lot 67D2,Records of Ambassador-at-Large Llewellyn Thompson, box 5, folder:England.

28. “Statement by George Ball,” and “Text of Communique,” 16–17November 1961, US Department of State, Bulletin (18 December 1961),1014–20. For French hesistation about relinquishing control over theirformer territories, see Maurice Perouse (le directeur du trésor) to


Baumgartner, “Compte-rendu du premier réunion du Conseil intermin-istériel de l’OCED,” 18 November 1961, Fonds 9, côte B 54754, MEFI.

29. Charles A. Coombs, The Arena of International Finance (New York, 1976),61–2.

30. Cited in Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?“ For detailedanalyses of the various ad hoc measures, see, generally, Gavin, Gold,Dollars, and Power, forthcoming.

31. Triffin, The World Money Maze: National Currencies in InternationalPayments, 249.

32. David L. Stebenne, Arthur J. Goldberg: New Deal Liberal (New York, 1996),295–300.

33. See, generally, Jonathan Lee, “Kennedy, Johnson, and the Dilemma ofMultinational Corporations: American Foreign Policy in the 1960s,” inEssays in Economic and Business History 14 (1996), 322–5. For debatewithin the administration, see, for example, Meeting on the Economyand the Budget, 30 July 1962, transcribed by Gavin and David Shreve inThe Presidential Recordings of JFK, vol. 2, 54–79.

34. C. Douglas Dillon, “The Kennedy Presidency: The EconomicDimension,” in The Kennedy Presidency: Seventeen Intimate Perspectives ofJohn F. Kennedy, ed. Kenneth W. Thompson (Lanham, MD, 1997), 131–2.

35. Walter Heller, “John F. Kennedy and the Economy,” in Thompson, ed.The Kennedy Presidency, 153. For Kennedy’s attacks on economic myths,see Bernstein, Promises Kept, 148.

36. Kennedy’s tax cut was passed in 1964. Bernstein, Promises Kept, 152–9.For a sound analysis of the politics of Keynesian and counter-Keynesiandoctrine in the post-World War II era, see Alan Wolfe, America’s Impasse(New York, 1981), 49–108.

37. Benjamin Bradlee, Conversations with Kennedy (New York, 1975), 84.38. Notes on luncheon at Glen Ora (Kennedy, Alphand, Bohlen, Malraux,

Bundy), 13 May 1962, RG 59, Bohlen Records, Lot 74D379, box 18,folder: memcons. Ben Bradlee, Conversations with Kennedy, 92.

39. Conversation between Giscard d’Estaing and James Tobin, 1 June 1962,Heller papers, reel 24: European budget study file. For Heller’s study ofFrench economic planning, see, e.g., Heller, “Capital BudgetingExperience in Five European Countries,” May 1962, Walter Hellerpapers, reel 21: Budget (federal) file; and memorandum, Bundy toHeller, 14 May 1962, ibid., reel 24: European budget study file.

40. Remarks by Larre at a meeting of the AFL-CIO Research Directors,Washington, D.C., 15 May 1962, Fonds trésor: Tome 15, Rélations bilat-erales avec les États-Unis, Côte B 10917, dossier: balance des paiments,Archives économiques et financières, Ministère de l’économie et desfinances, Paris, France.

41. Business Week, 5 June, 1962, 32.42. Memorandum, Bundy to Heller, 14 May 1962, Heller papers, reel 24; file

European budget study. For French perception of Kennedy’s motives,see Jacques Rueff to Philip Cortney, 31 May 1962, ibid. Ribicoff file.

Notes 201

43. Address in Atlantic City at the Convention of the United Auto Workers,8 May 1962, Public Papers of the Presidents, 369. By autumn 1962,Kennedy was making a campaign issue out of the growth race with theSoviets. See “Remarks by telephone to a Democratic rally at St. Cloud,Minnesota,” 7 October 1962, ibid., 748. He made almost verbatimcomments at a dinner of the Democratic Party of Cook County, Illinoison 19 October 1962: See “Remarks at a dinner of the Democratic partyof Cook County,” 19 October 1962, ibid., 802.

44. Summary of President Kennedy’s remarks to the 496th meeting of theNational Security Council, 18 January 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 8: 239.

45. Ibid.46. Carl Kaysen oral history, 90–1. On one occasion, Kennedy declared that

“there is no problem of foreign policy – not Berlin, Laos, or nucleartesting – which is more important than the balance of payments,because the solution of all of our foreign policy problems depends onour finding a solution to the balance of payments problem.” See memo-randum of presidential meeting on foreign aid and the balance ofpayments, 22 June 1962, Kermit Gordon papers, box 24, folder: balanceof payment matters, JFKL.

47. Douglas Dillon to Kennedy, 25 May 1962, NSF, Departments andAgencies, box 289, folder: Treasury, 1/61–5/62, JFKL.

48. For the term “gold battles,” see Francis Gavin, “The Gold Battles withinthe Cold War: American Monetary Policy and the Defense of Europe,1960–1963,” Diplomatic History 26 (Winter 2002), 61–94. Where Idisagree is over the seriousness that the Kennedy administrationaccorded to troop withdrawals from Europe. I see it as a tactical counter-threat rather than a serious policy proposal.

49. See, Carl Kaysen to Kennedy, 19 January 1962, JFK POF, Staff memos,box 64, folder: Kaysen. On Eisenhower’s intention to return U.S. troopsfrom Europe, see, generally, Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 200–6;and Gavin, “The Myth of Flexible Response.”

50. Memorandum of Meeting (JFK, Alphand, Malraux, Lebel, Bundy), 11May 1962, FRUS, 13: 695. For figures on French dollar conversion, seeUS Net Monetary Gold Transactions with Foreign Countries andInternational Institutions, 1 January 1962–30 June 1962, Fonds Trésor:Vol. 15, Relations bilatérales avec les États-Unis, côte B10915, folder:Budget, 1956–65.

51. U. Alexis Johnson (deputy under-secretary) to Paul Nitze, 23 May 1962,CDF 711.51, box 1473, folder: 5–162.

52. “Military and Related Aspects of Basic National Security Policy,” 6 June1962, JFK NSF, Subjects series, box 330, folder: basic national security,6/62.

53. U. Alexis Johnson to Roswell Gilpatric, 19 June 1962, CDF 711.51, box1473, folder: 5–162.

54. Meeting about Berlin, 3 August 1962, tape 6, transcribed by author, inMiller Center of Public Affairs, The Presidential Recordings of John F.Kennedy, vol. 1, 203–26.


55. William Tyler (European Desk, Department of State) to Johnson, memo-randum, 17 August 1962, CDF 751.5/8–162, box 1741. August 17memo: “It was agreed at a Dillon–Gilpatric–Kohler lunch last June 7 thatUS troop withdrawals from Italy should not be used as a threat in thosenegotiations.”

56. US Embassy in London to Department of State, “De Gaulle and DollarDiplomacy,” 13 June 1962, Ball papers, box 156, folder: balance-of-payments dispute. Courcel to Ministry, telegram, 27 June 1962, Pactes,Politique de l’OTAN, carton 409, dossier: entretiens bipartites/Rusk-Home, juin-juillet 1962. Privately, Macmillan stressed his desire to seeinternational liquidity expand in tandem with increasing world tradeand his concerns lest France and Germany hoard gold. See Macmillan,At the End of the Day, 383.

57. Gavin to Rusk, 12 July 1962, JFK NSF: France, box 79, folder: general,6/62–8/62.

58. J.R. Fears, France in the Giscard Presidency (London, 1981), 1–18. See alsoEntretien biographique de Claude Pierre-Brossolette, entretien 5, 28.

59. Jacques Reinstein (Minister-Counselor, US Embassy Paris), circulartelegram, 29 June 1962, RG 84, France, box 64, folder: Investment ofCapital.

60. Ball to Kennedy, “A Fresh Approach to the Gold Problem,” 24 July 1962,Ball papers, box 156, folder: balance-of-payments dispute, cited inGavin and Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”

61. Ibid.62. No record of Giscard’s meeting with Kennedy has been found. Kennedy

mentions some of the points they discussed in a later meeting withFederal Reserve Chairman William Martin. See Meeting on the Gold andDollar Crisis, 16 August 1962, transcribed by Gavin, The PresidentialRecordings of John F. Kennedy, vol. 1, 464–79.

63. Memorandum of Conversation, 20 July 1962, FRUS, 13: 731–5. Ibid. 21July 1962, JFK NSF: France, box 79, folder: meetings 1962, cited in Gavinand Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”

64. François Bourricaud and Pascal Salin, Présence de Jacques Rueff (Paris,1989), 11.

65. Alphand, L’étonnement d’être, 381. See, also, entretien Couve–Gromykoin Geneva, 21 July 1962, Secrétariat général, Entretiens et messages,1956–66, 16: 179–81, cited in Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony orVulnerability?”

66. In September 1962, Giscard began talking about a CRU, a proposalwhich was debated intermittently until 1965. See, for example, Loriaux,France after Hegemony, 185–6. See, also, Samy Cohen and Marie-ClaudeSmoute, La Politique de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Paris, 1985), 146–8; andBourguinat, “Le général de Gaulle et la réforme du système monétaireinternational: la contestation manquée de l’hégémonie du dollar,” in DeGaulle en son siècle, 116–117, cited in Gavin and Mahan, “Hegemony orVulnerability?”

Notes 203

67. Meeting about the international economy, 20 August 1962, transcribedby Gavin, in the Miller Center of Public Affairs, The Presidential Recordingof John F. Kennedy, vol. 1, 489–525.

68. Loriaux, France after Hegemony, 185.69. Meeting on the Gold and Dollar Crisis, 16 August 1962, transcribed by

Gavin, Presidential Recordings of Kennedy, vol. 1, 462–524, cited in Gavinand Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”

70. Meeting on the Gold and Dollar Crisis, 10 August 1962, ibid.; andMeeting on the Gold and Dollar Crisis, 20 August 1962, ibid,, cited inGavin and Mahan, “Hegemony or Vulnerability?”

71. Address at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 4 July 1962, Public Papers ofthe Presidents: John F. Kennedy, 538.

72. See, for example, Jacques Rueff, “Deux pyramides du crédit sur le stockd’or des États-Unis,” Le Monde, 23 June 1961; Rueff, “Un danger pourl’occident: le gold-exchanges standard,” ibid., 27 June 1961; and Rueff,“Comment sortir du système?“ ibid., 29 June 1961.

73. United States Net Monetary Gold Transactions with Foreign Countriesand International Institutions, 1 January 1963 – 30 June 1963, FondsTrésor, vol. 19, relations monétaires-États-Unis, 1962–1978, côte Z9984,folder: Transactions d’or monétaire avec l’étranger.

7 The Cuban Missile Crisis and the Making of theDouble Non

1. Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle (Paris, 1991), 375.2. See, for example, Frank Costigliola, “Kennedy, the European Allies, and

the Failure to Consult,” Political Science Quarterly (Summer 1996),105–23; Josephine Brain, “Dealing with de Gaulle,” in Mark J. White,ed., Kennedy: The New Frontier Revisited (New York, 1998), 173–4; andMaurice Vaïsse, “Une hirondelle ne fait pas le printemps: la France et lacrise de Cuba,” in Vaïsse, ed., L’Europe et la crise de Cuba (Paris, 1993),89–105.

3. Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 399.4. For an authoritative account of Soviet motives and actions during the

Cuban missile crisis, see Alexander Fursenko and Timothy Naftali, OneHell of a Gamble. For a persuasive analysis, though based on circum-stantial evidence about Soviet aims, see Graham Allison and PhilipZelikow, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, 2nd edn.(New York, 1999), 99–109.

5. Meeting about Europe and General Diplomatic Matters, 30 July 1962,transcribed by George Eliades and Timothy Naftali, in The Miller Centerof Public Affairs, The Presidential Recordings of Kennedy, vol. 1, 45.

6. Meeting about Berlin, 3 August 1962, transcribed by author, ThePresidential Recordings of JFK, vol. 1, 212.

7. Meeting about Berlin, 29 August 1962, ibid., 633.8. John C. Ausland, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Berlin–Cuba Crisis,


1961–1964, 59–63.9. Report by the Military Sub-Group of the Washington Ambassadorial

Group, 12 September 1962, FRUS, 1962–1963, 15: 315–0.10. Conversation between Couve and Kennedy, telegram by Alphand, 9

October 1962, Secrétariat général series, entretiens et messages,1956–66, reel 17: 74, Archives diplomatiques, Ministry of ForeignAffairs, Paris.

11. Alphand to Couve, 7 September 1962, Documents diplomatiques français,1962, vol. 2 (Paris, 1999), 186–7.

12. Memorandum of conversation between Couve et Rusk, 7 October 1962,Secrétariat général, entretiens et messages, 1956–1966, 17: 49–58,Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

13. Kai Bird, The Color of Truth: McGeorge and William Bundy, Brothers inArms (New York, 1999), 227. Ex Comm members included throughoutthe next two weeks were Bundy; the president’s brother and attorneygeneral, Robert; White House aide and speechwriter, TheodoreSorenson; vice-president Lyndon Johnson; Treasury secretary C.Douglas Dillon; chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General MaxwellTaylor; defense secretary Robert McNamara; deputy defense secretariesRoswell Gilpatric and Paul Nitze; secretary of state Dean Rusk; under-secretary of state George Ball; assistant secretary of state for LatinAmerica Edwin Martin; deputy under-secretary of state for political-mili-tary affairs U. Alexis Johnson; Ambassador-at-Large Llewellyn “Tommy”Thompson; newly appointed Ambassador to France, Charles (“Chip”)Bohlen; deputy CIA director Marshall Carter who filled in for DirectorJohn McCone while he was away dealing with an ailing family member;former secretary of state Dean Acheson; US Ambassador to the UnitedNations Adlai Stevenson; and Arthur Lundahl of the CIA’s NationalPhotographic Interpretation Center.

14. Reported in telegram, Kohler (US ambassador to the Soviet Union) tothe Department of State, 16 October 1962, FRUS, 1961–1962, 15: 361.

15. Fursenko and Naftali, One Hell of a Gamble, 223.16. James G. Richter, Khrushchev’s Double Bind: International Pressures and

Domestic Coalition Politics (Baltimore, 1994), 150.17. Meetings on the Cuban Missile Crisis, 16 October 1962, transcribed by

Philip Zelikow, The Presidential Recordings of JFK, vol. 2, 397–468. Almosta year before to the date, when Soviet and US tanks faced off atCheckpoint Charlie, Kennedy had used back channel diplomacythrough Soviet intelligence officer Georgi Bolshakov to encourageKhrushchev to seek a resolution.

18. Hillenbrand, Fragments of Time, 202.19. Ibid., 203.20. Ausland, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Berlin–Cuba Crisis, 1961–1964, 71.21. Meeting with West German Foreign Minister Gerhard Schroeder, 17

October 1962, transcribed by Zelikow and author, Presidential Recordingsof JFK, vol. 2.

Notes 205

22. Richter, Khrushchev’s Double Bind, 150.23. Memorandum of conversation between Kennedy and Gromyko, 18

October 1962, JFK NSF: Countries series, box 185, folder: USSR,Gromyko Talks, JFKL.

24. Off the Record Meeting on Cuba, 16 October 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963,11: 72.

25. Kennedy’s detractors argue that his insistence on proving his toughnesscompelled him to recklessly court nuclear annihilation by forcing ashowdown over Soviet missiles in Cuba. Understanding the linkage thatthe Kennedy administration saw between Cuba and Berlin casts thepresident’s actions as a tempered response. This conclusion was influ-enced by numerous discussions with P. Zelikow.

26. Allison and Zelikow, Essence of Decision, 230.27. Minutes of the 506th meeting of the National Security Council, 20

October 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 11: 135–6.28. Minutes of the 506th meeting of the NSC, 21 October 1962, ibid., 11:

148. For a study of the Jupiter missiles, see, Philip Nash, The OtherMissiles of October (Chapel Hill, 1997), 117–49. The withdrawal of theJupiters had been planned before the outbreak of the Cuban crisis andtheir removal was not a contentious issue with France or the major WestEuropean nations.

29. Rusk to Kennedy, 25 October 1962, RG 59 Records of Policy PlanningStaff, Lot 69D121, box 236, folder: H. Owen chronological July–Dec.1962. See, also, Rusk to Kennedy, 2 November 1962, RG 59 Records ofPPS, box 215, folder: France, 1962.

30. Conversation between de Gaulle and Dean Acheson, 22 October 1962,Documents diplomatiques français, 2: 315–19. The British government wasalso informed and favored the option of a quarantine.

31. Hans Peter Schwarz, “Adenauer et la crise de Cuba,” in Vaïsse, ed.,L’Europe et la crise de Cuba, 83.

32. Réunion des ministres des affaires étrangères des six pays la CEE, Brussels,23 October 1962, Secrétariat général, Entretiens et messages, 1956–66, 17:101, Diplomatic archives, French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

33. Ibid., 101–5.34. Alphand to Secrétariat général de la défense nationale, 23 octobre 1962,

État-Major des Armées, OTAN: Conseil de l’atlantique nord, 1961–63,carton 12S75, dossier: concept stratégique, 1962–63. See, also, Laloy toSecrétariat général de la défense nationale, ibid. For US firmness on theBerlin question, see, for example, Abbott Smith (Acting Chairman of theOffice of National Estimates of the CIA) to John McCone (Director ofthe CIA), memorandum, 23 October 1962, FRUS, 1962–1963, 15: 394–5.

35. Hillenbrand, Fragments of Our Time, 203.36. Kermit Gordon (Council of Economic Advisors), memorandum for Ball

and Heller, 26 October 1962, Heller papers, reel 13: Monnet file.37. Paul Nitze, “Berlin in Light of Cuba,” attachment to memorandum for

Kennedy, undated, FRUS, 1961–1963, 15: 414–15.


38. Kennedy to Khrushchev, 14 December 1962, JFK NSF: Countries, box184, folder: USSR, Khrushchev correspondence 11/20/62–12/14/62,JFKL.

39. See, generally, Pierre M. Gallois, “Les conséquences de la crise de Cubasur l’alliance,” in Vaïsse, ed., L’Europe et la crise de Cuba, 171–6.

40. De Gaulle to Macmillan, 6 November 1962, Cabinet du ministre, Couvede Murville, dossier 149 (Présidence de la République), MAE; de Gaulleto Kennedy, 1 December 1962, ibid.

41. Scholars disagree over who was the architect of the Franco-GermanTreaty of Friendship. Comments of Pierre Maillard, Günter Diehl, HorstOsterheld, Sigismund von Braun, and Jacques Morizet, “La genèse dutraité franco-allemand,” in De Gaulle en son siècle, ed. by the Charles deGaulle Institute (Paris, 1992), 5: 416–20. For an excellent analysis, seeSchwarz, Konrad Adenauer, 596–627.

42. De Gaulle to Adenauer, 20 September 1962, Europe 1961–65,République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1574 (préparation dutraité/septembre 1962–janvier 1963), Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Rolandde Margérie (French ambassador to West Germany) to Ministry ofForeign Affairs, telegram, 10 November 1962, ibid.; Roland de Margérieto Ministry of Foreign Affairs, telegram, 12 November 1962, ibid.

43. De Gaulle to Adenauer, 19 November 1962, Korrespondenz des HerrnBundeskanzler mit de Gaulle, Stiftung-Bundeskanzler-Adenauer-Haus,Rhöndorf, Germany; and Adenauer to de Gaulle, 20 November 1962,ibid.

44. Ormsby-Gore oral history, 61–2, JFKL.45. Margerie to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 5 January 1963, Europe 1961–65,

République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1565 (relations avec les Etats-Unis 1963), Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

46. John F. Kennedy dictabelt XXXa, 28 November 1963, transcribed byauthor, JFK POF, Presidential Recordings, Cassette J, TelephoneRecordings Transcripts, JFKL.

47. Rusk to McNamara, 5 December 1962, RG 59, CDG 711.51, box 1473,folder: 11–262.

48. Roland de Margerie to Secrétariat général de la défense nationale, 20December 1962, État-Major des Armées, OTAN: Conseil de l’atlantiquenord, 1961–62, carton 12S75, dossier: concept stratégique, 1962–63,SHAT. The British objections to proposed US strategy for NATO hadbeen set forth earlier in 1962 in a White Paper. See, Defense WhitePaper, 9 February 1962, CAB 129/108 [C.23(62)], Public Records Office.

49. Tête-à-tête entre de Gaulle et Adenauer, 21 January 1963, 9 am session,Secrétariat général, Entretiens et messages, 1956–1966, vol. 18: 46–62,Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

50. Ibid., 18: 46–62. For quote, see p. 54.51. Pierre Messmer, Après tant de batailles: mémoires (Paris, 1992), 293.52. Peter Thorneycroft (British defense minister) to Harold Macmillan,

“Visit to Paris 16th to 19th October,” 24 October 1962, PREM 11/3712.53. De Courcel to Couve de Murville, 3 December 1962, Pactes, Politique de

Notes 207

l’OTAN, carton 409, dossier: visite de Macmillan à Paris; entretiens deNassau. For a good analysis of the Nassau deal, see Trachtenberg, AConstructed Peace, 359–67.

54. Record of conversation between D.P. Reilly (Foreign Office) and OlivierWormser (French Director General of Economic Affairs), 29 March 1963,FO 371/169122, PRO.

55. Philip de Zulueta to Macmillan, “Rambouillet and Anglo-FrenchRelations in the Nuclear Field,” 7 December 1962, PREM 11/3712.

56. For revised interpretations of the Nassau agreement, which show that itwas neither a surprise arrangement to deal with British political exigen-cies nor a continuation of US defense policy, see Trachtenberg, AConstructed Peace, 360–70. See, also, Richard E. Neustadt, Report to JFK:The Skybolt Crisis in Perspective (Ithaca, New York, 1999).

57. Conversation among Couve and George Ball and Bohlen, 10 January1963, SG, Entretiens et messages, 18: 11–16.

58. Messmer, Mémoires, 293, 326.59. Note for Couve de Murville, “Principales étapes de l’évolution allemand

sur le projet de force atomique multilatérale,” unsigned, 1 July 1963,Europe 1961–65, République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1575 (entre-tiens franco-allemands des 4 et 5 juillet 1963 à Bonn, MAE. Record ofconversation between Adenauer et Ball, 14 January 1963, SG, Entretienset messages, 1956–66, 18: 18–23.

60. Roland de Margérie to Couve, letter, 31 January 63, Europe 1961–1963,République Fédérale d’Allemagne, dossier 1571 (janvier-février 1963),MAE; Pierre Maillard, De Gaulle et l’Europe, 220.

61. This conclusion extends the focus of bilateral burden-sharing discussedin David G. Haglund, Alliance Within the Alliance?: Franco-GermanMilitary Cooperation and the European Pillar of Defense (Boulder, CO,1991), 53.

8 Debating Détente

1. Dean Rusk, As I Saw It (New York, 1990), 240.2. See, for example, Alfred Grosser, The Western Alliance: European-

American Relations since 1945 (New York, 1980), 206–8. And, PascalineWinand, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the United States of Europe (New York,1993), 315–29.

3. Memorandum for the record, “Meeting with President Kennedy of 12January 1963,” 15 January 1963, JFK NSF, Series: Meeting withPresident, box 317, folder: 1/63–2/17/63, JFKL.

4. (Emphasis in the original), memorandum, Bundy to Kennedy, 30January 1963, James M. Gavin papers, box 21, folder: letters to Presidentabout de Gaulle, US Army Institute, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

5. Although this analysis draws different conclusions about the effects ofthe Atlantic alliance politics on a European settlement in 1963, theframework of interpretive questions was influenced by Marc


Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace: The Making of the European Settlement,1945–1963 (Princeton, 1999), 379–98. For Kennedy quote, see, 375. ForAdenauer’s commitment to NATO, see Schwarz, Konrad Adenauer, 597.

6. Alain Peyrefitte, C’était de Gaulle (Paris, 1994), vol. 1, 379.7. This analysis expands upon the phases and linkages between de Gaulle’s

policies toward Germany and French attitudes on Ostpolitik and détenteoffered in Michael Stürmer, “De Gaulle, l’Allemagne et l’Ostpolitik,” inDe Gaulle en son siècle, vol. 5 (Paris, 1992), 480–9. For Adenauer quote,see Schwarz, Adenauer, 687.

8. Stanley Hoffman, Gulliver’s Troubles, or the Setting of American ForeignPolicy (New York, 1968), 171–2 and 451–2.

9. Summary record of NSC Executive Council meeting no. 38 (Part III), 25January 1963, JFK NSF, box 316, folder: Executive Committee Meeting38, JFKL.

10. Current Intelligence Weekly Review, 25 January 1963, FRUS, 1961–1963,5: 614. Roger Hilsman to George Ball, memorandum on “Reported deGaulle Plan for an East-West Settlement,” 26 January 1963, RG 59Records of Llewellyn Thompson, Lot 67D2, box 5, folder: Europeanpolicy. Walt W. Rostow to Ball, memorandum on “De Gaulle’s AllegedIntent,” 26 January 1963, ibid.

11. Paul Nitze, draft memorandum to Llewellyn Thompson and CarlKaysen, 1 February 1963, RG 59, Records of Llewellyn Thompson, Lot67D2, box 5, folder: European policy.

12. Two leading scholars of de Gaulle’s and Adenauer’s tenures brieflymention these causes. See, Vaïsse, La grandeur, 255–6; Schwarz,Adenauer, 598–601, 631.

13. Summary record of NSC Executive Council meeting no. 38 (Part III), 25January 1963, JFK NSF, box 316 folder: Executive Committee Meeting38, JFKL.

14. The administration alone did not determine policy, and congressionaltalk of a European retrenchment followed in the wake of de Gaulle’sdouble non and signing of the Franco-German treaty. See “Should U.S.Maintain Protection?” Congressional Quarterly Weekly Digest, 8 February,1963, 165–7.

15. Rusk to McNamara, 23 January 1963, CDF 711.51, box 1473, folder:1–562, National Archives II, College Park, Maryland; and memorandum,Rostow to Kennedy, 4 February 1963, FRUS, 1961–1963, 9: 161–2.

16. Discussion between de Gaulle and Serge Vinogradov (Soviet ambassadorto France), 29 January 1963, Secrétariat général, Entretiens et messages,1956–66, microfilm vol. 18: 115. Letters, Khrushchev to de Gaulle(passed through Serge Vinogradov), 29 January 1963 and 5 February1963, Cabinet du ministre, Couve de Murville, dossier 76. “Réponse dugouvernment français à la note du gouvernment soviétique du 5 février1963,” 30 March 1963, Europe 1961–65, République Fédéraled’Allemagne, dossier 1574 (réactions étrangères au traité), MAE.

17. Maurice Dejean (French ambassador to Moscow) to Ministry of Foreign

Notes 209

Affairs, Europe 1961–65, URSS, dossier 1930 (relations politiques franco-sovietéiques).

18. Couve de Murville to Hervé Alphand, 28 February 1963, Cabinet duministre, Couve de Murville, dossier 64: affaires atomiques. For mutualconcerns between Paris and Bonn over US moves toward détente, see,for example, Roland de Margerie (French ambassador to Bonn) toMinistry of Foreign Affairs, 26 February 1963, Europe 1961–1965, RFA,dossier 1571 (janvier–février 1963).

19. There are few studies of de Gaulle’s views on détente for the early 1960s.For a general “rivalry/complicity” framework that covers his entire pres-idency, see Marie Mendras, “The French Connection: an UncertainFactor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe,” Annals of the AmericanAcademy of Political and Social Science 481 (September 1985), 29–40.

20. David Ormsby-Gore Oral history, 57, JFKL. 21. Khrushchev to Kennedy, 29 December 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 6: 241.22. Kohler (US Ambassador to Soviet Union) to Bruce, memorandum, 8

February 1963, W. Averell Harriman papers, Manuscript Division,Library of Congress, Washington, DC, box 560, folder: 3.

23. It is beyond the scope of this analysis to provide a comprehensivehistory of the test ban treaty. For such studies, see, Arthur H. Dean, TestBan and Disarmament: The Path of Negotiation (New York, 1966); GlennT. Seaborg, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Test Ban (Berkley, 1981);Bernard J. Firestone, “Kennedy and the Test Ban: Presidential Leadershipand Arms Control,” in Brinkley and Griffiths, eds., John F. Kennedy andEurope, 66–94.

24. “Overall Thoughts on a MLF en route from Ankara to Naples,”Livingston Merchant, 29 April 1963, Livingston Merchant papers, box10, folder: MLF (1 of 3), Mudd Library, Princeton, NJ. See, generally,Lawrence S. Kaplan, “A MLF Debate,” in Brinkley and Griffiths, eds.,John F. Kennedy and Europe, 60–5.

25. Conversation between Couve et Rusk, 7 April 1963, Pactes 1961–70,carton 409, dossier: entretiens bipartites/visite de Rusk à Paris.

26. Vaïsse, La Grandeur, 372–81.27. Macmillan to foreign secretary, personal minute, 12 April 1963, PREM

11/4221. See, generally, Donette Murray, Kennedy, Macmillan andNuclear Weapons (London, 1999).

28. Quoted in James A. Bill, George Ball: Behind the Scenes in US Foreign Policy(New Haven, 1997), 115.

29. Conclusions of Cabinet Meeting, 23 May 1963, CAB 128/37 [C.C34(63)]. As British stalling continued, Ormsby-Gore declared that “if weare going to go on pouring cold water on their project it really will benecessary for us to put forward a carefully considered alternative, whichin particular, will meet the German problem.” See, Ormsby-Gore toHarold Caccia, 11 July 1963, PREM 11/4579. For a summary of Britishobjections, see Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Cabinet paper,“NATO Nuclear Force: Mixed-Manned Component,” 28 May 1963, CAB129/113, [C. P.(63) 95].


30. For a chronology of West German attitudes, see note, “Principalesétapes de l’évolution allemand sur le projet de force atomique multi-latérale,” unsigned, 1 July 1963, Europe 1961–65, RFA, dossier 1575,entretiens franco-allemands. See, also, Cristoph Bluth, Britain, Germany,and Western Nuclear Strategy (Oxford, 1995), 87–95.

31. Ormsby-Gore oral history, JFKL, 89.32. “JCS Views on MLF,” memorandum for General Maxwell Taylor, 1 June

1963, Maxwell Taylor papers, National Defense University,Washington, DC. See also, D.W. Wilson (US Navy, European branch) toTaylor, memorandum, undated, probably late March 1963, RG 218,Records of General Maxwell Taylor, box 37, folder:Nassau/Jupiter/Skybolt, MLF.

33. George C. McGhee, On the Frontline in the Cold War: An AmbassadorReports (Westport, 1997), 165.

34. Douglas Brinkley, Dean Acheson: The Cold War (New Haven, 1992), 191.Jacques Binoche, De Gaulle et les allemands, 144.

35. Adenauer Informationsgespräch mit Cyrus Sulzberger, 22 July 1963,Hans-Peter Mensing, ed., Adenauer: Teegespräche, 1961–1963 (Berlin,1992), 403.

36. “Commencement address at American University in Washington,” 10June 1963, Public Papers of the Presidents, 459–64. A direct telecommuni-cation line was established between Washington and Moscow on 20June 1963.

37. Memorandum of conversation between Georgi M. Kornienko (Chargéd’affaires, Soviet Embassy) and Jacob D. Beam (Arms Control andDisarmament Agency), 21 June 1963, Harriman papers, Library ofCongress. Colette Barbier, “La force multilatérale,” Relations interna-tionales (Spring 1990), 13–14.

38. Rostow to Harriman, memorandum, 2 July 1963, Harriman papers, box560, folder: 3.

39. Harold Caccia, note on his conversation with David Bruce (US ambas-sador to Great Britain), 8 July 1963, PREM 11/4579. See, generally,Alistair Horne, Macmillan.

40. Memorandum of conversation between de Gaulle and Adenauer atRambouillet, afternoon session, 21 September 1963, Cabinet duministre, Couve de Murville, dossier: 347.

41. See, for example, De Margerie to Ministry of Foreign Affairs, telegram, 8September 1963, Europe, RFA, dossier 1564 (politique extérieure).

42. Memorandum of conversation at Ministerial Meeting of the NorthAtlantic Council, Ottawa, Canada, 23 May 1963, FRUS, 1962–1963, 15:513–18.

43. The Soviet Union first mentioned the possibility of a NATO–Warsawnon-aggression pact at Geneva in 1955. Like most East–West questions,however, it was discussed intermittently and unsuccessfully for years.

44. “Shock treatment” and foot corn metaphors are invoked by formerKhrushchev speechwriter, Oleg Troianovskii in his memoirs, Through

Notes 211

Time and Space, and discussed in Timothy Naftali, “Trachtenberg onEurope’s Cold War Chessboard,” Orbis (Spring 2000), 1–16.

45. Khrushchev to Kennedy, 12 December 1962, FRUS, 1961–1963, 6: 230.46. In speaking about a “web of linkages“ over Berlin, the overall German

question, and the test ban treaty, Marc Trachtenberg exaggerates thecentrality of German nuclear capability to both the on-going Berlincrisis and a European settlement in 1963. See Marc Trachtenberg, AConstructed Peace, 388–402. For a convincing rebuttal, see TimothyNaftali, “Trachtenberg on Europe’s Cold War Chessboard,” Orbis (Spring2000), 11. Naftali argues that Khrushchev’s “not playing the Berlin cardin 1962–63 was perhaps less the product of a new European settlementthan of the Kremlin’s reluctant acceptance of the international statusquo.” In other words, although Khrushchev sought to stabilize CentralEurope, his conception of a European settlement did not revolve solelyaround the issue of German nuclear capability.

47. Foy Kohler (US ambassador to the Soviet Union), “KhrushchevProposals – Private statements and speeches of July 19 and 26, 1963,”undated (probably late July 1963), Foy Kohler papers, box 78, folder: 20(conversations with Khrushchev), Ward M. Canaday Center, Universityof Toledo, Toledo, Ohio.

48. This analysis was influenced by James G. Richter, Khrushchev’s DoubleBind: International Pressures and Domestic Coalition Politics (Baltimore,1994), 173.

49. Wireless File No. 192, 11 July 1963, Background, Test Ban Treaty, Tripsand Missions file, box 560, Harriman papers. Harriman, memorandumconcerning the Soviet Union, Briefing Book, Test Ban Treaty, Trips andMissions File, box 561, ibid. See, generally, Gordon Chang, “JFK, China,and the Bomb,” Journal of American History (March 1988).

50. For cable of Kennedy to Harriman, see Seaborg, Kennedy, Khrushchev, andthe Test Ban, 239. For a provocative examination of US–Soviet motivestoward China, see Gordon Chang, “JFK, China, and the Bomb,” TheJournal of American History, 1295. See, also, Chang, Friends and Enemies(Stanford, 1990), 241–7.

51. See, generally, Seaborg, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Test Ban, 238–42.For British involvement and engineering for a test ban treaty, seeAllistair Horne, Macmillan, 1957–1986, vol. 2 (London, 1989), 503–12and 518–26.

52. Conversation between Kennedy and Couve de Murville, 25 May 1963,Pactes, carton 409, dossier: entretiens Couve-Kennedy. For Frenchmonitoring of Chinese development of nuclear capability, see, forexample, S. Mieux (French ambassador to Beijing) to Foreign Ministry,telegram, 22 August 1963, Pactes, Politique de l’OTAN, carton 409,dossier: atome/général.

53. U. Alexis Johnson to McGeorge Bundy, memorandum, 2 August 1963,RG 59 Records of Department of State, Central Policy Files, box 3722,folder: Defense Affairs-Armaments. See also “The President’s News


Conference,” 1 August 1963, Public Papers of the Presidents: John F.Kennedy, 1963, 613.

54. Rostow to Rusk, memorandum, 1 August 1963, RG 59, Records ofThompson, Lot 67D2, box 6, folder: France.

55. De Gaulle to Kennedy, 2 August 1963, Cabinet du ministre, Couve deMurville, dossier: 347 (échange de messages et notes).

56. John Van Oudenaren, Détente in Europe: The Soviet Union and the Westsince 1953 (Durham, NC, 1991), 172.

57. Off-the-Record Meeting (Kennedy, Harriman, Bundy, Kaysen), 31 July1963, transcript by author, JFK POF, Presidential recordings, tape102/A38, JFKL.

58. Meeting about European defense, 30 July 1963, transcript by author JFKPOF, Presidential Recordings, tape 102/A38, JFKL.

59. Schroeder to Couve, 2 October 1963, Cabinet du ministre, Couve deMurville, dossier 347 (échange de messages et notes).

60. Memorandum of conversation (Ball, Bohlen, Couve and Alphand), 8October 1963, RG 59, Central Policy File, 1963, box 3912, folder: poli-cies of France–West Germany.

61. The scholarly literature is unclear and somewhat misleading on theestablishment of a European settlement in 1963. See, for example,Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace, 352–402, which argues that there wasone. For Berlin quote, see, Robert Komer to Bundy, memorandum, 16October 1963, JFK NSF: Staff memos, box 322, folder: Komer,6/63–11/63. On the question of continued East–West tensions in Berlin,see, generally, John C. Ausland, Kennedy, Khrushchev, and theBerlin–Cuba Crisis, 1961–1964 (Oslo, 1996), 79–90. For Kennedy’spersonal preoccupation, see meeting about Berlin, JFK POF, PresidentialRecordings, tape 118/A55/Cassette 1 of 2, transcript by author.

62. See, for example, Horst Osterheld, Außenpolitik unter BundeskanzlerLudwig Erhard, 1961–1963: Ein dokumentarischer Bericht aus demKanzleramt (Düsseldorf, 1992), 30.

63. Memorandum of conversation between de Gaulle and Ludwig Erhard,afternoon session, 21 November 1963, Europe 1961–65, RFA, dossier1575: entretiens entre de Gaulle et Erhard.

64. Record of Lord Avon’s conversation with de Gaulle, 11 June 1963, FO371/169124, PRO.

65. See, Michael J. Sodaro, Moscow, Germany, and the West from Khrushchevto Gorbachev (Ithaca, 1990), 43.

66. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, 259. Maurice Couve de Murville, Une poli-tique étrangère, 1958–1969 (Paris, 1971), 179–81.

67. Ormsby-Gore oral history, JFKL, 24–5.

Notes 213

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Acheson, Dean, 20, 38, 42, 52–3,56, 128, 135

Adenauer, Konrad, 5, 7, 19, 36–8,40, 42–3, 56, 59–63, 65, 81, 84,86–8, 95–6, 135, 137–42, 144f

Algeria, 3, 7, 8, 19, 26, 57, 91,104–5

Alphand, Hervé, 30, 53, 65, 104,131, 136

Ball, George, 22, 32, 73, 76, 78–9,96–101, 113–15, 212, 121–5,134, 136, 141–2, 149, 159

Baumgartner, Wilfrid, 4, 29, 92,110, 112–15, 122

Berlin Crisisand 1958, 6, 51, 53, 119and 1961, 9, 39, 48–66; 84f, 94,

108, 121, 129f, 143, 152,160–2, 164

Bohlen, Charles, 114, 132, 147, 159Brandt, Willy, 20, 160Bretton Woods, 2, 107, 110–15,

123f, 166–7Britain

and balance of payments, 5, 35,93, 110, 115, 118–25

and Berlin, 84, 130Common Market, 10, 37, 41, 43,

75, 81, 84, 91f, 129, 165–6nuclear weapons,7, 67, 76, 81,

140–1, 148fand West Germany, 25, 58–9, 69

Bundy, McGeorge, 20, 53, 74–7, 81,118, 131, 143, 157

China, 32, 52, 71, 155–7Clappier, Bernard, 93, 101Common Agricultural Policy, 28,

90f, 101–6, 163

Common Market, see EuropeanEconomic Community

Congo, 40, 46, 48, 160Council of Economic Advisers,

21, 34, 89–90, 116–17, 122,136

Couve de Murville, Maurice, 29–30,32, 54, 58, 75, 112–15, 124,131, 135, 147, 149, 156

Cuban Missile Crisis, 9, 63, 128f,148, 164

Debré, Michel, 25, 78, 92, 94, 101,108

De Gaulle, Charles, and Adenauer,36–8, 60, 62, 144f

and Algeria, 2background, 13–16and Berlin, 46, 49–66, 85, 164and Bretton Woods, 107f, 164and Common Agricultural Policy

(CAP), 90f, 163and Cuban missile crisis, 128f,

164and double non, 128f, 149and European Economic

Community, 85f, 163and economy, 29and force de frappe, 27, 46–7, 66,

67f, 137–42, 156, 158and Germany, 24, 25, 65and NATO, 45, 66and Soviet Union, 22–3and test ban treaty, 152f, 164and U.S. balance-of-payments

deficit, 48, 108f, 163Department of State, U.S., see

United States, Department ofState

Détente, 11, 24, 59, 143f, 166

227

Index

Dillon, Douglas, 21, 74, 108, 112,119, 124–5

Dirigisme, 92, 115–18

Eisenhower, Dwight, 21, 32, 49, 65,96–7, 119, 141

Erhard, Ludwig, 35, 61, 95, 160European Economic Community, 1,

4, 5, 17, 24–6, 28, 37–8, 73–4,87f; 101–6, 108, 118, 135,143

Franceand agriculture, 3, 4, 90and economy, 28–9, 91, 104–6and Ministry of Finance, 4, 93,

110, 115–18, 122fand nuclear capability (force de

frappe), 7–8,19, 27, 46–7, 57,67f, 137–42

and nuclear sharing, 75fand trade, 101f

Gavin, General James, 22, 31, 72,75–6, 78, 101, 108, 147

General Agreement on Trade andTariffs (GATT), 28, 88, 99f

Gilpatric, Roswell, 74, 76, 119Giscard d’Estaing, Valéry, 29, 110,

122–5Gromyko, Andrei, 54, 62, 133–4Guichard, Olivier, 30, 104

Harriman, Averell, 42, 155–6, 158Heller, Walter, 21, 34, 89, 116–18,

122, 136Hillenbrand, Martin, 51–2, 132–3,

136

International Monetary Fund (IMF),89, 108, 110–15, 125

Joint Chiefs of Staff, 56, 133–4,151

Kaysen, Carl, 21, 74, 119, 122, 155

Kennedy, John F.and balance of payments, 3, 48,

107f, 118fand Berlin, 19, 36, 49–66, 87and burden-sharing, 16, 32–6, 50,

80, 119f, 126–7and Cuban missile crisis, 128f,

164and détente, 142fand dirigisme, 115–18and economic growth, 38, 87–90,

105and European Economic

Community, 85f, 165–7and flexible response, 6, 65, 86and French nuclear capability, 46,

76and NATO, 19, 42, 45, 47, 61, 65,

77–81, 121, 148fand test ban treaty, 152fand trade policies, 100f

Khrushchev, Nikitaand Berlin, 6, 24, 49–52, 54, 58,

63and Cuban missile crisis, 129,

132, 134, 137–9and economic competition with

U.S., 118and lesser developed countries, 17and test ban treaty, 153–9and Vienna summit, 43–4, 50–1

Laos, 40, 46, 48, 124, 160Lemnitzer, General Lyman, 56, 81

Macmillan, Harold, 26, 35, 36, 37,40–1, 43, 45, 56, 59–61, 67, 72,80–2, 96f, 108, 110, 137–41,150, 165

Malraux, André, 12, 15, 120Messmer, Pierre, 30, 57, 62, 82–3,

140, 159McNamara, Robert, 21, 56, 74,

76–7, 79–81, 119–20, 134, 140Monnet, Jean, 22, 25, 44, 73–4, 91,

95–6, 136–7, 166

228 Index

Multilateral Nuclear Force (MLF), 8,39–40, 73, 76, 129, 137, 141–2

NATOand Acheson report, 38, 42and alliance burden-sharing, 35,

57, 119fand Berlin crisis, 50, 54–6, 64and Cuban missile crisis, 134,

136–42and de Gaulle, 26, 47, 50and establishment, 6and graduated nuclear response

(flexible response), 19, 42, 53,56, 61, 70

and Kennedy, 19, 42, 45, 47, 61,65, 77–81, 121, 148f

and MC 14/2, 39, 79; and MC26/4, 56–7, 65

and MC 70, 56–7, 65; and MC100/1;

and MLF, 8, 39–40, 73–4, 76, 82,129, 137, 148–53#

and nuclear sharing, 75f, 164–7and non-aggression pact with

Warsaw Pact, 62, 153–4Nitze, Paul, 74, 76, 78, 83, 119,

133, 137Norstad, Supreme Allied

Commander, Europe, GeneralLauris, 55, 58, 80

Organization for EconomicCooperation and Development,32–5, 88, 110, 112–15

Ormsby-Gore, David, 82, 98, 148,151

Peterson, Howard, 99–100

Roosa, Robert, 21, 115, 125Rostow, Walt, 21, 32, 53, 73–4

Rueff, Jacques, 4, 28–9, 113–15, 124Rusk, Dean, 20, 47, 62, 73, 78, 81,

98, 101, 113, 121, 130, 133–4,139, 143, 149, 154

Schroeder, Gerhard, 133, 135, 159Soviet Union, 18, 22–3, 32, 46, 52,

56, 62, 108, 128, 133, 137, 144fStrauss, Franz-Josef, 58, 65, 72

Taylor, General Maxwell, 81, 132Test Ban Treaty, 75, 148, 151fThompson, Llewellyn, 63, 132–3Tobin, James, 21, 122Triffin, Robert, 111, 115Tripartism, 27, 43, 46–8, 55, 66, 67,

128, 137

United Kingdom, see BritainUnited States

and balance of payments, 2, 35,99f, 107f, 118

and defense budget, 59and Department of State, 70,

73–7, 79, 86–8, 96, 99, 115,120–1, 123, 149

and nuclear weapons, 46

Watkinson, Harold, 67, 82West Germany

and burden-sharing, 35and Cuban missile crisis, 129–30,

164and economy, 5and EEC, 41, 93fand NATO, 119–20, 144–5, 148fand nuclear weapons, 7; 19–20,

27, 69, 71–3, 75, 77, 83–4,139f

and reunification, 24, 62Wormser, Olivier, 29, 93, 101, 108

Index 229