on indigenous african epistemology: mythographic

OriginalpaperUDC165:316.7(292.6)(045)doi:10.21464/sp33108

Received:May11,2018

Omotade AdegbindinUniversityofIbadan,FacultyofArts,Sango-OjooRoad,NG-OY–200284Ibadan

[email protected]

On Indigenous African Epistemology: Mythographic Representations

of the Witchcraft Phenomenon in the Ifá Text

AbstractIn the minds of those who strongly support the hegemony of science over practices in oral cultures, witchcraft belongs to the realm of macabre fantasies, in part because witchcraft practices fall within the domain of the occult and become extremely difficult to explain empirically. This positivistic attitude and Western condescension towards the phenomenon of witchcraft convey the impression that such practices as magic and witchcraft, ingrained in oral cultures, are theoretical presuppositions and irrational. Of interest to this paper, therefore, is Geoffrey Parrinder’s perceived misconception that Africans relied not on “written records” but only on mnemonic genius in terms of their history, their philosophy, their cosmology, and so on. With witchcraft at the back of his mind, Parrinder claims that there are no reliable records to back the existence of witches in Africa. By “reliable records”, it is clear that Parrinder valorizes writing at the expense of orality and is, therefore, oblivious of the fact that, for the Yorùbá, Ifá could produce scribal discourses in respect of their mythical/religious conceptions, worldviews and lived ritual practices. This paper shows, on the one hand, that our misuse of the term “writing” or “literacy” is mostly clustered with many ambiguities which often debar us from admitting, for example, the inscriptive nature of the Ifá system into our writing history. On the other hand, the paper presents Ifá as a corpus of reliable records and draws from the systematized graphic translations of two Ifá verses, namely Ìrosùn-Ọ sẹandỌsá-Méjì, to answer salient questions bordering on the admission of the existence of witches, whether witchcraft and sorcery can be used interchangeably, the activities of witches towards kinsmen or members of their family and the position of witches in the hierarchy of beings, and so on.

KeywordsAfricanepistemology,mythography,witchcraft,Ifá,GeoffreyParrinder

Introduction

Inmostminds,especiallyinthemindsofthosewhostronglysupportthehe-gemonyofscienceoverpracticesinoralcultures,thewitchcraftphenomenonassumesapejorativeimageandattractsextremelynegativecharacterizations.Thisnodoubtbringstomindthequestionofrationalityinall traditionalortheso-calledprimitivethoughtsandremindsusofthepopularclaiminmostanthropologicalwritingsinEuropethatsuchpracticesasmagicandwitchcraftaretheoreticalpresuppositionsandirrational.Asamatteroffact,suchschol-arsasEdwardE.Evans-PritchardandMartinHollisholdtenaciouslytotheopinionthatscienceistheonlylegitimatestandardbywhichtherationalityofanyparticularbeliefcanbeassessed.Evans-Pritchard,forinstance,claimsthat“witchcraftisanimaginaryoffencebecauseitisimpossible”andaddsthat“A

https://doi.org/10.21464/sp33108

SYNTHESISPHILOSOPHICA65(1/2018)pp.(123–147)

O.Adegbindin,OnIndigenousAfricanEpi-stemology:Mythographic…124

witchcannotdowhatheissupposedtodoandhasinfactnorealexistence”.1J.R.Crawforddemonstratessimilarscientificmodeofthoughtwhenhestatesthat“witchcraftisessentiallyapsychicactandis,objectivelyspeaking,im-possible”.2Thispositivisticattitudeisoneofthereasonswhytheapplica-tionofwitchcraftinAfricaisusedtoconveytheimpressionthatAfricansarebarbaricanduncivilizedandinducefeelingsofapre-logicalmentality,tousethewordsofLucienLévy-Bruhl.Thus,witchcraftisbelievedtobeimmunetoobjectiveinvestigation,andJamesL.Brainpointsoutthatthephenomenon“tomostWesternersseemsarcane,archaicorevencomic”.3

DespitethisclearWesterncondescensiontowardsthephenomenonofwitch-craft,however,severalvolumesofliteratureexisttodaytoshowthelimita-tionsofsuchassumptions.WehavethosewhoarguethatmostanthropologistsdepictAfricanbeliefsystemsasirrationalormeretheoreticalpresuppositionssimplybecausetheycannotadequatelyjustifymostofthesebeliefsystems.Onhispart,PeterWinchcautionsusagainsttheuseofsuchnotionsas“exist-ence”and“reality”outsideourdifferingculturalcontextsandarguesthatitiswrongtoputapremiumonscienceastheonlystandardofassessingreality;forhim,our language is thebest standardof assessing reality.ForWinch,therefore,ourlanguagedetermineswhatisrealandwhatisnotreal.Hecon-tendsfurthertosaythattherearedifferenttypesof“objective”realityandthatscienceprovidesuswithoneofthesewhichisempiricalreality.Hefortifieshispositionbyidentifyingscientificrealityandmetaphysicalorreligiousre-ality.Inshort,Winchisoftheopinionthatitis“illegitimate”toassessissueslikemagic,rituals,witchcraft,andsoon,ontheparadigmofscience.Follow-ingthislineofthought,Brainstressesthatthebeliefinwitchcraftwouldhavebeen“arcane,archaic,or…comic”ifitisthecasethat“welivedinarationalworld”.4Headdsmoresuccinctly:

“Thescientificexplanationmayprovidethehowbutnotthewhy.Sciencecantellhowmalariaortrypanosomiasisiscarriedbutnotwhyonepersonisbittenandinfectedandnotanother.Theproblemofthepresenceofevilintheworldisonewhichhumanshavewrestledwithsincetimeimmemorial.Abeliefinwitchcraftispartofanattempttosolvethatproblem.”5

This paper therefore engages the two rival positions that we have identi-fiedaboveand,relyingonthemythographicrepresentationsofwitchcraftintheIfácorpus,itwillilluminatethefactthat“toAfricansofeverycategory,witchcraftisanurgentreality”.6

The Idea of Witchcraft

Broadly, theterm“witchcraft”isusedtodescribeallsortsofevilemploymentofmysticalpowersinasecretfashion.InArthurHippler’sview,witchcraftis“thesystematicbeliefinthecapacitytoharmpeopleatadistance,oftenbythemanipulationofobjectssymbolicoftheindividual,throughaformofsupernaturalinterventionandbehaviourconsistentwithsuchbeliefs”.7Mwiz-engeS.Tembodefineswitchcraftas“anactorinstanceofemployingsorceryespeciallywithmalevolentintent,amagical riteor technique; theexerciseofsupernaturalpowers,allegedintercoursewiththedevil”.8Itisregardedasaspiritualskillofbeingabletocarryoncertaininimicalactivitiesindisembod-iedform.9TakingHipplerandTembo’sdefinitionsseriously,itisclearthatmostpeopleoftenconfusewitchcraftwithmagicorsorcery.ItisimportantthereforetoofferT.O.Beidelman’sdefinitionwithaviewtodistinguishingbetweenwitchcraftandsorceryormagic.AccordingtoBeidelman,magicis



the“themanipulationofpersonsandthingsthroughtheuseofobjects,wordsandactsthoughttogiveoneaccesstosupernaturalpowersforeithergoodorevilpurposes”,whilesorceryis“thesupernaturalpowertocauseanotherpersonorthatperson’spossessionsharmthroughtheuseofvarioussubstanc-esoracts”.The“efficacyofsorcery”,headds,“dependsuponthenatureoftheactsperformedratherthanuponthemoralcharacterofthepractitioner”.10Heseeswitchcraftas“the power to exert supernatural harm upon an-otherpersonorhispossessions,thatpowerdependinguponinherentevilqualitiesintheevilperson(witch)himself/herself”.11Reputedtobeoneoftheforemostauthoritiesonwitchcraft,Evans-Pritchardcontendsthat“awitchperformsnorite,uttersnospell,andpossessesnomedicines”;12whereas,inthewordsofGeoffreyParrinder,“therearepeoplewhoarebelievedtouseevilmedicineagainsttheirenemies,buttheseareproperlycalledsorcerers”.13Insomequarters,too,“witchesarebelievedtobenaturallythatwayaspartoftheirgeneticmakeup,whereassorcerershaveachievedtheirevilpowersbystudy”.14ForSegunOgungbemi,“menwhoaresorcerersusecharms,medi-cinesandmagictoharmorkilltheirvictims.Witchcraftistheactivityofthesoulanditspreysareafflictedinaspiritualmanner”.15Whatcouldbedistilledfromtheforegoing,followingMargaretField,isthatthedistinctivefeatureofwitchcraft“isthatthereisnopalpableapparatusconnectedwithit,norites,noceremonies,incantations,orinvocationsthatthewitchhastoperform.It

1

Edward E. Evans-Pritchard, “Witchcraft”,Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 8(1935)4,pp.417–422,p.418,doi:https://doi.org/10.2307/3180590.

2

J. R. Crawford, Witchcraft and Sorcery in Rhodesia, Oxford University Press, London1967,p.40.

3

James L. Brain, “Witchcraft and Develop-ment”, African Affairs 81 (1982) 324, pp.371–384,p.371doi:https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097432.

4

Ibid.

5

Ibid.

6

E. Bolaji Idowu, African Traditional Religion: A Definition,SCMPress,Lagos1971,p.175.

7

Arthur Hippler, “Some Observations onWitchcraft:TheCaseoftheAivilikEskimos”,Arctic26(1973)3,pp.198–207,p.198,doi:https://doi.org/10.14430/arctic2916.

8

Mwizenge S. Tembo, “The Witchdoctorsare not Wrong: The Future Role and Im-pact of African Psychology on IndividualWell-Being”, paper presented at the An-nual Meeting of the African Studies As-

sociation, held in Boston, December 4–7,1993.Availableat:https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242553462_The_Witchdoc-tors_are_not_Wrong_The_Future_Role_and_Impact_of_African_Psychology_on_In-dividual_Well-Being (accessed onApril 10,2018).

9

Sophie B. Oluwole, Witchcraft, Reincarnation and the Godhead,ExcelPublishers,La-gos1992,p.1.

10

Thomas O. Beidelman, The Kaguru, Holt,Reinhart and Winston, NewYork 1971, pp.131–132.

11

Ibid.,p.132.

12

EdwardE.Evans-Pritchard,Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande, TheClarendonPress,Oxford1937,p.21.

13

E.GeoffreyParrinder,Witchcraft: European and African,FaberandFaberLimited,Lon-don1963,p.133.

14

J. L. Brain, “Witchcraft and Development”,p.373.

15

SegunOgungbemi,Philosophy and Development, Hope Publications, Ibadan 2007, p.129.

https://doi.org/10.2307/3180590

https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097432

https://doi.org/10.14430/arctic2916



issimplyprojectedatwillfromthemindofthewitch”.16ThewordsofJohnMiddletonandE.H.Winterarealsousefulhere.Accordingtothem:

“Witchcraftispartofanindividual’sbeing,apartofhisinnermostselfwhilesorceryismerelyatechniquewhichapersonutilizes.Thus,insomesocieties,aperson’switchcraftcanoperateattimeswithouthisbeingconsciouslyawareofthefactthatitisdoingso.Thiscanneverbethecasewithsorcery;recoursetoitmustalwaysbeonadeliberate,conscious,voluntarybasis.”17

These distinguishing features are acknowledged by most ethno-linguisticunitsinAfrica.Inclearterms,therefore:

“…awitchhasaninherentandintangiblepowerforharmingothers.Whileawitchprojectsherevilthoughtdirectlyfromhermind,invisibly,andwithoutcursingandinvoking,asorcerermanipulatessometangiblematerialstocarryouthisdevilish‘business’.”18

Consequentuponthis,JohnMbitiiswrongtosaythat:

“Africansocietiesdonotoftendrawtheratheracademicdistinctionbetweenwitchcraft,sorcery,evilmagic,evileyeandotherwaysofemployingmysticalpowertodoharmtosomeoneorhisbelongings.”19

ThebeliefinwitchcraftisnotconfinedtoAfrica;asamatteroffact

“…virtuallyeverywhereoutsidetheindustrialisedcountriespeoplenotonlybelieveinwitchesbutfrequentlyfallsickanddiefromwhattheybelievetobetheactivitiesofwitches.”20

Inthesamevein,Parrinderaversthat:

“Beliefinwitchcraftisoneofthegreatfearsfromwhichmankindhassuffered.Ithastakenitstollliterallyinblood.Thebeliefhasappearedinmanypartsoftheworld,inoneformoranother.ItbecameparticularlyprominentanddevelopedinEurope,inthelaterMiddleAgesandRenaissanceperiods.StillinmodernAfricabeliefinwitchcraftisagreattyrannyspreadingpanicanddeath.”21

Thus, for Parrinder, “the clearest and most frequent manifestations ofwitchcraftbeliefsseemtohaveoccurredinEuropeandinAfrica”.22Some-whereParrindermaintainsthat“EuropeanandAfricanwitchcraftbeliefsareeasilycomparable,sincecertainideasfoundinbothcontinentsaresimilar”.23InhisattempttocombineasurveyofEuropeanwitchcraftwithanaccountofAfricanwitchcraft,Parrindergoesfurther:

“…intheinterpretationofwitchcrafttodayEuropeanandAfricanbeliefsareoftencitedtogeth-er.Thewitch-culttheoryinEuropeisoftensaidtohaveAfricanparallels,andsothetruthsaboutAfricanwitchcraftneedtobemadeplain.Ontheotherhand,AfricansoftensaythatwitchcraftmustbetruesinceEuropeansbelievedinitonce.”24

ThisattempttodrawameetingpointbetweenEuropeanandAfricanwitch-craftbeliefsisquestionedbysomescholars.Forinstance,BarryHallenandJ.O.SodipobelievethattheideaofwitchcraftinAfricawouldbemoreil-luminatingifthephenomenonisdefinedinAfricanculturalcontext.Inotherwords,theyarewarythatsuchattemptsmightdistorttherealunderstandingofwhatwitchcraftisandhowawitchoperatesinAfricansociety.Intheirwords:

“Thereisnoreasontoassumethatwitchcraft inAfrica is the sameaswaswitchcraft inEurope,anymorethantherewasreasontoassumethattheEnglishlanguageconcept‘witch-craft’ may serve as an accurate translation of its supposedAfricanlanguage equivalents.Whateveristranslatedasbeing‘witchcraft’inAfrica(oreveninoneplaceinAfrica)maywellbeaverydifferentthingfromwhateveritiselsewhereintheworldandhistory.”25

TheimportofHallenandSodipo’spositionisthatwitchcraftinAfricacan-not be used to understand and explain what witchcraft was in theWest,



therebyjettisoningalsothattheideasofwitchcraftinAfricaandEurope“haveafamilylikenessbecausetheyareofalmostuniversaloccurrence”.26HallenandSodipoexpresstheirdispleasurefurtherthat

“…therewouldappeartobesomeinconsistencyinmaintainingthatonedoesnotunderstandonephenomenon(Westernwitchcraft),andatthesametimemaintainingthatthatphenomenoniseffectivelythesameasanotherphenomenon(Africanwitchcraft).”27

Wemuststateherethat,despiteHallenandSodipo’scontention,onethingthatisclearisthatwitchcraft–beitEuropeanwitchcraftorAfricanwitch-craft–involvestheuseofsupernaturalpowers,magic,andcouldbeusedtodogoodorharm.MunyaradziMawerecorroboratesthisunifyingfeatureofEuropeanwitchcraftandAfricanwitchcraftinthesensethat:

“Bothapplysupernaturalpowers,involvetheuseofcharmormagic,areconnectedtothecos-mologicalworldandmostimportantlycanbeemployedtodobothgoodandharmdependingonthemotivationoftheindividualinvolved(healersorwitch).”28

EarlierwehaveshownthatwitchcraftisregardedbysomescholarsofEuro-peanoriginasapsychicactand,sincewitchesbydefinitionarenotvisibleentities,“witchcraftactivitiesareextraordinaryinthesensethattheyviolatethelawsofnature”.29SogoloexplicatesthatwitchcraftbeliefsinAfricahavethefollowingfeatures:

1. Witchesarecapableofturningthemselvesintootherbodilyforms;theycanchangeintoanimals(birds,leopards,snakes,etc.).

2. Witchescanflyatnightintheirvariousincarnate(insomecultures,theirmodeoflocomotionisnotspecified);theycantravelgreatdistancesin-stantaneously.

16

Margaret J.Field,Religion and Medicine of the Ga People,OxfordUniversityPress,NewYork1937,p.166.

17

JohnMiddleton,E.H.Winter,Witchcraft and Sorcery in East Africa,RoutledgeandKeganPaul,London1963,p.12.

18

OmosadeJ.Awolalu,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites, Longman, London 1979, pp.80–81.

19

JohnS.Mbiti,African Religions and Philosophy,Heinemann,London1969,p.202.

20

J. L. Brain, “Witchcraft and Development”,p.372.

21

E.G.Parrinder,Witchcraft,p.9.

22

E. George Parrinder, “African Ideas ofWitchcraft”,Folklore67 (1956)3,pp.142–150, p. 142, doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.1956.9717545.

23

E. G. Parrinder, Witchcraft: European and African,p.10.

24

Ibid.,p.15.

25

Barry Hallen, J. Olubi Sodipo, Knowledge, Belief, and Witchcraft: Analytic Experiments in African Philosophy, Stanford UniversityPress,Stanford1986,p.96.

26

E.G.Parrinder,Witchcraft,p.15.

27

B. Hallen, J. O. Sodipo, Knowledge, Belief, and Witchcraft,p.96.

28

MunyaradziMawere,“PossibilitiesofCulti-vating African Indigenous Knowledge Sys-tems (IKSs): Lessons from Selected CasesofWitchcraftinZimbabawe”,Journal of Research in Peace, Gender and Development1(2011)3,pp.91–100,p.92.

29

Godwin S. Sogolo, Foundations of African Philosophy: A Definitive Analysis of Conceptual Issues in African Thought,UniversityofIbadanPress,Ibadan1993,p.101.

https://doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.1956.9717545



3. Witchescanturnthemselvesintodisembodiedspiritforms,abletokillorharmavictimwhiletheirbodiesremaininbed.

4. Theactsofwitchesarealwaysevilanddestructive;theycausethedeathofpeople,makemenimpotentandwomenbarren,causefailureinallformsofhumanendeavor,etc.30

Sogolo’scharacterizationofwitchcraftisnotquitedifferentfromAwolalu’s.TheelementsthataremissinginSogolo’scharacterizationcanbeborrowedfromAwolalu’s,andcanbesummarisedandaddedtotheabovelistasfol-lows:

1. Witchcraftenjoinssecrecy.2. Womenarebelieved todominate thewitches’secretcult (àjọ);menare

alwaysintheminority.3. Itisacquiredindifferentways.31

Fromtheaboveitcanbeinferredthat,one,witchescanaffecttheirvictims–thatis,causeunusualdeath,impotence,barrenness,cropfailure,andsoon–fromafar,implyingthat“thedistinguishingfeatureofkillingorharmbywitchcraftisthatitiswroughtbysilent,invisible,projectionofinfluencefromthewitch”.32Two,awitch“hatesbeingknownorcaughtintheveryact” and this is why, in the course of carrying out her act, “she disguisesherself,usingbirdoranimalfamiliarsordressinginastrangemanner,forexample,beingdrapedinpalmfrondsratherthanwearingnormaldresses”.33Three,witchesorganizesecretmeetingscalledàjọinthenightwhile,exhib-itingakindofdisembodiedexistence,theirphysicalbodiesremainontheirbedsathome.Awolaluputsthisinabroaderperspective:

“Theyattendthemeetingsusingvariousmeansofmovement.Some(…)aresaidtoturnupsidedownandwalkwiththeirfeetintheair.Somesomersaulttoincreasespeed,othersflynakedafterrubbingontheirbodiessomeointmentwhichmakestheminvisible.Yetotherswalktothemeetingsonspiders’webs;somerideonanimalslikecats,dogs,ratsorontoadsandevenonhumanbeings.Manyothersturnintoowlsandlizardsandintoinsectsandglow-worms.Meet-ingstakeplaceatthebanksofrivers,atthefootorbranchesofbigtreesorattheroadjunctionsoronmountainsorhills.Thesemeetingsareheldatdifferentlevels:local,divisional,regional,inter-regional,nationaland international.Communicationsaremaintainedbetweenone levelandtheother.”34

ConnectedtothisisthebeliefamongtheYorùbáthat,duringtheiràjọ,witch-esusetheiràgógó(mysteriousbeak)tosuckthebloodoftheirvictims,whilethevictimsinactualstatesufferfromoneformofailmenttoanother.Ontheonehand,thisatteststothebeliefin“awanderingorseparablesoul”and,ontheotherhand,drawsourattentiontothefactthat“thereisneveranydoubtinWestAfricaofbeliefinaspiritualpartofman’snature,onthecontrarythedifficultyistosortoutthecomplexstrandsofthisspiritualbelief”.35Apartfromthefactthatthelatterclaimisessentialtothetheoryofwitchcraft,italsocomplements the thesis that thehumanpersonisnotessentiallyaphysico-chemicalorganism.Attheirmeetings,witchesarebelievedtoeatavictimbysharingdifferentpartsofthevictim’sbody.Here,however,Field,usingtheGabeliefsystemasfoil,offersanexplanationthateatingavictimbysharingdifferentpartsofthevictim’sbodyisonlyamannerofspeaking.AccordingtoField:

“…itisthevictim’s(…)soulwhichisstolenandʻeatenʼ.Therelativesofthevictimagreethatthephysicalbodyisneverinjured–exceptbytheravagesofdisease–andthereisnoevidencethatitiseverdisturbedafterburial(…).Notonlyistheeatingatthesefeastsnotaphysicaleat-



ing,butthegatheringisnotaphysicalgathering.Thewitch’skla –whichmaintainsbreathingandphysicallife–remainswithheronherbedandtoordinaryeyessheisinnormalsleep.”36

Four, it iscommonknowledgeamong theYorùbá thatwitchcraft is innate,implying thatsomepeoplearebornwitches. It isalsosometimesregardedashereditary,whereamotherpassestheacttoherdaughter,especiallyatthetimeofherdeath.GeorgeSimpsonputsthismoreelaborately:

“Thepowermaypassfrommother todaughter,usually throughmedicinemixedwithordinaryfoodwithoutthedaughter’sknowledge.Itisnotuncommonforawitch,shortlybeforeherdeath,totransferher‘bird’tosomeone,oftenadaughter.Thewitchesthemselvesmaydecidetobringawomanintotheirassociation,givinghersomethingtoeatwhichwillmakeherawitch.Forexam-ple,afriendmaygiveherakola-nutwhichhasbeentreatedwithmedicine.Actually,whatappearedtobeakola-nutmaybeahumanfinger,andthepersonbecomesawitchwithoutrealizingit.”37

Awolaluaddsthat“somepeoplepayforandprocureitandothershavewitch-craft‘stuff’passedtotheminfoodgivenbywomenwhoarewitches”.38Fi-nally,ourcharacterizationrevealsthatitisnotfrivoloustoconceivewitch-craftasthe“cultofwomen”,sincewomenareregardedasthecovertinitiatorsofaschemeandmen,whoareusuallyintheminority,aretheactors.39Itisthecasethat

“…thisrelationshipbetweenfemaleandmalepowerparallelsconceptsaboutspirituallypower-fulwomenandmeninYorùbásociety,knownasàjẹandoṣórespectively.Yorùbásaythatthemothers(àj)conceiveaplanandtheirmalecounterparts(oṣó)carryitout.”40

Theuseofoṣóherequestions thedegreeof the tenabilityofOgungbemi’sclaimthat“menwhohavethepowerofwitchcraftaredifferentfromthosewhopractisesorcery.Thenamegiven tosorcery inYoruba isoṣó,andnotàjẹ”.41

It is important tostatehere,however, that therearesomeAfricansocietieswhose witchcraft beliefs do not involve sex antagonism or discrimination.AmongtheYambaofCameroon,forinstance,“witchesmaybemaleorfe-male.Thereisnosuggestionthatwomenaremorelikelytobewitchesthanmenorviceversa”.42S.F.Nadelshowsthat,amongtheGwariofNigeria,

30

Ibid.,p.104.

31

O.J.Awolalu,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites,pp.84–86.

32

Margaret J. Field, Search for Security: An Ethnopsychiatric Study of Rural Ghana,Faber and Faber Press, London 1960, pp.36–37.

33

O.J.Awolalu,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites,p.84.

34

Ibid.,p.85.

35

E.GeoffreyParrinder,West African Religion,EpworthPress,London1969,p.114.

36

M.J.Field,Religion and Medicine of the Ga People,p.135.

37

GeorgeSimpson,Yoruba Religion and Medicine in Ibadan, Ibadan University Press,Ibadan1980,p.76.

38

O.J.Awolalu,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rite,p.86.

39

HenryJ.Drewal,MargaretT.Drewal,Gẹlẹdẹ: Art and Female Power among the Yoruba,In-dianaUniversityPress,Bloomington1990,p.103.

40

Ibid.

41

S.Ogungbemi,Philosophy and Development,p.129.

42

HermannGufler,“WitchcraftBeliefsamongtheYamba(Cameroon)”,Anthropos94(1999)1–3,pp.181–198,p.182.



too,witchcraftbeliefs“involvenosexantagonismorsexpolarity”.43Heex-plainsfurtherthat“witchesandtheirvictimsareindiscriminatelymaleandfemale.Witchcraft is discovered by ordinary divination, practiced by bothmenandwomen,andanti-witchcraftmeasuresconsistinthemaininanan-nual‘cleansing’ritualwhichembracesthewholecommunity,againirrespec-tiveofsex”.44

On the Existence of Witches

JohnMbitiobservesthat:

“EveryAfricanwhohasgrownup in the traditional environmentwill,nodoubt,knowsomethingaboutthismysticalpowerwhichoftenisexperienced,ormanifestsitself,intheformofmagic,divination,witchcraftandmysteriousphenomenathatseemtodefyevenimmediatescientificexplanation.”45

AgoodreadingofMbiti’sclaimshowsthat,bydefinition,witchcraftprac-ticesfallwithinthedomainoftheoccultandbecomeextremelydifficulttoexplainempirically.Duetothisseemingfailureofwitchcraftpracticestofitintothescientificexplanatorymodel,therewasoptimismduringthecolonialera thatwitchcraft practiceswoulddisappear throughmodernization.As amatteroffact,colonialadministratorsandmissionariescastigatedwitchcraftpracticesas superstitionand,withseveral failedattempts tosuppress suchbeliefs, “anticipated that witchcraft beliefs would disappear through mod-ernization,as itwasclaimed theyhaddone inEuropeunder the influenceoftheEnlightenment”.46Parrinderconveyedthisoptimismoversixdecadesagothus:

“Itissometimessaidthatbeliefinwitchcraftisontheincreaseinthesedaysofmoderntownsandnew ideas,andgeneral insecurity (…).Educationwill slowlydispel somesuperstitions.Medicalandchildcarewillremovemanyunexplaineddiseases.Butnoblerbeliefsandanewreligionwouldlifttheloadoffalsebeliefsandprejudice.IttookcenturiesforthesuperstitiontodisappearfromEurope,anditwillfadeoutinAfricainduecourseiftheforcesofenlightenmentaremaintainedandincreased.”47

Today,however,Parrinder’soptimismhasnotmaterialized inpartbecausebeliefinwitchcraftremainsoneofthemostpotentinthelivesofmostAfricanpeople.C.K.Meek,whoisoftheopinionthatwitchesandwitchcraftdonotexist,addsthat“itisabeliefwhichcannoteasilybeexorcised,foritisnotanisolatefactor,butanintegralpartofthewholepsychologicalandmagico-religious system”.48 From the psychological point of view, it is contendedthat“thereisagreatdealofneurosis,hysteria,andpsychicmaladjustment,andallthesecontributetothebeliefinwitchcraft”.49Thispointisgraphicallyreflectedalsointheclaimthat“agreatdealofthebeliefinwitchcraftisduetoself-deception,suggestibility,andthepowerofthought”.50

“Everythingconnectedtowitchcraft”,S.F.Nadelwrites,“takesplaceinafantasyrealmwhichis,almostex hypothesi,intangibleandbeyondempiri-calverification”.51ThisisreflectiveofSophieOluwole’scharacterizationofwitchcraftas“theclaimedabilityofthewitchtoaffecthervictims,orper-formactions,withoutanyphysicalcontactandusingnomedicine”.52Oluwoleaddsthat“authorswhodenytheexistenceofwitchcraftclaimthatwitchcraftneitherdesignatessomethingtangibleorobservablenordoesitrefertosome-thingthathasanindependentexistenceeitherinthesenseofbeingofactualortrue,hencetheylabelitanillusion”.53



OnesmusMutungi’spointisinstructivehere.Accordingtohim:

“In the so-called civilized communities, inexplicable eventualities are attributed to fate, badluck,orthewillofGod.ThenativeAfricanseekshisexplanationinwitchcraft.Whatmustbenoted,though,isthatinbothcommunities,thestruggleisthesame–asearchforcausalexplana-tionformisfortunes.”54

Fromthestandpointofscience,therefore,theissueoftenraisedfromtheseno-tionsisthat“scientificexplanationsareincompatiblewithwitchcraftclaimsandthattheformerexcludesthelatterbecausescienceaccordswithreality”.55Sogolooffersmoreexplanation:

“Theissueofincompatibilitybetweentheclaimsofscienceandthoseofwitchcraftdoesnotarise.Twoclaimsare incompatible if theyareof thesamegenreand if theycannotbeheldjointlywithoutabsurdity.Butforsuchclaimstobeevercompared,theymustbeofthesamesort.Andsince(…)witchcraftisneitheraspeciesofsciencenorproto-science,theissueofin-compatibilitybetweentheclaimsofscienceandthoseofwitchcraftisnon-existent.Againstthis,somemightinsistthatalthoughtheclaimsareofdifferentsorttheyareaboutthesameworld.Inreply,allthatneedtobesaidisthattheverydifferenceinquestionisduetothefactthatbothconceptualschemesareaboutdifferentformsoflife.”56

Hallie Ludsin provides an instance of what Sogolo is suggesting when hedrawsourattentiontothefactthat“whilewitchcraftbelieversacceptthatapersondiedofaheartattackortheircattlediedfromadisease–whichexplainshowthemisfortunehappened–theseculturesseekametaphysicalanswerforwhyitoccurred”.57Toshowthatthelimitationofscienceasaparadigmaticexplanatorymodel,Sogologivesananalogyofamedicalstudentwhocould“provideanadequateexplanationofhowthepoisonachildhaseatencouldhaveledtothechild’sdeath”,butcouldnotprovideananswerto“whythechildhadtoeatthepoisonorwhywasitX’schildandnotY’schild”.58Sogolo

43

S. F. Nadel, “Witchcraft in Four AfricanSocieties: An Essay in Comparison”, American Anthropologist 54 (1954) 1, pp.18–29, p. 20, doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1952.54.1.02a00040.

44

Ibid.

45

J.S.Mbiti,African Religions and Philosophy,p.194.

46

JohannesMerz,“FromRelativismto Imagi-nation: Towards a ReconstructiveApproachtotheStudyofAfricanWitchcraft”,Anthropos99(2004)2,pp.572–580,p.573.

47

E. G. Parrinder, West African Religion, p.171.

48

C.K.Meek,Law and Authority in a Nigerian Tribe (Igbo), Oxford University Press, Ox-ford1950,p.79.

49

E.G.Parrinder,West African Religion,p.167.

50

Ibid.,p.169.

51

S.F.Nadel,“WitchcraftinFourAfricanSo-cieties”,p.19.

52

Sophie B. Oluwole, “On the Existence ofWitches”,Second OrderVII(1978)1–2,pp.20–35,p.20.

53

Ibid.

54

OnesmusK.Mutungi,The Legal Aspects of Witchcraft in East Africa with Particular Reference to Kenya,EastAfricanLiteratuerBu-reau,Nairobi1977,p.104.

55

G. S. Sogolo, Foundations of African Philosophy,p.107.

56

Ibid.

57

HallieLudsin,“CulturalDenial:WhatSouthAfrica’sTreatmentofWitchcraftSaysfortheFuture”, Berkeley Journal of International Law21(2003)1,pp.62–110,p.74.

58

G. S. Sogolo, Foundations of African Philosophy,p.108.

https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1952.54.1.02a00040



addsthatthemedicalstudentmightimputetheeventtochance,“suggestingthatheisnotequippedwiththeparadigmsforansweringquestionsofthisna-ture”.59Itisinstructivetonote,therefore,thatthemechanisticorimpersonalexplanationofthemedicalscientistisincompletebecause“itdoesnotanswerallthequestionsthatariseinthecaseofanunusualevent”.60Inlightofthis,Sogoloexplainsthat:

“Eventssuchashumanmisfortunes,illness,suffering,death,etc.,areinexplicableoutsidethewebofsocial relations.Theyare inextricablyconnectedwithhumanemotionssuchas love,jealousy,anger,etc.,andtheycanonlybemadeintelligiblewhenplacedinthesepsychologicalandsocialcontexts.Thisiswhyanimpersonalexplanationsuchastheonescienceprovidesisinadequate.Itisalsoforthisreasonthatineveryknownhumancommunitythereisadualap-proachtotheexplanationofevents,thepersonalandtheimpersonal.Thisistosaythatscienceandwitchcrafthaveasymmetricrelation,bothperformingdifferentfunctionswhichconvergeinmakingnaturalphenomenaintelligible.”61

Theimportoftheaboveisinconsonancewiththeviewthat“thevisibleandtheinvisiblearenecessarilycomplementaryinAfricanunderstandingsofre-ality”.62

Inallmodesty,itisinthefieldofanthropologythatthewitchcraftphenom-enonhasgainedprominencethemostor, toput it inanotherway, it isan-thropologythathasgiventhesubjectitspre-eminenceandpopularitybeforeothersfromotherdisciplinesbegantomaketheircontributions.Inthefieldofanthropology,thereisanagreementthatEvans-Pritchard,convenientlyaleading authority on witchcraft, has “masterfully described witchcraft as asystemtoexplainmisfortunewhich,however,doesnotcontradictempiricalknowledgeofcauseandeffect”.63WiththeassertionthatwitchcraftamongtheAzandepeopleprovidesexplanationsforeverydayeventsandoffersathe-oryofcausality,Evans-PritchardshowsthatAzande’sbeliefs–and,wemustadd,all suchAfricanbeliefs inwitchcraft–arenot irrationalbut in them-selvesreasonable.64Afteracriticallook,Evans-Pritchard’spositionseemstoconveytheneedtounderstandadifferentcultureinitsownterms.However,JohannesMerzdistilsEvans-Pritchard’sclaimfurthertomeanthatwitchcraftbeliefsare“reasonableintheirowntermsonly,thusbasicallyadvocatingaculturalrelativism”.65

Thus,JohannesMerzhassomedispleasurewith“culturalrelativism”which,inhiswords,“hasdominatedtheanthropologicaldiscourseuptothepresentsituation”.66Toargueagoodcasefortheexistenceandrealityofwitchcraft,Merzendeavoursto“putforwardanattemptofapossiblereconstructionofatheoryofwitchcraftintermsofthecommonhumanfacultytoimagine”.67InordertoimmunehimselfagainstwhatPeterGeschierecalls“theparadoxofacosmologicalschizophrenia”,68Merzseekstoforgeatheorythatwouldtakecareoftheinherentlimitationsofrelativism,oneofwhichisitsfailuretoaccommodatetheideaofacommonhumanity.BorrowingThomasKuhn’suseof“paradigm”as“theentireconstellationofbeliefs,values,techniques,andsoon,sharedbythemembersofagivencommunity”,69heagreeswithKuhnthat“theoriescannotbeexclusive,theyhavetobeopentootherinter-pretations”,70Hethenproposes“theneedfortheoriesanddefinitionswhichalso leave open the possibility of nonverifiable beliefs in the sense of theEnlightenment,suchastheexistenceofwitchcraft”.71Obviouslywitchcraftclaimsfallwithinthecategoryofthenonverifiable.Merzgoesfurthertoofferan“anthropologyoftheimagination”whichputsapremiumontheideaofacommonhumanity,acknowledgesandaccommodatesAfricanepistemolo-gies.AccordingtoMerz:



“The ideaof thecommonhumanityaccepts thateverybodyhasbiological,cognitive,social,communicative,andspiritualneeds.Moreimportantinthiscontextishumanity’ssharedneedandabilitytouselanguageandconstructidentityandsubjectivitybyrelatingtoothersinthesocialworld (…).Toacknowledgecommonhumancharacteristics,however,doesnotmeanadenialof thepluralityofdifferentculturaldiscourses.Butwhat itdoesdo ismaintain thepotential tensionsbetweencommunalityanddiversity,and inawidersenseof theself/otherdichotomy.”72

Onecrucialpointfromtheaboveisthepossibilityofbreakingfree“fromtheWesternscientifichegemonyandacceptotherdifferentdiscoursesasequallyvalidimaginationsof‘reality’”.73Inthisway,thesyncreticblendingofsuchdichotomies inAfricanepistemologies, in thewordsofFrancisNyamnjoh,as“naturalandsupernatural,rationalandirrational,objectiveandsubjective,scientificandsuperstitious,visibleand invisible, realandunreal”,74wouldcomplementWesternepistemologies.Wemuststateherethatwhathasmadetheadmissionoftheexistenceofwitchesorwitchcraftcontroversialisnoth-ingotherthanthedifficultyforAfricans“todrawalinebetweenwhatisseenandunseen”.75 Interestingly,Merz’santhropologyofimaginationexpoundsthat“witchcraftisimaginedbyusinganalogiesfromtheseenworldofdailyexperience inorder to imaginewhat isunseenandnot immediatelyacces-sible”.76Ofthe“unseen”aresuchclaimsaswitchesbeingcapableofturningthemselves into other bodily forms, fly at night in their various incarnate,travelgreatdistancesinstantaneously,andsoon.Consequently,therefore:

“Intalkingaboutwitchcraftasimagined,theproblemoftheinseparabilityoftheseenandtheunseennolongerposesaproblem.Thisissobecausethecommondichotomybetweenthereal-

59

Ibid.

60

Ibid.

61

Ibid.,pp.108–109.

62

AdelineMasquelier,“TheReturnofMagic”,Social Anthropology 12 (2004),pp.95–102,p. 95, doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469–8676.2004.tb00092.x.

63

J. Merz, “From Relativism to Imagination”,pp.572–580,p.574.

64

E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande,p.99.

65

J. Merz, “From Relativism to Imagination”,p.575.

66

Ibid.

67

Ibid.

68

Peter Geschiere, The Modernity of Witchcraft: Politics and the Occult in Postcolonial Africa, University Press of Virginia, Char-lottesville1997,p.19.

69

Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolution,UniversityofChicagoPress,Chi-cago1996,p.175.

70


71

Ibid.

72

Ibid.

73

Ibid.

74

FrancisB.Nyamnjoh,“DelusionsofDevelop-mentandtheEnrichmentofWitchcraftDis-coursesinCameroon”,in:HenriettaL.Moore,ToddSanders(eds.),Magical Interpretations, Material Realities: Modernity, Witchcraft and the Occult in Postcolonial Africa,Routledge,London2001,pp.28–49,p.29.

75


76

Ibid.

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2004.tb00092.x



ityaswhatisseenandfantasyaswhatisnotimmediatelyaccessibletothesensesisbothpartoftheimaginationand,therefore,indistinguishable.”77

Mythographic Representations of Witchcraft in the Ifá Corpus

Of interest to this section isGeoffreyParrinder’sperceivedmisconceptionthatAfricans (in thiscase, theYorùbá) reliedonlyonmnemonicgenius intermsoftheirhistory,theircosmology,theirphilosophy,andsoon,andthere-foredidnothavetheslightestideaaboutwriting.Withwitchcraftatthebackofhismind,Parrinderclaimsthat“thereisnoevidencefortheextentofthebeliefinanypreviouscentury,sincetherearenoreliablerecords”.78By“reli-ablerecords”,onesuspectsthatParrindervalorisedwritingattheexpenseoforalityandwasmostprobablyunawareofthefactthattheYorùbáhadanideaofandcouldproducescribaldiscoursesbeforetheirfirstcontactwiththemis-sionariesorthecolonialmasters.Today,virtuallyallavailablematerialsonIfá –books,journals,monographs,andsoon–attesttothefactthatIfáisastore-house“forYorùbátraditionalbodyofknowledgeembracinghistory,philosophy,medicineandfolklore”.79Becauseofitsstereotypicaloralnature,somecriticshavewrittenoffthesys-temasnothingmorethanareligiousandmythicdiscourse,wherethetermmythisunderstoodintermsofsuchuglyconceptsas“primitive”,“backward-ness”,“superstitious”,“archaic”andnotas“earlyscience,theresultofmen’sfirsttryingtoexplainwhattheysawaroundthem”oras“anexplanationofsomething innature;how, for instance,anyandeverything in theuniversecameintoexistence”.80Elsewhere,however,Ihaveshownthefailureofthecriticsofmythsormythologiesto“seeanyrelationbetweenscienceormod-ernknowledgeandmythology”.81OneofsuchpointsofinterestisrenderedinThe New Encyclopaedia Britannicathus:

“Modernsciencedidnotevolveinitsentiretyasarebellionagainstmyth,noratitsbirthdiditsuddenlythrowofftheshacklesofmyth.InancientGreecethenaturalistsofIonia(WesternAsiaMinor),longregardedastheoriginatorsofscience,developedviewsoftheuniversethatwereinfactclosetothecreationmythsoftheirtime.Thosewholaidthefoundationsofmodernscience,suchasNicholasofCusa,JohannesKepler,SirIsaacNewton,andGottfriedLeibniz,wereabsorbedbymetaphysicalproblemsofwhichthetraditional,indeedmythological,char-acterisevident.”82

Toputourpointinclearerperspective,somecriticsintheenterpriseofphi-losophyoftenarguethatananonymouscorpusofwritingthatincludesmyths,legends,poetry,song,andproverbsisnotworthyofthetitle‘philosophy’.83Here,goingbacktimelineinthedevelopmentofphilosophywillsuffice.WithGreekandRomanphilosophyinmind,thepopularbeliefisthatphilosophystarted, to useMirceaEliade’s vocabulary, at theprocess of ‘demythiciza-tion’.84Thisimpliesthatphilosophystartedinthatregionwhensomeindi-vidualsbegantoloseinterestinthedivinehistorytransmittedbymyths.ThisalsosuggeststhatphilosophystartedwhentheGreeks,especially,begantodistancethemselvesfromthemythologicalnarrativesoftheirtime,whensto-riesaboutGreekgodsandgoddesses–Cronos,Zeus,Hera,Athene,Poseidon,Hades,Apollo,Hermes,andsoon–begantolosetheireffectsontheculturalcontextof the time.But a critical lookat thehistoryofphilosophy showsthatphilosophydidnotsucceedindistancingitselffrommythologies.Asamatteroffact,philosophicalpersuasionsintheAncientperiod,forinstance,weresteeped inmythologies.Letus takeafewgreatmasters forexample.



Pythagoras saw numbers as divine, taught that philosophy and mysticismshouldnotbeseparated,talkedaboutthetransmigrationofthesoulandevenclaimedthathetookpartintheTrojanWarwhichtookplaceinthepre-Ionianerahundredsofyearsbeforehewasborn.Onhispart,Heraclitusreasonedfrom physics to metaphysics, from human soul to the divine cosmic soul.EventhegreatGreekphilosophers,likePlatoandAristotle,didnotdiscardmythologiesascompleteabsurdities.PlatomadeuseofmythsasallegoriesinseveralofhisdialoguesandAristotle,too,acknowledgedthat,withregardtoheavenlybodies,somemythicaldatamightcorrespondtoreality.ItisalsotruethatmostofthesefirstGreekphilosophers“oftenwroteinriddlesandallegories,andtheymoreoftensoundedlikemysticpoetsthancontemporaryscienceprofessors”.85

Most scholars of Ifá86 havepresented the structureof Ifáwith little varia-tions,notintheorderoftheprecedenceoftheodù(Ifágraphemes)butinthepronounciationofcertainodù names,especiallyatthelevelofthe240minorodù.This,however,isinconsequentialhere,sincesuchvariationscouldresultfromthedifferentdialectsspokenbytheYorùbá.Simplyput:“Ifáhas256Odùwhichderivefrom16basicororiginalOdù.EachoftheOdù,looselyidenti-fiedvariouslyas‘versesofIfadivinationpoetry’or‘categoriesofIfadivination’,hasasignaturewhichisdeterminedbythepatternthatemergesfromthethrowingofthediviningmedium–chain,palmnuts,kolanuts,etc.”87

AccordingtoAdelekeAdeeko,“thefoundationofanalysisinIfáisthesys-tematizedgraphictranslationoftheresultsoftherandompresentationofthedivinationobjects,amongwhichthechain(pl)andpalmnuts(ikin)arethetwomostprestigious”.88HegivesalucidanalysisoftheprocessesinvolvedinIfádivinationandpointsoutthat:“Identifyingthepresentedunitsgivesthedivinercluesastowhichstoriestotelltoillustratetheproblemsrevealedbythedivinationgodandtodecipherwhatritualsacrificesorbehavioralchangestoprescribe.Thecasting,imprinting,andnarratingprocesstypicallystartsafterthecli-

77

Ibid.

78

E.G.Parrinder,West African Religion,p.171.

79

WandeAbimbola,Sixteen Great Poems of Ifá,UNESCO,Niamey1975,p.32.

80

Edith Hamilton, Mythology: Timeless Tales of Gods and Heroes,PenguinBooks,London1940,p.19.

81

OmotadeAdegbindin,Ifá in Yorùbá Thought System, Carolina Academic Press, Durham2014,p.68.

82

The New Encyclopedia Britannica,Encyclo-pediaBritannica,Inc.,Chicago2005,p.720.

83

BarryHallen,A Short History of African Philosophy,IndianaUniversityPress,Blooming-ton2002,p.11.

84

MirceaEliade,Myth and Reality,HarperandRow,NewYork1986,pp.111–112.

85

RobertC.Solomon,KathleenM.Higgins,A Short History of Philosophy,OxfordUniver-sityPress,NewYork1996,p.12.

86

See:AkinbowaleAkintola,Yoruba Ethics and Metaphysics,ValourPublishingVenture,Og-bomosho1999;WandeAbimbola,Ìjìnlè Ohùn Ẹnu Ifá,I,Collins,Glasgow1968.

87

OlufemiTaiwo,“Ifa:AnAccountofaDivina-tionSystemandSomeConcludingEpistemo-logicalQuestions”,in:KwasiWiredu(ed.),A Companion to African Philosophy,BlackwellPublishingLtd.,Oxford2004, pp. 304–312,p.307.

88

Adeleke Adeeko, “ʻWritingʼ and ʻReferenceʼin Ifá”, in: Jacob K. Olupona, Rowland O.Abiodun (eds.), Ifá Divination, Knowledge, Power, and Performance,IndianaUniversityPress,Bloomington2016,pp.66–87,p.69.



enthaswhisperedhisorherpurposeintosometokens,whichcouldbemoneymixedwiththedivinationobjectsthesignrevealedandtheillustrativestoriestoldmustbearsomeallegoricalrelationshiptotheproblemtheclientwantstosolve.”89

ThecombinationofthetwohundredandfortyminorodùorÀmúlù OdùandthesixteenprincipalOdù providesuswithacomprehensivechartoftheorderofprecedenceinIfá system.Adeekoexplains:

“Inpracticalcounselling,thebasicunitsmustdoubletoproduceadiagnosisandprognosis.ApatternthatsignalsykúontherighthandandOgbèontheleftwillbenamedykúlógbè–itwillbeOgbèykú,iftheotherwayround–andoneÒfúnonbothsideswillbeÒfúnMéjì(...).Theinscriptionissuesfromagridthatisstructuredsosystematicallythatnamingerrorscanbefixedwithlittledifficulty.”90

Itisimportanttonoteherethatthehistoricaldevelopmentofwriting–fromgraphicformstoproto-writing,logographictothedevelopmentofphonetictranscriptionandthealphabet–evincesourgrossmisuseoftheterm“litera-cy”.Thismisuseofthetermismostlyclusteredwithmanyambiguitieswhichoftendebarusfromadmitting,forexample,theinscriptivenatureoftheIfásystemintoourwritinghistory.Forthosewhoarefamiliarwiththesystemandhowitoperates,therefore,itiscommonknowledgethatinscriptionisonesalientfeatureoftheIfásystemwhichhas“closetiestoaminimallymediatedwritingsystem”.91Thus:

“ThefoundationalroleoftheinscriptionsystemintheIfádivinationprocessdistinguishesitasaʻliterateʼlearnedmeansofinquiry–Ifáiscommonlycalledalákwé(operatorofthescribaldis-course)–andnotaséanceorsomeotherkindofintuitive,magical,orgiftedfortunetelling.”92

Inlightoftheforegoing,Parrinder’ssearchfor“reliablerecords”tobacktheadmissionoftherealityorexistenceofwitchcraftbyAfricansortheYorùbáisidleandisnodoubtobliviousofthetruththat“Ifáwritingismythograph-ic”, inpartbecause the inscriptions that result from theprocessofdivina-tion“generatestoriesandnotphonemes”.93Consequently,ourconcernatthisjunctureistoshowthroughtheIfámythographythetruthorfalsityofsomeofthewitchcraftclaimsthatwehavegrapledwithintheprevioussections.Webelievealsothatotherissuesonwitchcraftthatwerenotraisedintheprevi-oussectionsmightcomeupaswedelveintothemythography.Althoughthepopularnotioninmanyquartersisthatsá Méjìdealswithwitchcraftissuesthemost,94IbelievethatthecontributionofÌrosùnstowitchcraftclaims,too,isusefulhere:

Text1,Ìrosùn-s: I I II I I II II II

rúnmìlàníódiìsgbàèkínnílhìnkùléàwọnìyàmiàjWnníkínirúnmìlàwáṣerúnmìlàníòhunwáṣìplágbájániWnnírúnmìlàòtúngbọdwámlórírẹnihúnWónníbírúnmìlàbátúnwá 5Àwọnósẹ gbáẹlẹyẹsíilápátúnÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápáòsìÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíiníwájúÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíilyìn



Àwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsálppibiódúrósí 10Àwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsáàrinàtàrírrúnmìlàgbéra,ótọOlódùmarèlọÓkálàyéṣefúnOlódùmarè:rúnmìlàníódiìsgbàèkínnílhìnkùléàwọnìyàmiàjWnníkínirúnmìlàwáṣe 15rúnmìlàníòhunwáṣìplágbájániWnnírúnmìlàòtúngbọdwámlórírẹnihúnWónníbírúnmìlàbátúnwáÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápátúnÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápáòsì 20ÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíiníwájúÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsíilyìnÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsálppibiódúrósíÀwọnósgbáẹlẹyẹsáàrinàtàrírOlodumarepékírúnmìlàpadà 25ÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápátúnÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápáòsìÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsíiníwájúÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilyìnÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsálppibiódúrósí 30ÓnítíwnbásgbáẹlẹyẹsáàrinàtàrírKrúnmìlàpésin-ni-mo-sìn...rúnmìlàníódiìsgbàkejìlhìnkùléàwọnìyàmiàjWnníṣebíàwọntisọpérúnmìlàògbọdwámWnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápátún 35rúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn..Wnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilápáòsìrúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn..Wnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsíiníwájúrúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn.. 40Wnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsíilyìnrúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn..Wnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsálppibiódúrósírúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn..Wnwásgbáẹlẹyẹsáàrinàtàrír 45rúnmìlànísin-ni-mo-sìn...Wnnírúnmìlàògbtàn,

89

Ibid.

90

Ibid.

91

Ibid.,p.72.

92

Ibid.

93

Ibid.

94

See:WandeAbimbola,Àwọn Ojú Odù Mrrìndínlógún, Oxford University Press, Iba-dan1976.



rúnmìlàníòhungbtàn,òhunsìgbọtánÓníOníyÒpépéloókọìyáyinàjńjÀkàrànìyáayínńdínlóderun 50ÀjónákùigitíìyáyínfińdínkàràńbẹlágbàláOlódùmarèdòníyìí.WnníkírúnmìlàófiyèdénúWnníàjyòwúùtrúnmìlàbábtíòbágbWnnífúnraàwọnlàwọnópaánàòdìniyóòbgàlọsóderun.95 55

rúnmìlàpaidanurgentvisittotheWitchesthefirsttimeTheyaskedwhathadbroughthimtothemHerepliedthathehadcometoappeasethemonbehalfofsomeone(theirvictim)TheysaidthatrúnmìlàshouldnotcomeonbehalfofthatpersonagainTheywarnedthatshouldrúnmìlàcomebackagain 5TheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisrightlimbTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisleftlimbTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhischestTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisbackboneTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysiswhereverhestood 10TheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisrightonhisheadThathewouldsufferandbeshakingfromlossofcontrolrúnmìlàthenrantomeetOlodumareHenarratedhisordealtoOlodumare:HepaidanurgentvisittotheWitchesTheyaskedwhathadbroughthimtothem 15Herepliedthathehadcometoappeasethemonbehalfofsomeone(theirvictim)TheysaidthatheshouldnotcomeonbehalfofthatpersonagainTheywarnedthatshouldhecomebackagainTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisrightlimbTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisleftlimb 20TheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhischestTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisonhisbackboneTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysiswhereverhestoodTheywouldafflicthimwithparalysisrightonhisheadOlódùmarèthenaskedrúnmìlàtogobacktotheWitches 25AndshouldtheyafflicthimwithparalysisonhisrightlimbAfflicthimwithparalysisonhisleftlimbAfflicthimwithparalysisonhischestAfflicthimwithparalysisonhisbackboneAfflicthimwithparalysiswhereverhestood 30AfflicthimwithparalysisrightonhisheadThatrúnmìlàshouldsay“sin-ni-mo-sìn”,thesoundofafryingbean-cake



rúnmìlàpaidanotherurgentvisittotheWitchesthesecondtimeTheyflaredupthattheyhadtoldhimnotcomebackagainTheythenafflictedhimwithparalysisonhisrightlimb 35rúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn”Theyafflictedhimwithparalysisonhisleftlimbrúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn”Theyafflictedhimwithparalysisonhischestrúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn” 40Theyafflictedhimwithparalysisonhisbackbonerúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn”Theyafflictedhimwithparalysiswherehestoodrúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn”Theyafflictedhimwithparalysisrightonhishead 45rúnmìlàsaid:“sin-ni-mo-sìn”TheythensaidthatrúnmìlàdidnotknowtheirancestryrúnmìlàrepliedthatheknewtheirancestrybeyondallboundariesHesaid:“OníyÒpépéisthemotherofyouWitches”“Fryingofbean-cakeishertradeinthespiritualabode” 50“Theleft-oversofthewoodsheusedforhertradeareatOlódùmarè’scompoundnow”TheythenimploredrúnmìlàtobecalmAndsworethatanywitchthatrefusedtoaccepthispropitiationsWouldbekilledwiththeirownhandsShewouldsufferamysteriousdeath! 55

Text 2, sá-Méjí: II II I I I I I IAga-ní-wrOṣù-gbókèrè-níyìErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkinÀwọnmttaniwnṣeọmọìkfáọwrúnmìlàrúnmìlàkwọnnídídáọw,wnm-ndá 5Ókwọnníòtìtal,wnm-ntÓkwọnníìkadìíkararaẹbọ,wnm-nha.ObìnrinníńṣiṣìbílÓtuIfNiwnránṣperúnmìlàÌgbààwọnìyámiàjdélé 10WọnòbrúnmìlàÒsúnunlyayarniwọnbáÒsúnunlynírúnmìlàòsínílé

95

SourcedfromChiefIfakayodeOlanipekun,apracticingIfápriestinIbadan,Nigeria.HencetheOralsource.



ÓníṣùgbnAga-ní-wrbẹńléOṣù-gbókèrè-níyìbẹńlé 15Erin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkinbẹńléWnníkíwọnókálọWnrìnsààWndéprprodòLórítamta,nídìípẹẹltùmta 20Àwọnìyáàmibápẹranèèyànkal,niwnńjẹ.rúnmìlàdélé,kòbáàwọnọmọrÒsúnunlyníwntikóàwọnọmọrlọrúnmìlàgbéraóńwáawọnọmọrlọÓdéprprodò 25Lórítamta,nídìípẹẹltùmtarúnmìlàbáàwọnìyámiòṣòròǹgà,àjNíbiwngbépẹranèèyànkal,tíwọnńjẹrúnmìlàní:ẹǹlo,Ẹbóhunráwọnọmọawoòunbí? 30Wnláwọnòrnìkankanrúnmìlàbápyìndà,óńlọLẹnìkanbádáhùnnínúwọnÓníbàbàkynuhùn,aríhìín,rhùúnÓnígbogboounàńṣelótirí 35WnníbàbákywáoWnláwọnọmọdékanlóbáwọnníhìínNiwnsọàwọnńgbòLáwọnbápawn,Láwọnkranwọnkal,láwọnńjẹwn 40rúnmìlàníkíwnókówọnjáde,kóunóríwọnWngbéAga-ní-wrbóódeWngbéOṣù-gbókèrè-níyìbóódeWngbéErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkinbóóderúnmìlàmkúnófidígbe 45ÓfìyrsohùnaròÓńsunkúnìpínÓlAga-ní-wr,ọmọọlmọrèéè!ÓlOṣù-gbókèrè-níyì,ọmọọlmọrèéè!ÓlErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin,ọmọọlmọrèéè! 50WnníkrúnmìlàónísùúrùBáwọnbápààyànàwọnamáajíirúnmìlàníkíwnjíàwọnọmọawoòhun.WnjíAga-ní-wr!WnjíOṣù-gbókèrè-níyì! 55WnjíErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin!Wndáwọnlérúnmìlàlw...96

Aga-ní-wrOṣù-gbókèrè-níyìErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin



Thethreeweretheapprenticesofrúnmìlàrúnmìlàtaughtthemtheuseofikinfordivinationand 5theyexcelledHetaughtthemhowtoimprintthegraphemesandtheyexcelledHetaughtthemhowtomakeofferingsandtheyexcelledAwomanwasinlabouratÒtu-IfSo,rúnmìlàwascalledtocometoheraidThentheWitchescametorúnmìlà’shouse 10TheydidnotmeetrúnmìlàButtheymetÒsúnunly,hiswife,athomeÒsúnunlytoldthemthatrúnmìlàwasnotaroundShesaidthatAga-ní-wrwasathomeOṣù-gbókèrè-níyìwasathome 15Erin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkinwasathomeTheWitchesthenaskedtheapprenticestofollowthemTheycoveredlongdistanceReachedthebankofariverAtacrossroadunderasacredpalmtree 20TheWitchesthenkilledhumanbeingsandwerefeastingonthemrúnmìlàreturnedhomeanddidnotseehisapprenticesÒsúnunlythensaidthattheWitcheshadgonewithhisapprenticesrúnmìlàsetoutinsearchofhisapprenticesHereachedthebankofariver 25AtthecrossroadunderasacredtreerúnmìlàthensawtheWitchesfeastingonthefleshofhumanbeingsrúnmìlàgreetedthemHeaskedwhethertheyeversawhisapprentices 30TheydeniedeverseeinghisapprenticesrúnmìlàthenturnedhisbackandwasleavingOneoftheWitchesquicklycalledouttohimShepraisedhimasalinguist,theonewhoseesthroughtimeSheadmittedthathehadalreadyknownwhattheydid 35Theyaskedhim,thelinguist,tomovecloserTheysaidthatsomeyoungmenmetthemattheriverbankAndtheywererudetothemThentheykilledthemPreparedtheirfleshandbegantoeatthem 40rúnmìlàrequestedthattheirpartsbebroughtout,sohecouldseethemTheybroughtoutAga-ní-wr’sbodypartsTheybroughtoutOṣù-gbókèrè-níyì’sbodypartsTheybroughtoutErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin’sbodypartsrúnmìlàburstintotears 45Hecriedwiththetuneofìyr,Ifápoetry

96

Oralsource.



HecriedaboutwhatfatehasbroughtforthHecalledoutAga-ní-wr,someoneelse’schild! 50Oṣù-gbókèrè-níyì,someoneelse’schild!Erin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin,someoneelse’schild!TheypleadedwithrúnmìlàtobecalmThatthey(witches)couldbringbackthedeadrúnmìlàthenpleadedwiththemtobringbackhisapprentices 55Alas,theybroughtbackAga-ní-wr!TheybroughtbackOṣù-gbókèrè-níyì!TheybroughtbackErin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin!Theygavethembacktorúnmìlàalive.

Now,giventhefact thatIfá isa“learnedmeansof inquiry”, thedebateonwhetherwitchcraftandsorcerycanbeusedinterchangeablyissettled:witch-craftandsorceryarenot thesame. In Ìrosùn-s, thewitchesdonothaveanyphysicalcontactwiththeirvictimandthespiritualdimensionofhowthevictim can be rescued from the affliction is implicitly depicted. sá-Méjì,lines51–57,demonstratesgraphicallythatwitchcraftisessentiallyabouttheuseofinvisibleprojectionwhichdoesnotrequiretheuseofmedicines,rites,incantations,andsoon.Tothisend,therefore,suchscholarsasEvans-Pritch-ard, Field, and Crawford are right in defining it as a psychic act.Also, inthosesá-Méjìlines,weseeanoutrightrejectionofOgungbemi’sclaimthatitisimpossibleforawitchtochangeintosuchotherbodilyformsasbirds,snakes,andsoon.97TheproblemwithOgungbemi’scriticism,onesuspects,liesinhisfailuretoseewitchcraftas,inSogolo’swords,“neitheraspeciesof sciencenorproto-science”.98 Inmodernday,however,manypeopleof-ten find itdisturbing thatAfricanwitchcraft– if it trulyexistsandhas thecharacterizationweascribeit–hasnotsucceededinchallengingtheWest-ernscientifichegemony,especiallyintheareasofdevelopment,scienceandtechnology.DrewalandDrewal,quotingAdeleye(1971),reflectthislineofthoughtthus:

“Theàj[destructivemothers]changeintobirdsandflyatnight.Iftheyusedthatknowledgeforgood,itmightresultinthemanufactureofairplanesorsomethingofthesort.TheycangotoLagosandbackinveryshortminutes.Theycanseetheintestinesofsomeonewithoutslaugh-teringhim;theycanseeachildinthewomb.Iftheyusedtheirpowersforgood,theywouldbegoodmaternitydoctors.”99

Thus,conceivingàṣẹas“vitalforce”or“lifeforce”,DrewalandDrewalob-servethat“thevisualizationofinnovationsperceivedtobetheresultof“posi-tiveàṣẹ”constitutesadirectandexplicitappealtothemotherstousetheirpowersinconstructiveratherthandestructiveways”.100

Oneimportantissuethatisoftenraisedinthedebateabouttheexistenceofwitchcraftbordersontheactivitiesofwitchestowardskinsmenormembersoftheirfamily.Wehaveacropofresearcherswhothrusttheideathatwitch-esusually turn theirevilbarbagainstmembersof theirownkinship–sons,daughters,andotherrelatives.Parrinderisoneofsuchscholars.Accordingtohim,“itmaybenotedthatwitchesareoftensaidtohavenopowerofkill-ingthosetowhomtheyarenotrelatedandonlyeatmembersoftheirownclan.”101ThisviewissharedbyDavidHammond-Tooke,GeorgeSimpson,SegunOgungbemi,andafewothers.DavidHammond-Tookepositsthat“theessentialmalignityofwitchcraftisthatwitches(…)tendtoharmpeopleclose



to them–people likekinandneighbourswhom, inanynormalsociety,oneshouldlove,cherishandco-operatewith”.102GivenhisYorùbáancestryandtherealityofYorùbáurbanism,Ogungbemi’spositiononthisisunfortunatelymoststriking.“InYorùbásociety”,hewrites,“witchesonlyactontheirrela-tionsandnotonstrangers”.103Hisstresson“notonstrangers”demandsthatweavidlysearchfortheideaofYorùbálineageandseetheimplicationthatthishasforhisassertion.AccordingtoWilliamSchwab:

“Yorùbákinshipsystemisthelineagestructure.AYorùbálineage,commonlytermedìdílé isa strictly unilineal descent group which (…) comprises all those persons, male and female,whotracedescentfromanacknowledgedcommonancestorthroughknownorputativeagnaticantecedents.”104

Elsewhere,Schwabnotesthat“eachmalememberofanìdíléisapotentialfounderofasegmentwhichintimemaybedividedintofurthersegmentsbyhisdescendants”.105Thisgivestheideathatalargenumberofpeopleconsti-tutesanìdílé orlineagegroup,“whichformsthebasisfortheassociationintheresidentialunit,thecompound”.106Yet,if,inthewordsofSchwab,“thecompoundneednotbecoterminouswithonelineagegroup”,107thenitisfairtoassumethatacompound,termedasagbo ilé,willnormallyrecordastag-geringnumberofinhabitantswhencomparedwiththatofìdílé. Agbo ilécansometimesgiveapictureofabusymarket,wheretheinhabitantscanhardlyenjoyanyformofprivacyandareexpectedtorelatewellamidstvaryingso-cialdistinctions,rankingofwives,unhealthycompetitionsamongchildren,andsoon,whichoftencausejealousyandotherformsofdissension.Inshort,ifawitchislivinginsuchasetting,thensheislikelytouseherpowermoreagainstamemberofthelineageeveryotherdaythanagainstanoutsiderwhodoesnotcontestanyinterestswithher.Thisisnottosaythatshecouldnotuseherpoweragainstsomeoneoutsideherlineage.InÌrosùn-sandsá-Méjìcitedabove,itcanbededucedthatrúnmìlà’sclentintheformerand,inthelatter,hisapprentices–Aga-ní-wr,Oṣù-gbókèrè-níyì,Erin-ní-sonípè-ohùn-òkinkin–areunknowntotheWitches.Anotherstrikingpointofinterestinthetwonarrativesisthatoftherelation-shipbetweenwitchesandthedieties,inthiscaserúnmìlà.Thenarrativesex-plicatethehegemonicstatusofthewitchesoverthedieties,therebyinstruct-

97

S.Ogungbemi, Philosophy and Development,p.138.

98G. S. Sogolo, Foundations of African Philosophy,p.107.

99

H.J.Drewal,M.T.Drewal,Gld,p.203.

100Ibid.

101E.G.Parrinder,West African Religion,p.135.

102David Hammond-Tooke, Rituals and Medicines: Indigenous Healing in South Africa,AdDonker,Johannesburg1989,p.80.

103

S.Ogungbemi,Philosophy and Development,p.129.

104

William B. Schwab, “The Terminology ofKinship and Marriage among the Yorùbá”,Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 28 (1958) 4, pp. 301–313, p. 301,doi:https://doi.org/10.2307/1157637.

105

William B. Schwab, “Kinship and Lineageamong the Yorùbá”, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 25 (1955)4, pp. 352–374, p. 353, doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/1156875.

106

Ibid.,p.356.

107

Ibid.

https://doi.org/10.2307/1157637

https://doi.org/10.2307/1156875



ingusthatOlódùmarèhasgiventhemawesomepowertodominatetheworld.Ìrosùn-s,lines25–32,forinstance,showsthatonlyOlódùmarèknowsthesecret of thewitches.This confirms anoral source thatwitches cannot besubdued,butcanonlybeappeased through theofferingofẹbọ orètùtù.108Thetermsẹbọandètùtùarebasedontheverbs bọ andtùwhichtranslateas“worship”or“revere”and“appease”or“calm”respectively.Offeringofẹbọ orètùtù,ontheonehand,suggeststhatthewaytofreetheirvictimisamatterof“negotiation”and,ontheother,corroboratestheviewthatwitches“occupyapositionofsubordinatetothoseof thesupremediety,Olódùmarè,andofrúnmìlà,godoftheIfádivinationsystem,andequalorsuperiortothatofthegods”.109Perhaps,itisthisunderstandingamongtheYorùbáthatallowswitchcrafttoenjoysomefairmeasureofeuphemismwhichhidesitsconcep-tualisedimageofvirulentactivitiestowardsotherpersons.Forinstance,theYorùbáusethephraseàwọn ìyá whichtranslatesas“ourmothers”forwitchestoconvey their regard for thewitches’“mysticpowersofwomanhood”.110Althoughinwitchcraftaccusationsoldwomenareoftentheobjectofmistrustandareperceivedaswitches,itisthecaseamongtheYorùbá,however,that“…elderlywomen(…)areconsideredneitheranti-socialnorthepersonificationofevil.Ratherthey forman important segmentof thepopulation in any townand tend tobe shownmuchrespectandaffection.Becauseoftheirspecialpower,theyhavegreateraccesstotheYorùbádeities.”111

Thus, to impress the“inscrutabilityof themothers”,“the intensityof theirpowerinthemindsofmen”,“femaleimages(…)ofsecrecyandcovertness”,DrewalandDrewal112offertheirpopularpraisepoemthus:

MyMotherÒṣòròngà,famousdovethateatsinthetownFamousbirdthateatsinaclearedfarmwhokillsananimalwithoutsharingwithanyoneOnewhomakesnoiseinthemidnightWhoeatsfromtheheadtothearm,whoeatsfromthelivertotheheart

Ìyáàmi Òṣòròngà, afínjú àdàbà tí ńjẹ láàrin ìlúAfínjú ẹyẹ tí ńjẹ ní gbangba oko ap’ẹran mahagunOlókìkí òruA ti orí jẹ apá, a td jẹ ọkàn

Witchcraftnodoubthassufferedseveralnegativeascriptionspartlybecauseofitsfrighteningfeatures,itsunobservablemeansandthedifficultyofmak-ingitintelligibleontheempiricalplane.Despitethisevidentialproblemofproof,witchcraftpracticeshave,intoday’srapidlychangingworld,attractedsomuchattentionwithinAfrica’s socioculturalcontext. In fact, somepeo-pleholdstronglytotheviewthatthedimensionsorusesofwitchcraftnowchangewithchangingtrendsinallfacetsofhumanlifeinAfrica–politics,commerce,sports,religion,andsoon.Obsessedwiththeconcernsofmoder-nity,someAfricanstatesattempttosuppressorcontain,throughlegalmeans,witchcraft activities because of the general feeling that such occult forcescreateabasicimpedimenttogrowthordevelopment.SouthAfricaisagoodexample.Thetruthisthatwitchcraft“isstillwidespreadatalllevels,includ-ingamongthoseinformalemploymentascivilservants,religiousleadersandbusinesspeopleinlocaltownsandurbancentres”.113

Interestingly,too,somepeoplearguethatwitchcraftservesasamechanismforregulatingsocialbehaviourandentrenchingmoralrelations.Thisposi-



tionderivesfromtheconvictionthatpeopletendtoimbibegoodconductontherealizationthatdoingotherwisesometimesattractsthedisruptiveforceofwitchcraft.Thiscouldbedistilledfurthertomeanthatwitchcraftissociallyusefulby“givingthevictimsasociallyprescribedtargetforprotectiveor remedialaction, (…)maintainingcivility ineveryday life(becauseoffailuretobepolitecouldbeinterpretedasmalevolence)andprovidingsocialcontrolbyriddingacommunityofdeviantpersons”.114Fromthepsychologicalpointofviewandconsideringtheabundanceofre-pressedhostility,frustration,andothersuchmodern-dayrealities,itmakessensetoreasonwiththeTanzaniangroupResearchonPovertyAlleviation(REPOA)116thatwitchcraft“providesawaytoexplainseriousmisfortunesandrenderthosewhosufferthemblamelessintheeyesofsociety”.On the finalnote,wemustadmit that the twographemes(odù)employedinthissectioncan,despitetheirmythiccolorations,beusedtocomplementnaturalexplanationofeventsandencouragefurtherepistemologicalexplora-tionsofIfátowardstheforgingofaprovisothat,fortheYorùbá,witchcraftisanobjectivefeatureofreality.

Omotade Adegbindin

O domorodačkoj afričkoj epistemologiji: mitografske predstave fenomena vještičarstva u tekstovima Ifáe

SažetakU umovima onih što snažno podržavaju hegemoniju znanosti ponad praksi usmenih tradicija, vještičarstvo pripada dimenziji makabrističkih fantazija, djelomice i zato što je vještičarenje uvršteno u područje okultnog i teško je empirijski provjerljivo. Pozitivistički pristup i zapadnjačko omalovažavanje fenomena vještičarstva stvara utisak da su prakse poput magije i vještičarstva, usađene u usmene tradicije, teorijske pretpostavke te iracionalne. Za ovaj rad važno je pogrešno shvaćanje Geoffreyja Parrindera da se Afrikanci nisu naslanjali na zapise, nego na mnemoničke genije kada su u pitanju bile njihove povijesti, filozofije, kozmologije itd. Uzimajući vještičarenje kao pozadinu, Parrinder tvrdi da ne postoje pouzdani zapisi koji potvrđuju postojanje vještičarenja u Africi. Pod »pouzdani zapisi« očito je da Parrinder podrazumijeva pisanje ponad usmenog prenošenja i, samim time, nepoznato mu je da, za narod Yorùbá, Ifá može producirati zapise vezane za njihove mitske/religijske koncepcije, svjetonazore i živuće ritualne obrede. Ovaj rad pokazuje, u jednu ruku, da je naše pogrešno korištenje termina »pisanje« i »pismenost« razmješteno mnogim dvosmislenostima koje nas sprječavaju u prihvaćanju, primjerice, inskriptivne prirode Ifá sustava u našu povijest zapisa. U drugu ruku, rad predstavlja

108


109

UlliH.Beier,“GldMasks”,Odu6(1958),pp.5–23,p.6.

110


111

Ibid.,pp.74–75.

112

StephenN.Nyaga,“TheImpactofWitchcraftBeliefsandPracticesonSocio-economicDe-velopmentoftheAbakwayainMusoma-Ru-ralDistrict”,in:GerrieterHarr(ed.),Imagin

ing Evil: Witchcraft Beliefs and Accusations in Contemporary Africa,AfricaWorldPress,Trenton,N.J.2007,pp.247–268,p.265.

113

Robert B. Edgerton, Sick Societies: Challenging the Myth of Primitive Harmony,FreePress,NewYork1992,p.172.

114

See:DaresSalaam:TOMRICAgency,“Gen-derandWitchcraftKillingsinTanzania”,All Africa(March27,2000).Availableathttps://allafrica.com/stories/200003270107.html(ac-cessedonApril10,2018).



Ifáu kao korpus pouzdanih zapisa i povlači argumente iz sistematiziranog grafičkog prevođenja dvaju strofa, Ìrosùn-sisá-Méjì, kojima se odgovara na pitanja o prihvaćanju postojanja vještica, zatim može li se čarobnjaštvo i vještičarstvo koristiti izmjenično, o djelovanju vještica prema članovima svoje porodice, o položaju vještica u hijerarhiji bića itd.

Ključne riječiafričkaepistemologija,mitografija,vještičarenje,Ifá,GeoffreyParrinder

Omotade Adegbindin

Zur indigenen afrikanischen Epistemologie: mythografische Darstellungen des Phänomens der Hexerei in Texten Ifás

ZusammenfassungIm Geist derjenigen, die die Hegemonie der Wissenschaft über die Praxis mündlicher Traditionen stark unterstützen, gehört die Hexerei zur Dimension makabristischer Fantasien, zum Teil auch weil die Hexerei in den Bereich des Okkulten eingeordnet wird und empirisch kaum nachprüfbar ist. Der positivistische Ansatz und die westliche Herabwürdigung des Phänomens der Hexerei erzeugen den Eindruck, dass Praktiken wie Magie und Hexerei, die in mündliche Traditionen eingebettet sind, theoretische Annahmen und Irrationalitäten sind. Für diese Arbeit ist die falsche Auffassung Geoffrey Parrinders belangvoll, dass sich die Afrikaner nicht auf die Aufzeichnungen stützten, sondern auf die mnemonischen Genies, wenn deren Geschichte, Philosophien, Kosmologien usw. in Betracht gezogen wurden. Vor dem Hintergrund der Hexerei behauptet Parrinder, es bestünden keine zuverlässigen Aufzeichnungen, die die Existenz von Hexerei in Afrika beweisen. Unter den „zuverlässigen Aufzeichnungen“ gewährt Parrinder offensichtlich den Vorrang der schriftlichen im Vergleich zur mündlichen Überlieferung, und es ist ihm dadurch unbekannt, dass Ifá für das Volk der Yorùbá Aufzeichnungen produzieren kann, die sich auf ihre mythischen / religiösen Konzeptionen, Weltanschauungen und lebende Ritualzeremonien beziehen. Diese Arbeit zeigt einerseits, dass unsere falsche Verwendung der Termini „Schreiben“ und „Alphabetisierung“ durch zahlreiche Zweideutigkeiten zersplittert worden ist, die uns daran hindern, beispielsweise die inskriptive Natur des IfáSystems in unsere Aufzeichnungsgeschichte einzuführen. Auf der anderen Seite stellt die Arbeit Ifá als Korpus verlässlicher Aufzeichnungen dar und leitet Argumente aus der systematisierten grafischen Übersetzung zweier Strophen, Ìrosùn-sundsá-Méjì, ab, die Fragen zur Akzeptanz der Existenz von Hexen beantworten. Darüber hinaus beantworten sie die Frage, ob Zauberei und Hexerei wechselweise verwendet werden können, außerdem die Frage zur Tätigkeit der Hexen gegenüber den Mitgliedern ihrer Familien und schließlich die Frage zur Position der Hexen in der Hierarchie der Wesen usw.

SchlüsselwörterafrikanischeEpistemologie,Mythografie,Hexerei,Ifá,GeoffreyParrinder

Omotade Adegbindin

Sur l’épistémologie indigène africaine : la représentation mythographique du phénomène de la sorcellerie dans les textes Ifá

RésuméDans la pensée de ceux qui soutiennent fermement l’hégémonie d’une science qui serait audessus de la pratique traditionnelle orale, la sorcellerie relève d’une dimension fantaisiste macabre, partiellement en raison du fait qu’elle s’inscrit dans le domaine de l’occulte et qu’elle est difficilement vérifiable de manière empirique. L’approche positiviste et la dépréciation du phénomène de la sorcellerie de la part de l’Occident donnent l’impression que les pratiques telles la magie et la sorcellerie, enracinées dans la tradition orale, sont des hypothèses qui relèvent de la théorie et sont ainsi irrationnelles. Ce travail prend en considération la conception erronée de Geoffrey Parrinder selon laquelle les Africains ne se seraient pas basés sur des écrits, mais sur des génies de la mnémonique lorsqu’il est question de leur histoire, leur philosophie, leur cosmologie, etc. En se servant du contexte de la sorcellerie, Parrinder affirme qu’il n’existe pas



d’écrits fiables qui confirment l’existence de la sorcellerie en Afrique. Il est clair que sous l’appellation de « écrits fiables » Parrinder suppose que la transmission écrite est audessus de la transmission orale, et ainsi, il lui est inconnu que le sytème de divination Ifá peut produire pour le peuple Yorùbá des écrits liés à leur conception religieuse/mythique, leur vision du monde, leurs rituels vivants. D’un côté, ce travail montre que notre compréhension des termes de « écriture » et « éducation » se déploie par le biais de nombreuses ambiguïtés qui nous empêchent d’accepter, par exemple, le caractère inscriptible du système Ifá dans notre histoire de l’écriture ; d’un autre côté, ce travail présente le système Ifá en tant que corpus d’inscriptions fiables et tire ses arguments d’une traduction graphique systématisée de deux strophes, Ìrosùn-setsá-Méjì, à travers desquelles les réponses aux questions concernant l’existence des sorcières et de leurs actions envers les membres de leur famille sont données, mais pose également la question de savoir s’il est possible d’utiliser les termes de magie noire et de sorcellerie de manière interchangeable et interroge le rôle des sorcière dans la hiérarchie de l’être, etc.

Mots-clésépistémologieafricaine,mythographie,sorcellerie,Ifá,GeoffreyParrinder

on indigenous african epistemology: mythographic

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