Data summary Susi Wurmbrand Summer 2014; last updated: October 2016 University of Connecticut

Comments very welcome! susi@alum.mit.edu

Restructuring across the world

Acknowledgements:

I thank the following people for their help with this research and the data (in alphabetical order):

Tatiana Bondarenko, Henry Chang, T.C. Chen, Christos Christopoulos, Sandy Chung, João Costa, Marcin Dadan, Nino Grillo, Ion Guirgea, Nick Huang, Jungmin Kang, Anja Kozankova, Sabine Laszakovits, Julie Legate, Renato Lacerda, Gabriel Martínez Vera, Lanko Marušič, Beata Moskal, Marcel Pitteroff, Chandra Shekar, Zheng Shen, Chao-Kai Shih, Koji Shimamura, Sandhya Sundaresan, Neda Todorović, Julio Villa-García, Jim Wood.

Tableofcontents

1. Twotypesofrestructuring:Summary 2

2. Threetypesofcomplementation 22.1 Tense,aspect 22.2 Overtsubjects 32.3 Finitealternations,subjunctive 4

3. Voicerestructruing,Longobjectmovement 43.1 Longobjectmovementpossible 43.2 LongobjectmovementorlongSEclimbing? 63.3 Romanian 73.4 Doublepassive 83.5 LongSE/passiveinSerbo-Croatian(withNedaTodorović) 83.6 Nolongobjectmovementbutcliticclimbingand/orinter-clausalscrambling 12

4. Cliticclimbing 144.1 Nocliticclimbing 144.2 Cliticclimbingonlyfromtenselessinfinitives 154.3 Cliticclimbingfromfutureinfinitives 16

5. Scrambling 175.1 Scramblingfromfutureinfinitives 175.2 Longdistancescrambling 185.3 Nolongdistancescrambling 19

6. CPblockingeffects 206.1 Variouslanguages 206.2 CPandCC/SCRinPolish(withMarcinDadan) 226.3 Buryatembeddedcomplements(withTanyaBondarenko) 23

7. Otherproperties 247.1 Embeddednegation 247.2 Parasiticgaps 257.3 Quantifierraising 277.4 Shiftedindexicals 277.5 Mandarin—someopenempiricalquestions(withZhengShen) 29

8. References 32

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1. Two types of restructuring: Summary

(1) a. John tried to leave (#tomorrow). tenseless infinitive (–TNS) b. John decided to leave tomorrow. future infintive (+FUT)

Table 1 [24] Long object movement Clitic climbing, scrambling –TNS +FUT – TNS +FUT CP A1: European Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, Takibakha

Bunun, ?Acehnese [✓LOM] ✓ * ✓ * *

A2: ?Romanian * * ✓ * * B1: Chamorro, CzechSE, German, Isbukun Bunun, Kan-

nada, Mayrinax Atayal ✓ * ✓ ✓ *

B2: Dutch, Mandarin, Polish, Tagalog * * ✓ ✓ * C1: Japanese, Serbo-CroatianDP.SE, SlovenianSE,DP,

Buryat ✓ * ✓ ✓ *CC, ✓SCR

C2: Korean * * ✓ ✓ *CC, ✓SCR D1: Norwegian, other M. Scandinavian? ✓ * * * * D2: Brazilian Portuguese, English, French, ?Romanian * * * * *

?: Evidence for some, but not all properties at this point; may need to be re-classified SE: only? reflexive (SE) passive (see section 3.2) DP: double passive (see section 3.3)

2. Three types of complementation

2.1 Tense, aspect

(2) a. Leo tried/began/managed/forgot to eat a frog (*tomorrow). non-/semi-intensional b. Leo decided/planned/propose to eat a frog (tomorrow). irreals, future c. Leo claimed to be eating a frog (*tomorrow), when... attitude, speech

(3) a. John believes/claims that Mary *eats/✓is eating a frog right now. b. John believes Mary to *eat/✓be eating right now. c. John claims to *eat/✓be eating right now.

(4) a. Jovan je pokušao da čita / pročita knjigu. BCS Jovan AUX tried DA read.3.SG.PRES.IMPFV / read.3.SG.PRES.PFV book ‘Jovan tried to read the (entire) book.’

b. Jovan je odlučio da čita / pročita knjigu. Jovan AUX decided DA read.3.SG.PRES.IMPFV / read.3.SG.PRES.PFV book ‘Jovan decided to read the (entire) book.’

c. Jovan je tvrdio da čita / *pročita knjigu. Jovan AUX claimed DA read.3.SG.PRES.IMPFV / *read.3.SG.PRES.PFV book ‘Jovan claimed to be reading the book.’ (imperfective)

Cypriot Greek (Christopoulos, p.c.)

(5) a. eprospaθisen na lisi to provlima. Greek try.PFV.PST.3SG NA solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem ‘He tried to solve the problem.’

b. apofasisen na lisi to provlima. decide.PFV.PST.3SG NA solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem ‘He decided to solve the problem.’

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c. ??isxiristiken / nomizi na elisen to provlima. claim.PFV.PST.3SG / think.IMPFV.PRES.3SG NA solve.PFV.PST.3SG the problem Intended: ‘He claimed to have solved/thinks that he solved the problem.’

d. isxirizete oti lii / ??lisi to provlima claim.IMPFV.PRES.3SG that solve.IMPFV.PRES.3SG / ??solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem

(, me to na to aγnoi ) with the NA it ignore.IMPFV.PRES.3SG )

‘He claims to be solving the problem (by ignoring it).’

e. isxiristiken oti elien / elisen to provlima claim.PFV.PST.3SG that solve.IMPFV.PST.3SG / solve.PFV.PST.3SG the problem

(, otan extipisen i porta ) when hit.PFV.PST.3SG the door )

‘He claimed that he solved/was solving the problem (when there was a knock at the door).’ Perfective: only shifted past interpretation for solving (solving before claiming) Imperfective: shifted or simultaneous interpretation for solving (solving before or simultaneous with claiming)

2.2 Overt subjects

• BCS, Buryat: do not allow overt subjects in try-complements

(6) a. Jovan je tvrdio da je Ø / Petar / on otišao pre Marije. BCS Jovani AUX claimed da AUX Ø / Peter / hei left before Mary ‘Jovan claimed to have left before Mary.’ ‘Jovani claimed that Peter/hei has left before Mary.’

b. Jovan je odlučio da Ø / Petar / oni ode. Jovani AUX decided DA Ø / Peter / hei leaves ‘Jovan decided to leave’, ‘Jovani decided that Peter/hei would leave.’

c. Jovan je pokušao da Ø / *Petar / *on ode Jovani AUX tried DA Ø / *Peter / *hei leaves ‘Jovan tried to leave.’, *‘Jovan tried that Peter/he would leave.’

(7) bagšə Ø / *badm-in / *badm-ijə / *badma honin ju:mə Buryat teacheri Øi / *Badma-GEN / *Badma-ACC / *Badma.NOM interesting thing

xö:rə-žə ürd-jə tell-CONV1 manage-PRT1 ‘The teacher managed to tell an interesting story.’

*‘Teacher managed to do so that Badma told an interesting story’ (e.g., the teacher asked Badma to speak)

• Both languages allow long passive—i.e., there is evidence for voice restructuring • try-complements involve sharing of the subject (similar to voice restructuring; Wurmbrand 2014, 2015,

Wurmbrand and Shimamura To appear)

(8) a. Ti glasači su se probali obmanuti. Those voters.MASC.NOM are SE tried.PL.MASC trick.INF ‘They tried to trick those voters’

b. ?*Te melodije su se odlučile / odlučivale (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE decided.PL.FEM.PFV / PL.FEM.IMPFV play.INF ‘They decided to play these melodies.’ / ‘They were deciding to play those melodies.’

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2.3 Finite alternations, subjunctive

(9) a. ??Leo tried that he would win. b. Leo decided that he would leave. c. Leo claimed that he left/will leave.

(10) a. Pokušala sam {da čitam / čitati } ovu knjigu. BCS tried.SG.FEM AUX.1SG {DA read.1SG / read.INF.IMPFV } this book ‘I tried to read this book.’

b. Odlučila sam {da čitam / čitati } ovu knjigu. decide.SG.FEM AUX.1SG {DA read.1SG / read.INF.IMPFV } this book ‘I decided to read this book.’

c. Tvrdim {da čitam / *čitati } ovu knjigu. claim.1SG {DA read.1SG / *read.INF.IMPFV } this book ‘I claim to be reading this book.’ [Vrzić 1996: 305, (22a,b)]

(11) a. ??eprospaθisen oti enna lisi to provlima. Greek try.PFV.PST.3SG that FUT solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem Intended: ‘He tried to solve the problem’

b. apofasisen oti enna lisi to provlima. decide.PFV.PST.3SG that FUT solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem ‘He decided to solve the problem.’

c. isxiristiken / nomizi oti elisen to provlima. claim.PFV.PST.3SG / think.IMPFV.PRES.3SG that solve.PFV.PST.3SG the problem ‘He claimed to have solved/thinks that he solved the problem.’

(12) a. eprospaθisen na lisi to provlima. try.PFV.PST.3SG NA solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem ‘He tried to solve the problem.’

b. apofasisen na lisi to provlima. decide.PFV.PST.3SG NA solve.PFV.PRES.3SG the problem ‘He decided to solve the problem.’

c. ??isxiristiken / nomizi na elisen to provlima. claim.PFV.PST.3SG / think.IMPFV.PRES.3SG NA solve.PFV.PST.3SG the problem Intended: ‘He claimed to have solved/thinks that he solved the problem.’

3. Voice restructruing, Long object movement

3.1 Long object movement possible

(13) a. Configuration: [Matrix object.NOM SE/VP.PASS [Embedded VP.ACT/DEFAULT object ]] b. Typical matrix verbs: try, forget, begin, continue c. Shows many language specific idiosyncrasies and restrictions

Notation: since there is no direct translation of long passive in English (cf. *it was tried/began to…), I paraphrase the examples with an active matrix predicate and an impersonal they subject (unless the sources give a different translation).

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(14) a. As casas foram acabadas de construir em 1950 European Portuguese the houses were finished to build in 1950 ‘They finished to build the houses in 1950’ [SW] [Cinque 2002: 5, (7a)]

b. La casa fu finita di costruiere il mese scorso Italian the house.FEM.SG was finished.FEM.SG to build the last month ‘They finished building the house last month.’ [SW] [(116b) of Van Tiel Di Maio 1978,97; via Cinque 2002: 4, (6u)]

c. Estas paredes están siendo terminadas de pintar (por los obreros) Spanish these walls were being finished to paint (by the workers) ‘They (the workers) were finishing painting these walls.’ [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 390, (P32b)]

d. dass der Traktor und der Lastwagen zu reparieren versucht wurden German that [the tractor and the truck].NOM to repair tried were.PASS.PL ‘that they tried to repair the tractor and the truck’ [Wurmbrand 2001: 19, (6c)]

e. Sono-shisutemu-ga tsukai hajime-rare-ta Japanese the-system-NOM use begin-PASS-PAST ‘The system began to be recognized.’ [Fukuda 2007: 175, (32b)]

f. Aneuk agam nyan geu-ci (*geu-)peuréksa lé dokto Acehnese child male DEM 3.POL-try (*3.POL-)diagnose by doctor Lit. ‘The child was tried to be diagnosed by the doctor.’ ‘The doctor tried to diagnose the child.’ [Legate 2012: 501; Legate 2014: 18, (24a)]

g. Chinägi dinispensa si Carmen gias Maria Chamorro NPL.R.IN.PASS.try NPL.RL.IN.PASS.forgive DET Carmen OBL Maria Lit. ‘Carmen was tried to be forgiven by Maria.’ ‘Maria tried to forgive Carmen.’ [Chung 2004: 219; (31a)]

h. Iliskinun-ku bunbun-a tu baliv-un Isbukun Bunun want.PV-1SG.ACC banana-that.NOM TU buy-PV ‘I wanted to buy the bananas.’ [Wu 2013: 40; (10b)]

i. naqaru.un i t.um.uting ni yumin ku bawwak Mayrinax Atayal finish.PV LNK beat.AV.beat GEN Yumin NOM pig ‘Yumin finished beating/killing the pigs.’ [Chen 2010: 5]

j. hosa man(y)u-∅ (jaanan-inda) kaTT-al(u) shurumaaD-alpaTT-itu Kannada new house-NOM (John-by) build-INF started-PASS-3.SG.N Lit: ‘A house was started to be built by John’ [Agbayani and Shekar 2007: 10, (1b)]

Ka:r-u nann-inda repe:ri ma:Dalu shuru-ma:Dal-patt-itu. Car-NOM I-LOC repair do-INF begin-do-pass-3n.

Lit: ‘The car was tried (by me) to repair.’ ‘I tried to repair the car.’ [C. Shekar, p.c.]

k. tanam-u =ku ka bali’i [kilim ti ] Takibakha Bunun try-PV =1SG.OBL ABS Balii [AV.search ti ] ‘I try to look for Bali.’ [Shih 2014: 3, (3b)]

’asa’-un i bali’ a ’iskán [ma-baliv ti ] want-PV OBL Bali ABS fish [AV-buy ti ] ‘Bali wants to buy the fish.’ [Shih 2014: 16, (31b)]

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l. Slike ting forsøkes ofte å gjøres / gjøre Norwegian such things try.PRES.PASS often to do.INF.PASS / do.INF ‘One often tries to do such things.’ [Lødrup 2014: 371, (13)]

m. bɜšəg tumən-ɜr bɜšə-žə ɜxilə-gd-ɜ letter.NOM Tumen-INSTR write-CONV1 begin-PASS-PRT1 Lit. ‘The letter was begun to write by Tumen.’ ‘Tumen began to write the letter.’ [T. Bondarenko, p.c.]

No embedded PRO subject

(15) a. Es wurde versucht [PROIMPL sichIMPL den Fisch mit Streifen vorzustellen] It was tried [PROIMPL SELFIMPL the fish.ACC with stripes to-imagine] ‘People tried to imagine what the fish would look like with stripes.’

b. *weil sich der Fisch mit Streifen vorzustellen versucht wurde since SELF the fish.NOM with stripes to-imagine tried was ‘since somebody tried to recall the image of the fish’

c. Amerika-de-wa kyodaina hanbaagaa-ga (*zibun-no) kodomo-ni Japanese America-IN-TOP huge hamburger-NOM (*self-GEN) child-DAT

atae-tuzuke-rare-tei-ru give-continue-PASS-ASP-PAST [Shimamura and Wurmbrand 2014: 207, (7b)] Lit. ‘In the US, huge hamburgers are continued to give self’s children.’ ‘Theyi continue to give huge hamburgers to theiri children in the US.’

Idiosyncracies of long passive

(16) a. Las casas fueron acabadas de pintar (por los obreros) ayer Spanish the houses were finished to paint (by the workers) yesterday [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 391, (P33b)]

b. *Las paredes fueron tratadas de pintar ayer the walls were tried to paint yesterday ‘They tried to paint the walls yesterday.’ [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 391, (P36b)]

c. Luis las trató de comer Luis them tried to eat ‘Luis tried to eat them.’ [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 363, (12b)]

d. Die Wände wurden gestern zu streichen versucht German the walls were yesterday to paint tried Lit. ‘The walls were tried to paint yesterday’ ‘They tried to paint the walls yesterday.’

3.2 Long object movement or long SE climbing?

• In some languages, long object movement is only possible (or highly preferred) when the matrix verb is real-ized as a reflexive (SE) passive.

• At this point it is not clear whether these constructions involve LOM or embedded SE passive, followed by clitic climbing of SE.

• The reason for why I classify these languages nevertheless as Type #1 languages in Table 1, is that in addition to raising (due to embedded passive), there still needs to be a mechanism to derive the control interpretation of these examples. In a voice restructuring system as suggested in Wurmbrand 2014a, b, c, 2015a, Wurmbrand and Shimamura To appear this would require a restructuring v, independent of which derivation is chosen for long SE passive.

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(17) a. Celá vĕc se podařila nastartovat Czech whole thing.NOM.SG.F SE managed.SG.F start.INF Lit. ‘The whole thing was managed to start.’ ‘The whole thing was successfully started.’ [Lenertová 2004: 159, (49); from ČNK]

b. ?Tyhle flašky se mu zkusej prodat až za rok these bottles.NOM SE him.DAT try.PL sell.INF even after year ‘One will try to sell him these bottles only after a year.’ [Rezac 2005: 113, (15b); corrected by A. Kozankova]

(18) a. Čist vse postelje so bile pa pozabljene bit pospravljene Slovenian clear all beds.NOM AUX AUX.PL PA forgot.PART be.INF fix.PART ‘All beds were forgotten to be fixed.’ [Marušič 2005: 27, (9a.i.), A. Stegovec, p.c.]

b. Čist vse postelje so se pa pozabile pospraviti clear all beds.NOM AUX.PL SE PA forgot.PRES.FEM.PL fix.INF ‘All beds were forgotten to be fixed.’ [Marušič 2005: 27, (9a.ii.)]

c. *Čist vse postelje so bile pa pozabljene pospraviti clear all beds.NOM AUX.PL PA forgot.PART fix.INF ‘All beds were forgotten to be fixed.’ [A. Stegovec, p.c.]

The interpretation of the double passive and SE passive are slightly different, which may indicate that the SE passive involves embedded passive (plus clitic climbing; A. Stegovec, p.c.).

See also section 3.5 for Serbo-Croatian.

3.3 Romanian

• Romanian allows long SE passive and CC with one verb—the modal putea ‘can’. • Most contexts require a subjunctive complement which does not allow LOM or CC. • Since there is no clear non-modal SE passive or CC, I leave open whether Romanian is a Type A or D language

(19) a. Clădirile nu se pot construi așa repede Romanian buildings.the not SE can.3.PL build.INF so fast ‘The buildings cannot be raised so fast.’ [Hill 2001: 304, (2a); 309, (10a)]

b. Nimic nu se poate construi așa repede nothing not SE can.3.SG build.INF so fast ‘Nothing can be built so fast.’ [Hill 2001: 309, (10b)]

c. ?(?)cărţile terminate de citit books.the finished.FEM.PL of read.SUPINE ‘books that had been finished reading’ [I. Guirgea, p.c. ; G. Alboiu: ??]

d. ?(?)cărţile au fost terminate de citit books.the have been finished.FEM.PL of read.SUPINE ‘They finished reading the books.’ [I. Guirgea, p.c.; G. Alboiu: *]

(20) a. Îl putem vizita Romanian him can.1.PL visit.INF ‘I can visit him.’ [Hill 2001: 304, (2b)]

b. Maria {*o} poate {*sǎ/✓s-o} viziteze Maria {*her} can {*SUBJ/✓SUBJ+her} visit.SUBJ ‘Maria can visit her.’ [Hill 2001: 305, (3a,b)]

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3.4 Double passive

• Double passives are fairly frequent in corpora in some languages, but native speakers are somewhat uneasy with these examples; the grammaticality status of such examples as well as the relevance for LOM has not been clearly determined yet.

(21) a. And how much fuel is proposed to be produced? [June 2, 2008, NPR; J. Merchant, p.c.] b. That’s how our politics has been taught to be played.

[speech 4/17/08 by Obama; J. Merchant, p.c.)] c. Snapshots will be tried to be updated on reboot/shutdown

[http://manpages.ubuntu.com/manpages/hardy/man7/casper.7.html]

d. Chapter 2 will be begun to be written sometime this weekend… [https://www.facebook.com/pages/Heroes-Jason-Storme-books/359571210721163]

e. The budget for next year will be begun to be prepared next month by the finance committee. [http://quake.stanford.edu/~todd/pacrc-cnotes/cn0002]

f.. and Jerusalem will be begun to be rebuilt [via Google books] g. another House of the Lord will be begun to be erected [via Google books]

h. This order is required to be purchased using verified by Visa or MasterCard Securecode. [Whole Foods online]

(22) a. Čist vse postelje so bile pa pozabljene bit pospravljene Slovenian clear all beds.NOM AUX AUX.PL PA forgot.PART be.INF fix.PART ‘All beds were forgotten to be fixed.’ [Marušič 2005: 27, (9a.i.), A. Stegovec, p.c.]

b. Others?

(23) a. *Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane da odsviraju Serbo-Croatian These melodies.NOM were (been) tried.PASS.PART that play.3.PL.PRES Lit. ‘These melodies were tried to play.’ Intended ‘They tried to play these melodies.’ [N. Todorović, p.c.]

b. *Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane odsvirati These melodies.NOM were (been) tried.PASS.PART play.INF ‘They tried to play these melodies.’ [N. Todorović, p.c.]

c. Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane da budu odsvirane These melodies.NOM were (been) tried.PASS.PART that be.3.PL played.PASS ‘They tried to play these melodies.’ [N. Todorović, p.c.]

d. See also Stjepanović 2004 and next section for ‘reverse long passive’; differences between da complements and infinitives.

• Turkish (George and Kornfilt 1977, Kornfilt 1996), Danish, Swedish, Brazilian Portuguese (Renato Lacerda).

3.5 Long SE/passive in Serbo-Croatian (with Neda Todorović)

Three types of long passive/SE in Serbo-Croatian

• Long SE passive: matrix SE — embedded (active) infinitive • Double passive: matrix SE — embedded SE

matrix passive — embedded passive (maybe embedded SE) • Crossed control: matrix active — embedded SE

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Long SE passive

• Possible from tenseless infinitives (and plan), but not tenseless (default present) da complements (Todorović and Wurmbrand 2015)

(24) a. Ti glasači su se probali obmanuti. Those voters.MASC.NOM are SE tried.PL.MASC trick.INF ‘They tried to trick those voters’

b. Te melodije su se probale odsvirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE tried.PL.FEM play.INF ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

c. Te melodije se svako malo probaju odsvirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM SE every little try.3.PL.PRES play.INF ‘They try to play these melodies from time to time.’

d. Ova melodija se svako malo proba odsvirati. This melody.FEM.NOM SE every little try.3.SG.PRES play.INF ‘They try to play this melody from time to time.’

e. *Te melodije su se probale da odsviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE tried.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

f. *Te melodije se svako malo probaju da odsviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM SE every little try.3.PL.PRES DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They try to play these melodies from time to time.’

(25) a. Te melodije su se morale odsvirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE must.PL.FEM play.INF ‘They had to play these melodies.’

b. *Te melodije su se morale da odsviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE must.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

(26) a. Te melodije su se počele svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE begun.PL.FEM play.INF.IMPFV ‘They started playing these melodies.’

b. *Te melodije su se počele da (od)sviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE begun.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They started playing these melodies.’

(27) a. Te melodije su se uspele odsvirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE managed.PL.FEM play.INF ‘They managed to play these melodies.’

b. *Te melodije su se uspele da (od)sviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE managed.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They managed to play these melodies.’

(28) a. Te melodije su se zaboravile (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE forgotten.PL.FEM play.INF ‘They forgot to play these melodies.’

b. *Te melodije su se zaboravile da (od)sviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE forgotten.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They forgot to play these melodies.’

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• Future infinitives do not allow this form of LOM

(29) a. ?*Te melodije su se odlučile / odlučivale (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE decided.PL.FEM.PFV / PL.FEM.IMPFV play.INF ‘They decided to play these melodies.’ / ‘They were deciding to play those melodies.’

b. *Te melodije se odlučuju (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM SE 3.PL.PRES.IMPFV play.INF ‘They are deciding to play these melodies.’

c. *Te melodije su se odlučile / odlučivale da (od)sviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE decided.PL.FEM.PFV / PL.FEM.IMPFV DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘They decided to play these melodies.’ / ‘They were deciding to play those melodies.’

(30) a. ?*Te melodije su se očekivale (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE expected.PL.FEM play.INF ‘They expected for those melodies to be played.’

b. ?*Te melodije se očekuju (od)svirati. Those melodies.FEM.NOM SE expect.3.PL.PRES.IMPFV play.INF ‘They expect for those melodies to be played.’

c. *Te melodije su se očekivale da (od)sviraju. Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE expected.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES ‘Those melodies were expected to be played.’

• Plan seems to be an exception; it also shows some other obligatory mono-clausal behavior (e.g., impossibility of i-NPIs with matrix negation; Todorović and Wurmbrand 2015)

(31) a. Te melodije se planiraju (od)svirati Those melodies.FEM.NOM SE plan.3.PL.PRES.IMPFV play.INF.(IM)PFV ‘They are planning to play those melodies.’

b. Te melodije su se planirale (od)svirati Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE planned.PL.FEM play.INF.(IM)PFV ‘They planned to play these melodies.’

c. *Te melodije su se planirale da (od)sviraju Those melodies.FEM.NOM are SE planned.PL.FEM DA play.3.PL.PRES.(IM)PFV ‘They planned to play these melodies.’

Double passive

(32) a. Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane da budu odsvirane These melodies.NOM were (been) tried.PASS.PART that be.3.PL played.PASS.PART ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

b. Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane biti odsvirane those melodies are been tried.PASS.PART be.INF played.PASS.PART ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

• Matrix passive and lower SE is more marked (except for plan); tenseless and future complements seem to be-have the same, which is expected if double passive is not a form OF LOM but of regular raising

• Propositional complements prohibit double passive, which can be related to the presence of a CP in these com-plements (Todorović and Wurmbrand 2015)

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(33) a. Te melodije su (bile) planirane da se odsviraju those melodies are been plan.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They planned to play these melodies.’

c. Te mere su (bile) planirane da se usvoje Those measure.NOM.FEM.PL are (been) plan.PASS.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES

od strane poslanika jos proslog leta from side parliament.members.MASC.PL already last summer ‘Parliament members were planning to adopt those measures even last summer.’

c. ?Te mere su (bile) uspele da se usvoje Those measure.NOM.FEM.PL are (been) managed.PASS.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES

od strane poslanika jos proslog leta from side parliament.members.MASC.PL even last summer ‘Parliament members were planning to adopt those measures already last summer.’

b. ??Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane da se odsviraju those melodies are been tried.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They tried to play these melodies.’

c. ??Te melodije su (bile) odlucene da se odsviraju those melodies are been decide.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They decided to play these melodies.’

d. ??Te melodije su (bile) obecane da se odsviraju those melodies are been promise.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They promised to play these melodies.’

e. ??Te melodije su (bile) kazane da se odsviraju those melodies are been tell.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES.PFV ‘They told (someone) to play these melodies.’

*‘They claimed to be playing these melodies.’

f. Te melodije su (bile) kazane da se sviraju those melodies are been tell.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES.IMPFV ‘They told (someone) to play these melodies.’

*‘They claimed to be playing these melodies.’

g. *Te melodije su (bile) verovane da se odsviraju those melodies are been believe.PASS.PART be.INF SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They believed to be playing these melodies.’

Crossed control

• Crossed control: A-movement like in raising constructions (The cake seems to have been eaten), due to embedded se passive, but matrix verb appears to still assign an agent theta-role.

(34) a. anak itu mau/ingin men-cium ibu Indonesian child that want ACT-kiss mother ‘The child wants to kiss the mother.’ [Polinsky and Potsdam 2008: 1617, (1)]

b. anak itu mau/ingin di-cium oleh ibu child that want PASS-kiss by mother ‘The child wants to be kissed by the mother.’ Control reading ‘The mother wants to kiss the child.’ Crossed reading [Polinsky and Potsdam 2008: 1618, (2)]

12

(35) a. Te melodije su probale da se odsviraju those melodies.NOM are tried.ACT.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES Lit. ‘Those melodies tried to be played’ ‘They tried to play those melodies.’

b. Te mere stednje su pokusale da se those measures.NOM.FEM.PL savings.GEN are tried.ACT.PART.FEM.PL that SE

usvoje od strane vlade ali nije bilo nekakvog znacajnog pomaka adopt.3.PL.PRES from side government.GEN.SG but isn’t been some significant improvement ‘The government has tried to adopt those saving measures, but there was no significant improvement.’

c. Taj zakon je pokusao da se progura od strane vladajuce partije that law.MASC.SG is tried.MASC.SG. that SE push from side leading party.FEM.SG ‘The leading party tried to enforce that law.’

(36) a. *Te melodije su planirale da se odsviraju. Those melodies.NOM are plan. ACT.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They planned to play these melodies.’

b. *Te melodije su odlucile da se odsviraju. Those melodies.NOM are decide. ACT.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They decided to play these melodies.’

c. *Te melodije su tvrdile da se odsviraju. Those melodies.NOM are claimed. ACT.PART.FEM.PL that SE play.3.PL.PRES ‘They claimed to play these melodies.’

3.6 No long object movement but clitic climbing and/or inter-clausal scrambling

(37) a. dat Jan dat boek geprobeerd heeft te lezen Dutch that Jan that book tried has to read ‘that John tried to read that book’ [Broekhuis 1992: 39, (77a)]

b. ?dat Elsje hem heeft geprobeerd een brief te schrijven that Elsje him has tried a letter to write ‘that Elsje (has) tried to write him a letter’ [Rutten 1991: 68]

c. dat (er) geprobeerd werd dat boek te lezen that (there) tried was that book to read ‘that they tried to read that book’ [B. Moskal, p.c.]

d. *dat (er) dat boek geprobeerd werd te lezen that (there) that book tried was to read ‘that they tried to read that book’ [Broekhuis 1992: 39, (77b)]

But possible some speaker variation (see Broekhuis 1992: 39 for some discussion)

(38) a. kakwuli-eykey John-i khisuha-lyeko sitoha-yss-ta Korean frog-DAT John-NOM kiss-COMP try-PERF-DECL ‘The frog, John tried to kiss.’ [J. Kang, p.c.]

b. *thulaykthe-wa thulek-i swuliha-lyeko sito-toy-ess-ta tractor-and truck-NOM repair-COMP try-PASS-PERF-DECL Lit. ‘The tractor and truck were tried to repair.’ [J. Kang, p.c.]

c. *encey hyutaycenhwa-ka hankwuk-eyse sayongha-ki sicak-toy-ess-ni? when cell phone-NOM Korea-in use-COMP start-PASS-PERF-Q ‘When did they start to use cell phones in Korea?’ [J. Kang, p.c.]

13

(39) a. ta Matsuo kaishi Matsuo xingcheng de yishi Mandarin he Matsuo begin Matsuo form REL conception ‘the conception he began to form’ [Ting 2010: 457, (17a,b)]

b. *Lisi bei (Zhangsan) kaishi da le Lisi BEI (Zhangsan) begin hit ASP Lit. ‘Lisi was begun to hit (by Zhangsan).’ ‘Zhangsan/They begun to hit Lisi.’ [Z. Shen, p.c.]

c. See section 7.5 for a possible LOM construction

(40) a. Marek je próbował napisać Polish Mark them tried write.INF ‘Mark tried to write them.’ [SW corrected] [Bondaruk 2004: 138, (23)]

b. Marek tę melodię próbował zagrać Mark this tune.ACC was.trying play.INF ‘Mark tried to play this tune.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 138, (25b)]

c. *Te melodie były próbowane zagrać These melodies.NOM were tried play.INF Lit. ‘These melodies were tried to play.’ Intended ‘They tried to play these melodies.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

d. *Te melodie były próbowane być zagrane These melodies(.NOM) were tried be.INF played [M. Dadan, p.c.]

e. *Te melodie się próbowały zagrać These melodies(.NOM) SE tried.PL play.INF [M. Dadan, p.c.]

f. Te melodie się próbowało zagrać These melodies.(ACC) SE tried.SG play.INF [M. Dadan, p.c.] ‘One tried to play these melodies.’

(41) a. Petar je mora / želi da vidi Serbo-Croatian Petar.NOM her.ACC has.to / wants that see.PRES.3SG ‘Peter has to/wants to see her.’ [Progovac 1993b, 1996; Stjepanović 2004: 175, (4a)]

b. Marko je tu melodiju pokušavao da odsvira Mark AUX that tune.ACC tried that play.PRES.3SG ‘Mark tried to play this tune.’ [N. Todorović, p.c.]

c. *Te melodije su (bile) pokušavane da odsviraju These melodies.NOM were (been) tried.PASS.PART that play.3.PL.PRES Lit. ‘These melodies were tried to play.’ Intended ‘They tried to play these melodies.’ [N. Todorović, p.c.]

d. *Te melodije su se probale da odsviraju Those melodies.NOM are SE tried.PL that play.3.PL.PRES [N. Todorović, p.c.]

e. But see Stjepanović 2004) for ‘reverse long passive’; also see the double passive section

(42) a. Binalak bisitahin ni Maria ang kapatid niya Tagalog plan.PERF.ACC visit.ACC DET Maria PTT sibling 3.SG ‘Maria planned to visit her sister.’ [Kroeger 1993: 197, (58b)]

b. Nag-balak bisitahin ni Maria ang kapatid niya plan.PERF.NOM visit.ACC DET Maria PTT sibling 3.SG ‘Maria planned to visit her sister.’ [Kroeger 1993: 197, (60b)]

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c. Hindi siya kaya ng utusan ni Pedro not 3.SG.PTT able C/L order.DAT DET Pedro ‘Pedro cannot order her around.’ [Kroeger 1993: 183, (32a)]

4. Clitic climbing

4.1 No clitic climbing

(43) a. João {*me} tentou {✓me} ver Brazilian Portuguese João {*me} tried {✓me} see.INF ‘João tried to see me.’ [Cyrino 2010: 9, (38)]

b. *Paul les a/est pu voir French Paul them has/is can.PART see.INF ‘Paul has been able to see them.’ [Authier and Reed 2009: 38, (3a)]

• adjunct clitics may be able to climb; but see Authier and Reed 2009 for worries about the French data

(44) a. J’y voudrais aller French I.there would.like go.INF ‘I would like to go there.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 38, (5a)]

b. J’en voudrais voir beaucoup I.of.them would.like see a.lot ‘I would like to see a lot of them.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 39, (8a)]

(45) a. *Il y a cru avoir dormi He there has believed have slept ‘He believes himself to have slept there.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 38, (5b)]

b. *Il en a dit avoir vu trois He of.them has said have seen three ‘He said to have seen three of them.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 39, (9a)]

c. *Il en a cru aimer beaucoup He of.them has believed love a.lot ‘He believes himself to love a lot of them.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 39, (9c)]

(46) a. Tu vas tout devoir apprendre you will all must learn ‘You will have to learn everything.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 38, (4a)]

b. Elle va tout avouer mépriser she will all confess despise ‘She will confess to despise everything.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 38, (4a)]

(47) a. ?Vous avez mal dû raccrocher you have improperly must hung.up ‘You had to hang up improperly.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 39, (7a)]

b. *Il a mal dit avoir mangé he has poorly said have eaten ‘He said to have eaten poorly.’ [SW] [Authier and Reed 2009: 39, (7b)]

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4.2 Clitic climbing only from tenseless infinitives

(48) a. O Pedro não te quis falar de parapsicologia European Portuguese the Pedro not you wanted talk about parapsychology ‘Peter didn’t want to talk to you about parapsychology.’ [Gonçalves 1998: 2, (3a)]

b. *O Pedro não te decidiu falar de parapsicologia the Pedro not you decided talk about parapsychology ‘Peter didn’t decide to talk to you about parapsychology.’ [Gonçalves 1998: 2, (3b)]

There is some speaker variation regarding these examples (J. Costa, p.c.) but overall CC is less readily available from future infinitives.

But: adjunct clitics may climb

(49) a. *Não o decidi convidar European Portuguese not him.ACC I.decided invite ‘I didn’t decide to invite him.’ [Barbosa 2009:104, in text]

b. Eu só lá decidi ir nesse dia I only there I.decided go this day ‘I only decided to go there that day.’ [SW] [Costa 2004: 47, (15a)]

c. *Eu só lá decidi que ia nesse dia I only there I.decided that would.go this day ‘I only decided that I would go there that day.’ [SW] [Costa 2004: 47, (15b)]

(50) a. Piero ti verrà a parlare di parapsicologia Italian Piero to.you will.come to speak about parapsychology ‘Piero will come to speak to you about parapsychology.’ [Rizzi 1982:1, (1a,b)]

b. *Piero ti deciderà di parlare di parapsicologia Piero to.you will.decide to speak about parapsychology ‘Piero will decide to speak to you about parapsychology.’ [Rizzi 1982:1, (1c,d)]

(51) a. Luis las trató de comer Spanish Luis them tried to eat ‘Luis tried to eat them.’ [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 363, (12b)]

b. *Luis las insistió en comer Luis them insisted on eat ‘Luis insisted on eating them.’ [Aissen and Perlmutter 1983: 363, (13a)]

(52) a. ka-pising-un =cak i bali’ [ sadu tCL] Takibakha Bunun STAT-fear-PV =1S.ABS OBL Bali [ AV.see tCL] ‘Bali is afraid of seeing me.’ [Shih 2014: 20, (47a)]

b. p-in-tuza’-un i tama ka bali’ [kilim zaku ] Takibakha Bunun CAUS-INCH-really-PV OBL father ABS Bali [AV-search 1SG.OBL ] ‘Father allows Bali to look for me.’ [Shih 2014: 21, (51a)]

c. *p-in-tuza’-un i tama {zaku} ka bali’ {zaku} [kilim tCl ] CAUS-INCH-really-PV OBL father {1SG.OBL} ABS Bali {1SG.OBL} [AV-search tCl ] ‘Father allows Bali to look for me.’ [Shih 2014: 21, (51b,c)]

d. *p-in-tuza’-un i tama azak ka bali’ [kilim tCl ] CAUS-INCH-really-PV OBL father 1SG.ABS ABS Bali [AV-search tCl ] ‘Father allows Bali to look for me.’ [Shih 2014: 21, (51d)]

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e. tanam-u =ku ka pan’ai’ani [(*na=)qu ti ] try-PV =1SG.OBL ABS soupi [(*IRR)=AV.drink ti ] ‘I try drinking the soup.’ [Shih 2014: 23, (58b)]

f. p-in-tuza-un i tina ka bali’ [(tu) (na=)ma-baliv huluc ] CAUS-INCH-really-PV OBL mother ABS Bali [COMP (IRR=)AV-buy clothes ] ‘Mother allows Bali to buy some clothes.’ [Shih 2014: 24, (64b)]

4.3 Clitic climbing from future infinitives

(53) a. ?dat Elsje hem heeft besloten een brief te schrijven Dutch that Elsje him has decided a letter to write ‘that Elsje decided to write him a letter’ [Rutten 1991: 68]

b. weil ihn der Hans {zu reparieren} beschloss {zu reparieren} German since it.ACC the John {to repair} decided {to repair} ‘since John planned/decided to repair it’ [Wurmbrand 2001: 268, (216a,b)]

c. wo suo dasuan mingnian dacheng de mubiao Mandarin I SUO plan next.year achieve REL goal ‘the goal that I plan to achieve next year’ [Ting 2010: 456, (14a,b)]

women qunian suo jueding jinnian yiding yao goumai de shu we last.year SUO decide this.year definitely will purchase REL book ‘the book that we decided last year to purchase this year’ [Ting 2010: 462, (29)]

d. Místo toho se ho rozhodl na moment ignorovat Czech instead of.it SE him.ACC decided far moment ignore.INF ‘He decided instead to ignore him for a moment.’ [Lenertová 2004: 157, (43); from ČNK]

Jirka se mu rozhodl pomoct Jirka.NOM SE him.DAT decided help.INF

‘Jirka decided to help him.’ [Dotlačil 2004: 79, (119a)]

Dotlačil 2007: 80): “clitic climbing in Czech is unrestricted. Clitics can climb out of any infinitival clause provided it is not a CP. In a corpus study (Dotlačil, 2005), I went through around 30 verbs that embed infinitives. None of them is incompatible with clitic climbing.”

But: see Rezac 2005) for a different view.

e. Marek ją zdecydował się przeczytać Polish Mark it decided REFL read.INF ‘Mark decided to read it.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 154, (57a)]

Marek ją zdecydował się przeczytać w przyszłym tygodniu Polish Mark it decided REFL read.INF in next week ‘Mark decided to read it next week.’ [M. Dadan, p.c]

f. Čist zares ga je njegov oče sklenil poslat

v semenišče Slovenian Seriously him AUX his dad decided send.INF to theological seminary ‘Seriously, his father decided to send him to a theol. seminary.’ [Marušič 2005: 112, (14)]

Peter se ga je odločil naučiti manir Peter refl him AUX decided teach.INF manners ‘Peter decided to teach him some manners.’ [L. Marušič, p.c.]

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g. Ona ga je odlučila / planirala da posjeti Serbo-Croatian she him.ACC is decided / planned that visit.PRES.3SG ‘She decided/planned to visit him.’ [Stjepanović 2004: 197, fn. 14, (ia)]

h. Chung 2004: 204 Chamorro “Impressionistically, the range of higher verbs that select infinitive complements is narrower in

Chamorro than in English. […], every Chamorro verb that selects an infinitive complement and participates in raising or subject control evidently permits restructuring as well.”

i. Maldidipa-ku Dahu tu maludah Isbukun Bunun? AV.plan-1SG.ACC Dahu TU AV.hit ‘Dahu plans to hit me.’ [Wu 2013: 43; (21b)]

j. naqaruun {=ci} tumuting {*=cu} ni tali Mayrinax Atayal finish.PV {=1SG.NOM+LNK} beat.AV {*=1SG.NOM} GEN Tali ‘Tali finished beating me.’ [Chen 2010: 8, (16)]

baqun {=cu} ni tali cu tutingun {=cu} ni yumin know.PV {=1SG.NOM} GEN Tali COMP beat.PV {=1SG.NOM} GEN Yumin ‘Tali knew that Yumin beat me.’ [Chen 2010: 8, (17)]

Chen 2010, fn 19: clitic cu changes to ci when followed by linker i.

5. Scrambling

5.1 Scrambling from future infinitives

(54) a. dat Jan zijn broer die brief heeft *besluiten / ✓besloten te schrijven Dutch that Jan his brother the letter has *decide.INF / ✓decide.PART to write ‘that Jan has decided to write the letter to his brother’

b. %dass Hans den Traktor geplant hat zu reparieren German that John the tractor.ACC planned has to repair ‘that John (has) planned to repair the tractor’ [Wurmbrand 2001: 270, (217a)]

c. Marek tę książkę zdecydował się przeczytać Polish Mark this book decided REFL read.INF ‘Mark decided to read this book.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 155, (57b)]

c’. Marek tę książkę zdecydował się przeczytać w przyszłym tygodniu Polish Mark this book decided REFL read.INF in next week ‘Mark decided to read this book next week.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

d. kakwuli-eykey John-i khsuha-kilo kyelsim-hay-ssta Korean frog-DAT John-NOM kiss-COMP decide-PERF-DECL ‘The frog, John decided to kiss.’ [J. Kang, p.c.]

e. Pratiyondui padyawannu adarai le:khakaru (na:Le) ha:Dalu Kannada each poem.ACC it’s author-NOM (tomorrow) sing.INF

ti:rma:nisidaru / yo:chisidaru / bharawase koTTaru decided / planned / promised ‘It’s author decided/planned/promised to sing each poem.’ [C. Shekar, p.c.]

Scrambling not possible from ‘claimed/said/believed’ non-control contexts (C. Shekar, p.c.)

18

Scrambling from infinitives is/can be A-movement

(55) a. Janezai je njegovi oče sklenil poslati v semenišče Slovenian Janezi.ACC AUX hisi dad decided send.INF to theological seminary ‘Hisi father decided to send Johni to the theological seminary.’ [Marušič 2005: 15, (24a)]

b. Janeza se je Peter odločil naučiti manir Janez.ACC REFL AUX Peter decided teach.INF manners ‘Peter decided to teach John some manners.’ [L. Marušič, p.c.]

(56) Japanese a. ?*Soitui-no hahaoya-ga Michael-ni [PRO darei-o kubunisu-ru yoo(ni)] tanon-da no

hei-GEN mother-NOM Michael-DAT [PRO whoi-ACC fire-NONPAST YOO ] ask-PAST Q Lit. ‘His mother asked Michael to fire whom.’ ‘Whoi did hisi mother ask Michael to fire?’ [Nemoto 1993: 45, (35a)]

b. ?Darei-o soitui-no hahaoya-ga Michael-ni [PRO ti kubunisu-ru yoo(ni)] tanon-da no whoi-ACC hei-GEN mother-NOM Michael-DAT [PRO ti fire-NONPAST YOO ] ask-PAST Q Lit. ‘Whom, his mother asked Michael to fire.’ [Nemoto 1993: 45, (35b)]

c. ?*Daremoi-o soitui-no hahaoya-ga [iinkai-ga ti suisensi-ta to] omot-ta everyonei-ACC hei-GEN mother-NOM [committee-NOM ti recommend-PAST COMP] think-PAST Lit. Everyonei, hisi mother thought that the committee recommended.’ [Uchibori 2000: 221, (14b)]

5.2 Long distance scrambling

• long-distance movement of wh-phrases (non-wh matrix clause) • IP-position (vs. CP) • necessarily A’-movement

(57) a. Sono hon-o John-ga Mary-ga katta to omotteiru (koto) Japanese that book-ACC John-NOM Mary-NOM bought COMP think (fact) ‘John thinks that Mary bought that book.’ [Saito 1985: 156, (1a)]

b. ?*Soitui-no hahaoya-ga [iinkai-ga daremoi-o suisensi-ta to] omot-ta hei-GEN mother-NOM [committee-NOM everyonei-ACC recommend-PAST COMP] think-PAST Lit. ‘Hisi mother thought that the committee recommended everyonei.’ [Uchibori 2000: 220, (14a)]

c. ?*Daremoi-o soitui-no hahaoya-ga [iinkai-ga ti suisensi-ta to] omot-ta everyonei-ACC hei-GEN mother-NOM [committee-NOM ti recommend-PAST COMP] think-PAST Lit. Everyonei, hisi mother thought that the committee recommended.’ [Uchibori 2000: 221, (14b)]

d. ?Darei-o soitui-no hahaoya-ga Michael-ni [PRO ti kubunisu-ru yoo(ni)] tanon-da no whoi-ACC hei-GEN mother-NOM Michael-DAT [PRO ti fire-NONPAST YOO ask-PAST Q Lit. ‘Whom, his mother asked Michael to fire.’ [Nemoto 1993: 45, (35b)]

e. ?Dono hon-oi Masao-ga [Hanako-ga ti tosyokan-kara karidasita ka] which booki-ACC Masao-NOM [Hanako-NOM ti library-from checked-out Q

siritagatteiru (koto) want.to.know (fact) Lit. ‘the fact that which booki, Masao wants to know [Q Hanako checked out ti from the library]’ ‘the fact that Masao wants to know which book Hanako checked out from the library’ [SW] [Saito 1992: 84, (33)]

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(58) a. Janeza se je Peter odločil, da mora naučiti manir Slovenian Janez.ACC SE AUX Peter decided that must teach.INF manners ‘Peter decided that he has to teach Janez some manners.’ [SW] [Marušič 2005: 129, (60c)]

?Janeza se je Peter odločil, da nauči manir Janez.ACC REFL AUX Peter decided that teach manners ‘Peter decided that he would teach John some manners.’ [L. Marušič, p.c.]

b. kaykwuli-hanthey John-un [ Mary-ka khisuhayss-ta-ko ] mit-ess-ta Korean frog-DAT John-TOP [ Mary-NOM kissed-DECL-COMP ] believe-PERF-DECL ‘John believed that Mary kissed the frog.’ [J. Kang, p.c.]

c. Tu knjigu Petar kaže da Marija čita Serbo-Croatian that book.ACC Petar.NOM says that Marija.NOM read.PRES.3SG ‘Peter says that Maria is reading that book.’ [Stjepanović 1999: 306, (1b)]

? Koliko novca potrošiti Marko zna ko želi how.much money spend.INF Marko knows who wants ‘Marko knows who wants to spend how much money.’ [Stjepanović 1999: 314, (14b)]

5.3 No long distance scrambling

(59) a. Den Frosch hat der Hans geglaubt, habe nur die Maria geküsst German the.ACC frog has the John believed has.SUBJ only the Mary kissed ‘The frog, John believes only Mary (has) kissed.’

b. *Der Hans hat den Frosch geglaubt, habe nur die Maria geküsst the John has the.ACC frog believed has.SUBJ only the Mary kissed ‘The frog, John believes only Mary (has) kissed.’

(60) a. Żabę, to Jan chciałby żeby tylko Maria pocałowała. Polish frog.ACC TOP John want.SUBJ that.SUBJ only Mary.NOM kissed ‘The frog, John would like only Mary to kiss.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

b. *Żabę Jan chciałby żeby tylko Maria pocałowała. frog.ACC John want.SUBJ that-SUBJ only Mary.NOM kissed ‘John would like only Mary to kiss the frog.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

c. %Żabę, to Jan wierzy że tylko Maria pocałowała. frog.ACC TOP John believes that only Mary.NOM kissed ‘The frog, John believes only Mary kissed.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

d. *Jan żabę wierzy, że tylko Maria pocałowała. John.NOM frog.ACC believes that only Mary.NOM kissed ‘John believes that only Mary kissed the frog. [M. Dadan, p.c.]

e. *Piotr te książki powiedział, że Marek czytał Peter these books said that Mark read.PAST.IMPERF ‘Peter said that Mark read/was reading these books.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

(61) a. pratiyondui kaviteyannu adarai kaviyu-Ø haaD-alu bayasid-anu Kannada eachi poem-ACC itsi poet-NOM sing-INF wanted-3.SG.M ‘Each poem, its author wanted to sing’ [Agbayani and Shekar 2007: 12, (8)]

20

b. *pratiyondui kaviteyannu adarai kaviyu-Ø vidhyarthigaLu-Ø haaD-utt-are eachi poem-ACC itsi poet-NOM students-NOM sing-PERF-3.PL

endu tiLididd-anu that thought.3SG.M ‘Each poem, its author thought that students will sing’ [Agbayani and Shekar 2007: 12, (7)]

c. *John [Mary ti nooDidaLu anta ] yaar-annai heeLidanu? John [Mary ti saw COMP ] who-ACCi said ‘Who did John say that Mary saw?’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (7a) Appendix]

d. *John yaar-annai heeLidanu [Mary ti nooDidaLu anta ]? John who-ACCi said [Mary ti saw COMP ] ‘Who did John say that Mary saw?’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (7b) Appendix]

e. Mary-annai John [Bill ti nooDidaLu anta ] heeLidanu Mary-ACCi John [Bill ti saw COMP ] said ‘Mary, John said that Bill saw.’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (8a) Appendix]

f. Mary-annai John heeLidanu [Bill ti nooDidaLu anta ] Mary-ACCi John said [Bill ti saw COMP ] ‘Mary, John said that Bill saw.’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (8b) Appendix]

g. *John Mary-annai nana-ge [Bill ti nooDidaLu anta ] heeLidanu John Mary-ACCi me-to [Bill ti saw COMP ] said ‘John said to me that Bill saw Mary.’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (9a) Appendix]

h. *John Mary-annai nana-ge heeLidanu [Bill ti nooDidaLu anta ] John Mary-ACCi me-to said [Bill ti saw COMP ] ‘John said to me that Bill saw Mary.’ [Jayaseelan and Amritavalli 2005: 153, (9b) Appendix]

6. CP blocking effects

6.1 Various languages

(62) a. *Certe risposte non si sanno mai se dare Italian certain answers not SI knows ever if give ‘They don’t know whether to give certain answers’ [Rizzi 1978, 1982: 47, (iii)]

b. *Non li/lo so se fare not them/it I-know if do ‘I don’t know whether to do them/it’ [Kayne 1989: 246, (24); Roberts 1997: 436, (28)]

c. Against CC in apparent wh-infinitives see Cinque 2004)

(63) a. dat Jan heeft geprobeerd (om) zijn broer die brief te schrijven Dutch that Jan has tried (COMP) his brother the letter to write ‘that John has tried to write the letter to his brother’

b. dat Jan (*om) zijn broer die brief heeft proberen te schrijven that Jan (*COMP) his brother the letter has try.IPP to write ‘that John has tried to write the letter to his brother’

c. dat Jan die brief heeft geprobeerd (*om) zijn broer te schrijven that Jan the letter has tried (*COMP) his brother to write ‘that John has tried to write the letter to his brother’

d. dat Jan (*om) zijn broer die brief heeft besloten te schrijven that Jan (*COMP) his brother the letter has decided to write ‘that John has decided to write the letter to his brother’

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(64) a. weil diesen Mann der Hans tSCR einzuladen plante German since this.ACC man the.NOM John tSCR in.to.vite planned ‘since John planned to invite this man’

b. *weil diesen Mann/ihn der Hans t eingeladen zu haben ankündigte since this.ACC man/him.ACC the.NOM John t invited to have announced ‘since John announced that he invited this man/him’

c. *weil diesen Mann/ihn der Hans t zu kennen ankündigte since this.ACC man/him.ACC the.NOM John t to know announced ‘since John announced that he knows this man/him’

(65) a. A different student wanted to read every book. ∀»∃ [Johnson 2000: (25)] b. A different student wanted for you to read every book. *∀»∃ [Johnson 2000: (27)]

(66) a. *zhangsan lian gou-rou dou renwei lisi chi-le Mandarin Zhangsan even dog-meat all believe Lisi eat-PERF ‘Zhangsan even believes that Lisi ate dog meat.’ [Grano 2012: 274, (73a)]

b. zhangsan lian gou-rou dou xiang chi Zhangsan even dog-meat all want eat ‘Zhangsan even wants to eat dog meat.’ [Grano 2012: 275, (74c)]

c. [lisi Matsuo yiwei [akiu {✓suo} xihuan] de] nei-ge nühaizi [Lisi Matsuo think [Akiu {✓SUO} like] REL] that-CL girl ‘the girl who Lisi thinks that Akiu likes’ [Chiu 1995:85-86; via Grano 2012: 276, (78a)]

d. See section 7.5 for data complications

(67) a. Dapat {*mo} (na/ng) binasa {✓mo} na ang liham ko Tagalog ought {*2.SG } (LNK) read.PERF.ACC {✓2.SG} already PTT letter my ‘You should have already read my letter.’ [Kroeger 1993: 195, (55a,b)]

b. Dapat {✓mo} (na/ng) basahin {✓mo} ang liham ko ought {✓2.SG } (LNK) read.ACC {✓2.SG} PTT letter my ‘You should read my letter.’ [Kroeger 1993: 195, (56a,b)]

(68) a. *Marek je powiedział, żeby czytać Polish Mark them said so.that read.INF ‘Mark said to read them.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 146, (37b)]

b. Marek spytał, czy / kiedy czytać książki Mark asked whether / when read.INF books ‘Mark asked whether/when one should read books.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 146, (38a)]

c. *Marek je spytał, czy / kiedy czytać Mark them asked whether / when read.INF ‘Mark asked whether/when one should read them.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 147, (38b)]

d. *Marek te książki powiedział, żeby czytać Mark these books said so.that read.INF ‘Mark said to read these books.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 147, (40a)]

e. *Marek te książki zastanawiał się czy / kiedy czytać Mark these books wondered REFL whether / when read.INF ‘Mark wondered whether/when one should read these books.’ [Bondaruk 2004: 148, (40b)]

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(69) a. Ale nevím {*ho} opravdu, jak {✓ho} zapisovat Czech but not.know.1SG {him.ACC} really how {✓him.ACC} record.INF ‘But I really don’t know how to record him.’ [Junghanns 2002; via Lenertová 2004: (41a,b), 156]

b. *Podle mĕ ho chtĕla abychom navštívili According me him.ACC wanted COMP.1PL visit ‘According to me, she wanted us to visit him.’ [Dotlačil 2007: 77, (3a)]

c. *Já mu nevím jakou historku říct I him not.know what story tell.INF ‘But I really do not know what to tell him.’ [Dotlačil 2007: 79, (7a)]

d. *Já mu nevím zda říct pravdu I him not.know whether tell.INF truth ‘I do not know whether to tell him truth.’ [Dotlačil 2007: 79, (7b)]

(70) a. Ukazal mi ji je [INF reči, da sem bolan ] Slovenian ordered me her AUX [INF say.INF

that AUX ill ] ‘He ordered me to tell her that I am sick.’ [Marušič 2005: 128, (57a)]

b. Ukazal mi je [INF kaj ji reči ] ordered me AUX [INF what her say.INF ] ‘He ordered me what to say.’ [Marušič 2005: 115, (21); 128, (57b)]

c. *Ukazal mi ji je [INF kaj reči ] ordered me her AUX [INF what say.INF ] ‘He ordered me what to say.’ [Marušič 2005: 128, (57c)]

d. Res sem se {*ji ga} naveličal, da {✓ji ga} nonstop hvalim really AUX SE {*her him} got.tired that {✓her him} nonstop praise ‘I got really tired of constantly praising him to her.’ [Marušič 2005: 112, (15)]

e. *Peter se ga je odločil, da nauči manir Peter REFL him AUX decided that teach manners ‘Peter decided that he would teach him some manners.’ [L. Marušič, p.c.]

(71) a. Milan {*ga} kaže da {✓ga} vidi Serbo-Croatian Milan {*him} says that {✓him} see.PRES.3SG ‘Milan says that he can see him.’ [Progovac 1993a: 119, (12-13); Progovac 1996: 423, (46-47)]

b. Milan {?ga} želi da {✓ga} vidi Milan {?him} wants that {✓him} see.PRES.3SG ‘Milan wants to see him.’ [Progovac 1993a: 119, (14-15) ; Progovac 1996: 423, (48-49)]

6.2 CP and CC/SCR in Polish (with Marcin Dadan)

(72) a. Verbs that take infinitives that require the complementizer żeby:

marzyć ‘dream’, krzyczeć ‘scream’, modlić się ‘pray’, nalegać ‘insist’, blagać ‘beg’, przypomnieć ‘re-mind’, ostrzegać ‘warn’, poinformować ‘inform’, uprzedzić ‘warn’, przekonać ‘convince’, poprosić ‘ask’, błagać ‘beg’, zmusić ‘force’ (Citko 2012: 4)

➟ *CC/*SCR (focus movement may be possible)

b. Verbs that take infinitives that cannot have the complementizer żeby:

zdołać ‘manage’, mieć zamiar ‘intend’, zacząć ‘start’, musieć ‘must’, dać ‘let’ (Citko 2012: 4)

➟ ✓CC/SCR

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c. Verbs that take infinitives in which the complementizer żeby is optional:

chcieć ‘want’, postanowić ‘decide’, pragnać ‘desire’, planować ‘plan’, zgodzić się ‘agree’, lubić ‘like’, ośmielić się ‘dare’, mieć ochotę ‘feel like’, woleć ‘prefer’, proponować ‘propose’, uczyć ‘teach’, poradzić ‘advise’, kazać ‘order’, polecić ‘recommend’, proponować ‘propose’ (Citko 2012: 5)

➟ CC/SCR only if complementizer is not present (focus movement may be possible)

(73) a. Jan nalegał żeby pieniądze / je zostawić Polish John insisted so.that money / them leave.INF ‘John insisted on leaving the money/them.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

b. *Jan pieniądze / je nalegał żeby zostawić John money / them insisted so.that leave.INF ‘John insisted on leaving the money/them.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

(74) a. Jan {książkę} zdołał (*żeby) przeczytać {książkę} John {book} managed (*so.that) read.INF {book} ‘John managed to read a/the book.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

b. Jan {ją} zdołał (*żeby) {ją} przeczytać John {it} managed (*so.that) {it} read.INF ‘John managed to read it.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

(75) a. Jan {książkę} / {ja} postanowił {ja} przeczytać {książkę} John {book} / {it} decided {it} read.INF {book} ‘John decided to read a/the book/it.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

b. Jan postanowił żeby {ja} przeczytać {książkę} John decided so.that {it} read.INF {book} ‘John decided to read a/the book/it.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

c. *Jan {książkę} / {ja} postanowił żeby przeczytać John {book} / {it} decided so.that read.INF ‘John decided to read a/the book/it.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

6.3 Buryat embedded complements (with Tanya Bondarenko)

Converb žə—Voice restructuring

• begin, end, try, manage, dare, get.used.to, can • Voice restructuring: no overt subject possible, long passive possible • No TP properties: no tense mismatch with matrix tense, no negation • No CP properties: no indexical shift, no C • No CP structure, no nominalization is possible ➟ restructuring is obligatory

(76) a. bɜšəg tumən-ɜr bɜšə-žə ɜxilə-gd-ɜ letter.NOM Tumen-INSTR write-CONV1 begin-PASS-PRT1 Lit. ‘The letter was begun to write by Tumen.’ ‘Tumen began to write the letter.’

b. *bagšə honin tü:xə xö:rə-hən gɜžə ürd-jə *CP teacher interesting thing tell-PFCT COMP manage-PRT1 Intended: ‘The teacher managed to tell an interesting thing.’

c. *tumən bɜšəg bɜšə-x-ijə-n’ ɜxil-ɜ *Nominalization Tumen letter write-POT-ACC-3 begin-PRT1 Intended: ‘Tumen began to write a letter.’

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d. ??tumən bɜšəg bɜšə-x-ɜ ɜxil-ɜ ??Nominalization Tumen letter write-POT-ACC.REFL begin-PRT1 Intended: ‘Tumen began to write a letter.’

Clausal nominalizations—TP complements

• want, hear, see, be.happy, be.shy, envy, know, remember, regret, wait, allow, recommend, promise, decide, oth-ers.

• Participles plus Case marking (plus optional possessive marking and reflexive marking if applicable); Temporal elements possible (potential, future, perfect, habitual, others)

• Overt GEN subjects possible (when not coreferent; co-reference/control requires reflexive marking on the nomi-nalization), no long object movement

• ECM also possible (ACC subject); NOM subjects impossible; no indexical shift (see below)

(77) a. lenə lizə-də [ üšö nɜgə konfətə ɜdi-x-ijə-n’ ] zübšö-gö Lena Liza-DAT [ more one sweet eat-POT-ACC-3 ] allow-PRT1 ‘Lena allowed Liza to eat one more sweet.’

b. badmə [ mini stul ɜmdəl-h-ijə ] xar-a Badma [ 1SG.GEN chair break-PFCT-ACC ] see-PRT1 ‘Badma saw my breaking the chair.’

c. bi hurguli-də badm-in jabə-dəg-ijə-n’ hanə-nə-b 1SG school-DAT Badma-GEN go-HAB-ACC-3 remember-PRS-1SG ‘I remember how Badma used to go to school.’

d. bi *sajənə / sajən-in / sajən-ijə du: du:lə-žə bɛ:-x-ijə šagən-a-b 1SG *Sajana.NOM / S-GEN / S-ACC song sing-CONV1 be-POT-ACC hear-PRT1-1SG ‘I heard that/how Sajana sang a song.’

(78) a. sajənə jabləkə ɜdi-xə-jə hanə-nə Sajana apple eat-POT-ACC.REFL think-PRS ‘Sajana wants to eat an apple.’

b. *sajənə jabləkə ɜdi-x-ijə-n’ hanə-nə Sajana apple eat-POT-ACC-3 think-PRS Intended: ‘Sajana wants to eat an apple.’

CP with complementizer gɜžə—No restructuring

• believe, see, hear, be.surprised, know, forget, say, think, be.sorry, be.frightened, wait, endure, boast, ask, prom-ise, decide, others.

• Overt subjects possible, no long object movement • Subjects occur either with NOM or ACC; only NOM agrees; only NOM undergoes indexical shift

See also the section on shifted indexicals

7. Other properties

7.1 Embedded negation

(79) a. Vorrei [non dover mai far-lo ] Italian I.would.want [not must ever do-it ] ‘I would want not to have to ever do it.’ [Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 527, (15a)]

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b. Vorrei [non dover-lo mai fare ] I.would.want [not must-it ever do ] ‘I would want not to have to ever do it.’ [Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 527, (15b)]

c. *Lo vorrei non dover mai fare it I.would.want not must ever do ‘I would want not to have to ever do it.’ [Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 527, (15c)]

d. ✓Avrei/*Sarei voluta non andare da nessuna parte I.would.✓have/*be wanted not go to any where ‘I would have wanted not to go anywhere.’ [Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 527, (16a,b)]

(80) a. weil ihn der Hans nicht mehr zu bevorzugen beschlossen hatte German since him the.NOM John not anymore to privilege decided had ‘since John had decided to not privilege him anymore’ (also matrix NEG reading)

b. weil es ihr der Hans nicht zu essen erlaubt hatte since it her the.NOM John not to eat allowed had ‘since John had allowed her not to eat it’; ‘since John hadn’t allowed her to eat it’

(81) a. Ktoś tej sukienki nakazał nie ubierać Markowi Polish someone.NOM this dress.GEN ordered not put.on Mark.DAT ‘Someone ordered Mark not to put on this dress.’ [Sabel 2001: 168, (54)]

b. Ojciec {Markowi} żadnej sukienki {Markowi} kazał {Markowi} nie ubierać {Markowi} Father {M.DAT} no.GEN dress.GEN {M.DAT} told {M.DAT} not wear.INF {M.DAT} ‘The father told Mark to not put on any dress.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

c. Ojciec niczego kazał jej nie jeść Father.NOM n-thing ordered her not to.eat ‘Father ordered her not to eat anything.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

d. Ojciec jej kazał nie ubierać Markowi Father.NOM it.GEN ordered not put.on Mark.DAT ‘Father told Mark not to put it on.’ [M. Dadan, p.c.]

7.2 Parasitic gaps

(82) a. weil ihn der Arzt [ohne pg anzuschauen] untersucht hat German since him.ACC the.NOM doctor [without pg at.to.look] examined has ‘since the doctor examined the patient without looking at him’

b. dat ik deze boeken [zonder pg in te kijken] aan Jan doorverkoop Dutch that I these books [without pg in to look] to Jan on.sell ‘that I sold these books without looking into (them)’ [Sportiche 1996: 263, (69)]

c. dat ik ze [zonder pg in te kijken] aan Jan doorverkoop that I them [without pg in to look] to Jan on.sell ‘that I sold these books without looking into (them)’ [B. Moskal, p.c.]

(83) a. i libri che gli dobbiamo far mettere t nello scaffale Italian the books that him we.must make put t on.the shelf

invece di lasciare pg sul tavolo instead of leaving pg on.the table ‘the books that we must make him put on the shelf instead of leaving on the table’ [Chomsky 1982: 65, (89a); Sportiche 1996: 256, (60a)]

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b. *Glieli dobbiamo far mettere t nello scaffale them.him we.must make put t on.the shelf

invece di lasciare pg sul tavolo instead of leaving pg on.the table ‘we must make him put them on the shelf instead of leaving (them) on the table’ [Chomsky 1982: 65, (89b); Sportiche 1996: 256, (60b)]

(84) a. Este es el libro que quitó sin leer Spanish this is the book that removed without reading ‘This is the book that he put away without reading.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

b. *El libro fue quitado sin leer the book was removed without reading ‘The book was put away without reading.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

c. El libro fue quitado sin leer-lo the book was removed without reading-itresumptive

‘The book was put away without reading it.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

d. *El libro se quitó sin leer the book SE removed without reading ‘The book was put away without reading.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

e. El libro se quitó sin leer-lo the book SE removed without reading-itresumptive ‘The book was put away without reading it.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

f. *Juan lo quitó sin leer Juan it.CL removed without reading ‘Juan put it away without reading.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

g. Juan lo quitó sin leer-lo Juan it.CL removed without reading-itresumptive ‘Juan put it away without reading it.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

h. *Juan lo quiso quitar sin leer Juan it.CL wanted remove without reading ‘Juan wanted to put it away without reading.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

i. Juan lo quiso quitar sin leer-lo Juan it.CL wanted remove without reading-itresumptive ‘Juan wanted to put it away without reading it.’ [J. Villa-García, p.c.]

(85) a. Este é o livro que ele guardou sem ler European Portuguese this is the book that he put.away without reading ‘This is the book that he put away without reading.’ [J. Costa, p.c.]

b. *O livro foi guardado sem ler The book was put.away without reading ‘The book was put away without reading.’ [J. Costa, p.c.]

c. ??O João guardou-o sem ler The João put.away-it.CL without reading ‘João put it away without reading.’ [J. Costa, p.c.]

d. ??O João não o guardou sem ler The João not it.CL put.away without reading ‘João didn’t put it away without reading.’ [J. Costa, p.c.]

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e. O João não o quis guardar sem ler The João not it.CL wanted put.away without reading ‘João didn’t want to put it away without reading.’ [J. Costa, p.c.]

7.3 Quantifier raising

(86) a. Someone wants to dance with every woman. ✓∀»∃ b. Someone persuaded John to attend every class. ∀»∃ impossible/much harder

c. Someone wanted for you to meet every woman. ∀»∃ impossible/much harder

(87) a. *A Lina não afirmou [ter casado nunca]. Brazilian Portuguese the Lina not claimed [have.INF married never] ‘Lina didn’t claim to have never married.’ [R. Lacerda, p.c.] [OK if nunca is in matrix: Lina never claimed to have married.]

b. A Lina afirmou não ter casado nunca. the Lina claimed not have.INF married never ‘Lina claimed to have never married.’ [R. Lacerda, p.c.]

c. *A Lina (não) decidiu sair nunca (mais) the Lina (not) decided leave.INF never (more) ‘Lina decided/didn’t decide never to leave.’ [Modesto 2013: 14, (16a,b), R. Lacerda, p.c.]

d. A Lina decidiu não sair nunca (mais) the Lina decided not leave.INF never (more) ‘Lina decided never to leave.’ [Modesto 2013: 14, (16c) , R. Lacerda, p.c.]

e. A Lina não tenta ajudar nunca à sua mãe the Lina not tries help.INF never to her mother ‘Lina never tries to help her mother.’ [Modesto 2013: 14, (17a) , R. Lacerda, p.c.]

f. A Lina não começa a estudar nunca the Lina not start PREP study.INF never ‘Lina never starts to study.’ [Modesto 2013: 14, (17b)]

7.4 Shifted indexicals

Buryat

• New empirical domain for restructuring: shifted indexicals as a diagnostic for CP and the lack thereof (in lan-guages that allow shifting).

• Monster operator in CP (Anand and Nevins 2004, Anand 2006, Sudo 2012, Shklovsky and Sudo 2014, Podobryaev 2014, Messick 2016) .

• Similar evidence as in Uyghur for a monster operator in CP (not part of the attitude verb): NOM subjects obliga-torily shift, ACC subjects do not shift.

(88) a. bi sajənə / sajən-ijə du: du:lə-žə bɛ:-ga gɜžə du:l-a-b I Sajana.NOM / Sajana-ACC song sing-CONV1 be-PRT1 COMP hear-PRT1-1SG ‘I heard that Sajana sang a song.’

b. sajənə (bi) tɜrgə ɜmdəl-ə-b gɜžə mɜd-ɜ Sajana (1SG.NOM) cart break-PRT1-1SG COMP know-PRT1 ‘Sajanai found out that shei broke the cart.’ (For example, she was drunk and didn’t remember it).

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c. sajənə naməjə tɜrgə ɜmdəl-ə(*-b) gɜžə mɜd-ɜ Sajana 1SG.ACC cart break-PRT1(*-1SG) COMP know-PRT1 ‘Sajana found out that I (= the speaker) broke the cart.’

• Nominalization: no indexical shift • CP: obligatory indexical shift (speaker 1st person; addressee 2nd person) • CP and nominalization equally available (for many verbs; promise both a speech and irrealis verb)

(89) a. abə-n’ xübün-d-ɜ xotə ošə-x-o ügə-jə üg-ö father-3 boy-DAT-REFL city go-POT-ACC.REFL word-ACC.REFL give-PRT1 ‘The father promised the son that he (=the father) will go to the city.’

*‘The father promised the son that he (= the son) will go to the city.’

b. abə-n’ xübün-d-ɜ xotə ošə-xə-b gɜžə ügə-jə üg-ö father-3 boy-DAT-REFL city go-POT-1SG COMP word-ACC.REFL give-PRT1 ‘The father promised the son that he (=the father) will go to the city.’

*‘The father promised the son that he (= the son) will go to the city.’

c. abə-n’ xübün-d-ɜ xotə ošə-x-ə-n’ ügə-jə üg-ö father-3 boy-DAT-REFL city go-POT-ACC-3 word-ACC.REFL give-PRT1 ‘The father promised the son that he (= the son) will go to the city.’

*‘The father promised the son that he (=the father) will go to the city.’

d. abə-n’ xübün-d-ɜ xotə ošə-xə-š gɜžə ügə-jə üg-ö father-3 boy-DAT-REFL city go-POT-2SG COMP word-ACC.REFL give-PRT1 ‘The father promised the son that he (= the son) will go to the city.’

*‘The father promised the son that he (=the father) will go to the city.’

Aymara, Quechua (preliminary; Martínez Vera, p.c.)

• May also allow shifted indexicals; currently I don’t have enough data and information to be certain, but the dis-tribution is again suggestive

(90) a. Gabriel-qa libru-ta (*paqarin) ñawincha-y-ta muna-ra-n. Quechua Gabriel-TOP book-ACC (*tomorrow) read-INF-ACC want-PST-3S ‘Gabriel tried to read a book (*tomorrow).’

b. Gabriel-qa libru-ta (paqarin) ñawincha-saq ni-n. Gabriel-TOP book-ACC (tomorrow) read-1S.FUT say-3S ‘Gabriel decided to read a book (tomorrow).’ Lit. ‘Gabriel says/said: “I will read a book (tomorrow)”.’

c. Gabriel-qa libru-ta (kunanpacha) ñawincha-sha-ni ni-n. Gabriel-TOP book-ACC right.now read-PROG-1S say-3S ‘Gabriel claims to be reading a book (right now).’

(91) a. Juwanu libru (*arumanthi) ulla-nacha-:-na. Aymara John.NOM book.ACC (*tomorrow) read-DES-PST-3S ‘John tried to read a book (*tomorrow).’

b. Juwanu libru (*arumanthi) liyiña muna-:-na. John.NOM book.ACC (* tomorrow) read-INF want-PST-3S ‘John tried to read a book (*tomorrow).’

c. Juwan libru (arumanthi) ulla-ja sa-:-na-wa. John.NOM book.ACC (tomorrow) read-1S.FUT say-PST-3S-EVI ‘John decided to read a book (tomorrow).’ Lit. ‘John said: “I will read a book (tomorrow)”.’

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d. Juwanu libru ulla-sk-tha s-i-wa. John.NOM book.ACC read-PROG-1S say-3S-EVI ‘John claims to be reading a book.’

7.5 Mandarin—some open empirical questions (with Zheng Shen)

‘suo’ climbing

• possible from tenseless and future infinitives, impossible from propositional infinitives; perhaps because propo-sitional infinitives are CPs (or finite; see Huang 1989)

(92) a. ta Matsuo kaishi Matsuo xingcheng de yishi Mandarin he Matsuo begin Matsuo form REL conception ‘the conception he began to form’ [Ting 2010: 457, (17a,b)]

b. wo Matsuo dasuan mingnian {%suo} dacheng de mubiao I Matsuo plan next.year {%SUO} achieve REL goal ‘the goal that I plan to achieve next year’ [Ting 2010: 456, (14a,b); Z. Shen, p.c.]

c. lisi Matsuo dasuan {%suo} mai de nei-ben shu Lisi Matsuo plan {%suo} buy REL that-CL book ‘the book that Lisi plans to buy’ [Chiu 1995:107; via Grano 2012: 276, (78c)]

d. nage jiangjun suo jueding baowei de fangzi that general SUO decide surround REL house ‘the house that the general decided to surround’ [Ting 2010: 461, (27b)]

e. women qunian suo jueding jinnian yiding yao goumai de shu we last.year SUO decide this.year definitely will purchase REL book ‘the book that we decided last year to purchase this year’ [Ting 2010: 462, (29)]

f. [lisi Matsuo yiwei [akiu {✓suo} xihuan] de] nei-ge nühaizi [Lisi Matsuo think [Akiu {✓suo} like] REL] that-CL girl ‘the girl who Lisi thinks that Akiu likes’ [Chiu 1995:85-86; via Grano 2012: 276, (78a)]

Focus fronting

• possible from tenseless and future infinitives, but not propositional infinitives (but see below for judgment vari-ation)

(93) a. zhangsan lian gou-rou dou xiang chi Zhangsan even dog-meat all want eat ‘Zhangsan even wants to eat dog meat.’ [Grano 2012: 275, (74c)]

b. Lisi lian zheben shu dou bi Zhangsan kan Lisi even this-CL book all force Zhangsan read ‘Lisi forces Zhangsan read even this book.’ [Shyu 1995: Ch. 3, (39)]

c. Lisi lian guigushi dou gan/ken/yao ting Lisi even ghost.story all dare/willing/want listen ‘Lisi dares/is willing/wants to listen to even a ghost story.’ [Shyu 1995: Ch. 2, (100b)]

d. *Lisi gan/ken/yao lian guigushi dou ting Lisi dare/willing/want even ghost.story all listen ‘Lisi dares/ is willing/wants to listen to even a ghost story.’ [Shyu 1995: Ch. 2, (100a)]

(94) a. *zhangsan lian gou-rou dou renwei lisi chi-le

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Zhangsan even dog-meat all believe Lisi eat-PERF ‘Zhangsan even believes that Lisi ate dog meat.’ [Grano 2012: 274, (73a)]

b. *Zhangsan lian Malii dou renwei Lisi hen xihuan (tai) Zhangsan even Mali all think Lisi very like (her) ‘Zhangsan thinks that Lisi likes even Mali.’ [Shyu 1995: Ch. 3, (35)]

c. Zhangsan renwei Lisi lian Malii dou bu xihuan ti Zhangsan think Lisi even Mali all not like ti ‘Zhangsan thinks that Lisi doesn’t like even Mali.’ [Shyu 1995: Ch. 3, (36)]

• While those contrasts seem to exist, they do not seem to be as categorical as indicated in these works • Z. Sheng: surveyed 6 speakers and tested focus fronting (shenme dou), even focus fronting (lian dou), and in-

ternal topicalization in several constructions. Overall, extraction is easier from future complements than from propositional complements, but further investigation is necessary to draw firm conclusions.

Scale: 1-7 (best) Focus fronting

(shenme dou) even focus fronting (lian dou)

Internal topicalization

jueding ‘decide’ 3.57 6.71 6.29 shefa ‘try’ 5.43 6.43 4.57 dasuan ‘plan’ 6.86 6.71 3.14 kaishi ‘begin’ 6.14 6.86 3.86 bi ‘force’ ? 7.00 3.57 rang/mingling ‘order’ 6.86 7.00 4.71 renwei ‘think’ 4.57 5.43 [=(94b)] 2.57 shuo ‘say’ 5.86 6.43 3.86 yiwei/xiangxin ‘believe’ 4.00 4.57 2.29 haocheng ‘claim’ 5.57 6.86 4.00

• Focus fronting and topicalization are clearly possible from future complements, even when both the matrix and embedded predicates are specified with different temporal modifiers; and tenseless complements are degraded when two temporal modifiers are used (see the table below the examples).

(95) a. Women qunian dasuan jinnian goumai nabenshu 7.00 We last.year plan this.year buy that.book ‘Last year we planned to buy that book this year.’

b. Women qunian shenme dou mei dasuan jinnian goumai 4.50 We last.year what all not plan this year buy ‘Last year we didn’t plan to buy anything this year.’

c. Women qunian lian nabenshu dou dasuan jinnian goumai 6.50 We last.year even that.book all plan this-year buy ‘Last year we even planned to buy that book this year.’

d. Women nabenshu qunian dasuan jinnian goumai 5.50 We that.book last.year plan this.year buy ‘Last year we planned to buy that book this year.’

(96) a. *Women qunian shefa jinnian goumai nabenshu 4.83 We last.year try this.year buy that.book ‘Last year we tried to buy that book this year.’

b. *Women qunian shenme dou mei shefa jinnian mai 1.17 We last.year what all not try this year buy ‘Last year we didn’t try to buy anything this year.’

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c. *Women qunian lian nabenshu dou shefa jinnian goumai le 3.50 We last.year even that.book all try this-year buy ASP ‘Last year we even tried to buy that book this year.’

d. *Women nabenshu qunian shefa jinnian goumai le 2.67 We that.book last.year try this.year buy ASP ‘Last year we tried to buy that book this year.’

Scale: 1-7 (best) No extraction Focus fronting

(shenme dou) even focus fronting (lian dou)

Internal topicalization

jueding ‘decide’ 6.50 3.67 5.33 5.33 dasuan ‘plan’ 7.00 4.50 6.50 5.50 bi ‘force’ 7.00 4.33 6.67 4.33 rang/mingling ‘order 4.67 4.67 6.50 4.33 shefa ‘try’ 4.83 1.17 3.50 2.67 kaishi ‘begin’ 1.33 2.67 3.00 2.50

‘dou’ placement (Nick Huang, p.c.)

• with topicalized universal quantified NPs, dou occurs preverbally; propositional and future complements show a difference regarding dou placement

(97) a. Zheli de mei-yi-ben shu, Lisi {dou} dasuan {?dou} mai here PTCL every-one-CLF book, Lisi {dou} plan {?dou} buy ‘Every book here, Lisi plans to buy.’ [N. Huang, p.c.]

b. Zheli de mei-yi-ben shu, Zhangsan {*?dou} renwei Lisi {dou} hui mai here PTCL every-one-CLF book, Zhangsan {*?dou} think Lisi {dou} will buy ‘Every book here, Zhangsan thinks Lisi will buy.’ [N. Huang, p.c.] [OK: if dou marks Zhansan; ‘even Zhangsan thinks Lisi will buy’]

LOM

• No long (restructuring) passive (unless it is A’-movement) (98) a. *Lisi bei (Zhangsan) kaishi da le

Lisi BEI (Zhangsan) begin hit ASP Lit. ‘Lisi was begun to hit (by Zhangsan).’ ‘Zhangsan/They begun to hit Lisi.’ [Z. Shen, p.c.]

b. *Lisi bei (Zhangsan) gan da le Lisi BEI (Zhangsan) dare hit ASP ‘Zhangsan/They dared to hit Lisi.’ [Z. Shen, p.c.]

c. *Lisi bei (Zhangsan) wangji da le Lisi BEI (Zhangsan) forget hit ASP ‘Zhangsan/They forgot to hit Lisi.’ [Z. Shen, p.c.]

d. *Lisi bei (Zhangsan) keyi da le Lisi BEI (Zhangsan) can hit ASP ‘Zhangsan/They were able to hit Lisi.’ [Z. Shen, p.c.]

(99) a. Zhe-liang che bei jihua chushou This-CL car BEI plan sell ‘This car is planned to be sold.’ [Cai 2014: 4, (10)]

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b. Zhe-ge wenti bei chengnuo jiejue This-CL problem BEI promise solve ‘Someone promises that this problem will be solve.’ [Cai 2014: 4, (11)]

• Possibly, LOM exists in the form of the ba-construction; however, so far, only one verb seems to allow this con-struction.

(100) a. Zhangsan ba men shefa dakai-le Zhangsan BA door manage open-PERF ‘Zhangsan managed to open the door.’ [Cai 2014: 9, (37); Z. Shen, p.c.]

b. %Zhangsan ba men changshi dakai-le Zhangsan BA door try open-PERF ‘Zhangsan tried to open the door (and he actually made it).’ [Cai 2014: 9, (37); Z. Shen, p.c.]

c. *Zhangsan ba men jihua dakai-le Zhangsan BA door plan open-PERF ‘Zhangsan planned to open the door.’ [Cai 2014: 10, (38); Z. Shen, p.c.]

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