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CERUM Working Paper No. 13:1999 Free Internet Edition Printed edition can be bought from CERUM This document may be copied but not sold. The contents must not be changed in any way. CERUM Centre for Regional Science SE-901 87 Umeå [email protected] Fax +46 90 786 51 21 Phone + 46 90 786 60 79 www.umu.se/cerum Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995 Örjan Pettersson

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Page 1: Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995umu.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:227394/FULLTEXT01.pdf · Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

CERUMWorking Paper No. 13:1999Free Internet EditionPrinted edition can be bought from CERUM

This document may be copied but not sold.The contents must not be changed in any way.

CERUMCentre for Regional ScienceSE-901 87 Umeå[email protected] +46 90 786 51 21Phone + 46 90 786 60 79www.umu.se/cerum

Population Changes in RuralAreas in Northern Sweden1985-1995

Örjan Pettersson

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Address: CERUM, Umeå University, SE-901 87 Umeå, Sweden. Telephone: +46 90 786 60 79, Fax: +46 90 786 51 21. www.umu.se/cerum [email protected]

Umeå UniversityCERUM

Centre for Regional Science

Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

Örjan PetterssonCERUM, Centre for Regional Science

August 1999

CERUM Working Paper No. 13:1999ISBN: 91-7191-668-7ISSN: 1400-4526

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Preface

One of the research fields at CERUM is focussing structural issues in spar-sely populated regions. The studies are covering a wide range of aspects.One category is oriented towards description and analysis of the objectivereality in this type of areas in terms of demographic structure and change,accessibility aspects, economic activities, relationships and competitiveness,income, education, social standard and segregation. Another category ofstudies is highlighting the subjective reality among the people in terms ofattitudes, lifestyles and entrepreneurial ambitions.

This working paper by Örjan Pettersson belongs to the first category ofstudies and is based on a paper presented at the PIMA98 conference inAberdeen, Scotland (26-29 June 1998). The participation at the conferencewas supported by a grant from The Gösta Skoglund International Founda-tion. The paper has been published in proceedings from the conference(Gourlay, D. ed., 1999, Marginal Rural Areas in the New Millenium). Anearlier version in Swedish, “Glesbygd i regionala kraftfält”, has been publis-hed in Westlund, H. ed., 1998, Regional utveckling i lokala och globala kraft-fält. SIR-rapport 106.

Umeå in august 1999

Ulf WibergChairman

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Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

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Abstract

During the 1990s most municipalities and rural areas in northern Swedenhave experienced renewed depopulation. At the same time, many regionalcentres (mainly university towns), but also some rural areas, have shown sig-nificant population growth. This paper focuses on the latter rural areas anddescribes their geographical location and the socio-demographic characteris-tics of their populations. Three types of rural areas with population growthhave been identified. Firstly, there are the rural areas within daily commu-ning distance from a few regional centres. Secondly, there is a group of ruralareas that has benefited from the tourist industry. Most of these tourist res-orts are mountain villages close to the border with Norway. Finally, there arealso a few rural areas characterised by attractive residential environmentsand leisure housing.

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Table of Contents

Preface 3

Abstract 4

1 In troduction 7

2 Population r edistr ibution in northern Sweden 9

3 The county of Västerbotten - the expanding Umeå-region 1 3

4 The county of Dalarna – from the industr ial towns of Ber gslagento the ski resorts in Sälen 1 6

5 Concluding remarks 1 8

References 2 1

CERUM Working Papers 23

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Introduction

7

1 Introduction

In Sweden, the last decade has seen a shift in the population distribution,away from the rural areas to the urban areas and away from the “forestcounties” in northern Sweden to the city regions in southern Sweden.However, this urbanisation process has primarily taken place within theregions, i.e. from surrounding rural areas to nearby localities and towns(Andersson 1987). One of the consequences of this urbanisation is thatmany rural areas and rural municipalities have lost a substantial part of theirpopulation. The speed of the urbanisation process has not been the sameduring the whole period and there have also been reversed trends, forinstance the counterurbanisation trend during the 1970s (Borgegård andHåkansson 1997). Furthermore, different parts of Sweden have been influ-enced in various ways and exhibit time lags (The Population 1991). Duringthe 1980s and the first half of the 1990s it was mainly the big city regions(Stockholm, Göteborg and Malmö) and the university towns that had sub-stantial population growth, while many industrial towns and rural munici-palities experienced decreases (Johansson and Pettersson 1997).

During the late 1980s there were signs of a renewed interest in living inthe countryside. Based on data from Statistics Sweden it was possible toconclude that the 1980s was the first decade in a very long time that had anabsolute increase in the numbers of inhabitants living in rural areas (Carl-quist 1992). This trend shift led to speculations about the occurrence of a“new green wave” similar to the “green wave” of the 1970s and similar tothe counterurbanisation trend observed in many developed countries allaround the world (Champion 1989 and 1994). It was in the big city regionsthat these tendencies were most obvious, but there was also growth in ruralpopulation in some sparsely populated counties such as Dalarna. Thisincrease in the population living outside urban areas could partly be assig-ned to a process whereby leisure housing has been turned into permanentlyoccupied housing. The last delimitation of rural areas seems to indicate thatthere has been a return to rural depopulation for the period 1990-19951.Nevertheless, there was population growth in many small villages, especiallythose located in the big city regions.

The renewed interest for living in the countryside during the 1980s hasbeen explained by changes related to economic development and variousstructural phenomena, for instance the incentives to move to the big cityregions diminish during recessions (Johansson and Persson 1991). Techno-

1. The last delimitation of urban and rural areas was performed in 1995 (Statistics Sweden 1997). In Sweden urban areas are defined as localities with at least 200 inhabitants. These localities can then be classified according to number of inhabitants. By definition all areas outside these localities are rural areas. Since 1990 these rural areas can be further subdivided statistically into rural agglomerations (with 50-199 inhabitants) and other rural areas (i.e. very sparsely populated areas and scattered settlements).

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Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

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logical advances and commuting make a more dispersed settlement patternpossible (The Population 1991). Other researchers maintain that the chan-ges are due to a shift in the general sense of values and residential preferen-ces (Forsberg and Carlbrand 1993; Eriksson 1989). Furthermore, in a post-industrial society it becomes more important with a pleasant housing envi-ronment than closeness to place of work (Bengtsson and Johansson 1992).Other aspects are that different generations have different sets of values(Johansson and Persson 1991) and that certain age groups more oftenchoose to live in the countryside (Amcoff 1997).

The tendencies towards an increased rural population during the 1980salso led to a number of investigations concerning the motives of householdsfor moving to the countryside (Borggård, Rhodes and Siksiö 1987; Borge-gård et al 1993; Forsberg and Carlbrand 1993; Kåks and Westholm 1994).In this short overview only a few of all the possible reasons are emphasised.In the interviews many households gave priority to what could be calledcountryside features in their residential environment. Besides the actualhouse and the immediate surroundings, other environmental factors, suchas access to nature and the open scenic landscape, are often mentioned asimportant. It is, though, often unclear what so-called environmental moti-ves really are and how important such reasons are for in-migrants to ruralareas (Amcoff 1997). Many in-migrants to rural areas are so-called returneeswho have kinship with local people or are in fact moving back to the homes-tead. The move to the countryside could also be a part of a self-realisation orchoice of life-style. High housing costs in newly built areas and overheatedcity-regions could also be a driving force behind in-migration to rural areas.By purchasing a house in a rural area households with low incomes, oftenfamilies with small children can fulfil their wish for a house of their own.Families with children moving to rural areas often state that the countrysideoffers a more suitable environment for children to grow up in. Some inter-viewed households maintained that it is strategic to settle down in ruralareas between two or more towns. In this way they have access to more thanone local labour market within commuting distance. There is also a quitelarge group of households, mainly pensioners, who are not dependent onnearness to the large labour markets. They are thus free from an importantrestriction concerning their choice of where to live. New technology, infor-mation technology and more flexible working conditions, for instance wor-king from a distance and flexible working hours, make it possible for moreworkers to settle in rural areas.

One of the aims with this paper is to show that the welfare and popula-tion changes in rural areas in northern Sweden are, to a large extent, stilldependent on the development in the region and the distance to towns.This means that the shorter the distance to large towns and the more posi-tive the development of the region the better are the preconditions forgrowth in the surrounding rural areas. But this also implies, at least for thenear future, that large parts of northern Sweden’s more peripheral rural areaswill continue to exhibit population decrease.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the rural areas in northern Swe-den that have had population growth during the past decade and also emp-hasise some of the characteristics of these rural areas.

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Population redistribution in northern Sweden

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2 Population redistribution in northern Sweden

The study area is a very sparsely populated region in northern Sweden(Figure 1). The region extends from the Gulf of Bothnia to the mountai-nous border with Norway. In the north-eastern part, the region borders onFinland. Northern Sweden consists of six counties and 69 municipalitiescovering approximately 270,000 square kilometres. Northern Sweden has1.5 million inhabitants; thus the average density is 5.5 inhabitants per squ-are kilometre. This means that only 17 per cent of the Swedish populationlive on two thirds of the total land area. The population is unequally distri-buted over the region, however, and most people are in fact concentrated intowns and the coastal areas. Within the interior parts of the region mostinhabitants live in the river valleys and administrative centres at differentlevels. Many of the municipalities, especially those in the interior parts ofthe region, have had a negative population trend during the last decades.

FIGURE 1 Counties, municipalities and centres of municipalities in northern Sweden.

The county ofNorrbotten

The county ofVästerbotten

The countyof Jämtland

The county ofVästernorrland

ThecountyofDalarna The county of

Gävleborg

Town populationNumber of inhab. 1995

70000 35000

7000

Population densityInhabitants per sq km

0.1 to 2 (34)2 to 10 (22)

10 to 66 (13)

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During the period between 1950 and 1974 several reforms were carriedout in order to reduce the number of municipalities in Sweden fromapproximately 2,300 to fewer than 300. One of the main purposes was toconstruct municipalities with populations large enough to secure the provi-sion of services, mainly in the public sector. Christaller’s central-place theory(1966) provided the theoretical basis for a hierarchical central-place system.The centre of the municipality was supposed to provide the local peoplewith everyday services, while the large towns, the so-called regional centres,were supposed to provide high-level services to the inhabitants in largerregions (Öhman 1994). However, many genuine rural areas continued tolose inhabitants while the centres of the municipalities, primarily the largetowns, experienced population growth.

TABLE 1 Population changes by municipalities 1975-1995. Northern Sweden.

Source: Statistics Sweden.

Since 1975 almost one third of the municipalities in northern Swedenhave lost more than ten per cent of their population. At the same time,many of the large towns with nearby municipalities have had strong popula-tion growth. Table 1 shows that during the first half of the 1990s there weremore municipalities with population losses and fewer with a growth rateabove the national average. The maps in figure 2 show that populationgrowth is increasingly concentrated to a few regional centres. At least at themunicipality level it seems as if the first half of the 1990s has implied a shiftback to a more traditional urbanisation pattern.

FIGURE 2 Population changes by municipalities 1975-1995. Northern Sweden.1975-1985 1985-1990 1990-1995

Note: Municipalities with population growth above the national average duringthe period are shaded with black. The municipalities with population increasebelow the national average are shaded with grey, while those exhibiting population decrease are white.Source: Statistics Sweden.

Number of municipalities with: 1975-1985

1985-1990

1990-1995

1975-1995

Population decrease 40 38 47 39Increase less than country average 8 16 16 17Increase more than country average 21 15 6 13

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Population redistribution in northern Sweden

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In Sweden, however, county and municipality averages often conceal agreat deal of the geographical variations in population change and socio-economic development within the regions. For this reason, in severalresearch projects we have employed data with a higher degree of spatial reso-lution than municipalities, mostly electoral wards or even smaller geo-graphical entities. This has also made it possible to group the wardsaccording to various features, for instance by distance to localities of diffe-rent sizes. The data utilised in this paper is mainly derived from threeresearch projects (Pettersson, Persson and Wiberg 1996; Pettersson 1997;Johansson and Pettersson 1997; Pettersson and Westholm 1998). It shouldthough be mentioned that we have only had access to data concerning thenumber of inhabitants in the wards (together with certain demographic andsocio-economic characteristics) at different times. For this reason we are notable to analyse whether a population increase is due to natural increase or tonet in-migration.

Figure 3 shows that the population growth rate decreases with distancefrom the centres of the municipalities. Nevertheless, rural areas can havesubstantial growth, both in Sweden as a whole and in northern Sweden. Innorthern Sweden, however, the “growth zones” do not extend as far out intothe periphery as in other parts of Sweden. A comparison between the sixcounties in northern Sweden also shows that there are obvious differenceswithin the region. In a later section of this paper we shall take a closer lookat two counties, Dalarna and Västerbotten.

FIGURE 3 Average population change in wards grouped into distance zones from their local muni-cipality centres 1990-1995.

Note: All distances are calculated as the crow flies (between the geographical cen-troid of the electoral ward and the centroid of the centre of the municipality). Inthis way, the distance measure is only a rough approximation of actual road dis-tance.

During the period 1990-1995 relatively many municipalities in northernSweden have had population growth in rural areas near towns (i.e. within adistance of 5-15 kilometres from the centre of their own municipality). Onthe other hand, few rural areas farther away from the centres show anincreased population. Not only do rural areas at different distances showdifferent population trends but their populations also differ in various

-5

-4

-3

-2

-1

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1

2

3

4

5

< 5

5-10

10-1

5

15-2

0

20-2

5

25-3

0

30-4

0

> 4

0

Distance to centre of municipality (km)

Po

pu

lati

on

ch

ang

e 19

90-9

5, %

SwedenNorthern Sweden

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Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

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aspects. The rural areas within the 15 kilometre-zone from the centre of themunicipality are characterised by relatively many families with children andhouseholds where both partners work outside the home. It is mainly in theperipheries of the municipalities that it is possible to trace obvious signs of afar-reaching depopulation and a relatively high proportion of elderly people.

In general, the rural areas with a rapid population increase have relativelymany young inhabitants, families with children and households where bothpartners work outside the home (Table 2). Contrary to the depopulatingrural areas with an ageing population, the average age is decreasing in therural areas with substantial population growth. The high proportion ofinhabitants below 45 years of age shows that these areas are attractive forfamilies with children.

TABLE 2 Population statistics for rural areas in northern Sweden.

Note: Only areas with more than five kilometres to the centre of their ownmunicipality are included in the table. Source: Statistics Sweden.

Rural areas by population change 1990-95 Rural areasin northern

Sweden

NorthernSwedenDecrease Increase

Population change 1990-95 <-5% -5% - -2%

2% - 0% 0% - 2% 2% - 5% >5%

Average population change1990-95, % -8.7 -3.5 -0.9 0.9 3.5 15.2 0.6 1.4Number of electoral wards 207 158 102 115 104 130 819 1262Number of inhabitants 1995 151 155 103 126 117 157 808 1483Share of total number ofinhabitants 1995, % 19 19 13 16 14 19 100 100Share of dwellings insmall houses 1990, % 71 78 77 77 78 76 76 56Share of inhabitants 1995, %:0-19 years of age 24 26 26 27 27 29 26 2420-44 years of age 28 29 29 30 31 34 30 3245-64 years of age 26 26 25 26 25 23 25 2565-74 years of age 12 10 10 9 9 8 10 1075 years of age and older 10 10 9 8 8 6 9 9Women 48.7 49 49 49 48.8 49.1 48.9 50.1Average age of population:1985 40.5 39.8 39.5 39 39.2 37.3 39.3 39.31990 40.5 39.8 39.4 38.7 38.9 37 39.1 39.41995 41.9 40.6 40 39.2 39.2 36.6 39.6 39.8Share of families 1994, %:Single men 33 32 32 32 31 31 32 32Single women 29 29 29 29 29 29 29 33Married/Co-assessed,both econ. active 19 21 21 22 22 25 22 19Married/Co-assessed,one econ. active 8 8 8 8 8 7 8 7Married/Co-assessed,no one econ. active 11 10 10 9 9 8 10 9Families with children 20 22 23 24 24 27 23 21

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The county of Västerbotten - the expanding Umeå-region

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3 The county of Västerbotten - the expanding Umeå-region

The municipality of Umeå has experienced a dramatic population growthduring the last decades. In 1950 Umeå had 46,000 inhabitants and in 1997the total number of inhabitants had risen to 103,000 (i.e. an average annualgrowth rate of approximately 1.7 per cent). At the same time other munici-palities in the county have had a stagnating population or a decrease in thenumber of inhabitants. Umeå’s proportion of the total county populationincreased from 20 per cent in 1950 to 40 per cent in 1997. Within thecounty there has been a concentration of people to the large localities, mostof all to the centres of the municipalities and especially to the towns ofUmeå, Skellefteå and Lycksele. However, figure 4 shows that rural areas sur-rounding the towns have also had a positive population trend during thelast decade.

FIGURE 4 Population changes in electoral wards 1985-1995. The county of Västerbotten.

During the 1990s most of the centres of the municipalities in the interiorparts of the county had decreasing populations. At the same time most loca-lities in the coastal region showed population growth. Within commutingdistance from the towns we also find many rural agglomerations with

Skellefteå

Umeå

100 km

Lycksele

N

Centre of municipality

Population change1985-95, %

-100 to 0 (114)0 to 10 (47)

10 to 100 (59)

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Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

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growth and figure 5 shows the population changes within the Umeå regionin more detail. The spatial pattern indicates the importance of the majorroads. Unexpectedly, relatively many rural agglomerations within the muni-cipalities close to the border with Norway have maintained or evenincreased their number of inhabitants.

FIGURE 5 Population changes in electoral wards 1985-1995 and localities 1990-1995.

Note: Black shaded areas in the map to the left show electoral wards with apopulation growth exceeding ten per cent during the period 1985-1995. Greyshaded areas show increases of less than ten percent and white indicates depopu-lation. The symbols in the map to the right show the population changes in loca-lities and rural agglomerations (i.e. agglomerations with at least 50inhabitants).Source: Statistics Sweden.

A research project concerning welfare in the county of Västerbotten sho-wed that there are substantial differences in living conditions between vari-ous parts of the county (Pettersson, Persson and Wiberg 1997). A clusteranalysis was performed in order to reduce the nearly 500 residential areas(i.e. electoral wards and planning districts) into a manageable number ofhousing environments with similarities according to demography and socio-economic conditions (Pettersson 1997). Four of the seven cluster groupingsare often found in rural areas (Figure 6). The rural areas with populationgrowth surrounding the towns often belong to one of the two clustersnamed “attractive suburban areas” and “urbanised rural areas”. Otherdistricts in rural areas are assigned to “deprived rural areas” or “smaller ser-vice centres”. The last-mentioned clusters often coincide with the rural areasand localities that have had a negative population trend in recent years.

N

Robertsfors

Umeå

Vindeln

Bjurholm Vännäs

Nordmaling

Decreasing numberof inhabitants 1990-95

Increasing or unchangednumber of inhab. 1990-95

N

ca 50 km

Robertsfors

Umeå

Vindeln

Vännäs

Nordmaling

Bjurholm

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The county of Västerbotten - the expanding Umeå-region

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FIGURE 6 Residential areas by cluster groupings.

The “attractive suburban areas” are exclusively situated within or close tothe large towns. The cluster’s population is characterised by general well-being, high educational level, well above county average employment ratesand high incomes. Furthermore, the “attractive suburban areas” are alsopossible to identify by their very high proportion of families with children;almost every second household consists of a family with children. The“urbanised rural areas” also exhibit a relatively high proportion of house-holds with children. The employment rate is remarkably higher than thecounty average and most other indicators show values close to the countyaverage (i.e. better than most other rural areas in Västerbotten). In this way,the “urbanised rural areas” fall between the “attractive suburban areas” andthe “deprived rural areas” both in geographical location and in terms ofliving conditions. The attractiveness of the “urbanised rural areas” can oftenbe assigned to a combination of low housing costs and the possibility fordaily commuting to workplaces in the major towns. Furthermore, some ofthe “urbanised rural areas” benefit from the attractive scenic landscape. Forinstance, they are situated in traditional agriculture landscapes, in river val-leys, close to lakes or by the sea. The populations living in the “deprivedrural areas” are often characterised by a combination of generally poor livingconditions, long distances to towns and an unfavourable demographic prof-ile with a shortage of young people and women.

N

Robertsfors

Umeå

Vindeln

Vännäs

Nordmaling

Bjurholm

Clusters of microregions

Smaller service centresAttractive suburban areasUrbanised rural areasmainly Deprived rural areas

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Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Sweden 1985-1995

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4 The county of Dalarna – from the industrial towns of Bergslagen to the ski resorts in Sälen

Like Västerbotten, the county of Dalarna is also a region with large internaldifferences. For instance, there is a sharp contrast between the municipali-ties in the south-eastern part of the region and the municipalities aroundLake Siljan (Table 7). The first mentioned region is part of Bergslagen, alarge region extending over many counties united by the history of theirmining industry. The Siljan region is characterised by the beautiful sceniclandscape and the old traditions.

FIGURE 7 The county of Dalarna.

The area around Lake Siljan is often regarded as a national symbol of theold rural Sweden as it was during the 19th century. In a historical perspec-tive, however, it is a little ironic that the rural areas around Lake Siljan wereconsidered as backward and underdeveloped during the industrial era ofBergslagen. Today, Bergslagen is one of the Swedish problem regions due torestructuring difficulties and depopulation. The Siljan region, on the otherhand, has had an increasing population since the 1970s. Nevertheless, notonly different parts of Dalarna but also various rural areas in the region have

Centre of municipality

The Sälenarea

TheSiljanarea

Bergslagen

100 km

N

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The county of Dalarna – from the industrial towns of Bergslagen to the ski resorts in Sälen

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shown quite different population trends. In this section we shall take a clo-ser look on two examples of rural areas in the county of Dalarna, namely thecountryside around Lake Siljan and the Sälen area, both with a relativelypositive development in recent years.

During the last decades the countryside around Lake Siljan has had aninflow of migrants and a steady population growth. The number of inhabi-tants in the area has increased by five per cent during the period 1985-1995and today more than 25,000 people live in the rural parts of the region. Thein-migrants have moved in mainly from other municipalities in Dalarnaand the Stockholm region. Some of these in-migrants have resided in thegenuine countryside while others have settled down in large villages andsmall towns. The in-migration cannot be explained by such factors asexpansion in a certain industry, a single company investment or a universityestablishment. Due to the long distances to large towns in Dalarna, such asFalun and Borlänge, it is unlikely that the possibility for commuting is thesole cause of the population growth (Kåks and Westholm 1994). During theperiod 1985-1995 the growth rate in the rural areas around Lake Siljan hasbeen above the county average. The area is characterised by a relatively lowproportion of families with children and instead the proportion of elderlypeople is higher. As shown before, this is unusual for those rural areas innorthern Sweden that are distinguished by strong population growth.

Earlier investigations have shown that, in particular, the people living inthe municipality of Leksand generally have a high and evenly distributedliving standard (Pettersson and Westholm 1998). Perhaps it is a combina-tion of general well-being, the image of being the original Sweden, thescenic landscape, tourism, small-scale businesses and self-employment thathas generated both a renewal and in-migration to traditional rural munici-palities where one would rather have expected a decreasing population.

The second rural area of interest in Dalarna is the Sälen area. The Sälenarea is situated in the mountainous region close to the border with Norway.There are only 2,000 people living in these ski resorts. Due to the in-migra-tion of young people the area has experienced a ten per cent populationincrease during the period 1985-1995. The ski tourism has led to a develop-ment that differs in many ways from other peripheral rural areas in northernSweden. The large tourist establishments provide job opportunities in aregion where there are few alternatives and the employment rate is, in fact,seven percentage units higher than the county average. One third of thelabour force work in the private service sector. In the Sälen area we findmany young people and single persons, mostly single men. In comparisonwith the county average and most rural areas in northern Sweden, the Sälenarea has very few families with children.

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5 Concluding remarks

During the 1990s most municipalities and rural areas in northern Swedenhave experienced renewed depopulation. At the same time, not only regio-nal centres (especially university towns), but also some rural areas haveshown significant population growth. In the 1990s population increase inrural areas in northern Sweden is concentrated to the commuter belts sur-rounding the large towns, while more peripheral rural areas generally exhi-bit population decrease. Access to large labour markets and access to servicesare still factors that make rural areas close to towns attractive. However, therelatively few rural areas with growth which do not fit the description ofbeing within the commuter belts of towns are most often municipalities andvillages that have benefited from the tourist industry. This means that someof the most peripheral rural areas in northern Sweden have often managedbetter than some of the more “normal” rural areas.

The rural areas in northern Sweden that have experienced populationgrowth during the last decade can, in most cases, be grouped into threetypes according to their location and characteristics:

i Rural areas close to towns: Here we often find a combination of lowhousing costs (at least in comparison with housing costs in residen-tial districts within the large towns) and possibilities for daily com-muting to workplaces in the large towns. Furthermore, these areasare characterised by a relatively high proportion of families withchildren and, in general, high standards of living. In some cases theserural areas are “strategic locations” between two or more towns.

ii Tourist resorts: In northern Sweden these rural areas are mostly skiresorts found in the mountainous areas close to the border with Nor-way.

iii Other attractive rural areas: In this group we often find rural areaswith a distinctive historical and cultural heritage combined with anattractive scenic landscape, but also areas with a large proportion ofleisure housing (especially along the coast). In these rural areas onecan expect a high proportion of households that are not dependenton proximity to large labour markets, for instance pensioners, dis-tance workers, some self-employed persons and the like. Here weoften find “life-style” arguments among the in-migrants (Kåks andWestholm 1994)

Of course, there are rural areas where two or more of the above featuresare combined, for instance in Leksand in the area around Lake Siljan, andthat to some extent fit into the above description of all three types of ruralareas. Even though these characteristics are no guarantee for a positive deve-lopment one can state that these rural areas have much better preconditions

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for population growth than most other rural areas in northern Sweden.Almost exclusively, these last-mentioned rural areas have decreasing popula-tions and offer their inhabitants poor living conditions. Nevertheless, largeparts of northern Sweden’s sparsely populated areas belong to this category.Because of this and due to the population trend during the last decades, it isdifficult to see signs of any imminent turnaround for these rural areas.

The redistribution of the population in northern Sweden since the 1970stogether with the fact that many rural municipalities have experienced arenewed strong depopulation during the 1990s puts further pressure on therural municipalities’ economic situation and possibilities for maintaining anacceptable standard of service provision for their inhabitants. Moreover, andeven more worrying, many municipality centres in northern Sweden havestarted to lose inhabitants in recent years. Perhaps once again it is necessaryto re-examine the present place system and the regional policy for northernSweden.

For this reason it would be interesting to take a closer look at the ruralareas that have had a relatively positive development despite being locatedoutside the commuter belts of the large towns. How and why are these areasmanaging this well? Are there local action groups or other development pro-jects, entrepreneurs, tourist businesses and the like, that might have contri-buted to a positive development? Or are there other explanations? Clearlythe significance of the tourist industry in creating job opportunities andrelative prosperity in peripheral and sparsely populated areas should beanalysed in more detail and Swedish regional policy and planning should,perhaps, give greater attention to the tourist industry.

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CERUM Working Papers

No. 1 Einar Holm and Ulf Wiberg (Red.), Samhällseffekter av Umeå univer-sitet, 1995.

No. 2 Örjan Pettersson, Lars Olof Persson and Ulf Wiberg, Närb i ld e r a vv ä ste r b o ttn in g a r - m a te r i e lla le v n a d svillko r o c h h ä lso tillstå n d i Vä s-te r b o tte n s lä n , 1996.

No. 3 Jeanette Edblad, Th e Po litic a l Ec o n o m y o f Re g io n a l In te g r a tio n inDe v e lo p in g Co u n trie s, 1996.

No. 4 Lena Sahlin and Lars Westin, Prissä ttn in g a v su b v e n tio n e r a d ku ltu r.Vilka ä r d e i n te r n a tio n e lla e r f a r e n h e te r n a ?, 1996.

No. 5 Lars Westin and Mats Forsman, Re g io n e r n a o c h f in a n sie r in g e n a vin fra stru ktu r e n : Exe m p le t Bo tn i a b a n a n , 1997.

No. 6 Erik Bergkvist and Lars Westin, Estim a tio n o f g r a v ity m o d e ls by OLSe stim a tio n , NLS e stim a tio n , Po isso n , a n d Ne u r a l Ne tw o rk sp e c i f ic a -tio n s, 1997.

No. 7 Niklas Nordman, In c r e a sin g Re tu r n s to Sc a le a n d B en e fits to Tra f -f ic . A Sp a tia l Ge n e ra l Equ ilib r iu m An a lys is in th e Ca s e o f Tw o Pri-m a r y In pu ts, 1998.

No. 8 Lars Westin and Niklas Nordman, Th e d ia lo g u e o f un i v e r s i t i e s w i t hth e ir pa rtn e rs: Th e c a se o f Um e å Un iver s i t y , Sw e d e n , 1998.

No.9 Robert Sörensson, Sy ste m a n a ly s a v g o d stra n spo rte r. Sim u le r in g a ve n u p p g r a d e r a d In la n d s ban a , 1998.

No.10 Carina Sundgren, Be r äkn in g a v b r u tto r e g i o n p r o d u kte r fö r Sv e r i g e sr e g io n e r. En a n a ly s a v m e to d v a le t o c h r e g io n in d e ln in g e n s b e ty d e lse ,1998.

No.11 Erik Sondell, Ha lv tid su tv ä r d e r in g a v In te r r e g - p r o je kte t Virtu a l Ed u -c a tio n En v i r on m e n t MittSka n d i a , 1999.

No.12 Erik Sondell, Det regionala uppdraget: En fjärde uppgift?, 1999.

No.13 Örjan Pettersson, Population Changes in Rural Areas in Northern Swe-den 1985-1995, 1999.

No.14 Robert Pettersson, Fo r e i g n Se c o n d Ho m e Pu r c h a ses - Th e Ca s e o fNo r th e r n Sw e d e n , 1990-96, 1999.

No.15 Patrik Asplund och Niklas Nordman, Attitu d e s to w a r d th e Th ird Mis-sio n : A Se le c tio n o f In te r v i ew s f r om Se v e n Un ive r s i tie s in Sw e d e n ,1999.

No.16 Kent Eliasson, Magnus Johansson och Lars Westin, Eu r o p e a n In te -g r a tio n : Ea ste r n Eu r o p e a n d th e Sw e d ish Re g i on s, 1999.