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 DOI: 10.3102/00346543062002129

1992 62: 129REVIEW OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHDona M. Kagan

Professional Growth Among Preservice and Beginning Teachers  

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Review of Educational Research Summer 1992, Vol 62, No. 2, pp. 129-169

Professional Growth Among Preservice and Beginning Teachers

Dona M. Kagan University of Alabama

I began this review with three objectives: (a) to determine whether recent learning-to-teach studies form a coherent body of literature, (b) to use any common themes that emerged from these studies to construct a model of professional growth for novice and beginning teachers, and (c) to draw inferences from the model concerning the nature of preservice teacher education programs likely to promote growth by capitalizing on naturally occurring processes and stages. I review 40 learning-to-teach studies pub­lished or presented between 1987 and 1991: 27 deal with preservice teachers, 13 with first-year or beginning teachers. All were naturalistic and qualitative in methodology. Studies within each of those divisions are clustered and summarized according to major themes that emerged from findings. The model I ultimately infer from the 40 studies confirms, explicates, and integrates Fuller's (Fuller & Bown, 1975) develop­mental model of teacher concerns and Berliner's (1988) model of teacher development based on cognitive studies of expertise. Preservice and first-year teaching appears to constitute a single developmental stage during which novices accomplish three primary tasks: (a) acquire knowledge of pupils; (b) use that knowledge to modify and recon­struct their personal images of self as teacher; and (c) develop standard procedural routines that integrate classroom management and instruction. In general, preservice programs fail to address these tasks adequately.

Despite 4 decades of empirical research, researchers appear to know remarkably little about the evolution of teaching skill (Burden, 1990; Calderhead, 1990; Carter, 1990; Richardson, 1990). During the 1960s and 1970s, researchers conducted studies of teacher change which documented organized attempts to manipulate the profes­sional growth of teachers via workshops and training programs. The methodology of this literature was generally quantitative and involved relatively large samples of teachers; few studies attempted to follow the long-term effects of training programs (Cruickshank & Metcalf, 1990; McLaughlin, 1990; Richardson, 1990).

In the 1980s, researchers began generating different kinds of studies: naturalistic inquiries that attempted to capture the evolution of professional growth among teachers. These studies, commonly called learning-to-teach literature, were generally qualitative in methodology and usually focused on only a handful of teachers. Where the experimental studies of teacher change focused on teacher behavior, learning-to-teach studies focused on the cognitions, beliefs, and mental processes that underlie teachers' classroom behaviors.

Although some of the case studies included in the learning-to-teach literature provided rich, context-specific detail about the professional growth of a few teachers, no one has examined whether these studies add up—that is, whether they provide a coherent and consistent picture of the natural course of teachers' professional devel­opment. Indeed, because of the small sample sizes, diverse contexts, and hetero-

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geneous methodology of the learning-to-teach literature, some have suggested that it is too idiosyncratic to provide generalizations about processes of teacher growth:

Outcomes are designated in a variety of ways: attitudes, dispositions, orientations, perspectives, knowledge, concerns, or commitments, and, despite apparent differ­ences in meaning, these terms are often used interchangeably. Settings are some­times only loosely defined and vary widely across studies. Attempts to isolate the relative contributions of program components or experiences . . . are futile under these circumstances. Perhaps most importantly, except for vague references to development, change, and growth, investigators are largely silent about the nature of the learning process in teacher education. Given this conceptual diversity and ambiguity, it is not surprising that cumulative findings are scarce. (Carter, 1990, p. 295)

As a function of the methodology of case study . . . the learning-to-teach literature leads to an idiosyncratic view of teachers. That is, the teacher teaches as he or she is. How then are we to think about affecting change, other than through a type of individualistic, psychoanalytic approach to teacher education . . . ? (Richardson, 1990, p. 13)

Objectives

In essence, the purpose of this review was to test Carter's (1990) and Richardson's (1990) assumptions. Despite narrowness of scope and diversity in setting and termi­nology, have learning-to-teach studies revealed common themes concerning the evolution of teachers' professional growth? That is, what do these studies reveal about common sequences of change and the processes or mechanisms by which change is brought about naturally? Insights regarding the naturalistic1 stages and processes by which teachers grow would be invaluable to teacher educators, who could use them to infer the nature of teacher education programs most likely to promote professional growth. Such information would provide an empirical basis for the design of programs, a process usually dictated by tradition, bureaucracy, or the ideas of persuasive individuals (Brown, Cooney, & Jones, 1990; Eisenhart, Behm, & Romagnano, 1991; Lampert, 1988).

Teacher educators can consult a number of extant models of teacher development, but these models have been constructed by (a) adapting theories of general cognitive development to teaching; (b) attempting to justify classroom practices in develop­mental terms; or (c) inferring a theory from a single agenda of empirical research (Burden, 1990). No one has attempted to infer a developmental model from empiri­cal research that reflects more than one agenda. This was the second objective of this review.

In fact, the only developmental models based on empirical research about teachers are Fuller's (1969; Fuller & Bown, 1975), which focus narrowly on teachers' concerns, and Berliner's (1988), which are based on novice/expert studies and schema theory (Anderson, 1984; Chi, Glaser, & Farr, 1988).2 My third objective was to compare any model of teacher development that I was able to infer from learning-to-teach studies to the models described by Fuller and Berliner. To what degree was each supported? As readers will see, despite the limitations of the learning-to-teach literature noted by Carter (1990) and contrary to Richardson's (1990) pessimism, the 40 studies reviewed in this article yielded remarkably consistent themes that partially confirmed and elaborated both Fuller's and Berliner's models.

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Ground Rules

I limited this review to empirical studies of growth among preservice and beginning teachers published or presented between 1987 and 1991. I left studies of growth among in-service teachers to another review because of limitations of space. I chose this time span in order to avoid covering studies already included in extant reviews of literature (e.g., Borko, 1989; Burden, 1990; Carter, 1990; Zeichner & Gore, 1990). As a result, with the exception of Grossman's (1989,1990) study, this review does not include inquiries entailed in two major research agendas: the Knowledge Growth in Teaching project conducted by Shulman and his colleagues at Stanford University and the Knowledge Use in Learning to Teach project coordinated by Feimen-Nemser at Michigan State University (Borko, 1989). However, after reviewing and synthesiz­ing more recent studies, I relate the emergent themes to studies published or presented prior to 1987.

I also limited selection to empirical studies whose primary objectives included the description of professional growth manifested over time. For this review, professional growth is defined as changes over time in the behavior, knowledge, images, beliefs, or perceptions of novice teachers. As it turned out, all of these studies were qualitative in methodology; although a few (e.g., Griffin, 1989) included quantitative measures, major findings were based on qualitative data.

Unless stated otherwise, all of the novice teachers in these studies had completed or were in the process of completing teacher education programs. This point leads to another important point about this literature: although the studies reviewed here are technically naturalistic in that researchers did not impose experimental conditions, a program of teacher education does, in essence, constitute a treatment of sorts. Unfortunately, many investigators omit descriptive details of the teacher education program(s) that was involved in a learning-to-teach study (Carter, 1990; Feiman-Nemser, cited in Carter, 1990). For that reason, I have included in my summaries of studies as many descriptive details of teacher education programs as the investigators themselves provided. Hopefully, this will allow readers to use their own judgment in drawing comparisons between studies and in evaluating the generalizations I ulti­mately draw. In some cases, readers will see that programs could not be described, because the beliefs and objectives of university and school personnel lacked coher­ence (e.g., Eisenhart et al., 1991). Unfortunately, this may not be a rare phenome­non (Howey & Zimpher, 1989).

I want to acknowledge that the studies reviewed here do not constitute a truly random sample. Even given the same criteria for selection, another reviewer could have identified a somewhat different sample of studies. In addition, not all of the studies reviewed here represent truly independent inquiries, many having been conducted by the same researcher as part of a particular agenda of research. While one might cite this as evidence that the deck was stacked in terms of discovering consistency among learning-to-teach studies, one could also view this as a partic­ularly rigorous test. That is, in order to emerge as a coherent body of empirical literature, the studies reviewed here had to articulate across diverse, privately defined research agendas.

The themes I extract from this sample of 40 studies tell only one of many stories that could have been constructed. In that sense, this is a somewhat subjective distillation, and what follows should not be regarded as definitive in terms of organization or interpretation.

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I use the term, subjective, as a means of suggesting that there can never be a truly objective review of literature. The unique configuration of background knowledge, values, and cognitive propensities that a particular reader brings to a text acts as a filter that affects comprehension. This is as true for academic scholars as it is for average readers. Thus, it is possible for two experts in the same field of research to disagree about the meaning or significance of a particular empirical study. By definition, comprehension of any text is interpretive (subjective).

This sort of subjectivity is likely to increase, when a scholar attempts to synthesize rather than simply summarize a cluster of empirical studies. It is important to note that in writing this review it was not my intention to produce a catalogue of studies but to infer major themes, draw relationships, and extrapolate implications. Value judgments are inherent in each of these activities. In that sense, this is probably not a typical review of literature.

I tried to mitigate the interpretive aspects of my task in two ways. First, I allowed the themes and the ultimate model to emerge from the studies themselves; this review represents grounded theory. I neither read the studies with any particular model in mind nor assumed that the studies could be interrelated.

Second, I took care to include in my description of each study as many meth­odological details as I could without impairing comprehension of the article as a whole. Thus, I usually include information about: participants (undergraduate/ graduate; elementary/secondary; subject specializations, etc.) and the nature of the teacher education program, the kinds of data collected, duration of the study, and— where important—special theoretical constructs, definitions, or coding schemes used in analyzing the data.

Nevertheless, it is likely that another scholar, given the same task, might infer different themes. I suggest that this does not testify to the weakness of the method inherent in producing a synthetic review of literature but does testify to the richness of the studies themselves, each of which produced an assortment of qualitative data, findings, themes, and implications. The multivariate and longitudinal nature of these studies virtually precludes the credibility of any single "correct" synthesis.

Organization of This Article

In the first section of this review, I describe 27 studies of growth among preservice teachers. They are presented in five thematic clusters, each terminated by a brief summary. In the second section, I turn to 13 studies of first-year and beginning teachers organized in three thematic clusters. Because the themes recapitulate the major findings of studies in the first section, I omit summaries. The two divisions (preservice, in-service studies) overlap in cases where investigators followed candi­dates from entry into a preservice program through their first year of teaching.

In the third section of the article, I infer a "new" model of professional develop­ment for novice teachers and relate it to Fuller's model (Fuller & Bown, 1975), Berliner's model (1988), and studies published prior to 1987. In the final section, I draw inferences about the nature of teacher education programs likely to promote professional growth by capitalizing on the apparent natural processes revealed by the 40 studies. Table 1 displays the studies according to the thematic clusters and chronological order in which they are reviewed. It should help readers locate descrip­tions of particular studies within this review.

A word about my terminology: I try to restrict use of the term student to preservice teachers enrolled in teacher education courses or practica. I use the term pupil to

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refer to elementary or secondary students. Thus, I talk about novice teachers' recollections of themselves as pupils in classrooms.

Studies of Growth Among Preservice Teachers

I found 27 empirical studies that examined changes in the behavior, beliefs, or images of preservice teachers. They are presented in the following section in five thematic clusters: (a) the role played by preexisting beliefs and images early in a teacher education program; (b) requisites for growth during practica and student teaching; (c) what can happen when novices try to teach with little knowledge of pupils and procedures; (d) the central role played by a novice's image of self as teacher; and (e) comprehensive evaluations of practica or student teaching.

The Role Played by Preexisting Beliefs and Images Early in a Teacher Education Program

Three studies focused on growth among preservice teachers at very early points in their professional programs. Each study examined changes in personal beliefs or in the ways personal beliefs/images affected what novices learned from university course work.

Calderhead and Robson (1991) followed 12 students through their first year of course work in an elementary teacher education program at a British university. The novices were interviewed periodically throughout the year about their anxieties, images of self as teacher, and understanding of how pupils learn. The participants also viewed videos that showed different styles of teaching a math lesson and a writing lesson; participants were asked to evaluate the videos, describing aspects of the lessons that they liked/disliked and how they might teach similar material. Finally, toward the end of the year, the researchers asked each novice to imagine he or she were teaching a class and to project a script (dialogue that would ensue between teacher and pupils).

Data indicated that each of the 12 novices entered the program with clear images of good teaching that were related to their own classroom experiences as pupils. These images appeared to be derived from one or two role models and were inflexible across classroom contexts. When performing the experimental tasks, the novices tended to focus on and describe their own actions as teachers rather than the actions of pupils. They appeared to be unable to adapt their images of teachers and lessons to different situations and pupil needs.

McDaniel (1991) examined how 22 preservice teachers (3 elementary, 19 secon­dary) made sense of a foundations course in the philosophy and history of education. Each participant was interviewed six times and asked to relate class sessions to field observations. Findings indicated that the preservice teachers tended to relate the content of the course to their own beliefs and prior experiences in classrooms. Neither the content of the course nor the field observations affected their prior beliefs.

In the third study, Weinstein (1990) examined changes in students' beliefs about teaching. Participants were 38 prospective elementary teachers enrolled in an intro­ductory education course that included a 21-hour field experience. All of the candi­dates completed questionnaires; a subset of 12 students was then interviewed peri­odically throughout the semester. The questionnaire and the interviews probed the candidates' preconceptions about: the definition of good teaching, their expectations

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TABLE 1 Studies of professional growth among preservice and beginning teachers: 1987-1991, organized thematically

Researchers Participants How growth was defined Duration of study Data

Studies of preservice teachers Role played by preexisting beliefs and images early in a teacher education program

First yr. of course work Calderhead & 12 elementary education Changes in images of self First yr. of course work Interviews, experimental Robson (1991) students as teacher and in under­ tasks [Britain] standing of pupils

McDaniel (1991) 22 elementary and secon­ How students made sense 1 semester course in philos­ Interviews dary education students of course content ophy/history of education

with field observations Weinstein (1990) 38 elementary education Changes in beliefs about 1 semester introductory Questionnaires (a subset of

students teaching, self-confidence, education course with a 12 novices was also inter­expectations 21-hr. field experience viewed)

Requisites for growth during practica and student teaching

McLaughlin (1991) 26 secondary student Changes in how student 1 semester of student teach­ Interviews, observations, teachers (social studies) teachers evaluated them­

selves ing journals, tapes of confer­

ences, written self-evalua­tions (results presented as profiles of 4 of the nov­ices)

Pigge & Marso 153 elementary and secon­ Changes in attitudes, con­ Data collected on entry into Questionnaires (1989) dary novices in a preser­

vice program cerns, self-confidence program and again after

completing student teach­ing (2-3 yrs.)

Florio-Ruane & 6 elementary students Changes in beliefs, percep­ 1 semester methods course Interviews, written assign­Lensmire (1990) tions of pupil learning,

the nature of writing instruction

with a field component ments

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Shapiro (1991) 23 secondary students Changes in perceptions, 1 semester (first phase of a Interviews [Canada] knowledge of pupils and

classrooms program consisting of a 7-wk. methods course and a 4-wk. practicum)

Aitken & Mildon 4 elementary and secondary Changes in personal knowl­ Entire course of a preser­ Interviews (1991) [Canada] students edge and perceptions vice program and first yr.

of teaching Gore & Zeicher 18 student teachers in a Amount and level of self- Student teaching (2 semes­ Journals, action research

(1991) program that stressed reflection

reflection ters) reports

What can happen when novices try to teach with little knowledge of pupils and procedi ares

Wodlinger (1990) 1 preservice teacher Amount and level of reflec­ 10-wk. practicum Journal kept in the format [Canada] tion of critical incidents

Mcneely & Mertz 11 secondary teachers Changes in behavior, plan­ Student teaching Observations, journals, (1990) ning, attitudes, knowl­

edge of pupils and classrooms

(1 semester) planning documents

Hoy & Woolfolk 191 liberal arts majors: V3 Changes in perceptions and 1 semester Questionnaires (1990) student teachers; lh

enrolled in a methods course; V3 in a develop­mental psychology course (V2 intending to teach)

beliefs about pupil con­trol, self-confidence

Kagan & Tippins 12 elementary and secon­ Changes in how they Student teaching Written descriptions of their (1991) dary student teachers described their pupils (1 semester) pupils

Eisenhart et al. 8 middle-school math stu­ Changes in beliefs, percep­ Student teaching Interviews, classroom (1991) dent teachers tions, knowledge of

pupils and classrooms (2 semesters) observations

Lidstone & 1 elementary novice in a Changes in behavior, Through the fifth yr. Interviews, classroom Hollingsworth graduate teacher educa­ knowledge of classrooms, program and the first yr. observations (1990) tion (5th yr.) program problem solving strategies of teaching

{continued on p. 136)

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TABLE 1 (Continued) Studies of professional growth among preservice and beginning teachers: 1987-1991, organized thematically

Researchers Participants How growth was defined Duration of study Data

Studies of preservice teachers

What can happen when novices try to teach with little knowledge of pupils and procedi jres Hollingsworth (1989) 14 elementary and secon­ Changes in behavior, Through the fifth yr. pro­ Interviews, classroom

dary students in a gradu­ knowledge of pupils and gram, including student observations ate teacher education program

classrooms, problem solving

teaching

Shefelbine & 14 elementary students Changes in behavior, 1 semester or quarter of Interviews, classroom Hollingsworth knowledge of pupils and a reading practicum observations (1987) classrooms, problem

solving Hollingsworth (1988) 16 elementary students Changes in behavior, 1 semester or quarter of a Interviews, classroom

knowledge of pupils and classrooms, problem solving

methods course in reading instruction

observations

Central role played by a novice's image of self as teacher

Laboskey (1991) 2 elementary students in a Changes in level of reflec­ 1 yr. (last yr. in program, Interviews, case studies graduate teacher educa­ tion, beliefs, perceptions including student written by the novices, tion program designed to promote reflection

teaching) questionnaire

Bullough (1991) 15 secondary student Changes in personal teach­ Student teaching Interviews, classroom teachers ing metaphors, beliefs,

images (1 semester) observations (presented

as in-depth profiles of 3 of the student teachers)

Hollingsworth 28 students in a graduate Changes in knowledge of 2 yrs. (the course of the Interviews (in press) teacher education classrooms, beliefs, goals, program and into the

program (secondarily: cooperating teachers, su­pervisors, 10 graduates of the program)

perceptions first yr. of teaching)

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Strahan (1990) 4 middle-school math Changes in perceptions and Last 2 yrs. of a preservice Interviews, observations, candidates knowledge of classrooms program (including

student teaching) journals

Bennett (1991) 12 middle-school candidates Changes in perceptions and Through the 1 yr. program Interviews, concept maps, in a 5th yr. graduate program

knowledge of classrooms journals, classroom observations, stimulated recall

Comprehensive evaluations of practica or student teaching experiences

Borko et al. (1991) 38 preservice middle-school Changes in beliefs, percep­ Student teaching (2 semes­ Interviews, classroom math teachers tions, behavior, knowl­

edge of classrooms ters) observations, question­

naires (presented as case studies of 8 of the stu­dent teachers)

Jacknicke & 5 secondary teachers in a Changes in perceptions, 1 yr. internship (paid) Interviews Samiroden (1991) 1-yr. internship following knowledge of classrooms [Canada] certification

Chamberlin & 68 novices in third yr. of a Changes in knowledge of 1 semester (innovative) Journals, interviews, Vallance (1991) teacher education classrooms and pupils, 9-hr. block course with lh written assignments [Canada] program perceptions of each day in classrooms

Cochran-Smith (1989) 3 elementary student Teachers' perceptions 1 yr. innovative student Field notes, tapes of team teachers, 5 cooperating teachers, 1 supervisor

teaching assignment in a research team

meetings

Griffin (1989) Participants in 2 teacher Texture of student teaching Student teaching Scores on personality and education programs: 93 experience: knowledge (1 semester) attitude tests, interviews, student teachers, 88 co­ and beliefs of partici­ observations, journals, operating teachers, 17 su­pervisors [looked closely at 20 triads]

pants, satisfaction with program

program documents

(continued on p. 138)

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TABLE 1 (Continued) Studies of professional growth among preservice and beginning teachers: 1987-1991, organized thematically

Researchers Participants How growth was defined Duration of study Data

Studies of first-year and beginning teachers Need to acquire knowledge of pupils and apply it to the 5 image of self as teacher

First yr. of teaching Grossman (1989) 3 English secondary Changes in knowledge of First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom teachers who completed pupils and classrooms, observations, experimen­an alternative certifica­tion program

behavior, perceptions tal tasks

Bullough et al. 3 secondary teachers Changes in knowledge of First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom (1989) classrooms observations, journals,

seminar meetings Bullough (1987) 1 junior-high English Changes in knowledge of First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom

teacher classrooms, beliefs, and behavior

observations, journals, seminar meetings

Wendel (1989) 4 secondary teachers Changes in beliefs and knowledge of classrooms

First 2 yrs. of teaching Interviews, videotapes, stimulated recall, pupil surveys

Bullough & Knowles 1 junior-high English Changes in beliefs and First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom (1991) teacher perceptions observations, journals

Bullough & Knowles 1 secondary science teacher Changes in beliefs and First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom (1990) perceptions observations, journals

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Bullough (1990) 1 high-school English/ Changes in beliefs and First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom Spanish teacher perceptions observations, journals,

seminar meetings Wildman et al. (1989) 15 elementary and second­

ary teachers Changes in perceptions First yr. of teaching Interviews, logs, tapes of

meetings with mentors (data reported as case studies of 4 of the teachers)

Cole (1990) 4 elementary and secondary Changes in images and First yr. of teaching Interviews, classroom teachers beliefs observations

Clandinin (1989) 1 kindergarten teacher Changes in beliefs and First yr. of teaching Interviews, observations [Canada] images

Kilgore, Ross, & 6 elementary teachers Changes in levels of First yr. of teaching Interviews Zbikowski (1990) self-reflection

Growth in problem solving skills

Levin & Ammon 4 elementary teachers Changes in nature of 2 yr. graduate preservice Interviews, classroom (1991) problem solving program and first yr. of

teaching observations

Magliaro et al. (1989) 6 elementary and secondary Changes in problem solving First 3 yrs. of teaching Interviews, activity reports, teachers skills audiotapes of meetings

with mentors

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for student teaching, and their perceptions of their own strengths and weaknesses as teachers.

Data suggested that the candidates were extremely optimistic about their future teaching assignments and that their conceptions of good teaching centered on affec­tive traits (e.g., the capacity to care for children). Despite course work and field experiences, the candidates' beliefs about teaching and themselves as teachers re­mained unchanged throughout the Semester.

Summary of Themes

Although the contexts of these studies differed, findings were relatively cohesive. Each study documented the central role played by preexisting beliefs/images and prior experience in filtering the content of education course work. Each study also testified to the stability and inflexibility of prior beliefs and images. Calderhead and Robson (1991) attributed this inflexibility in part to novices' lack of knowledge about adapting lessons to meet pupil needs. These studies of the earliest components of teacher education programs introduce a theme that echoes throughout the remaining sections of this review: the important role played by a novice's image of self as teacher.

Requisites for Growth During Practica and Student Teaching

The following six studies examined how candidates' knowledge of teaching changed during a practicum, student teaching, or the course of an entire preservice program. For example, McLaughlin (1991) tracked changes in the methods student teachers used to evaluate themselves over the course of the student teaching experi­ence. Participants were 26 secondary social studies teachers completing a 2-year teacher education program. Data (classroom observations, interviews, journals, audiotapes of postteaching conferences, written self-evaluations) were presented in terms of in-depth profiles of four of the student teachers.

Although the student teachers differed in many ways, they all focused pro­gressively more on pupil needs as the semester continued. Their primary concerns could be categorized in terms of self, classroom teaching and learning, and views of significant others. The student teachers used several methods to evaluate themselves: that is, comparing their classroom behaviors to their teaching objectives, seeking the opinions of supervisors and cooperating teachers, using pupil feedback. Their con­ceptions of success in teaching remained consistent with their prior beliefs/images of teachers and pupils. McLaughlin (1991) found little evidence of reflection or change in those prior beliefs.

Pigge and Marso (1989) examined changes in the concerns of 133 preservice teachers (75 elementary, 58 secondary) as they progressed through course work and student teaching. Questionnaires assessing anxiety, concerns, and self-confidence were completed periodically. The novices became less concerned about themselves and more aware of classroom variables as they progressed through the program. Their attitudes about teaching, their future impact on pupils, and their probable success in teaching remained optimistic and unchanged.

Florio-Ruane and Lensmire (1990) studied six preservice elementary teachers enrolled in a methods course in the teaching of writing. The researchers were particularly interested in how the novices' ideas about writing instruction changed during the course, which drew from developmental psychology and research on

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writing as a social process. The course included field assignments that required the novices to interact with and interview small groups of children engaged in nontradi-tional classroom activities (e.g., cooperative learning groups, peer writing/editing).

Findings revealed that the six preservice candidates entered the course with clear personal beliefs/images about teachers. They viewed the teacher as information giver, and they defined learning to write in terms of learning rules. As they began the course, the novices had only vague ideas about the nature of pupils.

As the course progressed and the novices engaged in extended interaction with children, their beliefs and images were reconstructed. By observing and studying how children learned to write, the novices were able to step back from their prior beliefs, acknowledge where they were inaccurate or incomplete, and reconstruct them.

In Canada, Shapiro (1991) examined changes in the perceptions of 23 preservice secondary teachers. Participants were interviewed before, during, and after the first phase of their teacher education program: a 7-week methods course followed by a 4-week classroom practicum.

Shapiro (1991) was able to identify four kinds of conceptual change: an awareness on the part of the novices that (a) their initial beliefs/images had been incorrect (e.g., "I thought that students would be far more interested in science than they were"); (b) they had acquired new technical know-how ("I discovered how to pace a lesson and organize my questions logically"); (c) they had discovered new ways of categorizing experience ("In my mind, lesson plans are not just another outline for teaching. I see them now as a guide for involving students"); (d) they had acquired new self-knowledge ("I saw myself as a student, somewhat uninvolved. Now I see myself as a teacher"); and (e) new dilemmas had emerged ("I found that the curriculum can really tie you down. I'd like to focus on thinking, not just conveying content, next time around").

Another study in Canada was conducted by Aitken and Mildon (1991), who tracked the personal knowledge and perceptions of four teacher candidates over the course of their preservice program and into their first 4 months of teaching. Using data derived from periodic interviews, Aitken and Mildon (1991) concluded that each novice's experiences were partially unique but that there were also some common themes.

One common theme was a close connection between each candidate's biography and how he or she experienced the teacher education program. Prior experiences in classrooms appeared to determine what could be learned from course work. A second common theme was an apparent lack of connection between the content of university courses and the exigencies of classroom teaching. All of the candidates felt that courses had focused too much on theory and too little on practical strategies. Novices' prior experiences also seemed to determine how successfully they would complete the first 4 months of teaching. Those who entered the teacher education program with dysfunctional images of themselves as teachers retained them despite the problems they caused. Novices who entered with self-images more compatible with the realities of classrooms were able to adjust and learn from problems.

The final study in this section was conducted by Gore and Zeichner (1991) who examined the amount of reflection manifested by 18 student teachers as they com­pleted a program designed to promote inquiry and reflection. Thoughts captured in journals and reports of action research written by the novices over 2 semesters of

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student teaching were evaluated according to levels of reflection inspired by van Manen (1977).

Despite the nature and objectives of the teacher education program, Gore and Zeichner (1991) found little evidence of reflection; what little they did find consisted of technical rationality, the lowest level. The researchers speculated that the failure of the program to promote reflection may have been attributable to the traditional nature of the supervision that accompanied student teaching or to the absence of role models (experienced teachers) engaging in self-reflection.

Summary of Common Themes

This group of studies confirmed what was suggested by the prior cluster of studies: that preservice students enter programs of teacher education with personal beliefs about teaching images of good teachers, images of self as teacher, and memories of themselves as pupils in classrooms. These personal beliefs and images generally remain unchanged by a preservice program and follow candidates into classroom practica and student teaching. For professional growth to occur, prior beliefs and images must be modified and reconstructed; the studies in this section provide clues about the nature of that process.

Student teachers approach the classroom with a critical lack of knowledge about pupils. To acquire useful knowledge of pupils, direct experience appears to be crucial, particularly extended opportunities to interact with and study pupils in systematic ways. This may require structured "research" assignments that allow novices to stand back temporarily from their personal beliefs. It is a novice's growing knowledge of pupils that must be used to challenge, mitigate, and reconstruct prior beliefs and images. Whether a novice is able to accomplish this also appears to depend on the novice's biography—particularly on whether he or she has reached a point in life where dysfunctional beliefs can be acknowledged and altered. The availability of role models, seasoned teachers who question and reflect on their pedagogical beliefs, may also facilitate the process. Thus, there are many personal and contextual factors that can affect a novice's (a) acquisition of knowledge about pupils and (b) ability to use that knowledge to modify preexisting beliefs and images. This may explain why many preservice programs of teacher education—even those specifically designed to promote reflection—fail to effect conceptual change among novices.

Another common theme underlying these six studies is the inadequate procedural knowledge provided to novices in university courses. The ramifications of a novice entering a classroom with inadequate knowledge of pupils and procedures were documented by the next cluster of studies.

What Can Happen When Novices TVy to Teach With Little Knowledge of Pupils and Procedures

The following eight studies examined perceptual change and knowledge acquisi­tion during student teaching or extended practica. Each ultimately documented important limitations in the beliefs and knowledge novices brought to the classroom.

In Canada, Wodlinger (1990) studied the journals kept by one preservice candi­date enrolled in a 10-week practicum. The teacher was instructed to keep her journal in the form of critical incidents: that is, describing and discussing specific classroom situations in terms of context, analysis, and implications. Most of the critical incidents

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concerned problems of class control. In the descriptions, Wodlinger (1990) found evidence of only the lowest level of reflection, technical rationality, and an almost exclusive focus on self rather than pupils.

Mcneely and Mertz (1990) tracked knowledge growth among 11 secondary student teachers in a variety of content fields. Data consisted of observations, journals, and planning documents collected at intervals throughout the 1-semester student teach­ing experience. At the beginning of the semester, candidates had a high sense of efficacy, spent a great deal of time planning lessons, and designed lessons so that they included more than one activity. By the end of student teaching, these same novices saw pupils as adversaries, were obsessed with class control, spent less time preparing lessons, and limited lessons to single activities not likely to encourage disruption. Mcneely and Mertz (1990) speculated that the student teachers' apparent disillusion­ment may have been caused by idealized views of pupils and classrooms communi­cated during teacher education courses.

Hoy and Woolfolk (1990) attempted to chart changes in the perceptions and beliefs of student teachers. Participants were 191 liberal arts majors: one third was engaged in student teaching during the current semester (some elementary, others secon­dary); one third was enrolled in an educational methods course; one third was enrolled in a developmental psychology course, half just beginning their teacher education program, half not planning to teach. At the beginning and end of the semester, all participants completed questionnaires that assessed teaching efficacy, pupil-control ideology, and problem-solving orientation.

Only the students currently student teaching manifested changes in attitudes— growing more custodial in their beliefs about pupil control, more controlling in their orientations to social problem solving, and less confident that they could overcome the limitations of pupils' home environments. However, these same student teachers remained optimistic about their personal ability to motivate pupils.

In the fourth study in this cluster, Kagan and Tippins (1991) examined the knowl­edge of pupils possessed by 12 student teachers (5 elementary, 7 secondary) at the beginning, middle, and end of a 1-semester student teaching experience. The student teachers were required to submit written profiles of target pupils in their respective classes at the intervals cited above.

The researchers, who also supervised the student teachers, evaluated the pupil profiles for teacher and pupil traits and judged each student teacher's growth over the semester. High-growth student teachers described pupils in terms of many traits while low-growth student teachers described pupils in terms of relatively few dimen­sions. In addition, the high-growth student teachers tended to inject themselves into the profiles more than their low-growth counterparts. That is, when describing their pupils, the high-growth student teachers more frequently included: psychologizing (attempts to account for pupil behavior in cause-effect terms), descriptions of inter­ventions they (the student teachers) had tried, and their own (the student teachers') affective responses to pupils. This suggested that a gauge of professional growth among novices may be a multidimensional knowledge of pupils and a willingness to see oneself (as teacher) intimately connected to pupils' problems.

Eisenhart, Behm, and Romagnano (1991) studied eight middle school math teachers completing a 2-semester student teaching experience. Each candidate was observed and interviewed intermittently during the first semester of student teach­ing. The researchers also tried to document the nature of the entire preservice program by interviewing faculty and staff.

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Data indicated little coherence underlying the program; candidates were pre­sented with confusing, sometimes contradictory, messages about the nature of teach­ing and learning. Moreover, the eight novices found the content of courses too theoretical to be applicable to classroom practice.

Eisenhart et al. (1991) also discovered that the novices were expected to perform on a sophisticated level: to solve their own problems, relate theory to practice, acquire advanced instructional skills, and use innovative classroom strategies. Al­though encouraged to reflect on their actions, the student teachers were so over­whelmed by these demands and their concomitant lack of procedural knowledge that they had no time to engage in introspection.

Perhaps more importantly, feeling ill equipped to perform routine classroom tasks, the novices fell back on the culture of their respective schools, in some cases adopting pedagogical orientations contrary to those encouraged by the university program. University faculty, particularly methods instructors, were aware of this and ex­pressed disappointment in the novices' tendency to imitate the practices they saw modeled at their school sites.

Eisenhart et al. (1991) drew several conclusions from their data. First, the experi­ences and perceptions of the eight student teachers revealed a sharp gap between the expectations of their skills held by university faculty and their actual skills. Novices were expected to function as advanced beginners when, in fact, they did not even possess minimal survival skills. Because the faculty appeared to be insensitive or nonresponsive to the developmental needs of candidates and failed to provide them with procedural knowledge, candidates were forced to rely on prevalent school cultures.

Lidstone and Hollingsworth (1990) studied one elementary novice as she com­pleted a fifth-year graduate teacher education program and her first year of teaching. Data from classroom observations and interviews were used to chart changes in her problem solving strategies and professional knowledge.

Changes in the novice's knowledge of classrooms could be described in terms of a progression in attention: beginning with classroom management and organization, moving to subject matter and pedagogy, and finally turning to what students were learning from academic tasks. Changes in the novice's practices could be described in terms of a progression in understanding derived from Doyle's (1983) work on the cognitive processing of tasks and schema theory (Anderson, 1984). The progression included three stages: rote knowledge of classroom strategy (a teacher can talk about an instructional strategy but cannot perform it, performs it poorly, or performs it with only a superficial understanding); routine knowledge (the teacher can talk about the rationale underlying the strategy and can apply it but only with much effort and thought and in a specific context); comprehensive knowledge (the teacher can talk about the strategy and can apply it across contexts automatically, thus freeing mental space to focus on pupils). By the end of her first year of teaching, the novice studied by Lidstone and Hollingsworth (1990) had progressed to a stage where she was beginning to focus on pupil learning and was just approaching comprehensive knowledge of some classroom strategies.

Hollingsworth (1989) reported similar findings from her study of 14 elementary and secondary candidates whom she followed from entry into a graduate program through student teaching. From observations and interviews, Hollingsworth (1989) also discovered that general managerial routines had to be in place before novices

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could focus on pedagogy and content knowledge; routines that integrated managerial and academic strategies had to be in place before the novices could focus on what pupils were learning from academic tasks, a point reached by only five of the student teachers. Regardless of their extent of subject matter knowledge, all novices who failed to routinize and integrate management and instruction failed to reach a point of understanding what pupils learned.

Finally, Hollingsworth (1989) identified four factors that appeared to affect the acquisition of classroom knowledge by the novices: (a) their images of themselves as learners; (b) an awareness that they needed to temper initial beliefs and come to terms with classroom management; (c) the presence of a cooperating teacher who was a role model that facilitated growth; (d) placement with a cooperating teacher whose ideas and practices were somewhat different from the student teacher's beliefs. Modeling seasoned teachers was not sufficient to promote conceptual change; cognitive dissonance was needed to force novices to confront and modify their personal beliefs.

Similar findings were reported by Shefelbine and Hollingsworth (1987) in a study of 14 elementary candidates enrolled in a reading practicum and by Hollingsworth (1988) in a study of 16 elementary candidates enrolled in a methods course in reading instruction. In both these studies, data derived from classroom observations, inter­views, and lesson plans testified to the patterns described above.

Summary of Common Themes

The reality of the classroom rarely conforms to novices' expectations or images; instead, most novice teachers confront pupils who have little academic motivation and interest and a tendency to misbehave. Quickly disillusioned and possessing inadequate procedural knowledge, novice teachers tend to grow increasingly authoritarian and custodial. Obsessed with class control, novices may also begin to plan instruction designed, not to promote learning, but to discourage mis­behavior. This shift in attitudes and concerns among novices completing student teaching and extended classroom practica has been documented in prior empirical research (e.g., Glassberg & Sprinthall, 1980; Hoy, 1967,1968,1969; Hoy & Rees, 1977; Jones, 1982).

Their inadequate knowledge of classroom procedures also appears to prevent novice teachers from focusing on what pupils are learning from academic tasks. Instead, working memory is devoted to monitoring their own behavior as they attempt to imitate or invent workable procedures. To be functional, procedures must become standardized and reflect an integration of management and instruction; in this sense, class control and instruction appear to be inextricably interrelated ped­agogical tasks. Until such standard procedures are routinized and fairly automated, novices may continue to focus on their own rather than their pupils' behaviors.

A provocative insight suggested by Hollingsworth's work (1988,1989) concerns the nature of the images of self as teacher that novices initially bring to the classroom. It appears that a novice's self-image as a teacher may be strongly related to the novice's self-image as a learner. That is, in constructing images of teachers, novices may extrapolate (albeit unconsciously) from their own experiences as learners, in essence, assuming that their pupils will possess learning styles, aptitudes, interests, and problems similar to their own. This may partially explain why novices' images of pupils are usually inaccurate.

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Thus, the central role played by a novice's image of self as teacher emerges once again as an important theme in studies of professional growth. In the following section, I describe four studies that explicate and elaborate this theme.

The Central Role Played by a Novice's Image of Self as Teacher

Laboskey (1991) presented case studies of two elementary teachers enrolled in their final year of a teacher education program designed to promote reflection. Laboskey examined reflectivity of the teachers by interviewing them about their lesson plans and by evaluating case studies they wrote about their pupils. A question­naire was used to measure their initial levels of spontaneous reflectivity.

As the year progressed, the novices manifested more self-reflection and began to acknowledge the limitations of their prior beliefs and knowledge. Laboskey (1991) was able to infer a continuum of reflectivity: from commonsense thinker (a novice focuses on himself or herself rather than pupils and relies on personal experience) to alert novice to pedagogical thinker (the novice's attention has shifted from self to pupils, means-end thinking is displayed, and knowledge of children and the moral aspects of teaching is demonstrated).

Bullough (1991) studied the personal teaching metaphors of 15 secondary candi­dates completing student teaching. Using data from interviews and classroom obser­vations conducted at multiple points in the student teaching experience, Bullough presented his findings in terms of in-depth case studies of three of the teachers. Although the developmental path of each teacher was somewhat unique, several common themes emerged.

All of the student teachers began by inferring from their own experiences as pupils in classrooms and by seeking confirmation of their beliefs and images. Bullough (1991) observed that novices needed to possess clear images of themselves as teachers before growth could occur; without a clear self-image, blindly imitating a cooperating teacher did not cause a lasting acquisition of classroom skills. This suggests that novices who enter the classroom without clear images of themselves as teachers are doomed to flounder. Bullough speculated that this may account for many cases where the effects of a teacher education program appear to be erased by classroom practice (e.g., Zeichner & Tabachnick, 1981). That is, when novices do not possess clear self-images with which to integrate program knowledge, program knowledge remains superficial and easily replaced.

Hollingsworth (in press) tracked the beliefs and expectations of multiple parties involved in a graduate program of teacher education: 28 preservice candidates, 64 cooperating teachers, 6 university supervisors, and 10 graduates of the program. Using interview data, Hollingsworth found a lack of common goals and perceptions (which also may explain the lack of influence many programs have on novices' beliefs and practices). She distinguished between public and private learning. Candidates espoused publicly the beliefs held by their supervisors while retaining contradictory personal beliefs. Hollingsworth found almost no change in candidates' personal beliefs and images during the program; when change did occur, it involved cognitive dissonance, a direct challenge to personal beliefs.

In the absence of cognitive dissonance, learning among novices remained shallow and imitative. Novices placed with cooperating teachers who facilitated the integra­tion of new knowledge with novices' preexisting beliefs appeared to experience the greatest professional growth (Hollingsworth, in press).

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The final study in this cluster was conducted by Strahan (1990) who examined changes in the knowledge and perceptions of four middle school math teachers as they completed the last 2 years of a teacher education program (course work and student teaching). From intermittent interviews, classroom observations, and jour­nals, Strahan (1990) was able to infer a standard evolutionary pattern among the novices: They began by seeking confirmation of themselves in their roles as teachers; they then sought affirmation of their teacher status from their pupils; finally, they sought validation of their success as teachers from pupil achievement. The same pattern emerged in Strahan's (in press) earlier studies of perceptual change among novices.

Summary of Common Themes

These four studies confirm that candidates enter practica and student teaching with images of themselves as teachers that have been derived in part from their own experiences as learners. Indeed, without a strong image of self as teacher, a novice may be doomed to flounder.

Once in the classroom, novices first seek to confirm and validate their self-images; gradually, given the appropriate conditions, novices begin to use their growing knowledge of pupils and classrooms to modify, adapt, and reconstruct their images of self as teacher. Thus, in a very real sense, the initial focus of novice teachers is inward. These studies also suggest that, for modification (growth) to occur, initial images must be clearly defined and a novice must experience dissonance, perhaps by being placed with a cooperating teacher whose beliefs and practices are not congruent with those of the novice. Without cognitive dissonance and the concomitant mitigation of preexisting images, knowledge acquired during preservice teacher education appears to be superficial and ephemeral.

Moreover, only after novices resolve their images of self as teacher can they begin to turn their focus outwards and concentrate on what pupils are learning from academic tasks. This suggests that the schemata novice teachers acquire for pupils and their own roles as teachers evolve together. The specific nature of those schemata was the focus of a study conducted by Bennett (1991).

Bennett's (1991) study was ostensibly a multimethod evaluation of a graduate teacher education program designed to promote reflective thinking. Bennett fol­lowed two cohorts (12 middle and secondary candidates) through the program, tracing changes in perception and knowledge. Data that were periodically collected over the 1-year (graduate) program included: autobiographical interviews, concept maps, journals, classroom observations, and stimulated recall.

In reporting findings, Bennett (1991) leaned heavily on concept maps of teaching that were constructed by the novices at each of four points in the program: on the first day, at the end of the first summer of course work and practica, at the end of the fall semester, and at the end of student teaching in the spring. The concept maps suggested three stages in the evolution of the novices' understanding of teaching: (a) entry level schemata that were idealistic and based on prior experiences as pupils in classrooms, (b) theoretical schemata that manifested a common language related to decision making and (one can assume) reflected course work, and (c) revised sche­mata that emerged after completion of a practicum or student teaching. As novices progressed through the program, linkages among their prior beliefs, program knowl­edge, and classroom experiences appeared to grow stronger; and knowledge of pupils increased in size and importance.

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In sum, knowledge of self, classrooms, and pupils does not appear to evolve separately. In this sense, a novice's past and present experiences are ultimately merged, as professional growth encroaches on the novice's most intimate knowledge of self.

Comprehensive Evaluations of Practica or Student Teaching Experiences

With these themes as a backdrop, it is interesting to look at a final cluster of studies—large, multimethod evaluations of practica or student teaching experi­ences —that focused on growth among preservice candidates. Each of the five studies described in this section attempted to capture the texture of a practicum, internship, or student teaching experience. They can be distinguished from studies discussed earlier by their scope and complexity.

Borko, Eisenhart, Underhill, Brown, Jones, and Agard (1991) followed 38 preser­vice teachers enrolled in a middle school math program. The researchers presented data (interviews, observations, questionnaires), obtained for eight candidates during their student teaching experiences, which entailed four different placements over the course of 2 semesters. Because the program emphasized the teaching of math for conceptual rather than procedural knowledge, the researchers were particularly interested in examining the student teachers' choices in this regard.

Borko et al. (1991) discovered that each student teacher faced many contextual pressures that influenced his or her instructional choices. Pressures, which were often contradictory, emanated from evaluation procedures, principals' beliefs, availability of procedures, nature of pupils, and attitudes of parents and fellow teachers. The researchers concluded that teacher educators oversimplify the reality of student teaching and ignore the many social and pedagogical variables that can affect a novice's instructional decisions.

Two studies, both conducted in Canada, documented innovative projects: a 1-year paid internship following completion of a preservice program (Jacknicke & Sam-iroden, 1991) and a clinical practicum codesigned by teachers and university pro­fessors (Chamberlin & Vallance, 1991).

Jacknicke and Samiroden's (1991) study of the internship program focused on five secondary interns and their supervising teachers. In-depth interviews indicated that the personal relationship between an intern and his or her supervising teacher determined the amount and nature of professional growth experienced by the intern. Autonomy and responsibility for instruction appeared to promote growth. All of the interns felt that the separation of theory (university course work) and practice was unproductive and expressed the wish that their (prior) teacher education could have been completed in combination with the internship.

The innovative block course examined by Chamberlin and Vallance (1991) at­tempted to accomplish just that: to integrate 9 hours of university course work with an extended classroom practicum that required candidates to work in schools half of every weekday. The experimental program involved 68 undergraduates in the third year of their preparation and cooperating teachers in three schools. Data consisted of journals, written assignments, and interviews conducted with all participants.

Like Jacknicke and Samiroden (1991), Chamberlin and Vallance (1991) found that the individual novice-cooperating-teacher relationship played a major role in deter­mining how much knowledge a novice acquired. Like the interns in the former study, the students in the block course felt that the knowledge provided in university courses

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was too abstract to be useful in classrooms; it did not provide them with practical procedures. Team work among block students assigned to the same school was cited as beneficial, but a consistent lack of communication between professors and cooper­ating teachers was also reported. In some cases, this lack of communication inhibited an atmosphere in which risk taking was regarded as safe.

Cochran-Smith (1989) studied an innovative student teaching experience in which novices and their cooperating teachers met in teams to conduct research on their own classes. The experience came at the end of a graduate preservice program. Partici­pants were three elementary student teachers, five cooperating teachers, and one university supervisor who met as a team for 1 year. Field notes, audiotapes, and transcripts of their meetings served as raw data.

Two primary findings emerged. First, the student teachers contributed little to the team meetings, making it difficult to assess how the experience affected them. Second, the cooperating teachers' research focused on their interactions with individ­ual pupils, as they tried to explain behavior in cause-effect terms. In the process of giving reason to cases, the seasoned teachers constructed their own private pedagogi­cal theories: "connecting specific instances to more general ideas, linking concrete particulars to abstract explanations" (Cochran-Smith, 1989, p. 43).

The last study in this cluster was conducted by Griffin (1989) who attempted to describe and assess the student teaching experience in each of two preservice pro­grams: one undergraduate, one fifth-year master's program. The total sample of participants included 93 elementary and secondary student teachers, 88 cooperating teachers, and 17 university supervisors. Data included classroom observations, interviews, journal entries, program documents, audiotapes of postobservation con­ferences, and scores obtained on a variety of standardized tests (assessing empathy, locus of control, flexibility, teacher concerns, self-esteem, conceptual level, cognitive style, etc.). Griffin looked closely at a subsample of participants: 20 student teaching triads that included an effective cooperating teacher (as determined by nomination by school and university personnel). Data on all participants were collected at the beginning, middle, and end of student teaching.

Griffin (1989) found that the deep-seated personal beliefs and characteristics of all participants remained unchanged over the course of student teaching. Moreover, participants and procedures were more alike than different across settings. Supervi­sion was dominated by the cooperating teachers, who focused on procedural knowl­edge. Student teachers tended to view the experience in interpersonal terms, using the warmth of their relationships with their respective cooperating teachers as the primary criterion for their satisfaction.

Griffin (1989) also found that no knowledge base guided participants' interactions; teachers and professors seldom articulated common policies or beliefs. Moreover, each triad functioned in isolation, and classroom experiences were rarely related to university course work. Finally, traditional checklists were used to evaluate student teachers' professional growth, and the ratings were uniformly high for all of the novices.

Summary of Common Themes and Relationship to Themes Described in Prior Sections

Each of these studies testifies to the complex landscapes within which extended classroom experiences occur. Whether completed as a practicum, internship, or

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student teaching, classroom practice teaching is affected by many school and class­room variables: the nature of pupils, principals' beliefs, parental attitudes, availabil­ity of materials, communication between school and university personnel, attitudes of teachers in a school, and the personal relationship that develops between a novice and his or her cooperating teacher. Each intern or student teacher must negotiate many social and political—as well as pedagogical—dilemmas. These studies also confirm the absence of a coherent knowledge base underlying classroom practica and the lack of connection with university course work, as noted in studies cited earlier (e.g., Eisenhart et al., 1991).

Such a picture of classroom practica is particularly ironic when it is viewed in the context of the studies described in prior sections of this article. It is ironic because it fails to address the primary developmental tasks of novices: the needs to (a) confirm and validate the image of self as teacher, (b) acquire knowledge of pupils and use it to modify the image of self as teacher, (c) experience cognitive dissonance and question the appropriateness of personal images and beliefs, and (d) acquire management-instructional procedures that are standardized and grow increasingly automated.

Instead of addressing each of these needs, classroom practica appear to be struc­tured idiosyncratically according to the kind of relationship that develops between a novice and a seasoned teacher who serves as host. One finds no systematic efforts to encourage novices to make their personal beliefs and images explicit, to study pupils, to compare ongoing experiences with preexisting images, to construct standardized routines, or to reconstruct the image of self as teacher. One might infer that, because university professors persist in not providing procedural knowledge to novices, student teaching is used primarily to acquire this knowledge from cooperating teachers. This may explain the lack of connection between practica and course work: that is, the abstract and theoretical content of most university courses is not needed by novices at this stage in their professional development.

Among the studies cited in this cluster, the only exception to this picture is the experimental program documented by Cochran-Smith (1989) that attempted to give student teachers opportunities to observe and help experienced teachers study their own practice. Unfortunately, the novices in that program did not participate actively enough to allow Cochran-Smith to evaluate the effect of the program on the novices' professional growth.

Studies of Growth Among First-Year and Beginning Teachers

In the next section, I describe 13 naturalistic studies of first-year and beginning teachers. Again, I have clustered studies according to major themes that emerged from results. Because those themes were virtually identical to those found in the studies of preservice teachers, I do not provide summaries for each of the three clusters: (a) the need to acquire knowledge of pupils and apply it to the image of self as teacher, (b) the role played by context, and (c) the growth in problem solving skills.

The Need to Acquire Knowledge of Pupils and Apply It to the Image of Self as Teacher

Grossman (1989) examined the first-year experiences of three secondary teachers who completed a brief alternative orientation to teaching rather than a traditional teacher education program. The teachers held undergraduate or graduate degrees in literature but had not taken course work in teacher education. Data came from a

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larger study in which Grossman (1990) compared the first-year experiences of these novices with those of novices who had completed a master's program in teacher education.

To study growth among the three English teachers, Grossman (1989) collected a variety of data: classroom observations, in-depth interviews, and teachers' perfor­mances on several experimental tasks. The tasks included asking the teachers to describe how they would teach a particular poem to pupils and how they would plan particular courses and select auricular materials.

Although many idiosyncratic differences were manifested by the three novices, all relied heavily on their own experiences as college students. They expected pupils to be motivated and to respond to the same instructional strategies modeled by their (the teachers') English professors. Even when problems arose, the novices were unable to reconceptualize the teaching of English for younger, less motivated pupils.

All of the teachers in Grossman's (1989) study spent their first year learning by trial and error (without the help of mentors). The experience proved so frustrating that two of the teachers decided to leave the field: one to attend law school, the other to attend medical school. In sum, the crucial gap in the teachers' knowledge concerned the nature of pupils (their abilities, interests, learning styles, etc.) and ways to design instruction to meet their needs. In contrast, the first-year teachers who had com­pleted a teacher education program entered classrooms with some realistic under­standing of pupils and ways to adapt instruction (Grossman, 1990).

Bullough, Knowles, and Crow (1989) also examined the first-year experiences of three secondary teachers (science/math, English, English/Spanish), all of whom had completed a program of teacher education. To examine changes in pedagogical knowledge, the researchers observed classrooms, examined journals, and conducted interviews at 3-week intervals throughout the year. In addition, the teachers met in seminars 3 times per month to discuss their experiences.

Several common themes emerged. First, in forming their images of pupils, the teachers went through similar processes that began by drawing on their own prior experiences as pupils. These initial images were then elaborated with information acquired by interacting with small groups of pupils; from these interactions, the teachers generalized to entire classes. A key factor in this process was teachers' recognition of commonalities among pupils, and, in this regard, the labels that pupils themselves used to refer to social cliques were often helpful. By the end of the first year, the teachers had acquired a functional knowledge of pupils and had modified their images of self as teacher.

Bullough conducted a similar study of one junior high English teacher, Kerrie, whose first-year experiences he describes (1987, 1989). As a theoretical foundation for his study, Bullough (1987) used Ryan's (1986) stage theory of teacher develop­ment, which was inspired by Fuller's (1969) work. According to Ryan's theory, teachers pass through four developmental stages: fantasy, survival, mastery, and impact (on pupils). Bullough (1987) tracked Kerrie's growth during her first year using the same kinds of data described for Bullough et al. (1989) above.

During the year, Kerrie appeared to pass through the first two stages in Ryan's theory (1986). Initially, she focused on management problems; when procedures for resolving those were in place, she was able to develop instructional routines and concentrate on pupil learning. Once a set of basic management and instructional routines were in place, Kerrie used her growing knowledge of pupils to refine them.

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She felt that her teacher education program had not prepared her adequately for the first-year experience, because little of the knowledge acquired in university courses proved to be directly applicable to classrooms.

Wendel (1989) examined the experiences of four secondary teachers (math, busi­ness education, English, social studies) over their first 2 years of teaching. The teachers were videotaped 4 times a year and interviewed in connection with stimu­lated recall tasks. Student surveys were also completed. Findings indicated that the teachers quickly established images as teachers which—according to the teachers and their pupils—remained relatively stable and unresponsive to pupil needs.

The next three studies illustrate in specific terms how beginning teachers' knowl­edge of pupils can affect the teachers' images of self as teacher. In the first study, Bullough and Knowles (1991) studied one junior high English teacher's beliefs during her first year of teaching. Barbara, a mature mother of five young children, entered the classroom with an image of herself as nurturer. She had retained that image through her preservice education, using the information she acquired in courses to confirm rather than modify her existing beliefs.

Bullough and Knowles (1991) used Barbara's journal entries, classroom observa­tions, and intermittent interviews to track changes in that self-image. As the year progressed, Barbara found that the job of parenting pupils was taxing, time consum­ing, and often disappointing. She began to realize that a certain amount of detach­ment was desirable and that getting too involved with pupils' personal lives was not always best. By the end of the year, Barbara had used her newly acquired knowledge of pupils to alter her image of self as teacher and assume a more traditional role.

Bullough and Knowles (1990) conducted another study of first-year experiences, this time focusing on a secondary science teacher who came to the classroom from a prior career. Lyle brought to his pupils a passionate commitment to his subject matter but only a vague image of self as teacher. The problems of class control he experienced initially threatened his tentative self-image, and he responded by aban­doning his goal to be an inquiry-oriented teacher with caring pupil relationships and instead assuming the role of a policeman. Lyle's problems were exacerbated by the nature of his pupils (generally unmotivated low achievers) and by a professional culture that defined science teaching as following the textbook. In sum, Lyle's first year was disillusioning and frustrating.

In yet another study of first-year experiences, Bullough (1990) tracked the percep­tions of one high school English/Spanish teacher. Again, Bullough used classroom observations, interviews, and journal entries to document changes in Heidi's beliefs and classroom practices.

Heidi entered the classroom with an image of herself as subject matter expert. This initial image was challenged immediately by the nature of her pupils and her teaching assignment. She was forced to revise her self-image, first changing it to friend, then to caring adult. Interestingly, the colleague who served as Heidi's mentor during her first year was unaware of these shifts in self-image and the struggles they involved, perhaps because Heidi possessed no obvious deficiencies in teaching skills.

The Role Played by Context

A beginning teacher's growing knowledge of pupils is not the only factor that appears to affect the teacher's image of self as teacher. Four studies documented the role played by classroom and school contexts. Wildman, Niles, Magliaro, and

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McLaughlin (1989) tracked perceptual changes among 15 teachers completing their first year. Data consisted of semistructured interviews conducted at least twice a year, logs, activity reports, and audiotapes of meetings held between the beginning teachers and their respective mentors. The researchers presented in-depth profiles of four of the teachers (3 elementary, 1 secondary).

Although no prototypical experience emerged, three common factors appeared to be determinants of growth and success: the teaching assignment (the nature of the content and pupils to be taught); colleagues (their willingness to provide support and assistance); and parental relationships.

Similar findings were reported by Cole (1990) who followed the first-year experi­ences of four teachers (teaching kindergarten, general elementary, K-8 French, high school French/English). Each entered the classroom with a clear image of self as teacher, and three of the four were forced to compromise those images because of the same contextual factors described by Wildman et al. (1989).

Similarly, Clandinin's (1989) study of a first-year kindergarten teacher in Canada described the teacher's continuous struggle to express his image of self as teacher within the constraints of his workplace.

A particularly significant contextual factor may be the degree of autonomy and leadership afforded to teachers within a school. Kilgore, Ross, and Zbikowski (1990) interviewed six elementary teachers periodically over their first year of teaching, asking them to describe specific problems and how they had solved them. The transcripts of the interviews were evaluated for levels of reflectivity, using a scale derived from Kitchener and King's (1981) work. According to Kitchener, mature reflective judgment is a willingness to: consider new evidence, search for alternative explanations, view situations from multiple perspectives, and judge the adequacy of a decision using supportive evidence.

Kilgore et al. (1990) found a negative relationship between teachers' frequency of reflectivity and the degree of control administrators exercised over the teachers in their respective schools. Beginning teachers who reflected most often and most deeply on classroom problems tended to work in schools where principals delegated major curricular decisions to teachers.3

Growth in Problem Solving Skills

I found two studies that focused more narrowly on growth in the problem solving skills of beginning teachers. One, conducted by Levin and Ammon (1991), followed four elementary teachers as they completed a 2-year graduate program in teacher education and entered their first year of teaching. Data included periodic interviews, classroom observations, and postobservation interviews. The researchers coded the data for levels of pedagogical understanding derived from Ammon and Hutcheson's (1989) model of cognitive development. According to that model, higher (as opposed to lower) level thinking is characterized by evidence of differentiation and integration of information.

Results indicated that all four teachers grew in pedagogical problem solving during their preservice program and during their first year teaching. Initially, their ped­agogical conceptions were vague, global, and relatively undifferentiated. By the time the teachers had completed their preservice program, their problem solving strate­gies had become more specific, differentiated, and concrete. By the end of their first year teaching, problem solving had become multidimensional, and pedagogical

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concepts tended to be subject- and context specific. Levin and Ammon (1991) also identified some inconsistencies between the teachers' beliefs and practices, perhaps caused by constraints imposed by school contexts.

The second study that focused on problem solving skills was conducted by Magliaro, Wildman, Niles, McLaughlin, and Ferro (1989), who followed six teachers (2 elementary, 4 secondary) through their first 3 years of teaching. Data consisted of interviews, logs, activity reports, and audiotapes of meetings held between the teachers and their respective mentors.

As their classroom experience accumulated, the teachers found more ways of solving problems and grew in their ability to recognize problems. The teachers also began to develop standard procedures appropriate for certain kinds of problems; with growing experience, these strategies increased in size, complexity, and cohesiveness.

In many instances, the process of solving problems—a process guided by pedagogi­cal beliefs—ultimately caused changes in beliefs. As they entered their third year, the teachers began to generalize problem solving strategies across contexts, simplifying and economizing their efforts. They also appeared to be more aware of their own strengths, weaknesses, and evolving beliefs.

The Emergent Model of Professional Development

Despite differences in methodology, focus, and theoretical rationale, the studies described in preceding sections of this article provide generally consistent and complementary insights. Indeed, as a body of empirical literature, they define a narrative of sorts:

Candidates come to programs of teacher education with personal beliefs about classrooms and pupils and images of themselves as teachers. For the most part, these prior beliefs and images are associated with a candidate's biography: his or her experiences in classrooms, relationships with teachers and other authority figures, recollections of how it felt to be a pupil in classrooms. Two particularly important elements in shaping prior beliefs/images are exemplary models of teachers and a candidate's image of self as learner. Candidates often extrapolate from their own experiences as learners, assuming that the pupils they will teach will possess apti­tudes, problems, and learning styles similar to their own.

The personal beliefs and images that preservice candidates bring to programs of teacher education usually remain inflexible. Candidates tend to use the information provided in course work to confirm rather than to confront and correct their preexist­ing beliefs. Thus, a candidate's personal beliefs and images determine how much knowledge the candidate acquires from a preservice program and how it is inter­preted.

While working through a preservice program, candidates are often presented with inconsistent and contradictory views of teaching and learning. The practica entailed in programs are generally inadequate in length and number and stand apart from the content of course work; information presented in courses is rarely connected to candidates' experiences in classrooms.

In general, candidates approach practica and student teaching with inadequate knowledge of pupils and classroom procedures. They come instead with idealized views of pupils and an optimistic, oversimplified picture of classroom practice. They are usually unprepared to deal with problems of class control and discipline. As a

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result, most novices become obsessed with class control, designing instruction, not to promote pupil learning, but to discourage disruptive behavior. In addition, their attitudes toward pupils grow more custodial and controlling.

By interacting at length with pupils, novices may begin to stand back from their personal beliefs and images, acknowledging where they are incorrect or inappropri­ate. Structured "research" projects involving the systematic observation of pupils as they learn may facilitate this process. As novices acquire knowledge of pupils, they use it to modify, adapt, and reconstruct their images of self as teacher. Cognitive dissonance in the form of a cooperating teacher whose beliefs are not consistent with those of the novice facilitates the reconstruction of beliefs. If a novice enters the classroom without a clear image of self as teacher, the reconstruction process is perverted, and the novice may be doomed to flounder.

As the image of self as teacher is adapted and reconstructed, novices tend to focus on their own behaviors rather than those of their pupils. As the image of self as teacher is resolved, attention shifts to the design of instruction and finally to what pupils are learning from academic tasks. The initial focus on self appears to be a necessary and crucial element in the first stage of teacher development. If this is true, then attempts by supervisors to shorten or abort a student teacher's period of inward focus may be counterproductive.

The early stage of classroom practice is also spent acquiring procedural knowledge that was not provided in university course work. For this knowledge, novices usually rely on their own experiences in classrooms and their cooperating teachers. The first step in this task is the development of standardized procedures for handling class management and discipline. After these are in place, novices turn their attention to instruction. Ultimately, standard routines that integrate instruction and manage­ment are needed; only when they are in place can novices begin to focus on pupil learning. In the acquisition of procedural routines, novices move from an initial stage where performance is laboriously self-conscious to more automated, unconscious performance.

As these developmental tasks are being accomplished, novices' problem solving skills evolve. They become better able to recognize problems; thinking becomes more concrete and context specific; repertoires for solving problems grow larger, more complex, and more coherent. The developmental tasks described above begin during extended practica or student teaching and continue through the first year of teaching. In that sense, the preservice and first-year experiences may be regarded as a single developmental period. There is some evidence that beginning teachers who fail to reconstruct their images of self as teacher appropriately may encounter frustrations sufficient to drive them to other occupations.

When and how completely these developmental tasks are accomplished by a novice depends on at least three major factors: (a) the novice's biography (the clarity of the image of self as teacher, developmental readiness to acknowledge that images and beliefs are incorrect), (b) the configuration of a preservice teacher education program (amount of extended classroom practice, amount of procedural information provided in courses), and (c) the contexts in which practice and beginning teaching occur (the nature of pupils; beliefs of, and relationships with, other teachers in the school; availability of materials; principal's beliefs; relationships with parents). Two contextual factors of special importance may be the personal relationship that de­velops between a novice and his or her cooperating teacher and the degree of autonomy afforded to teachers by a principal.

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Defining Professional Growth

Thus, professional growth among novice and beginning teachers is both behavioral and conceptual. Shallow, imitative learning is superficial and ephemeral. Growth consists of at least five components:

1. An increase in metacognition: Novices become more aware of what they know and believe about pupils and classrooms and how their knowledge and beliefs are changing.

2. The acquisition of knowledge about pupils: Idealized and inaccurate images of pupils are reconstructed. Knowledge of pupils is used to modify, adapt, and reconstruct the novice's image of self as teacher.

3. A shift in attention: As the image of self as teacher is resolved, a novice's attention shifts from self to the design of instruction to pupil learning.

4. The development of standard procedures: Novices develop standardized routines that integrate instruction and management and grow increasingly automated.

5. Growth in problem solving skills: Thinking associated with classroom problem solving grows more differentiated, multidimensional, and context specific. Eventually, novices are able to determine which aspects of problem solving repertoires can be generalized across contexts.

Inconsistent Findings

This is not to say that the body of literature reviewed here is without inconsistencies and even contradictions. Indeed, a close examination of inconsistencies is particularly enlightening. Inconsistencies were found in regard to seven issues, most of which can be explained in terms of differences in the ways investigators defined or measured key variables. The issues, phrased as questions, and the inconsistent findings associated with them are listed below:

1. Is the content of course work in teacher education related to practica and student teaching? All but one of the studies indicated a lack of connection between the information provided to novices in university courses and the exigencies of classroom practice (e.g., Chamberlin & Vallance, 1991; Eisenhart et al., 1991; Griffin, 1989; Hollingsworth, 1988, 1989). The one exception to this finding was Bennett's (1991) study of 12 middle and secondary school teachers as they progressed through a preservice program and student teaching. This discrepancy may be attributable to the nature of Bennett's evidence: novices' concept maps of teaching. The studies indicating a gap between course work and practica relied primarily on interview data. One might reasonably question the ability of one of these methods to reflect novices' true perceptions about the immediate utility of university course work.

2. Do preservice candidates change their personal beliefs and images during the course of a teacher education program? All but one study indicated that personal beliefs remained stable (e.g., Calderhead & Robson, 1991; McDaniel, 1991; McLaughlin, 1991; Weinstein, 1990). The single exception was Florio-Ruane and Lensmire's (1990) study of six elementary teachers enrolled in a methods course on teaching writing. Here, conceptual change among novices might be accounted for by the unique nature of the course: its practicum, closely connected with "research" assignments that required novices to interact with and study pupils as they learned.

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3. Are there changes in the frequencies or levels of reflection manifested by novices as they progress through a teacher education program? Evidence was almost equally divided on this issue, and, contrary to what one might expect, it was unrelated to the nature of the preservice program (i.e., whether it was designed explicitly to promote self-reflection). Studies that found little evidence of reflection, or only the lowest level, used van Manen's (1977) hierarchy to evaluate novices' thoughts, captured in interviews or journals. Studies that found growth in reflective thinking evaluated thoughts according to hierarchies of problem solving: Laboskey (1991), in terms of pedagogical, means-end thinking; Levin and Ammon (1991), in terms of concrete and differentiated problem solving. The particular way an investigator defines and operationalizes higher level problem solving, thinking, or self-reflection may deter­mine the nature of findings.

4. As novices complete practice teaching in extendedpractica or student teaching, do they manage to shift their focus of attention from themselves to their pupils? Pigge and Marso (1989), who used questionnaires to answer this question, reported that student teachers were able to turn their attention to pupils. Wodlinger (1990), who evaluated the journal of one novice completing a practicum, found that focus re­mained fixed on self. Findings reported by Hollingsworth (1988,1989) may explain this discrepancy: This shift in attention may depend on the speed with which a novice can develop standard management-instructional routines. The candidates studied by Wodlinger and Pigge and Marso may have differed in their ability to put routines in place; this would have affected the foci of their attention.

5. Do student teachers tend to grow less optimistic and more controlling in their attitudes about pupils and teaching? Hoy and Woolfolk (1990) and Mcneely and Mertz (1990), who used self-report questionnaires to measure novices' attitudes, found a shift toward pessimism and custodial attitudes. Pigge and Marso (1989), who used yet a different questionnaire, found that student teachers remained optimistic. This inconsistency may be attributable to the differences in questionnaires: for example, whether optimism was defined in terms of candidates' (generalized) teacher self-efficacy or personal self-efficacy. Hoy and Woolfolk's (1990) findings suggest that this may be a crucial distinction: The student teachers they studied remained optimistic about their personal ability to affect pupils while they grew more pessimistic about the ability of teachers in general to counteract the influences of home and family.

6. Is cognitive dissonance between a student teacher and his or her cooperating teacher desirable? Hollingsworth (1988,1989, in press; Shefelbine & Hollingsworth, 1987) found that student teachers were more likely to examine and reconstruct their own beliefs if they were confronted with cooperating teachers whose beliefs were different from their own. However, several evaluations of the student teaching experience (Chamberlin & Vallance, 1991; Griffin, 1989) reported that student teachers were more satisfied when their personal relationships with their respective cooperating teachers were warm. This may not constitute a true contradiction: Although experiencing cognitive dissonance and disagreement may be ultimately beneficial for growth, it is often uncomfortable.

7. Do first-year teachers modify and reconstruct their images of self as teacher? Bullough's work suggests that the modification of the image of self as teacher is a priority for first-year teachers (Bullough, 1987, 1990; Bullough & Knowles, 1990, 1991; Bullough, Knowles, & Crow, 1989). However, Wendel (1989) found that four

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first-year teachers quickly established teaching personalities that remained stable and inflexible to student needs. Bullough and Wendel both studied secondary teachers. This discrepancy in findings may be explained by differences in classroom/ school contexts (Borko et al., 1991; Cole, 1990; Wildman et al., 1989). For example, the nature of pupils would obviously have a great effect on whether and how much a first-year teacher might adapt his or her initial image of self as teacher.

Almost any inconsistency in studies of student or first-year teaching might be attributable to the interaction among the three fundamental factors that appear to affect the nature and speed of professional growth: the biography of a novice, the nature of the particular preservice program, and the school/classroom context in which teaching occurred. It is also possible that some discrepant findings occurred because some investigators tapped novices' public learning while others tapped their private learning (Hollingsworth, in press). Indeed, the consistency one can find in these learning-to-teach studies is that much more impressive when one considers the ability of such (often unassessed) factors to affect professional growth.

Relationships to Studies Published Prior to 1987

The themes extracted from this group of 40 studies are quite consistent with learning-to-teach studies published or presented prior to 1987. The following para­graphs outline consistencies with major research agendas and frequently cited works.

1. Many prior studies have found that student teachers maintained prior beliefs despite extended classroom practice. Perhaps the most frequently cited of these studies was conducted by Tabachnick and Zeichner (1984), who observed and interviewed 13 student teachers over the course of 1 semester. In a later study, they followed four of the teachers into their first year of teaching (Zeichner & Tabachnick, 1985). During the first year, almost all the novices were forced to modify their beliefs because of a variety of contextual factors, including: the degree of contradiction between beliefs and the school culture, the amount of support from colleagues, and the nature of the teaching assignment (pupils, content). This is consistent with the 40 studies reviewed here, which illustrated how (a) first-year teachers used their growing knowledge of pupils and classrooms to reconstruct their images of self as teacher and (b) classroom and school contextual factors could affect the professional growth of novices.

2. In the Knowledge Growth in Teaching project at Stanford, a major finding of Shulman and his colleagues was the discovery of pedagogical content knowledge among beginning teachers (Wilson, Shulman, & Richert, 1987). The researchers described this as a unique interface of content and pedagogy, an understanding of how topics and skills can be organized and taught to pupils. This interface can be regarded as a direct product of novices' growing knowledge of pupils, a major theme that emerged from the 40 studies reviewed in this article. In fact, knowledge of content, reconstructed as pedagogical content knowledge, might be viewed as the analog of the novice's initial image of self as teacher mitigated by knowledge of pupils and classrooms.

3. In the Knowledge Use in Learning to Teach project at Michigan State Univer­sity, investigators found that course work in teacher education did not provide novices with sufficient pedagogical content knowledge, nor did it force them to question their preexisting beliefs (Feiman-Nemser & Buchmann, 1987). Preservice teachers could not critically analyze the beliefs or reasons underlying their classroom

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decisions, and teacher education course work did not remedy deficits in candidates' knowledge of subject matter. Candidates attempted to compensate for deficits by relying on textbooks and recollections of their own experiences as pupils. Due to limited knowledge of subject matter and pedagogy, most experienced great difficulty making the transition to pedagogical thinking. Feiman-Nemser and Buchmann con­cluded that professors and cooperating teachers need to stimulate self-reflection among preservice candidates and to verbalize rationale that underlies classroom practice. This is consistent with the majority of studies reviewed here. As Florio-Ruane and Lensmire (1990) suggested, structured "research" projects may be required to allow novices to stand back from their own beliefs and view the realities of pupils and classrooms.4

4. Doyle (1979) argued for the important role pupils play in socializing teachers. This argument is confirmed by almost all of the studies reviewed here in terms of novices' crucial lack of knowledge about pupils and the role that knowledge plays in tempering the initial image of self as teacher.

5. A variety of research has testified to the atheoretical nature of teachers' professional knowledge (Clark & Peterson, 1986; Duffy, 1977; Harste, 1985; Morine-Dershimer, 1987, 1988; Olson, 1981; Richardson & Hamilton, 1988; Sosniak, Eth-ington, & Varelas, 1991). The novice teachers described in the studies reviewed here found no connections between the abstract theories presented in university courses and their experiences in classrooms. Formal, propositional theory may be incompat­ible with classroom teaching. As Cochran-Smith's (1989) study suggests, for teachers, theory may simply mean giving reason to cases. This may explain in part why postobservation conferences between student teachers and their supervisors rarely focus on theory (Kagan, 1988).

6. Finally, a variety of research has documented the close connection between a teacher's biography (personal beliefs, past experiences, personality) and his or her classroom practice. Wright and Tuska (1968) expressed this in psychoanalytic terms, suggesting that a novice's beliefs and images of teaching are rooted in psychodynamic processes that occurred early in life. Lortie (1975) contended that novices acquire models of good teaching as pupils in classrooms. The studies reviewed here testify that novices' early experiences with teachers and other authority figures can greatly affect their images of self as teacher.

Recent case studies of seasoned teachers—particularly studies that have estab­lished teachers' narratives (e.g., Connelly & Clandinin, 1990, Louden, 1991)— suggest that each teacher represents a unique ecological system of pedagogical beliefs and practices that is inextricably connected to the teacher's personality and prior experiences in life. For example, in studying five exemplary high school teachers, Cohen (1991) found that the styles of the teachers seemed "to have developed not out of any self-conscious attempt to apply learned principles of pedagogy but out of their individual relationships with the subjects they love. . . . Teaching style, in short, is a natural outgrowth of personality and predilection" (Cohen, 1991, p. 99). She found that teaching methods were carefully crafted to suit the individual styles and temper­aments of the teachers, who appeared to be more concerned with self-actualization than pupil-actualization.

Relationships to Fuller's and Berliner's Models

Using survey data obtained directly from 50 student teachers and indirectly from other data bases and reports of similar surveys, Fuller (1969) inferred a three-stage

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model of teacher development that focused on teachers' concerns. Several years later, it was modified to accommodate a fourth stage (Fuller & Bown, 1975). In the first preteaching stage, candidates tend to identify realistically with pupils but unrealistically with teachers. Their concerns as teachers consist of only vague appre­hensions. The second stage is characterized by concerns for survival: class control, mastery of content, the teacher's own adequacy in fulfilling his or her role.

In the third stage, concerns turn to teaching performance, the limitations and frustrations of teaching situations. In the fourth and final stage, the teacher's con­cerns turn to the pupils: their social, academic, and emotional needs, and the teacher's ability to relate to pupils as individuals. Subsequent research on Fuller's model indicated that these stages are neither pure nor invariant (Burden, 1990). The model portrays growth in teaching as "constant, unremitting self-confrontation" (Fuller & Bown, 1975, p. 48).

Twenty years later, Berliner (1988) used schema theory and comparative studies of the cognitions underlying novice and expert performances in the field of teaching (Berliner, 1986; Borko & Livingston, 1989; Clarridge, 1991; Sabers, Cushing, & Berliner, 1991; Swanson, O'Connor, & Cooney, 1990) and in other domains (Chi et al., 1988) to infer a five-stage model of teacher development. Berliner's (1988) model focuses on the cognition that underlies a teacher's classroom behaviors:

1. Stage 1: Novice. At this stage, a teacher is labeling and learning each element of a classroom task, as a set of context-free rules is acquired. Classroom teaching performance is rational, is relatively inflexible, and requires purposeful concen­tration.

2. Stage 2: Advanced beginner. Many second- and third-year teachers reach this stage, where episodic knowledge is acquired and similarities across contexts are recognized. The teacher develops strategic knowledge, an understanding of when to ignore or break rules. The teacher's prior classroom experiences and the contexts of problems begin to guide his or her behavior.

3. Stage 3: Competent. The teacher is now able to make conscious choices about his or her actions, set priorities, and make plans. From prior experience, the teacher knows what is and is not important. In addition, the teacher knows the nature of timing and targeting errors. However, performance is not yet fluid or flexible.

4. Proficient. Fifth-year teachers may reach this stage, when intuition and know-how begin to guide performance and a holistic recognition of similarities among contexts is acquired. The teacher can now pick up information from the classroom without conscious effort and can predict events with some precision.

5. Expert. Not all teachers reach this stage which is characterized by an intuitive grasp of situations and a nonanalytic, nondeliberate sense of appropriate behavior. Teaching performance is now fluid and seemingly effortless, as the teacher no longer consciously chooses the focus of his or her attention. At this stage, teachers operate on automatic pilot; standardized, automated routines to handle instruction and management are in place. When asked to explain or reflect on his or her perfor­mance, an expert teacher is likely to have difficulty "unpacking" and describing his or her cognition.

The stages in Berliner's (1988) model differ in at least four fundamental ways. They describe differences in (a) the way a teacher monitors classroom events, moving toward an unconscious recognition of common patterns; (b) the degree of conscious effort involved in classroom performance, moving toward fluid, flexible, automated

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routines; (c) the degree to which performance is guided by personal experience and the degree to which the teacher can predict events accurately; (d) the teacher's focus, as student work and academic tasks ultimately become the major organizing frame­work of instruction.

The model of teacher development that I inferred from the 40 learning-to-teach studies validates and elaborates Fuller's and Berliner's models. The new model accounts for the shift in concerns from self to pupils in terms of the resolution of a novice's image of self as teacher. The new model suggests that the novice's initial inward focus constitutes necessary and valuable behavior, for, until the initial self-image is adapted and reconstructed, the novice cannot progress. This idea differs from Fuller's (Fuller & Bown, 1975) implication that the novice's initial focus on self is a weakness or inadequacy that is best shortened or aborted.

According to the new model, a novice's primary tasks are to acquire knowledge of pupils and, by inference, knowledge of self as teacher. In essence, the new model provides a cognitive explanation for the progression through Fuller's (Fuller & Bown, 1975) stages and translates concerns and unremitting self-confrontation into terms of the acquisition of knowledge. The new model also inserts schema theory into Fuller's model, suggesting that a novice's schemata for pupils and self as teacher evolve together.

The formation of standardized procedural routines, a major theme of Berliner's (1988) model, is also confirmed by the new model. The new model suggests further that effective routines integrate class management and instruction. The acquisition of procedural routines, with the resolution of the image of self as teacher, allows the beginning teacher's focus to turn outward to pupils and what they are learning from academic tasks.

Finally, the new model confirms Fuller's and Berliner's observations about the developmental inappropriateness of contemporary preservice teacher education programs:

To help [the novice] navigate the chasm dividing pupilhood from teacherhood, an inadequate knowledge base is communicated in a low status preparation program. She gets mixed signals about goals and means from her different trainers as well as from her different clients. . . . Little is taught [novices] that they find helpful. (Fuller & Bown, 1975, pp. 47-49)

The theory and data associated with the development of expertise lead us to believe that the real goal of the first-year teacher, entering through traditional or alternative routes, is that of muddling through until it all starts making sense, and until some of what is required to run the classroom can be routinized. (Berliner, 1988, p. 61)

In agreement with Eisenhart et al. (1991), who found that student teachers were expected to perform at inappropriate levels of sophistication, Berliner also observed:

The teacher education programs that have tried to make use of the notion of reflective practice or to change the practical arguments of preservice teachers may be misguided . . . novice teachers may have too little experience to reflect on. . . . [Until] extensive classroom experience has been acquired, there may be too little in the minds of preservice teachers about what actions might be realistic, relevant, appropriate, moral, and so forth. (Berliner, 1988, pp. 63-64)

The new model of teacher development does not suggest that self-reflection is inappropriate for novice and beginning teachers. However, it defines the focus of that

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self-reflection somewhat differently from current parlance (e.g., Gore & Zeichner, 1991). This and other inferences one can draw from the new model are discussed in the following section of this article.

Inferences Regarding the Nature of Preservice Teacher Education

One of my objectives in undertaking this review of learning-to-teach studies was to use any emergent model to infer the nature of preservice teacher education programs likely to promote professional growth by capitalizing on naturally occurring proc­esses and stages. Underlying this objective is the assumption that the design and content of a preservice program should speak to the genuine developmental needs of novices:

It does not appear that a teacher education program can mandate some other needs just because the program proponents think them more appropriate or sophisticated, make no other structural changes, and then expect the student teachers to "see" the wisdom and relevance of the alternatives. Rather, it seems more productive to think about ways to address and then build upon the students' needs. (Eisenhart et al., 1991, p. 67)

If one accepts this assumption and regards most contemporary programs, one realizes that things have not changed much in 20 years: "Teacher education is not speaking to teachers where they are. Feelings of anger and frustration about teacher education are typical among teachers" (Fuller & Bown, 1975, p. 50). Almost every one of the 40 studies reviewed in earlier sections of this article indicates that univer­sity courses fail to provide novices with adequate procedural knowledge of class­rooms, adequate knowledge of pupils or the extended practica needed to acquire that knowledge, or a realistic view of teaching in its full classroom/school context. In addition:

The emphasis on developing skill and rating performances results in a serious oversimplification of the process of becoming a teacher, which must be viewed in relationship to biography and conceptions of self-as-teacher and to the teacher's entire life situation. . . . The problem of finding oneself as a teacher, of establishing a professional identity, is conspicuously missing from most lists of beginning teachers' problems. (Bullough, 1990, p. 357)

Some of the other concrete inferences one can draw from the new model of teacher development include:

Procedural, not theoretical knowledge. A primary goal of preservice programs should be providing procedural knowledge to novices and promoting the acquisition of standardized routines that integrate management and instruction. Procedural routines appear to be the sine qua non of classroom teaching; novices sense this and continue to express their frustrations with the abstract content of most education courses. Instead of decrying student teachers' interests in quick fixes and tricks of the trade, perhaps teacher educators should acknowledge that this is a genuine, mostly unmet need. Novices may engage in technical rationality rather than other levels of reflection, because that is where their developmental needs lie: in understanding what works and why it works.

The relevance of self-reflection. The necessary and proper focus of a novice's attention and reflection may be inward: on the novice's own behaviors, beliefs, and image of self as teacher. Novices who do not possess strong images of self as teacher

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when they first enter the classroom may be doomed to flounder. Instead of expecting novices to reflect on the moral and ethical implications of classroom practices, teacher educators might be wiser to guide novices through their biographical histo­ries: for example, helping them examine their prior experiences in classrooms, their prior experiences with authority figures, and their tendencies to assume that other learners share their own problems and propensities.

Extended interaction with pupils. As novices are making their images and beliefs explicit, they also need to be acquiring knowledge of pupils: their aptitudes, interests, problems. It appears that this can only be accomplished through extended practica; the two to four limited kinds of practica entailed in most contemporary programs are not sufficient. Course work in child development and educational psychology cannot provide novices with the kinds of knowledge they will internalize. Novices may also need structured "research" projects to complete in association with practica; these may allow novices to step back from their own beliefs and images long enough to perceive the reality of pupils and classrooms.

Novices need to apply their growing knowledge of pupils to their images of self as teacher, and preservice programs might include structured activities that force nov­ices to: acknowledge where their personal images may be inappropriate, modify, and reconstruct the images. The image of self as teacher must also be adapted for the realities of teaching. This means that teacher educators need to present the intra- and extramural pressures that affect teachers' instructional choices: social and political pressures from fellow teachers, principals' beliefs, parental pressures, the availability of materials. This may be another appropriate focus for self-reflection.

Cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance may be necessary for novices to con­front their own beliefs and images and acknowledge that they need adjustment. This may mean purposely placing a novice in a classroom with an experienced teacher whose beliefs are at variance with the those of the novice. Student teachers need to understand the benefits that may accrue from immediate discomfort; cooperating teachers need to be prepared to discuss opposing beliefs rather than demand blind conformity.

Obsession with class control. Until novices have established standard routines and resolved their images of self as teacher, they will be obsessed with discipline and class control. Supervisors should expect this. Attempts to force a different focus of attention may be misguided.

Developmental readiness. Some novices may not be developmentally prepared to acknowledge dysfunctional aspects of their images of self as teacher. It is unlikely that they will mature during the first stressful years of teaching. They should be counseled out of preservice programs.

The relevance of theory. One might begin to question whether formal theory is relevant to teachers at any point in their professional development. A growing body of literature suggests that even the most seasoned and expert teachers build informal, contextual, highly personal theories from their own experiences. As the cooperating teachers in Cochran-Smith's (1989) study demonstrated, theory for teachers may be nothing more codified than giving reason to cases.

Coda

The life stories of teachers (e.g., Cohen, 1991; Louden, 1991) explain that the practice of classroom teaching remains forever rooted in personality and experience

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and that learning to teach requires a journey into the deepest recesses of one's self-awareness, where failures, fears, and hopes are hidden. Perhaps that is what Richardson meant by "an individualistic, psychoanalytic approach to teacher educa­tion" (Richardson, 1990, p. 13).

That may not conform to what one traditionally envisions as professional prepara­tion, but perhaps it is time to acknowledge that teaching is not a traditional occupa­tion—not in the clean, technical sense of that term. Classroom teaching appears to be a peculiar form of self-expression in which the artist, the subject, and the medium are one. Whether any academic program of study can truly prepare someone to practice it is perhaps a question that one dares not ask.

Notes 1l use naturalistic differently than some readers may understand that term. Investigators of

these studies did not manipulate the conditions under which novice teachers studied the content of education courses or practice taught. The teacher education program(s) under scrutiny was not altered to examine the effects of experimental methods or technologies. However, the contexts of some studies were innovative formats for organizing student teaching (e.g., Cochran-Smith, 1989) or integrating practica into courses (e.g., Florio-Ruane & Lensmire, 1990). The purpose was not to compare the effects of innovative and traditional approaches but to describe growth among the novice teachers who participated.

2 When I say that Fuller's and Berliner's developmental models are the only ones based on teachers per se, I am including theories derived from those models (e.g., Ryan, 1986).

3 The degree of autonomy afforded teachers by principals has emerged as a significant contextual variable in several studies. Rosenholtz (1989) found that teacher autonomy was one characteristic of schools that appeared to produce high achievement in pupils and job satisfac­tion in teachers. Yee (1990) discovered that teacher autonomy contributed to teachers' job satisfaction and the tendency to remain in the classroom. Hart and Murphy's (1990) survey of work perceptions held by new (5 years or less experience) teachers of varying promise and ability distinguished new teachers with high promise by their desire for autonomy, leadership, and empowerment. And the importance of classroom/school contextual variables, in general, to teachers' sense of success and satisfaction was documented in a large survey conducted among 1,322 second-year teachers in Australia (Watson, Hatton, Squires, & Soliman, 1991).

4These are highly condensed summaries of two important research agendas. Readers are referred to Borko's (1989) and Wilson et al.'s (1987) reviews for more complete descriptions. The Knowledge Growth in Teaching project and the Knowledge Use in Learning to Teach project are consistent with the model I infer in this article: (a) preservice and novice teachers begin with inadequate knowledge of pupils and classrooms; (b) without adequate knowledge, novices tend to fall back on memories of their own experiences as pupils; and (c) learning to teach involves not just the acquisition of content knowledge but detailed knowledge of pupils and classrooms, and allowing the latter to mitigate the former.

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Author

DONA M. KAGAN is Professor, University of Alabama, 207 Graves, Box 870231, Tuscaloosa, AL 35487. She specializes in teacher education and cognition and school-university partner­ships.

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