Revenge of the Grassroots: the Transformation of the Orange

Order since 1950

Revenge of the Grassroots

• A less hierarchical organisation:1. Changes in social background of elites and

masses in 20th c

2. Growth of populism/democracy within Orange Order since 1950

• Relationship to Unionist identity and DUP

From Deference to Defiance

• Division between 'Rough' and 'Respectable' (Bryan 2000)

• Division between 'Rebel' and 'Loyalist' traditions since the beginning

• Modernisation shifts the balance

  Rebels Loyalists

Denomination Presbyterian, Methodist Church of Ireland

Plantation Origin Scots-Irish Anglo-Irish

Mass base Industrial Labour, Small freeholders Rural tenants

North American Exemplars ‘Scotch-Irish’ Patriots in USA, c. 1776 Irish Orange Loyalists in Canada, c. 1837

Interpretation of Orangeism Uphold militant Protestantism Uphold traditional British-Protestant values

View of Grand Lodge and Unionist leaders

Skeptical Respectful

Preferred Political Expression Direct Public Protest Informal elite channels

Preferred Orange Principle Ulster-Protestant ethnic interest and reformed faith - as embodied in abstract principle and the sentiments of the mass membership

Orange tradition - as embodied in Orange laws, ordinances, customs and history

Leadership Evangelical clergy, petit-bourgeoisie Aristocracy, Large local businessmen

Political Philosophy Lockean radical change, Populism Burkean evolution, Deference to elite consensus

Attitudes to alcohol, band discipline and traditional social mores

More permissive, with the exception of a small number of moral fundamentalists

Conservative

Stance toward paramilitaries and political violence

More permissive Antagonistic

Attitude toward British crown Conditionality Loyalty

Interpretation of Protestantism Protestantism as dissent Protestantism as tradition

National identity Ulstermen British

Favoured N.I. party DUP UUP

Regional base Antrim, N. Down, Belfast South and West

Orange/Non-Orange Differential in Support for the Agreement

(Post-)Modernisation and Nationalism

• 'Rebel' side in better accord with modernity

• Thus modernisation = populist ‘nationalism’ while tradition = support for UUP moderates

• UUP/DUP support difference best predicted by age

• Contradicts some post-modernisation theory that sees the decline of ethnic, religious or national identities (ie Giddens)

Central Committee as 'Cabinet'

Structural Change?

• Informal power over policy concentrated within 30-40 member Central Committee ('Cabinet') and, to a lesser degree, Grand Lodge ('Parliament')

• 'Influentials' dominate CC proceedings• Central Committee used to be more socially

elite than the membership• Part of deferential culture no longer

apparent

Social Change in the 20th Century

• Class 'slippage' at elite level and mass level

• Flattening of social hierarchy within Orangeism

• Breaking of link between Unionist Party, Grand Lodge and Unionist social elite

Central Committee Class 'Slippage', 1954-95

• 1954: Only 9 Untitled out of 35. 16 JPs; 5 OBEs;

• 1995: 31 untitled out of 41; 1 MBE; 5 JPs

Occupations of Mid-Level Orange Elite, 1901

BELFAST 1901 District Officers Master/Secs Belfast AverageProfessional 8% 1% 5%Petit-Bourgeois 46% 18%Skilled Worker 38% 49%Unskilled Worker 8% 31%N (sample) 39 99TYRONE 1901 District Officers Master/SecsProfessional 23% n/a 3%Petit-Bourgeois 17% n/aFarmer 57% n/a 57%Skilled Worker 3% n/aN (sample) 35

Status of Mid-Level Orange Elite, 2001 (MOSAIC)

BELFAST 2001 District Officers Master/Secs N.I. AverageA Class 6% 6.6% 9.9%Nonrural Top 12 48% 42% 40%Rural 0% 0% 18%Top 12 48% 42% 33%N (sample) 67 166TYRONE 2001 District Officers Master/SecsA Class 5.2% 6.6% 9.9%Nonrural Top 12 63% 70% 40%Rural 79% 74% 18%Top 12 13% 18% 33%N (sample) 77 182

  % Top 12

Rural 8

Bottom 7

Nonrural Top 12

Nonrural Bottom 7

N

Freemason officebearers

67.8% 15.5% 8.0% 80.2% 9.4% 766

Orange bloc UUC delegates

45.7% 36.2% 12.4% 71.6% 19.4% 105

UUC delegates total 44.3% 35.9% 8.4% 69.0% 13.1% 879

Grand Orange Lodge officebearers

34.7% 44.4% 9.7% 62.5% 17.5% 144

Northern Ireland population average

32.5% 18.1% 22.9% 39.6% 27.9% 1.6m

Orange Order (lodge) officebearers

32.4% 43.9% 12.4% 57.7% 22.1% 1429

Mass Class Slippage?: The Social Profile of the UUC and Orange Order by MOSAIC Classification, 2003 (99% sample)

Decline of Skilled-Worker Base in Belfast

Occupations of Belfast Orange Initiates, 1961-86

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

1961 1965 1971 1981 1986

Professional &ManagementStudent

Clerk

Apprentice

Labourer

Unemployed

Elite and Mass Class Slippage• Grand Lodge Elite of much humbler origins,

unlike UUC (strength or weakness?)• Mid-level elite of private lodge masters/secs

& district officers (top .5 to 5% of Orangemen) has slipped considerably in 20th c.

• Flattened Orange social hierarchy• Total 22% non-manual membership in 1996• Mass of membership retains 1950

socioeconomic profile while society changes

Consequences of Social Change

• Does the social change matter?• NO – 1960s reforms drove a wedge

between the Order and the UUP/Unionist elite that previously did not exist

• YES – Social change made it easier for the Order’s elite to cut its ties to the Unionist party and its reform programme

• Answer is that both matter

The Old Order Remains Intact,1950-65

• o 1954 Dungiven (John Andrews suspends O & P rebels);

• o 1959-60 Dungiven (Sir G Clark concedes some territory to John Brown and Wm Douglas);

• o        1964 (Sir G Clark defends O’ Neill against Brown/Smyth);

• o        1965 (Sir G Clark defends O’Neill against LOL 1310);

The Turning of the Tide, 1966-69

• o 1966 - (resolution of support to PM; but troubles over Easter Rising celebrations; Clark remarks re being ‘fobbed off’ by PM);

• o 1967 - Clark resigns• o November 1968, Sam Magowan defends the

government• o Early 1969: Orange conditionally support • O’ Neill over ban on Civil Rights march• o mid 1969 sacking of Wm Craig leads to open splito

The Separation of Party and Order, 1969-71

• o Chichester-Clark quickly loses support with parade ban in latter half of 69 and latter 1970

• o 7 July 1970 Order meets UK delegation• o Late 1970 - no confidence motion in the Govt• o Brown’s caustic remarks re PM, 1970• o Nov 1971: Douglas challenges Bryans’

leadership• o Faulkner’s inauguration, 1971: greetings sent,

but major debate about whether to do so

Summary of Orange Realignment• Order’s elite once might have defied grassroots,

but since mid-60s has been populist/democratic • From corporate ‘insider’ pillar to ‘outsider’ lobby

group, so Orange leadership has no reason to defend UUP elite

• Lobby for ethnic interests of Ulster-Protestants, especially the working/rural/petit-bourgeois base

• No major change in elite-mass dynamics since mid 60s. Resists changes perceived to weaken Ulster-Protestant interest

• Reflects grassroots, which reflects working-class base of Unionism

• Difficult to discern a distinct Orange elite agenda

Post-1995 Period• Key Issues: Drumcree; Mass resignation of

traditionalist Education Committee; Grand Lodge support for DUP

• No change since mid-1960s: Template is to defend Ulster-Protestant ethnic interest against reforms which may threaten this

• Tradition of anti-Paisleyism, but now attracted to post-Paisley DUP rather than anti-Agreement UUP

• Spirit of Drumcree did have influence, but did not take over

• Order broadly follows Unionist centre on Agreement and DUP/UUP

• NB: DUP has become most popular party among Unionists

Conclusion

• Major social change within the Order, 1950-present

• Flattening of hierarchies, class slippage

• Did social change matter: yes and no

• From pillar of corporatism to outsider/lobby

• 'Rebel‘ Unionism, DUP influence on the rise

• Reflects broader social changes in Unionist community rather than any premeditated DUP takeover of Orange leadership