scoping statement final

SCOPING STATEMENT

ACCESSIBLE ANTI-CORRUPTION FRAMEWORK

Lukas Southorn: 13332547

Bachelor of Global Studies (Sustainability)

Table of Contents

Section 00 – Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................................... 1

Section 01 – Project Brief .......................................................................................................................................................................... 3

Section 01_1 – Personal Bio.................................................................................................................................................... 3

Section 01_2 - Scope ................................................................................................................................................................. 3

Section 01_2_1 – Scope Inclusions ..................................................................................................................... 4

Section 01_2_2 – Scope Exclusions .................................................................................................................... 4

Section 01_3 – Project Relevant Stakeholders ............................................................................................................... 5

Section 01_4 - Deliverables ..................................................................................................................................................... 6

Section01_5 – Project Assumptions and Constraints .................................................................................................. 7

Section 02 - Vision ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 8

Section 02_1 – An extended Vision ..................................................................................................................................... 9

Section 02_2 – National Context Overview ................................................................................................................... 10

Section 02_2_1 – National Context (Geopolitics) .................................................................................... 11

Section 02_2_2 – National Context (Corruption) ..................................................................................... 12

Section 02_3 – Regional Context (Corruption) .......................................................................................................... 15

Section 03 - Justification ......................................................................................................................................................................... 18

Section 03_1 – Justification due to Current Climate ................................................................................................. 19

Section 03_2 – Challenges to the Corruption Climate .............................................................................................. 21

Section 03_3 – The Anti-Corruption Bill (2016) .......................................................................................................... 22

Section 03_4 – The Whistleblowers Protection Bill (2016) .................................................................................... 24

Section 04 – Influencing Designs ........................................................................................................................................................ 25

Section 05 – Closing Statement ........................................................................................................................................................... 26

Section 06 – References ......................................................................................................................................................................... 27

SECTION 00 - EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This scoping statement has been prepared in order to provide theoretical and factual backing to a

designed Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework, to be utilized and distributed throughout

regional areas, such as Kirakira, within the Solomon Islands. Following research and stakeholder

analysis conducted by a Bond University student, this Framework hopes to denote negative

stigma surrounding anti-corruption within the Solomon Islands and make anti-corruption

measures more accessible for average Solomon Islanders.

Following the criteria outlined in SSUD13-300_162: Capstone Project, documents of this nature

usually follow a built environment process, to which the final deliverable is a physical entity that

has immediate and long term benefits for the Kirakira community. Due to the nature of this

project, while the final deliverable has a physical form, its physical presence is less. As a result,

the scoping document has been altered from traditional models to include a more theoretical and

‘soft, liberal science’ foundation.

This document will feature a project brief, which will outline the traditional questions and modus

operandi underpinning the final deliverable as well as relevant project stakeholders, project

specific constraints, assumptions and a hypothesized vision statement. This document will also

highlight the physical and intangible project variables, underpinned by research and first-hand

findings as well as justification on the appropriateness of the project’s application. It will also

evaluate alternative designs and influences upon the final deliverable and provide comparative

case study analysis in similar political and social zones.

With the possibilities of wider implementation of study conducted by Bond University students

and the potential for expanded university connections with the Kirakira community, this project

makes a sound case for further enhancing the importance of not only a widening of accepted

research areas, but also the inclusion of the Faculty of Society and Design and the University as a

whole.

RECURRING DISCUSSIONS BY MANY

SOLOMON ISLANDERS ON THE TOPIC OF

CORRUPTION CALLS FOR MORE PUBLIC

CONVERSATIONS THAT SHOULD BE

AIMED AT PROVOKING LONG AND

LASTING SOLUTIONS ABLE TO CURTAIL

TO SCOURGE IT BRINGS UPON ALL OF

SOCIETY

Sgt. Agnes Ape – Makira/Ulawa Provincial Corruption Commission

SECTION 01 – PROJECT BRIEF

The Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework Scoping Statement aims to provide legitimacy and

theory to the eventual deliverable of said Framework. In this section, the project author and

scope will be further analyzed, as well as the inclusion and exclusion variables of the

Framework. This section will also examine the relevant project stakeholders and will conclude

with further analysis of eventual project deliverables and potential constraints and assumptions.

SECTION 01_1 – PERSONAL BIO

Lukas Southorn is in his final semester at Bond University,

undertaking a Bachelor of Global Studies (Sustainability). During his

studies, Lukas has been active in a logistical and physical role,

assisting the Kununurra Project, working in remote Western

Australia with indigenous communities. Throughout his studies, he

has worked specifically on region building, conflict negotiation and

sustainable living practices, giving him the ability to critically assess

foreign regions in either a social, political or environmental lens.

SECTION 01_2 - SCOPE

While the purpose of the document as a whole is to act as a supporting scoping paper, the

dimensions of the scope needs to be clarified, as well as, the various aspects that are deemed

necessary and unnecessary. This preliminary scoping acts as a means to provide authenticity and

validity to the final deliverable, and potentially eliminate any queries in regards to the

deliverable.

SECTION 01_2_1 – SCOPE INCLUSIONS

The scope for the Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework document includes the following

aspects:

Detailed analysis of the past and current corruption status of the larger Solomon Islands

state.

Detailed analysis of the past and current corruption issues plaguing the localized area of

Kirakia, Makira-Ulawa Province.

Cross-examination of most relevant anti-corruption legislation yet to be passed by the

Provincial government.

Pooling and use of most relevant primary and secondary sources obtained in Kirakira.

Culturally appropriate designs and alternatives to be utilized for the final deliverable.

Recommendations to be used in conjunction with the final deliverable which assists

policy makers in determining future actions and further co-dependence with the existing

Ombudsman infrastructure.

SECTION 01_2_2 – SCOPE EXCLUSIONS

The scope for the Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework document will exclude the following

aspects:

Any official authorization by either the Solomon Islands Provincial Government, the

Australian Governments Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade nor the Australian

Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI).

A method on how to universally stop corruption at its roots.

A method on how to set up post-completion monitoring systems.

Publication and distribution costs and benefits analysis including a rudimentary budget.

SECTION 01_3 – PROJECT RELEVANT STAKEHOLDERS

Stakeholder Stakeholder

Area

Position Interests

Hon. Silas V. Tausinga Makira-Ulawa

Provincial

Government

Minister As Minister of

Provincial

Government and

Institutional

Strengthening,

Hon Tausinga has

a direct vested

interest in projects

concerning the

Province.

Stanley D. Pirione Makira-Ulawa

Provincial

Government

Permanent

Secretary

As the right hand

man of the

Provincial

Minister, Pirione

runs day-to-day

operations

concerning

Kirakira projects.

Sgt. Agnes Ape Makira-Ulawa

Provincial

Corruption

Commission

Investigator Sgt. Ape provided

useful evidence

and

recommendations

regarding

corruption at a

localized level.

Sgt. John

Doliarno

Makira-Ulawa

Provincial

Corruption

Commission

Investigator Sgt. Doliarno provided useful

evidence and recommendations

regarding corruption at a localized

level.

Mr. Jon Parapa Provincial

Ombudsman

Office

Ombudsman

representative

As the official Ombudsman

representative, Parapa by default

observes all things corrupt in the

Makira-Ulawa province.

Jon-Paul Hogan Bond University Supervisor Mr. Hogan acts as direct supervisor to

the project.

Lukas Southorn Bond University Project Head Mr. Southorn is the author and

project lead for the final deliverable.

Kirakira

Community

Makira-Ulawa

Province

Community

members

The intended target audience for the

deliverable.

SECTION 01_4 – DELIVERABLES

First Deliverable: Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework Scoping Statement – DUE Friday

24th of June.

This initial deliverable acts as the theoretical backbone to the third deliverable and details the

project brief and variables, the justification, design and influences of the project and its potential

to be cross-referenced against other case studies.

Second Deliverable: Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework Scoping Statement Presentation –

DUE Wednesday 23rd of June.

The second deliverable will be the Scoping Statement realigned in a presentation sense,

presented to colleagues also working on Capstone projects. The 15-20 minute presentation acts

as an informal draft of the Scoping Statement and serves as a platform for feedback from both

the project supervisor and Capstone colleagues.

Third Deliverable: Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework – DUE Monday 25TH of July.

The third deliverable is considered the most vital part of the project and is the literal Accessible

Anti-Corruption Framework. It will be a culturally appropriate and accessible document that

compounds relevant information and legislation into a handbook designed to be handed out to all

socio-economic groups located in regional Makira-Ulawa zones.

Fourth Deliverable: Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework Presentation – DUE Monday 1st of

August.

The twenty minute presentation will outline the design influences and specifications of the third

deliverable and will provide an in-depth analysis of the final product. It serves as a guide to the

purpose of the third deliverable and can be used as a platform to answer any queries regarding

the final product from the Project Supervisor and fellow Capstone colleagues.

SECTION 01_5 – PROJECT ASSUMPTIONS AND CONSTRAINTS

ASSUMPTIONS CONSTRAINTS

Due to the nature of the information gathered in

Kirakira and the lack of approved authority of the

project lead, researching a topic that usually

requires said authority, it is assumed that the

information provided to the project lead is true

and unbiased.

The major constraint to the project is its reference

to both the Anti-Corruption Bill 2016 and the

Whistleblowers Protection Bill 2016, as both

Bills have not yet been passed through

Parliament. As a result, it becomes a constraint as

a possibility exists that both Bills are denied.

It is assumed that in combatting corruption, the

Ombudsman office is in fact, clean of corruption.

As a result of this assumption, the third

deliverable of this project will be constructed to

assist existing Ombudsman infrastructure.

Another constraint is the inability to have first-

hand correspondence with the intended audience

post completion of the deliverable. It would

provide further information for continued

research.

It is assumed that the intended audience either

has a limited or working proficiency ability to

read English language, and if this is not the case,

has the ability to interpret graphs, images,

cartoons and infographics.

Due to the nature of the intended audience being

broad, and from a variety of socio-economic

groups, language becomes a constraint. Different

regional dialects, translation drawbacks from

Pijin to English, creates constraints to making the

Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework, truly

accessible.

It is assumed that the third deliverable of this

project will be embraced by its intended audience

and will not be neglected due to its production

from a Western perspective. It is also assumed

that should the deliverable be rotated throughout

the Solomon Islands, that it used appropriately

and in a positive, informative sense.

It is assumed that any information gathered for

the Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework and

its partner Scoping Statement has originated from

credible and valid sources.

It is assumed that any reference to information

gained in Kirakira used in these deliverables are

to be published with the consent of the authorities

and will not jeopardize any current

investigations.

THE ACCESSIBLE ANTI-

CORRUPTION FRAMEWORK

ACTS AS MODEL TO

EDUCATE SOLOMON

ISLANDERS, IN A

SUSTAINABLE MANNER,

WHO ARE SEEKING

INFORMATION ON HOW TO

COMBAT THE ISSUE OF

CORRUPTION.

IT PROVIDES A MEANS TO

BREAK DOWN BARRIERS

AND NEGATIVE

CONNOTATIONS

SURROUNDING THE ANTI-

CORRUPTION DEBATE,

WHILE AT ITS CORE,

INFLUENCING THINKERS TO

ACTIVELY INVESTIGATE THE

ISSUE.

VISION

SECTION 02_1 – AN EXTENDED VISION

The Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework is a response to stakeholder engagement within the

regional area of Kirakira. After discussions around the potential for a built-environment

Capstone Project hit practicality walls, focusing on the area of sustainable water catchment

techniques, it was inevitably deemed counter-productive due to a lack of basic tier one

infrastructure, a lack of demand from the target audience and an over-supply of existing research,

a different stance was taken in order to overcome these issues.

Due to the nature of the primary researcher’s discipline, it was deemed that his knowledge could

be put to a better use by investigating the run-off effects of systemic corruption, as it was

suggested through consultation with local business owners. As a result, it became the purpose of

the primary researcher to collaborate on a local level, while simultaneously researching at a

national level to create an accessible, yet factually grounded anti-corruption framework that

yielded educational benefits to the intended audience.

The Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework acts as model to educate Solomon Islanders, in a

sustainable manner, who are seeking information on how to combat the issue of corruption. It

provides a means to break down barriers and negative connotations surrounding the anti-

corruption debate, while at its core, influencing thinkers to actively investigate the issue.

At a national level, it is widely reported that corruption touches almost all aspects of society.

From governments and financial institutions, trade union disputes and border control,

transnational crime and more personal, domestic issues. Designing a framework that can assist

the average Solomon Islander in what constitutes a corrupt practice through a study of

legislation, and can inform Solomon Islanders on the variety of issues that corruption can bring

upon them, has the potential to either directly assist rural communities, or existing Ombudsman

infrastructures.

In doing this, the proposed deliverable will provide the means to not enforce Western ideals of

anti-corruption practices, but instead, educate local peoples on their own individual power and

the power of a collective.

SECTION 02_2 – NATIONAL CONTEXT OVERVIEW

Former British protectorate, the Solomon Islands is an archipelago that has struggled to

effectively self-govern since its independence in 1978. “Ethnic violence, government

malfeasance, endemic crime, and a narrow economic base have undermined stability and civil

society” (the world factbook, 2010). As a response to the issues plaguing the Solomon Islands,

the then Prime Minister, Sir Allan Kemakeza, signaled for regional assistance, answered by the

then Australian Prime Minister, John Howard, in the formation of the Regional Assistance

Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) which largely assisted in restoring civil order and the

formation of sustainable governing bodies.

The bulk of economic activity revolves around subsistence agriculture, fishing and export of

forested goods and basic commodities. The islands, while aesthetic in their appeal, hold minimal

natural and rare resources and populations are localized to coastal zones with minimal access

available to rural and mountainous areas. In the height of ethnic conflict and violence, “through

the closure of many key businesses and an empty government treasury, [the Solomon Islands

minimal existing economic infrastructure] culminated in an economic collapse” (the world

factbook, 2010). As of today, due to the moderate success of RAMSI, economic systems are

largely restored and the Solomon Islands is no longer considered a region where economic

growth was considered impossible.

Currently, the RAMSI mission to the Solomon Islands is largely logistical, with few remaining

officers stationed in the archipelago.

Historically, Australia and the Solomon Islands have had a strong relationship, fostered largely

by its involvement as a ‘hot zone’ in the Second World War, where decisive battles were fought

against a scouting Japanese army. Today, the Solomon Islands maintains trade relations with

Southeast Asian nations and has high investment portfolios originating from mainland China. It

also is a strong voice in its localized region, regularly participating in discussion forums

concerning Pacific island nations.

The majority of Solomon Islanders are ethnically Melanesian with Polynesian and Micronesian

ethnic groups rounding out the demographic. While English is the official language, the majority

of the population speaks a form of Solomons Pijin.

SECTION 02_2_1 – NATIONAL CONTEXT (GEOPOLITICS)

The Solomon Islands lies geopolitically in what is a turbulent and complex shatter belt. It finds

itself between “a densely populated and economically unstable Asia, where religious difference

have resurfaced in political terms, and a highly developed, urbanized and thinly populated

Australian continent” (Connell, 2006). Tensions in this ‘arc of instability’, have their ties to

colonial legacy and post-independence, often contributing to underperforming economies,

uneven development, corruption and ethnic disputes.

On the mainland islands of the Solomon Island belt, issues with management of government

systems, unsustainable building practices, land disputes and an increasingly high disconnected

rural population has left the archipelago in a state of geopolitical malnutrition. Findings from

1997 attributed “the colonial legacy, external resource exploitation and intrinsic geographical and

cultural fragmentation of multi-island States have meant that development has been difficult to

achieve and manage” (Bonnemaison and Waddell, 1997).

Figure 1: Map of the Solomon Islands

Through what has been a tumultuous recent history, critical issues do remain in the Solomon

Islands, to which existing foreign aid and RAMSI assistance can do little. The country’s small

size and separated population make it difficult to enact overarching policies and change, and

social issues are apparent in all provinces. However, it is crucial to understand that much of what

is valued in Melanesian life is fundamentally different to what is valued in a Western life, for

instance, “a sense of community in association with a particular tract of land… a rough equality

of material conditions, reciprocity and some degree of control over the means of production.

Such values and virtues that have enabled localized autonomy and self-reliance are not readily

transferable into a more globalized world” (McDougall, 2005). In short, what may seem like a

straightforward issue/solution scenario to Western policymakers, has more weight and unseen

variables in the context of the Solomon Islands.

SECTION 02_2_2 – NATIONAL CONTEXT (CORRUPTION)

Corruption is not a new threat that needs to be counteracted in the Solomon Islands, it is inherent

and systemic, and is on the rise. For like most developing countries, corruption is often left

unmonitored due to a lack of accountability and transparency at national and provincial

government levels, within businesses and foreign investment, and also between local groups.

Joses Tuhanku, former Opposition Spokesman for Forests, Environment and Conservation in

Solomon Islands describes it as so:

“when there is corruption in the public service, and someone is promoted not on merit but

for other reasons, it means the country is not being served by the best possible person.

When a license is issued to a logging company or a fishing concern, not on merit but for

other reasons, the country loses the revenue to which it is legally entitled. When ministers

and officials who are charged with the responsibility of protecting the nation’s economic

interests make decisions which are in their personal interest and not that of the country’s,

we lose control over our own resources. When a member of parliament crosses the floor,

not on a point of principle but because they have been bought, our sovereignty is

compromised, our nation is diminished and our system of government made a mockery

of” (Tuhanku, 1995).

The current corruption climate within the Solomon Islands as a whole extends across most

financially driven models and destabilizes the standing economic infrastructure. Natural resource

management is considered to be particularly vulnerable, with problems of corruption particularly

identified in the forestry sector.

For the Solomon Islands, existing anti-corruption efforts are hampered by weak government

capacity and limited opportunities for public interaction.

In fact, the issue of corruption can be framed in a wider, regional context. Statistics from

specialized anti-corruption agencies and public opinion surveys provide evidence of corruption

in many countries of the region, including PNG, Fiji and Vanuatu. “But limited to the Solomon

Islands chain, a pilot survey carried out in 2006 found that 62 % of respondents in rural areas and

46 % in urban areas believed that their government was corrupt” (Barcham, 2007).

Sectors most affected by corruption in the Solomon Islands

SECTOR DETAILS

Natural Resources Management Risks associated with extractive services and

the forestry sector. As well as this, as foreign

fishing access agreements accounts for large

parts of the Solomon Island’s economic

activity, corruption in this area is also

becoming an issue.

Public Services As diverse as health, education, retirement

funds, police, port and customs

administration.

Public Financial Management Issues with ‘ghost funds’, and a lack of fiscal

transparency. Issues surrounding spending

controls, reporting and external audits.

Corruption in Aid The Solomon Islands is semi-dependent on

foreign aid and due to the scale and free-flow

nature of said aid, corruption becomes an

issue. Aid modalities can also contribute to

undermining public accountability. For

instance, Taiwan has provided large sums of

money to the Solomon Islands, yet to directly

to members of Parliament with hardly any

adequate accountability mechanism in place.

Transnational crimes While drug production is believed to remain

limited, the presence of illicit drugs is

facilitated through weak security systems

exploited by transnational criminal networks.

Currently the main non-governmental organization working in anti-corruption efforts is the

Solomon Islands Transparency International chapter, which acts as an advocacy, education and

monitoring body working in conjunction with both national and provincial governments.

Edmund Burke

Nobody made a greater mistake than

he who did nothing because he could

only do a little.

The official tagline for the Striving for

a corruption-free Solomon Islands

Facebook group.

SECTION 02_3 – REGIONAL CONTEXT (CORRUPTION)

While the scope of this study is designed to be applied across the Solomon Islands, the majority

of research conducted was specialized within the town of Kirakira, located in the Makira –

Ulawa province. Here, things are systemically ‘simpler’ than in the capital of the Solomon

Islands, Honiara. Kirakira has limited built infrastructure in comparison to Honiara, and

naturally, a lower direct population. However, it is a good case example to the far-reaching

effects of corruption within the Solomon Islands, as corrupt practices and anti-corruption

sentiment is present.

Figure 2: Posters in the Ombudsman Office

Images like the one in Figure 2, can be found within local administrative buildings, such as the

Post Office, where this photo was taken. Here, in comparison to Honiara, there is a larger, and

more informal anti-corruption movement. The image portrays laborers and family members

dismayed by their provincial government, withholding communal funds to their own financial

benefit.

Other images adorn the walls, such as the one below, which highlights the disparity between

socio-economic groups. Mr. John Parapa, the local Ombudsman representative and sole

employee of the Kirakira post office commented on his makeshift posters in an interview with

the Project Head, scripted below.

Project Head: John, what can you tell me about the pictures around your desk?

Parapa: (laughs) Oh I made these myself. This one shows the difference between a politicians

child, and say, a fisherman’s child..

Project Head: That the child of the politician has more money?

Parapa: Not just more money, but more opportunities and a better life. And it is not because they

work harder, or they got this money for being better people. They stole this money. They stole

this money from the people who need it most… the people who have not enough money for

food!

Project Head: And this is the case for all politicians in the Solomon Islands?

Parapa: Maybe not all of them, but this is what we all think.

Figure 3: Further images found in the Ombudsman Office

Sentiments expressed by Mr. Parapa are not uncommon in rural areas of the Solomon Islands. It

extends to an angry majority, but legitimacy to corruption claims are often overshadowed by

personal gain. The current taboo surrounding the word corruption, heavily influenced by local

papers, has led to Solomon Islanders claiming corruption for instances in which they feel

personally wronged. As a result of this, ‘cry wolf’ phenomenon, the Office of the Ombudsman is

set up to deal with corruption allegations. In Figures 4 and 5, there are examples of the existing

formal process one would follow should they wish to make a claim against a corrupt official.

Figures 4 and 5: Official Ombudsman inquiry forms.

The existing Ombudsman structure acts as a means to highlight corruption allegations and

provides a method to identify potentially corrupt officials. However, the major drawback to this

process is that it lacks any regulatory enforcing power – meaning that should the Ombudsman

confirm that a corruption allegation is true, no legislative power exists for the Office of the

Ombudsman to carry out corruption charges. As a result of this void, particularly in a rural

context, corruption matters sent to the Office of the Ombudsman, very rarely, if ever reach a

stage that requires further investigation. As a result, private mediation is often used as a means to

seek compensation from corruption but can often lead to instances of localized violence and

exacerbates the issue.

SECTION 03 - JUSTIFICATION

In order to achieve the most sustainable and intended outcome for the deliverable, a deliverable

that could be accessible and informative across all islands within the Solomon Island chain, a

detailed justification of the current corruption climate and potential anti-corruption legislation

needs to be established. In providing this analysis, the Project Head has consulted with both local

stakeholders, including members of the police force, public servants, businessman, and laborers

while also conducting a large amount of analytical research regarding the issue of corruption

within the Solomon Islands.

The factors in this justification not only consider the direct causes and examples for an

Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework, but also the potential for evolution and change through

amendments in the enforcing legislative bodies, which could positively influence the final

deliverable of the project.

The justification, in conjunction with the context sections, essentially becomes the underlying

theory, or ‘how to’, that leads to the formation of the final deliverables.

SECTION 03_1 – JUSTIFICATION DUE TO CURRENT CLIMATE

It is the hope of this Scoping Statement, that it provides relevant and substantial justification of

the current corruption climate within the Solomon Islands, which requires the need for an

Accessible Anti- Corruption Framework.

Recurring discussions by many Solomon Islanders on the topic of corruption calls for more

public conversations that should be aimed at provoking long and lasting solutions able to curtail

the negative economical and societal effects that it brings. “Officially, corruption within the

Solomon Islands is referred to as defined by stipulations of the Penal Code, Part X, sections 91-

101” (Larmour, 2009). But in current times, the term has been extensively used to describe acts

of bribery and self-gain especially by politicians, yet what is really being insinuated falls under

‘political corruption’. Unfortunately, for the Solomon Islands, there are many forms of

corruption not necessarily only of political nature. It seems unfortunate the terms become

distorted in street-speech for lack of understanding of legal and technical interpretations, to the

effect that it is now often being loosely used to generalize all politicians in the same

metaphorical boat. In these settings, there is usually subjective display of insensitivity without

knowing who has exactly committed corrupt acts and whether they have been found guilty under

the Penal Code.

As it is defined by media outlets, political corruption in the current Solomon Islands climate,

through lay-man’s terms is, “the use of legislated powers by government officials for illegitimate

personal and private gain” (Santos-Paulino et al, 2010). However, the corrupt tendrils have a

much more complex reach. Examples include:

The misuse of imprest – unplanned and unbudgeted expenses (mostly incurred during overseas

trips) leading to the inability to retire imprest, or, to falsify expenditures and receipts, or

manipulate accounts to inflate expenses.

Nepotism and cronyism – the flipside of wantokism, generally practiced by recruitment panel

members who vacate the interview room when a relative is being interviewed notwithstanding,

the remaining panel members have been bribed, coerced or obliged nonetheless to conduct the

interview giving some sort of ‘legitimacy’ to the process.

In-sourcing contracts – this usually means, work contracts are prearranged and allotted to

family or friends with a mutual promissory obligation attached stating proceeds will be shared

between the contractors and contracted.

Out-sourcing contracts – this refers to the alleged ‘Putin conspiracy’ which connotes a scheme

that involves granting bank loans to friends or family businesses with a promissory side payout

to other players.

Trading in influence – mainly occurs when official title holders sell their influence, vote,

decision making rights to a third party, person or institution.

Patronage – is seen in different facets of government and the private sector. It describes the

hiring or employment of incompetent persons as payment for supporting the current political

regime, as opposed to those who are more able.

Through consultation with two officials of the Provincial Anti-Corruption Commission, Sgt. Ape

maintains that “it is obvious that the entire nation has benefitted one way or another, directly or

indirectly, from official corruption.” Sgt. Doliarno concluded that, “the challenge now is to make

official corruption more beneficial to all, or, to completely eliminate [it] hence, in the hope to

create less suffering for the nation. I believe in doing the latter for reason that corruption is deep

rooted in society and a good number appear to have lost all sense of Christian and moral

principles.

Headway has been made into the national issue, mainly from leaders of the opposing political

party. Opposition Leader, Jeremiah Manele has urged the Government to carry out an audit in

each of the government ministries, following the use of the buzz term, ‘ghost companies’, being

used in State funded media outlets. “It is assumed that ‘ghost companies’ have reportedly

embezzled million of dollars from Government funds over the years. Ghost companies over the

years have been acting as middle-men that charge exuberant amounts for supplies and services

compared to more genuine service providers” (Vaadre, 2009).

As the Project Head for the document was leaving the research zone of Kirakira, Jeremiah

Manele released the following statement in regards to ghost companies.

“We must encourage genuine, true and honest hard-working Solomon Islanders that are

keen to help develop our country and our economy and on that note, I must acknowledge

our hard working local businessmen and women who have helped shape this country’s

economy over the years”

And more than any other sector of Solomon Island life, corruption has detrimental effects to a

stable economy, either through local businesses or international investment. For, genuine

investors will need a conducive business environment to invest in, they will need stable

infrastructures. “Foreign investors need to be assured of a healthy government enforcing a

financial and taxation system. They will need laborers inspired to work and effective legislation

to protect their business investment” (Larmour, 2006). Unfortunately for the Solomon Islands, a

lack or negligent enforcement of the before-mentioned variables leads to a lack of productive

investment.

Enforcement is definitely a pressing issue for anti-corruption efforts in the Solomon Islands as

their police force, which acts as the only legitimate authority, is plagued with its own corruption

allegations.

Local police officers have recently been challenged to take a strong stand in fighting corruption

within their force and their workplace. This was highlighted by the Assistant Police

Commissioner to the National Capital and Crime Prevention, Mostyn Mangau. He maintains that

corruption has no room in the police force, so as any other work places and offices within the

government or private sector. APC Mangau makes direct reference to the recent corruption

practices within the senior officers of Guadalcanal police. He said that there is no other way than

being honest to your work and committing to serving your country with dedication. Mangau

closes with, “corruption can be of any degree and you must note that in mind, to be cautious and

on the look for such rare intruding opportunists”.

SECTION 03_2 – CHALLENGES TO THE CORRUPTION CLIMATE

It is established by the Project Head through stakeholder engagement and empirical analysis that

a corruption climate exists in the Solomon Islands, yet naturally questions arise to reasons why a

corruption climate cannot be mitigated against – and if attempts have been made, as to why they

have been unsuccessful.

The challenges to effectively curtailing corruption come in many forms. The first being the

ambivalent role of cultural and historical heritage. Throughout the Solomon Islands rural

communities are characterised by a strong tribal tradition and populations who have lived with

minimal isolation to ‘Western ideals’ and established state structure. “This cultural heritage is

believed by many researches to play a critical role in shaping peoples understanding and attitudes

of corruption. In countries like the Solomon Islands, gifts are not only perceived as socially

acceptable behaviors, but in provincial rural areas, can be expected as legitimate dimensions of

electoral processes” (McDougall, 2005).

Cultural tradition is also believed to influence people’s stance on corruption, as in rural areas

citizens feel more connection to their fellow neighbors, as opposed to the State. This has its ties

to the colonial era to which the most relevant level of decision making is the village, with limited

citizen’s involvement in a broader political process.

Another limiting factor to anti-corruption efforts is the existing political and administrative

framework within the Solomon Islands. The multiple separate islands of the archipelago are

characterised by diverse levels of state penetration. This has implications in terms of the

provision of public services such as health and education, as well as the level of control and

oversight that the government is able to exercise over the entire country. Closely limited to the

problem of limited state penetration, the capacity deficit of the public sector remains a common

feature of the Solomon Islands. Typical bureaucratic checks and authority is not properly

established and the states capacity to enforce its legislative process is hampered by this weak

legitimate authority.

As well as this, limited political participation and accountability is hampered by the strong

connection to cultural ties and a general lack of interest and knowledge about basic democratic

processes hinders anti-corruption efforts.

SECTION 03_3 – THE ANTI-CORRUPTION BILL (2016)

The Solomon Island’s national government is currently in the process of legislative discussions

concerning the Anti-Corruption Bill 2016, which is a direct variable to the deliverance of the

final product that this scoping statement is designed to implement. The main concerning division

of the Bill is the proposed establishment of an Independent Commission Against Corruption.

This Commission has the potential to work in conjunction with the Office of the Ombudsman

(a) To determine the appropriate action to take on conclusion of corruption

investigations;

(b) To prosecute corruption offences with the consent of the Director of Public

Prosecutions;

(c) To prevent corruption through its primary functions;

(d) To direct the Director-General in the operation of the Commission;

(e) Any other powers and functions conferred on it by this or any other Act.

The establishment of the Bill has the potential to make large steps in a cleaner and corruption

free Solomon Islands state. Through this Bill the government has renewed legislative powers to

ensure the prevention of corruption and ties the Government to cooperation with international

organizations seeking to prevent corruption in any way that is consistent with Solomon Islands

law.

The underlying objectives of the Bill meets with the United Nations Convention Against

Corruption (UNCAC) to which the Solomon Islands acceded to in January 2012 and is

internationally obligated to have laws in place to implement the Convention. In 2014, the UN

Office on Drugs and Crime conducted a review of Solomon Island’s compliance with the

UNCAC. Investigations showed deficiencies in several areas of law and administration, in

particular as regards to the scope of existing laws and their effectiveness in preventing

corruption.

In a statement by Prime Minister Sogavare,

“there are existing corruption offences in the Penal Code, but they do not cover the range

of conduct that constitutes corruption adequately, and they are not well expressed or well

understood. The Bill creates new offences of bribery and abuse of office. These offences

apply both to the actions of public officers and actions of individuals and private sector

organizations in their interaction with public officers. The UN review also recommended

that Solomon Islands should have an institution dedicated to the prevention, investigation

and prosecution of corruption. This will be achieved by the establishment of the Solomon

Islands Independent Commission Against Corruption (SIICAC) by the Bill. The

Commission will be independent, with its own finances and staff, and will have extensive

powers of investigation of corruption offences. It will also have the power to instigate

prosecutions with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions. The Bill seeks to

ensure that the new Commission liaises with existing bodies that deal with public

maladministration (The Ombudsman) and amends the Penal Code to require various

agencies to liaise with one another and share information for the purpose of investigating

and prosecuting corruption offences” (Larmour, 2005).

SECTION 03_4 – WHISTLEBLOWERS PROTECTION BILL 2016

Designed to complement the Anti-Corruption Bill 2016, the Whistleblowers Protection Bill 2016,

is another potential step in anti-corruption progress for the Solomon Islands. The object of the

Bill is to protect persons making disclosures about conduct that may constitute corruption,

maladministration or misconduct in public office from liability and victimization.

Prosecutions for corruption are rare because evidence is difficult to obtain. This is because,

particularly in the Solomon Islands, people do not understand what corruption is, or they are

reluctant to come forward. This legislation has the legislative powers to protect people who come

forward with information about conduct that may constitute corruption, and people who

cooperate with investigators into corruption.

The Bill is intended to provide such protection, not only in the context of corruption, but also

maladministration and misconduct in public office. The Bill achieves its objectives by providing

protections from civil and criminal liability, as well as protection from victimization.

Perhaps more than the Anti-

Corruption Bill 2016, the

Whistleblowers Protection Bill 2016

confers more relevance as a variable

on the production of the end

deliverable outlined by this Scoping

Statement. It becomes the

responsibility of the final

deliverable to educate its intended

audience on the new legislative

powers that can protect them should

they feel that a disclosure of corrupt

practices would be necessary.

SECTION 04 – INFLUENCING DESIGNS

The final deliverable, the Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework needs to be able to convey all

the relevant and updated information without being too cumbersome. It needs to be culturally

appropriate and manage effectively the potential constraints to the deliverable highlighted in

Section 01_5. As a result, it has become the responsibility of the Project Head to identify

potential designs that could help influence the final deliverable.

While the South African anti-

corruption pamphlet is limited to one

page, it highlights a similar

perspective to the potential deliverable

in combining provoking images and

help lines directed at a specific

audience. The pamphlet originates

from the Department of Rural

Development and Land Reforms and

supports a culture of zero tolerance

towards fraud and corruption and is

committed to the highest possible

standards of openness, transparency,

integrity, accountability, anti-bribery

and professional ethics.

Potential influences from this example

come in the form of a consistent color

scheme, varied text formats and

symbiosis of image and text.

SECTION 05 – CLOSING STATEMENT

The Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework Scoping Statement is intended to inform the

relevant stakeholders about the potential impact of the final deliverable. This Scoping

Statement is legitimately providing substance to what can potentially be a deliverable with

positive impacts into rural and regional areas within the Solomon Islands.

In summary, the key outcomes of this document were:

A project brief, which outlined the traditional questions and modus operandi

underpinning the final deliverable, as well as the relevant project stakeholders, project

specific constraints, assumptions and a hypothesized vision statement.

The physical and intangible project variables, underpinned by research and first-hand

findings as well as justification on the appropriateness of the project’s application.

Alternative designs and influences upon the final deliverable and the provision of a

comparative case study analysis in similar political and social zones.

The next step in the process to delivering the final deliverable is to produce the physical

Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework. The research and information assembled by the Project

Head will be used to guide and implement the final Framework. The final deliverable will act

as model to educate Solomon Islanders, in a sustainable manner, who are seeking information

on how to combat the issue of corruption. It will provides a means to break down barriers and

negative connotations surrounding the anti-corruption debate, while at its core, influencing

thinkers to actively investigate the issue.

The Accessible Anti-Corruption Framework and the accompanying presentation will be

delivered prior to Monday the 25th of July.

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