social exclusion of dalit christians

8/10/2019 SOCIAL EXCLUSION OF DALIT CHRISTIANS

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1.1 Concept of social exclusion

The term social exclusion first used in early seventies. During the past ten to

twenty years, the concept of social exclusion has become increasingly popular. It

involves five defining criteria: social exclusion is multidimensional; it is concerned

with dynamic processes; it is relational as much as distributional; it focuses on

collective resources. ocial exclusion! is a contested term. "ot only is it used to refer

to a wide range of phenomena and processes related to poverty, deprivation and

hardship, but it is also used in relation to a wide range of categories of excluded

people and places of exclusion.

ocial exclusion meant, if she#he is unable to participate in the basic

economic and social activities of the society in which she#he lives. ocial exclusion is

a relative concept, in the sense that an individual can be socially excluded only in

comparison with other members of a society; there is no $absolute% social exclusion,

and an individual can be declared socially excluded only with respect to the society in

which she#he is considered to be a member. &n additional relative feature is that social

exclusion depends on the extent to which an individual is able to associate and

identify with others. ocial exclusion is a multi'dimensional phenomenon appearing

economically, structurally and socio'culturally in life considered social exclusion

under the four headings of exclusion: citi(en integration, labour mar)et, welfare

benefits and family'society. ilver on the other hand, dealt with the concept of social

exclusion as having economic, social, political and cultural dimensions. (Social

exclusion and social work -2013)

$ ocial exclusion% was rapidly disseminated in *nglish'language

versions of *uropean policies and the shift in meaning entailed in the translation from

its old + rench- meaning and its new manifestations was barely remar)ed outside of

academic discourse. (Amartya sen !une 2000)

Dalit hristians are officially non'existent in India. The reason for this is

that one cannot be a hristian and a Dalit at the same time. /eing a hristian means

that you leave your 0indu caste status behind and move on to follow hrist, The caste

system is so much intertwined with the Indian culture that it is virtually impossible to

escape from it. o, Dalit hristians are still downtrodden, still Dalits. The oppression

and discrimination won!t stop when converting to another religion, although manyconverts still hope so. act is that caste follows you wherever you go, even into the

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hurch, purely because the caste system is fixed in the minds of the Indian people. 1n

the one hand this ma)es the situation more complex and hard to transform, but on the

other it offers hope: we )now where to begin. 2ore important: the Dalits )now where

to begin. That!s why over the years a movement stood up with Dalit hristians who

are aware of their oppressed and un3ust position and who want to be free. /ut the path

to their liberation is steep. 1n one hand, this research will show why it is so difficult

for Dalit hristians to escape the caste system. 1n the other, it will give strategies for

freedom and instruments for outsiders. ("ennet# $ell#atc#et)

Discrimination and exclusion of certain groups due to their identity based on

social origin, ethnic and religious bac)ground, race, colour, gender and nationality is

common to several societies. It is also true that the nature and forms of discrimination

and social exclusion have undergone changes over time. 4hile it has changed to fluid

forms, practices of discrimination overwhelmingly exist in the social, economic,

political and cultural spheres of every society, irrespective of the existence of legal

safeguards and e5ual opportunity policies. This see)s to extend discussions to the

changing nature and forms of discrimination and social exclusion, both in specific and

comparative contexts. The nature, practices and conse5uences of discrimination vary

from one context to another. In &sia, discrimination largely refers to caste

discrimination, gender discrimination and discrimination based on religious, regional

and ethnic identities with variations in specific forms and extent across regional and

social contexts. aste and other descent based discrimination is largely a pan'Indian

phenomenon; nevertheless recent studies have noted that it has transcended this

cultural entity and the practices of discrimination based on caste are also prevalent

among groups of non'Indian origin in countries li)e ri 6an)a, 7a)istan, /angladesh

and "epal. In other countries of the region vi(. 2alaysia, 7hilippines, 8apan and

hina, discrimination is primarily grounded on ethnicity, religion, regional identity

and culture. In several situations, discrimination has interloc)ing nature, which is

operating through the complex relationships of caste and ethnic identities as in ri

6an)a; caste and representation as in 7a)istan and /angladesh; and gender and every

other premise of discrimination as common in the entire region.

1.2 %eanin& of social exclusion

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$*xclusion% is not a concept rooted in the social sciences, but an empty box

given by the rench state to the social sciences in the late 9


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In terms of who or what is driving exclusion, attention has been directed at

the causal role of diverse agents! ranging from globalisation to excluded

individuals#groups themselves. &lthough there has been little research on the agency

of groups most affected by exclusionary forces there is ample evidence from other

sources that they are rarely passive victims.

ilver +9 ?-, 6evitas +9 ; @


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geographically resident in a society but +b- for reasons beyond his or her control he or

she cannot participate in the normal activities of citi(ens in that society and +c- he or

she would li)e to so participate.

&ccording to $u inic social exclusion is $the inability of an individual to

participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of the society and

further it is denial of e5ual access to opportunities imposed by certain groups of

society on others.%

&ccording to /#orat and arendra Cumar the definition captures the

three distinguishing features of social exclusion namely, 9, it affects culturally defined

groups. @- It is embedded in the social relations +process through which individuals or

groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which

they live- and - its outcome is deprivation, low income and high degree of poverty.

ocial exclusion has been defined as the process through which

individuals or groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the

society within which they live! 7eople may be excluded, for example, from

livelihoods, employment, earnings, property, housing, minimum consumption,

education, the welfare state, citi(enship, personal contacts or respect.

It is important to note the distinction between exclusion of an individual

and exclusion of a group. Due to some specific reasons of the individuals such as lac)

of education# s)ills, lac) of purchasing power etc. such as an exclusion of an

individual has nothing to do with his or her cultural and social identity. >roups are

excluded on account of their social and cultural identities such as race, gender, caste,

+social status- religion, economic status, employment, education, civil rights and other

identities. >roup exclusion is more due to social and cultural identity irrespective of

the attributes of individuals within such a group.

ocial exclusion is a process which restricts the access of certain social

groups to valued resources and entitlements, relegating them to the status of social

outsiders. It is a multi Edimensional concept, conceived to capture different forms of

social di advantage' economic, social, political and cultural that persists, in multiple

variants and with different intensity. 0owever, the concept is broadly synonymous

with the concept of marginali(ation and is related to a number of other concepts,

notably poverty, unemployment and deprivation. ocial exclusion appears to occur

with in all economies and societies, but manifests itself in different forms, withdifferent intensities.


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1. +alits

Dalit is a designation for a group of people traditionally regarded

as untouc#a le . . The word Dalit was first used by ! yotirao #ule in the nineteenth

century, in the context of the oppression faced by the erstwhile FuntouchableF castes

of the twice- orn 0indus.

Dalits are one of the most deprived and marginalised communities in Indian

society. They are deprived of basic facilities and survival to life. They are fighting

since time immemorial to recognise as human being and live in this universe with

dignity. They are largely expelled and exiled citi(en of India and people with no rights

in practical and 3ust surviving with food and nothing else.

oming to the word Dalit, it simply refers to the term oppressed!. Its current

application arose about twenty five years ago. It applies to all those hundreds, of 3atis,

those birth'groups or caste communities that, lying at the very bottom of each local

social structure, ma)e up over a fifth of IndiaGs population. $1utcastes,% $bac)ward%

and $depressed% classes, $untouchables,% or $fifths% +panchamas-. This category

applies to peoples who have been put below or )ept beyond the pale of the $four'color

ran)ing system% +varnashramadharma- devised and purveyed by /rahmans since

prehistoric times. The term DalitG has roots in ans)rit where the root dal! means to

split, crac), open!. +This Indo'*uropean root appears in >erman and *nglish in the

form of dal! or tal!, meaning cut!. In *nglish, dale! is a valley, a cut in the ground!

in >erman, thal! a tailor is one who cuts to tell a tale! is the same as to cut a tally!,

the cut'mar)s made by the shepherd on his staff when counting sheep. +Dalit identity

and politics' >hanshya shah-

1. +efinitions

&ccording to 1xford dictionaries Dalit is $a member of the lowest'

caste 0indu group or a person outside the caste system. ontact with untouchables is

traditionally held to defile members of higher castes.%

&ccording to amebridge dictionary the term Dalit is derived from the

ans)rit root Dal! which means burnt, split, bro)en or asunder, downtrodden,

crushed, destroyed.

&ccording to >angadhar pantawane $Dalit is not a caste. Dalit is a

symbol of change and revolution.

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Untouchabilityhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jyotirao_Phulehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jyotirao_Phulehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dvijahttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Untouchabilityhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jyotirao_Phulehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dvija


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&ccording to 5ictor remasa&ar , the term Dalit expresses their

Fwea)ness, poverty and humiliation at the hands of the upper castes in the Indian

society.

1. +alit C#ristians

Dalit hristians are mainly the converted people particularly from 0indu or

animism. In Indian constitution only few lower castes religious groups have been

given reservation, li)e 0indus, /uddhists and i)hs and this is only because the caste

0indus recognised that all these religion are of Indian origin and have none the less

related to each other which is not at all a fact. To contextuali(e the problem of Dalit

hristian, it is very necessary to understand the origin of caste system, the reason for

conversion and their status in the society.

1.6 +alit C#ristians in kerala

In Cerala there is twenty la)h +@


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hristians in Cerala are divided into several communities, including yrian

hristian and the so'called 6atin! or "ew Hite! hristians. yrian hristian tends to

be endogamous, and tend not to intermarry with other hristian castes. &lso, very

rarely are there intermarriages between 6atin Hite hristians and "ew hristians

+converted in the 9 th and 9 th centuries- in Cerala; the latter were converted mainly

from castes where fishing was the traditional occupation. yrian hristian derive

status within the caste system from the tradition that they are converted "amboodiris,

who were evangeli(ed by t. Thomas. 1thers argue however that the claims were

made by the later hristians to obtain special caste status in the prevailing caste

system of India. & notable point is that the "amboothiri history claims their origin in

Cerala in the seventh century *, while hristianity in India originated in the first

century *, after t Thomas was speculated to have landed in Cerala at A@ &D. *arly

writings place them below the level of the matrilineal "airs and the patrilineal

"amboodiris. ollowing efforts by the hristian 2issionary ociety in the 9


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caste hristians and Dalits were allowed to use the common path to the church and

cemetery.

The caste system among Cerala hristians is very ambiguous, because though

some claim that t. Thomas started the era of hristianity in Cerala and India, most of their churches have strong affiliations with the churches in yria and the 2iddle *ast.

It is 5uite obvious that due to trade relations with these countries, missionaries from

eastern churches might have indulged in conversions or even settlements in Cerala.

The rise of Islamic power in these countries might also have contributed to these

churchesG exodus to Cerala.

It was with the advent of the ortu&uese missionaries, who were Homan

atholic 7atin ;ite that hristianity actually flourished in Cerala and even India.There were mass conversions by the atholic missionaries in various parts of Cerala.

The coastal belts were also converted (ealously by the western missionaries. 4hen

the >overnment of India accorded the # T status to the deprived 0indu sections of

the society, the 0indus who had converted to hristianity and Islam also as)ed for

# T status. /ut the government denied them these rights, and instead accorded

them the 1/ status.

0e or she has ta)e up their dignity, identity when convert to hristianity. in

nineteenth century foreign missionaries are strongly under root in Cerala on the basis

of hospitality, charity and education. In 9 < 6ondon 2ission ociety, in 9 enerally, Dalits includes those

termed in administrative parlance as cheduled castes, cheduled Tribes and 1ther

/ac)ward classes. Bntouchability was expressed in the maintenance of physical

distance between cheduled astes and high astes and in extreme restrictions of

commercial relationships between untouchables and all others.

The casteless egalitarian society of early period become caste' ridden

and feudal Eoriented. The erstwhile Dravidians were sub3ected to severe caste

disabilities and restrictions. They became the victims of high caste tyranny and

oppression. In order to escape the caste rigours, the people from the oppresses section

of the society converted to the hristian faith in large numbers. *ven after the

conversion the caste stigmas and symbols continued to exist with added dimensions.

It was further aggravated by the denominational dis'putes of the different hristian

congregations.

+alit #as come to mean t#in&s or person w#o is cut split roken or torn

asunder scattered or crus#ed and destroyed . /y coincidence, there is in 0ebrew a

root =dal> meanin& low weak poor. 8n t#e $i le different forms of t#is term #a e

een used to descri e people w#o #a e een reduced to not#in&ness or

#elplessness4. /#e present usa&e of t#e term +alit &oes ack to t#e nineteent#

century w#en a %arat#i social reformer and re olutionary %a#atma !yotirao

#ule (1624-16


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ome hristian groups have adapted the Indian caste system in diverse ways

across the subcontinent, often reflecting their own stratification by sect, location, and

the castes of their predecessors. ocial practices among certain Indian hristians

parallel much of the discrimination faced by lower castes in other religious

communities, as well as having features uni5ue to this community. aste distinctions

among Indian hristians are brea)ing down at about the same rate as those among

Indians belonging to other religions. &bout


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specially appointed for this purpose. There is no positive ban on the 7ulayas

attending the rituals at the yrian hristian churches, but few 7ulayas ever do so. In

the organisation of the hurch also, the 7ulayas are not given proper representation.

or example, in the 2ar Thoma hurch, every yrian hristian parish is entitled to

send representatives to the representative body called 2andalam, but the 7ulaya

churches are not entitled to this right. & 7ulaya has yet to be made a priest in the 2ar

Thoma church.

In the 8acobite hurch, the number of lower caste converts are relatively few,

and usually they attend the services at the yrian churches. 0owever, they usually

occupy only bac) seats in the hurch.

1.11 /en facts a out caste +iscrimination

9. Bntouchable, 7aria, 0ari3an are some of the terms used for those who now

call themselves Dalit. The overwhelming ma3ority of Dalits live in poverty.

@. &lthough India has good legislation against untouchability, the Indian

7rime 2inister compared the real situation to apartheid in outh &frica.

. In almost ?


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In the Indian context, the 0indu 0igh astes used exactly the same techni5ue

that the god an almighty being is also the first constituting element in the western

theory of political power, which is very similar to orthodox 0induism. "o doubt, in

general, hristianity there is no caste system but in Indian context hristianity have

caste system with hierarchy and today!s new concept Dalit hristian! is the product

of hristian aste system. Those depressed caste who converted to hristianity in the

paste again come under the trap of caste system.

1.12.2 ducational discrimination

B"I * says to be illiterate is to be excluded. 4hen a Dalit was as)ed why

she did not send her son to school, she answered, $2y son is not going to be a

collector, so why brotherN% or this Dalit, education is a gateway for status and

lucrative employment, which she feels is closed to her )ind. The attitude of this

woman will reflect the position of the Dalits in general. & lac) of economic resources

of Dalit hristians is one of the main reasons for poverty. The attitude of priests and

nuns in hristian schools is not helpful to the cause of the Dalit hristian students.

There are also a small percentage of Dalit hristian students who dropped out of

school which does not promise them a good future either. *ven after completing

school they are unable to obtain employment. /ribes, even in hristian institution, are

also a deterring factor. The distribution of Dalit hristians according to their

occupations +9


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a- 7roblem of caste is reflected in the organisation and recruitment to church.

b- >reat ma3ority of pulaya hristians are coolies in comparison to yrian

hristians who are well educated and engaged in white collar 3obs

c- 8obs within church administration as well as in church run educational and

other institutions go in favour of the middle and upper castes. hare of the

upper castes far

disproportionate to their numbers.

d- There is low representation of Dalits in decision ma)ing bodies and in

church structures

e- There is very low representation of Dalits amongst the clergy.

f- 0oly communion is conducted by upper caste priests only.

g- 6ow occupational status is combined with economic dependence, low

educational levels, absence of political support as well as legal disabilities

h- In a percentile distribution of occupations of dalit hristians, it is noted that

A?.KA are into agricultural labouring, K.@ are into their own cultivation, @.

are in lower administrative 3obs and 9. < percent are in menial 3obs.

1.12. Social and Cultural Se&re&ation

7ractices of discrimination continued within the everyday life of the church.

The dalit hristians were referred to as new hristians. yrian hristians en3oy a

higher standard of living. They are well educated and occupationally are landowners,

traders, businessmen, independent farmers etc. urther, they live in well furnished

houses with modern amenities. In comparison, pulaya hristians live in houses made

of mud and coconut leaves with no electric light, bathroom or sanitary latrine.

0ousehold e5uipment is also scarce. urther, pulayas are largely illiterate. eparate

churches for worship, segregation even in burial grounds, and exclusion from decision

ma)ing in the parishes and the hristian communities constituted some of the forms

of discrimination experienced by dalit hristians.

&ny challenges to social segregation within the church were often met by

violent responses. ? J. umulatively, ?J of dalit converts lived in mud or straw

houses, the figure for non converts was K?J. 4ith respect to the levels of education it

was found that a ma3ority +? .?J- of the respondents believed that the educational

facilities en3oyed by the converts and the non coverts were more or less the same.urther, while 9 J thought that the educational levels of the converts is better; about

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high caste had deprived the Dalits of owning land or property of any )ind. This is

intended to ensure the supply of a stream of continuous and permanent labour force.

6andless and dependent, the lower castes lead an economical un'free and penurious

life. Dalit hristian children are prone to attac)s of fever. &s much as 9K. @ percent of

the Dalit hristian children are )illed annually by this sic)ness for which simple

medical remedies could be procured. &bout ?. K percent of the Dalit children become

victims of dysentery and diarrhoea. &ll this underscores the extent of poverty and lac)

of financial means o obtains these simple facilities by Dalit hristians. "eedless to

say, the economic situation of Dalits leaves much room for improvement.

1.12. owerlessness

The experience of Dalit hristians is one of felt of powerlessness. &mong

those who are involved in politics none are given any important position at the

national or at state level. There has not been any evidence of Dalit hristian

representation either in the central or state cabinet. *ven at the party ran) and file no

Dalit hristian is given any importance. 7olitical reservation of seats in 7arliament

and state assembly is non'existent. &s they have been marginali(ed in politics, their

grievances go unheard, naturally. 2ore than ever, the state wields extraordinary power

through the legislative, executive and the 3udiciary. There is no Dalit hristians either

in the legislature, executive or 3udiciary. The non'representation in these bodies

renders the positions of Dalit hristians wea) and impotent. inally, the ennui of

powerlessness faced by the Dalit hristians in the hurch is a matter of deep concern.

1ut of despair, frustration and confusion, the powerless Dalits may garner and muster

enough strength and conviction to fight bac). If they do, the struggle could be violent.

4hen violence is the end product, the outcome will be uncertain.

Dalit hristians are severely marginalised in the vocations of 7riests and "uns

and in the appointments for any higher authority or positions. *ven though Dalit

hristians are about KA percent in the atholic hurch in the state of Tamil "adu,

outh India, only about percent among the priests and nuns are Dalits. imilar

situation exists in the whole of India. This must be ta)en up seriously, as it is against

the natural and distributive 3ustice and democratic values. imilarly there are not even

about Dalit /ishops among the nearly 9A< atholic /ishops in India. This is again a

serious exclusion of the Dalit hristians from the mainstream of the hurch even

though they form a big ma3ority in the atholics population. It is a clear proof that thecaste'domination is operating at all levels of ma)ing the choice, recommendations and

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decisions for the appointment of /ishops. This needs to be corrected and 3ustice must

be done to Dalit hristians at the earliest.

asteism in the hurch not only causes the loss of civil or social rights

and violates human dignity and basic natural e5uality but it also has very adversely

affected educational and economic progress for generations. There is violation of the

distributive 3ustice to them in the 2inority Institutions themselves. In leading and

well'established institutions, Dalit hristians are severely marginalised both in

admissions and appointments. In most of these institutions, their representation is only

less than 9< percent. There is lac) of policies in these institutions to see that the

historically oppressed Dalit hristians get their due share in proportion to their bigger

population. /y and large the caste authorities of the church disown the Dalit

hristians when it comes to sharing such privileges, benefits and facilities. This

casteculture of the hurch has very adversely affected the Dalit hristian community

in the past more than < years. *ven )nowing that the Dalit hristians have been

denied the constitutional safeguards 3ust because they are hristians, they have

wantonly neglected their cause. /ecause of this, a great ma3ority of Dalit hristians

are illiterate and are living below poverty line.

The local hurch authorities, institutions and organisations have built up and

accumulated financial and material resources and continue to get financial aid from

atholic donors and agencies all over the world, primarily with the appeal to help the

underprivileged and the untouchable Dalits and poor people. /ut these have not really

reached them, not their due share and not even a minimum share. There is no

transparency and accountability to these people, their leaders or their committees.

This has been going on for decades. The cumulative effect of all these have caused

enormous damage to the progress of Dalit hristians and have ended in a tragic

situation. The Dalit hristians are waiting long for peaceful solution from the hurch

authorities as well as present political regime. /ut lac) of sincerity and sensitivity

towards the core problems cannot lead to a peaceful solution. 7eaceful solution

consists of sincere, honest and speedy attempts to restore 3ustice and e5uality to the

oppressed and the suffering people. That has to come from the authorities, the

powerful and the dominant.

Dalit hristians are as)ing only for their fundamental rights. They belong to

the same caste and undergo the same age'old torment and oppression as other Dalits.Dalit hristians live under the same system of oppression, deprived of 3ustice and

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human dignity. The economic condition of Dalit converts is in no way different from

that of their counterparts the Dalits who are not converts. Dalit hristians suffer from

a high incidence of atrocities and economic and social disabilities owing to the

governmentGs reluctance to modify its discriminatory policy on reservation. hristians

feel that this religion'based discrimination is in violation of &rticle 9A +9- and

contravenes the provisions of &rticle 9A +?- of the onstitution of India.

onstitutional principles prohibit discrimination on the grounds of religion, race,

caste, sex or place of birth. &t sta)e is the fate of 9 million Dalit hristians, who

form K< percent of the Indian hristians. In the whole country, Indian hristians total

@A million. They are not as)ing for any expansion of the cheduled aste list or any

increase in the reservation 5uota. There was also a call for a separate church for the

Dalits, but during all these developments, the &rchbishop never met and interacted

with the Dalit community. They also alleged that despite being a part of the hristian

faith for the past < years, the Dalit hristians continued to be treated as second class

citi(ens.

4ithout going into details of how enlightened 0indus have dealt with the

unconscionable practice of untouchability, one cannot understand the real issues of the

castes and Dalit hristians. The Dalit constitute more than 9A percent of the total

Indian population and @< percept of the 0indu population. &s per the @


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8 /;,+:C/8,

1nce a problem formulated a brief summary of it should be written. It is

compulsory for a researcher wor)er writing a thesis for the topic at this 3uncture the

researcher should underta)e an extensive literature survey about the topic. or this

purpose the researcher should refer academic 3ournals conference proceeding,

government report boo)s etc. in this process it should be remembered that one source

is lead or another. This chapter mainly include the theoretical bac)ground of the study.

The researcher shows that his study is Important through this literature.

$2any people have the idea that everything in India is booming business,

but there are millions of hristian brothers and sisters who are literally in the shit.%

+ick "lein#esselink

2.1 +iscrimination y t#e state'

6ittle people )now about the existence of the Dalits. 2aybe they are

aware that there!s a caste system in India, but that almost @


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hristians! represent a wide, multi'dimensional spectrum which should be held in

mind when thin)ing about Dalit hristians. The second consideration has to do with

the naming of Dalits who are hristian. /eing a hristian may involve very different

practices of marriage or worship in different regions. This means that Dalit

hristians! represent a wide, multi'dimensional spectrum which should be held in

mind when thin)ing about Dalit hristians. The second consideration has to do with

the naming of Dalits who are hristian. much discrimination as the hristian Dalits in

the areas where there are more high castes, li)e the south, where many of the

atrocities against Dalits are committed.9A econd, this means that a hristian Dalit is

not only discriminated against because he is a Dalit, but also because he is a hristian.

Discrimination by the tate /#e ational Commission of Sc#eduled Caste states

that untouchability is only prevalent within the 0indu fold, and accordingly there is

no untouchability in hristianity To even state this is discriminatory, )nowing what

we )now now. 2oreover, these words have some serious conse5uences for the daily

lives of hristian Dalits and their future perspectives. The main issue here is that

hristian Dalits are excluded from the Heservation ystem. This system is fixed by

Indian law and is a form of affirmative action whereby a percentage of seats in the

public sector are reserved for the cheduled astes, namely, the Dalits. /ut, only for

the 0indu, i)h or /uddhist Dalits E 2uslims and hristians are denied those

benefits, as a result of a presidential order in 9 As /ri unal on

:ntouc#a ility writes the following about this in its publication untouchability on

trial!: $ o in that case, under the # T &ct, the hierarchy of the religions should be

prosecuted. /ut the "ational ommission of cheduled astes tells that it is only the

0indu religion that motivates untouchability.

2.2 ors#ip

In some places it is still not possible to worship >od together with the high

castes. or example, Dalits have to sit separate from high castes in the hurch, often

on the floor. urthermore, in these hurches, Dalits have absolutely no liturgical

participation whatsoever.

2.3 8nter-dinin& and inter-marria&e

It seems li)e the hristian Dalits suffer also caste discrimination at thehands of their non' Dalit co'religionists. @odwin S#iri>s case study found t#at'

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$4hile the hristian households of non'Dalit origin are found to be maintaining

active social relationship with many non'Dalit castes and communities, as far as

hristian Dalits are concerned they are found to )eep a clear distance.% &n example of

this is that high castes won!t allow Dalits in their house. &nother form of

discrimination is that inter'dining and inter'marriage, between Dalits and higher

castes, is still a big taboo. hristians from a non'Dalit bac)ground are more li)ely to

marry someone from the same caste than from the same religion. o, marriages

between Dalits and non'Dalits are very uncommon, also within the hristian

community.

2. +iscrimination of C#ristian +alit omen

hristian Dalit 4omen are the worst victims in this all. It is well )nown,

the Dalit women in India are one of the most oppressed groups. 1ften they are

referred to as double Dalits!. Their position is horrifying: they are treated as less than

animals because they are Dalits and on top of that, women. /eing raped is not that

uncommon for a woman in India. In the interview with them it became very clear that

hristian Dalit women are still sub3ugated. They suffer more because they are

women. &lso, they are expected to be a housewife, or, as %ano %an ari "umar put

it: $The role of women is limited to child bearing and rearing and not to as) many

5uestions%. 2oving on to the literature, the picture gets even grimier. In aste 1utP!

+a id *aslam writes the following about the essay Dontiers> of "amal ;a a Sel i'

$ he describes Dalit women as fourth class citi(ens!. he tells how in some hristian

communities the women have stepped forward to fill gaps in leadership. & woman

may have a white'collar 3ob. /ut at home she has still all the dirty 3obs to do. /eing

educated or employed does not offer freedom, it can even ma)e life worse. 1f course,

hristian men )now and accept that all are e5ual and that all are made in the image

of >od!, but if they put that into practice they undermine their easy life. 2en pay all

)inds of compliments to women and proclaim their freedom but at home the woman is

an unpaid servant, a child'baring machine!.

2. +iscrimination in t#e C#urc# in 8ndia

Dalits who turn to a religion that should give them freedom, don!t get any

freedom. This part will discuss how this wor)s and how the caste system still plays animportant role in the hurches, even though it has lost its divine sanction. 4orship In

23


24/54

some places it is still not possible to worship >od together with the high castes. or

example, Dalits have to sit separate from high castes in the hurch, often on the floor.

urthermore, in these hurches, Dalits have absolutely no liturgical participation

whatsoever. &nother form of discrimination is that Dalits who want to ta)e 0oly

ommunion were not allowed to drin) from the cup, before the high castes did.

1therwise the high castes would get polluted by them. or these reasons there are

now a lot of Dalit hurches in these, mostly rural, areas, so they don!t have to be

afraid of any discrimination when they want to worship >od. /ut, to be fair, there is

little )nown about this sub3ect. The examples of discrimination that are given here are

possibly outdated. 2ore research has to be done to find out what )inds of

discrimination the hurch is facing today. or now it is important to remember that

there is still ine5uity in the hurch; despite the fact that the hristian /ible is full of

passages where one can read that we should treat each other as e5uals and with love.

ro lems of t#e C#urc# in 8ndia. The hurch!s biggest problem is

their unwillingness to meet the needs of the hristian Dalits. There are some who

ac)nowledge the plight of the Dalits and who want to do something about it, but as a

whole, the hurch is incapable of doing 3ust that. This was also ac)nowledged at the

conference on ustice for +alits in $an&kok , $4e were reminded in challenging and

sometimes emotional terms of the continuing prevalence of caste in the hurch and

the silence of the hurch in addressing caste both inside and outside the hurch.% The

governing of the hurch is in the hands of the upper castes. o, although the Indian

hurch is a hurch of the Dalits, it pro3ects an elitist! image. This has some serious

conse5uences for the hurch in India and the hristian Dalits in particular. irst of all,

despite many promises, their situation is not getting better because they are with the

hristian community: $4hen we converted, the hurch had promised us e5uality and

promised to protect our interests and underta)e measures for us. /ut what we got is

more discrimination.% This is for example seen in the hristian educational

institutions, which are almost inaccessible for hristian Dalits. &nd then it is 3ust a

matter of time that hristian Dalits begin to doubt their conversion: they have lost any

right to reservation and they realise that they are not getting anything from the

hurch. This disappointment can then eventually lead to Dalits reconverting to

0induism, as was seen for example in hennai, where last &pril about thousand

hristian Dalits reconverted to 0induism. &t this moment, the leadership and themanagement of the hurch in India is not 3oining the Dalits in their fight for freedom.

2


25/54

&s !o#n e ster writes in his boo) /#e +alit C#ristians' a *istory %: $In that

struggle the hurch has proven to be wea), ineffective and often an instrument of

caste oppression, even though it is predominantly Dalit in composition. The hurch

must repent and become the shalom community >od created it to be, living and acting

in solidarity with all Dalits. This difficulty of the Indian hurch to effectively play a

liberative role is further explained by Delix ilfred , a prominent on +alit t#eolo&y

in #is ook =,n t#e $anks of @an&es> : $ irst of all there is a general association of

hristianity with colonialism. losely connected with it is the fact that hristianity is

seen in India as a QforeignR religion, which is not only due to historical reasons, but

also because of the current practices of the hurch in its life, worship, structures, etc.

urther, there is the fact of the strong institutionali(ation of the hurch which started

from the 9 th century onwards. 4hat is to be particularly ta)en note of is that the

hurch is associated within many institutions in the urban areas catering the upper

classes. It is true of all parts of India and &sia at large. This strongly institutionali(ed

image of the hurch with a lot of money, power and resources, and rooted strongly in

the urban setting, puts it in no position as truly an agent of liberation for the Indian

masses of the poor who are mostly concentrated in the Indian villages. 2oreover, it is

a fact that the hurch in its practice is very much along the lines of following a simple

social'welfare or developmentalist approach. This is in mar)ed contrast to the

demands of the situation wherein liberation is very much bound up with political

5uestions. in his boo) Downtrodden! !ames %assey distinguishes five elements of

the role of Dalit theology:

S It must address the Dalits themselves about their state and their dawning

consciousness of themselves: heighten understanding and raising awareness;

S It must also address non'Dalits: ma)e others aware;

S Haising the consciousness of the hristian community as a whole: Dalit

theology must challenge the hurch to change;

S It must enable ordinary hristians to ta)e an active role in the struggle of the

Dalits;

S It must create the possibility of fuller liberation or salvation, based on the

hrist event of redemption.

In his boo) ;eli&ion and +alit 7i eration !, !o#n e ster describes four

strategies for freedom:9. &c5uisition of political power;

2


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@. *conomic independence;

. Internal social reform;

?. Heligious change.

These strategies are based on what the modern Dalit movement did, and still

does, to fight the caste discrimination.

This report has shown that hristian Dalits have to face more

discrimination than other Dalits, for the reason that hristianity is a despised religion

in India. The discrimination is worse for them for several reasons: ' In the eyes of

their fellow countrymen, hristian Dalits betray them by converting to a western

religion; ' hristian Dalits are part of a religious minority, which, in terms of

discrimination, is the same as being a Dalit; ' The state doesn!t recogni(e hristian

Dalits, for they claim that caste is not part of the hristian religion. Hesult is various

forms of discrimination on the side of the state, including the denying of the

Heservation Hights; ' /ecause relatively much different castes are represented in the

hristian community, there is more discrimination among hristians as in other

religions. Despite these difficulties, it seems that hristian Dalits are not the worst off

in terms of welfare. 2ore than other Dalits, they are capable of fighting this

discrimination and their oppressors. & reason for this can be that they use hristianity

as a way of liberation. This becomes specifically clear in the liberation theology that

they have created: Dalit theology.

/y this theology hristian Dalits are stimulated to fight their current

status and clime the economic ladder. 0owever, they seem to stand alone in this fight,

since they don!t get any help from the Indian hurch. Instead, they face more

discrimination. In this all, hristian Dalit women are the worst victims. &lthough

some would say their treatment is a little better in comparison to other Dalit women,

they still are treated bac)wards. urther, it was noted that the plight of 2uslim Dalits

need more attention than it gets now. &ccording to the research by the department of

sociology of the Bniversity of Delhi on the current social scientific )nowledge on

Dalits in 2uslim and hristian communities, the 2uslim Dalits are the worst off in

almost every respect. The report also stated that the hristian Dalits are doing

relatively well. o, the lesson learned here is that all Dalits, and specially the 2uslim

Dalits, need attention E not 3ust the hristian Dalits.

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8 /;,+:C/8,

The research methodology is not only tal) of the research methods but also

consider the logic behind the methods used in the context of our study. It also explains

why the researcher using a particular method or techni5ue and why the others are not

using. o that the result are capable of being evaluated either by the researcher

himself or by others research methodology is a way to systematically solve the

research problem.

3.1 /8/7 ,D /* S/:+E

ocial *xclusion of Dalit hristians

3.2 S/A/ % / ,D /* ;,$7 %

Dalit is a designation for a group of people traditionally regarded as

untouchable. Dalit who converted to hristianity did not escape the cast system which

has a strongly ingrained presents in our society. That is not limited to 0indu religions

ideals. The different branches of hristianity still engage in these societal practices

with regard the cast system.

The stigma experience due to lower cast hristian identity is critical challenge

that they face on everyday life. Dalit hristians were treated with less recognition

than other people due to their lower cast identity.

3.3 S8@ 8D8CA C ,D /* S/:+E

6ittle people )now about the existence of the Dalit. 2aybe they are aware that

there!s a caste system in India, but that almost @


28/54

for this is that one cannot be a hristian and a Dalit at the same time. /eing a

hristian means that you leave your 0indu caste'status behind and move on to follow

hrist. The caste system is so much intertwined with the Indian culture that it is

virtually impossible to escape from it. o, Dalit hristians are still downtrodden, still

Dalits. Hesearch will show why it is so difficult for Dalit hristians to escape the

caste system. 1n the other, it will give strategies for freedom and instruments for

outsiders. The study should convey the ocial exclusion of Dalit hristians and the

message of stopping this practice and ma)es aware the society about the Dalit

hristians are part of the society.

3. ,$! C/85 S ,D /* S/:+E

.?.9 @eneral o ecti es

To study the ocial exclusion of Dalit hristians; with special references to

Cothamangalam 2unicipality

.?.@Specific o ecti e To understand the socio demographic profile of the Dalit hristians.

To assess the level of social participation of the Dalit hristians.

To understand the cultural adaptability of the Dalit hristians.

To understand the right based perception of the Dalit hristians.

3. + D8 8/8, S A + %A!,; C, C /

3. .1 /* ,; /8CA7

+alit'

In the traditional Indian cast system, a member of lowest caste. + ,xford -

"ame given by themselves, to the untouchable of 0indu society + ncyclopedia -

xclusion

*xclusion from the prevailing social system and its rights and privileges, typically as

result of poverty or the fact of belonging to a minority social group. (,xford)

& situation in which some people who are poor or who do not have a 3ob do not feel

part of the rest of society. (Cam rid&e)

26


29/54


30/54

The study was conducted with the ob3ective to find out and assessing the

scope and relevance of the topic. The researcher conducted a 7ilot study to assess the

feasibility of the study and finali(e the tools of data collection.

3. ; S A;C* + S8@

In this study the researcher used descriptive research design. It aimed at

obtaining relevant and precious information concerning the current status of the

phenomenon and the study aims to obtain complicate and accurate information about

the social exclusion of Dalit hristians in Cothamangalam municipality.

3.6 : 85 ;S ,D S/:+E

Bniverse of the study is all the Dalit hristians families of Cothamangalam

2unicipality.

3.< , :7A/8,

The population of the study includes ?A? Dalit hristian amilies in

Cothamangalam 2unicipality.

3.10 : 8/ ,D /* S/:+E

The unit of the study includes a Dalit hristian.

3.11 SA% 78 @

Hesearcher has used imple Handom ampling method. A +9AJ- samples

were selected for the data collection out of total number ?A? of Dalit hristian!s

family in Cothamangalam 2unicipality by using Handom table.

3.12 S,:;C ,D +A/A

In this study the researcher used two type of sources that is

3.12.1. rimary Source

ollected information directly from the respondents by using interview

schedule.

3.12.2. Secondary Source

econdary data collected from boo)s. 6iterature and articles etc.

3.13 /,,7 ,D +A/A C,77 C/8,

The tools of data collection is interview schedule consists of itemi(ed

statements for measuring ocial 7articipation, ocial rights and ultural Integration to

collect the relevant data. it consists of 5uestions. To getting maximum information

30


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regarding the problem the researcher himself observed the setting as far as possible

and sought information through some appropriate interventions.

3.1 ; - / S/

The researcher has done the pre' test among A samples of Dalit hristians for

finali(ing tool. Through this study research could avoid unnecessary 5uestions. The

pre Etest was aimed to test the effectiveness of the interview schedule and modifying

the defect and certain 5uestions.

3.1 % /*,+S ,D +A/A C,77 C/8,

Hesearcher collected data from the Dalit hristians through the interview.

3.14 +8/8 @ C,+8 @ A + /A$:7A/8,

To ma)e sure the completeness and consistency of the schedule entries and to

prevent the improper information from entering the tabulation process. The researcher

edited the entire data and then coded them and entered in to table. The information

scattered through the respondents are then finali(ed in to meaningful group of

information.

3.1 +A/A A A7ES8S A + 8 / ; ; /A/8,

Data has analysed using fre5uencies, percent etc. Data is presented through the

tabulation and graphical representation after coding, and classifying the collected

data.

3.16 78%8/A/8, S

9. 2any Dalit hristian expressed difficulty to spea) as per the re5uirements

and therefore researcher couldn!t collect the source of data from the respondents.

@.The researcher conducted study and data collection within a short period.

3.1< C*A / ;8SA/8,

9. 0&7T*H I 'Introduction

@. 0&7T*H II' Heview of literature

. 0&7T*H IIIE 2ethodology of study

?. 0&7T*H IM EData analysis and interpretation

A. 0&7T*H M E2a3or findings, uggestions and onclusion

31


32/54

8 /;,+:C/8,

&nalysis and interpretations are the ma3or part of any research. &nalysis is the

ordering of data in to constituent parts in order to obtain answers to research

5uestions. Interpretation ta)es the result of analysis, ma)e inferences and draw

conclusions about it. Data analysis consists of a num er of interrelated processes

t#at are intended to summari9e arran&e and transform data into information.

/#e researc#er analy9ed all most all Fuestions t#at are directly related to t#e

o ecti es of t#e researc#. /#e researc#er #as used S SS (Statistical acka&e for

Social Sciences) 5ersion 13.0 for analy9in& t#e data and also used arious

statistical tools and &rap#ical representation met#ods for analy9in& t#e data

.1 A&e wise distri ution

/a le o. .1

S8 no Class DreFuency ercenta&e9 @9' < 9 @?.@ 9'?< 9 @?.

?9'A< 9A @ .9? A9' < 9< 9A.?A 9'K< 9@.

/otal A 9


33/54

group of A9' < and the rest +9@. J- of the respondents are belong to the age group

of 9'K


34/54

.2. @ender wise distri ution

Di&ure o. .1

ource: field dataThe figure ?.9 shows the gender wise distribution of the respondents. rom the

figure it is clear that


35/54

. . ducational Fualification

/a le o. .2

ource: field data

The table indicates the educational 5ualification of the respondents. The table

?.@ shows that @? respondents have the secondary education.9A of the respondents

have degree 5ualification. 9@ of the respondents out of A have primary education.

of the respondents have higher secondary education and A of the respondents are

literate. @ of the respondents out of A are illiterate and only one person have other

higher 5ualification. The table shows that more than A1M*H"2*"T# *2I @ .9

@ 7HIM&T* ? .@*6 *2761 ** 9? @9.A

? 2&""B&66&/1BH A .A

A 1T0*H K 9H** 1BH * 9A @ .9K 1T0*H 9 9.A

/otal 4 100.0


36/54

the respondents have government 3ob. K of the respondents have other 3ob. 2ost of

them A percentage respondents are manual labour.

.4. 8ncome wise distri ution

/a le o. .

S8 no Class DreFuency ercent

9 /*614 9,


37/54

.6 Social rits

/a le o. .4

Sl o Awareness Dre Fuency ercent9 6east aware ? K


38/54

The figure shows the level of participation of the respondents in the social activities.

.10 Cultural 8nte&ration

The figure ?.? shows that K J of the respondents are least bothered about

their cultural integration. &nd 9?J of the respondents are highly bothered about their

cultural integration. 1nly J of them are moderately culturally integrated.

Di&ure o. .

7e el of cultural inte&ration

ource: field data

.11 A&e of t#e respondents 5s Social ;its

/a le o. .

A&eSocial rits

/otal%oderately aware 7east aware *i aware@9' < A 99 < 9

9'?< 99 @ 9?9'A< ? 9AA9' < 9 9 90*H * 1"D&H 9 ? 9

D*>H** 1BH * 9< @ 9A

KK

1T0*H < 9 < 9

/otal 9 ? Aource: field data

0


41/54

The table ?.9< indicates the educational 5ualification of the respondents and

the level of awareness about the social rights.

rom the tas) it is clear that respondents having below secondary education

of them are least aware and 9 of them are moderately aware and two of them are

high aware of their social rights.

&t the same time respondents having above secondary education ? of them are

least aware and 9? of them are moderately aware and of them are highly aware of

their social rights.

.1 !o of t#e respondent 5BS social rits

/a le o. .11

!o of t#e respondent Social rits

/otal%oderately aware 7east aware *i aware

>1M*H"2*"T# *2I < 9 9 @

7HIM&T* < 9 ?*6 *2761 ** @ 99 9 9?

2&""B&6 6&/1BH A 0*H

* 1"D&H @ @ @

D*>H**1BH * < 9A < 9A

1T0*H < 9 < 9/otal K A< A


45/54

ource: field data

The table ?.9K shows the cross tabulation of educational 5ualification and

social participation. The table shows the social participation of the least participation

literate respondents are ?, moderately participation respondents are only 9 and highly

participation literate people are nil. There are @ lest participation illiterate respondent

and < moderately participation respondent and no highly social participated

respondent. 7rimary least participation respondents are , moderately participation

respondents number are and highly aware respondents in primary educational

5ualification. /ut in secondary educational 5ualification are the least socially

participated are @< and moderately participation are @ numbers of respondent and, two

highly socially participated secondary respondents. 6east participation higher

secondary respondents are only @ but moderately participation respondents number is

@ and highly participation respondent is only @. 6east participation respondent in

degree courses is 9A and < moderately socially participated respondent and there are

(ero highly aware respondents. 1ther course done by only 9 respondent, the

respondent is leastly participated. *ducation does not helping to them for social

participation.

.22 !o of t#e respondent 5BS social participation

/a le o. .16

!o of t#e respondent

Social participation

/otal*iparticipation

7owparticipation

%oderateparticipation

>1M*H"2*"T# *2I < @ < @

7HIM&T* < ? < ?

*6 *2761 ** < 99 9?2&""B&6 6&/1BH A @ A1T0*H @ A < K

/otal K A< Aource: field data

The table shows the cross tabulation of 3ob and social participation from the

table it is clear that, @ respondent wor)ing in government 3obs and have low level of

social participation. ? of respondents wor)ing in private sector have low level of


46/54

social participation. 99 of the self 'employed respondents and @ of the respondents

wor)ing in the manual labour showing low level of social participation.

.23 8ncome of t#e family 5BS social participation

/a le o. .1overnment has to increase the reservation for Dalit hristians because most

of them are manual labours and their financial bac) ground is very low level

and they feel as excluded from society. In a secure 3ob# >overnment 3ob will

increase their confidence and to reduce their exclusion.

7rovide them more awareness classes about their social rights and its needs

through and with the support C*6 &, ">1s, outh clubs etc.

&llow more opportunities to them to involve social programs, and social

activities.

2


53/54

C, C7:S8,

Marious studies and statistic shows that more than K< percent of the hristians

in India are Dalits. 4hen hristian missionaries began their wor) in India in the

decades before Independence, their promise of e5ual treatment and opportunity for all

castes became the prime reason for Dalits who find themselves at the socio'economic

lowest rung of 0induism!s hierarchy to embrace the missionary message but nothing

has wor)ed out and made no escape from caste pre3udices.

asteism is the Indian species of &partheid and Dalits, )nown as the /lac)s of

India as well as exiled citi(ens, are still facing atrocities and oppression of all )inds,

see)ing fundamental freedom and basic needs. Dalit hristians form a big ma3ority in

the atholic hurch in India but are suppressed. There has been loss of civil rights,

violation of human rights and dignity within the hurch. &fter a long silence and

patience for decades, it has been expose the failure of the Indian hurch as well as the

various regimes to do 3ustice and see) other remedies and measures. aste is a

historical problem and needs a historical moment and effort to solve it. &s for Dalit

hristians are concerned they are still in the ma)ing of history for freedom, dignity,

e5uality and development. 7roblem of Dalit hristians cannot be solved by mere

theological reflections and choicest verbal gestures. Marious policies, administrative

and structural changes have to be implemented to radically and rapidly change the

structured ine5ualities. &ll these have to be seen in concrete action.

ompensatory discrimination was one of the means chosen to achieve those

ends. Its purpose is to promote e5uali(ation by offsetting historically accumulated

ine5ualities. The >overnment of India has used compensatory discrimination as a

means of achieving greater e5uality by deliberately overcoming some of those

historically accumulated disabilities from which Dalits have long suffered. o far

various study on Dalit hristians are concerned, there is not a single inclusive policy

for these vulnerable groups to claim themselves as the full member of the political

community. 6astly, I conclude by saying that if 0indu, i)h and /uddhist are beinggiven reservation on the basis of caste and religion, then why not Dalit hristians. In

3


54/54

fact Dalit hristians deserve the same treatment and reservations. There should be a

democratic as well as legal solution to the problem. &ll these vulnerable groups

should be included in the frame wor) of reservation so that they also live as the life of

dignity and get their due share which denied since immemorial.

social exclusion of dalit christians

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