space in the urban self-built environment

Panel Presentation: Habitat Author: Martin Thomson Institution: University of Strathclyde

Space in the urban self

National University of Singapore and University of Strathclyde

Abstract

The self-built urban settlements of developing countries exist in both difference between the poorly developed and the highly developed settlement is a question of community, economics, land tenure, governance, external support and the freedom to selfunderstood from the dissertation, this architectural thesis examines the spaces which support the poor in the selfurban environment of Kampung Badran, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The spaces outlined for analysis were spaces osocialising, spaces of economic production, and spaces of subsistence production. Once this understanding was in place a proposal was designed for the hypothetical resettlement of displaced residents, a very real threat in the face of expanding large scale urban development.

To analyse particular spaces within the settlement, an analysis of the local built environment was required. Through observation, implicit values were deduced for the various permanent and temporal elements which form the lanes of theneighbourhood and, by breaking down the built environment in this way, a clear structure was understood. The unique social, economic and subsistence spaces, when analysed under this clear structure, displayed common arrangements of temporal items and architectural elements and common relationships with the users.

The design proposal of the thesis took the field research and applied it to a theoretical design model for resettling a poor Yogyakarta community who had been displaced by large scale urban develobased around the three spaces of empowerment

space – was designed. The application of the field research in design shows how the clear and stthe local self-built environment can better inform resettlement or upgrading programs.

Keywords: self-build, development, habitat, Indonesia

Introduction

Informal settlements are present in the majority of cities in lowscale, they can appear chaotic and disordered. However, the public lanes in the face of small, poor or absent internal space are often highly structured and organised.

The city of Yogyakarta in central Java, Indonesia, hosts many informal settlements the city the field research took place in. Spatial analysis of kampung Badran was undertaken. Initial observations highlighted three key spaces which empowered the pospaces. These three spaces are the focus of this research.

Social space, in this context, refers to a space which supports impromptu social meetings. These spaces are crucial as the urban under-class rely on social capital as a mechanism to fall back on in tough times and for going forward in more prosperous times. Economic space, in this context, refers to a space which supports an informal family business. Informal economics are extremely important as they often provide essential additional income or the sole income for a family. Subsistence space, in this context, refers to a space where household activities such as washing or cooking take place. This is essential for a family to function, particularly when running water, drainage and adequate ventilation are absent inside the home.

The understanding of these three spaces shaped the theoretical design proposal in the second part of the thesis. This proposal looked at a situation where exparesettlement was required elsewhere in the city. Implemented through a nonplan of core-houses based around the social, economic and subsistenceresearch in to a design displayed the importance of such research in development.

This paper will focus mainly on the field research from the time spent in the kampung rather than the design proposal which came from it, in keeping with the brief.

EWB-UK National Research & Education Conference 2011

Space in the urban self-built environment Martin Thomson

BSc(Hons), PGDip Arch.

National University of Singapore and University of Strathclyde

built urban settlements of developing countries exist in both relatively good and relatively bad conditions. The difference between the poorly developed and the highly developed settlement is a question of community, economics, land tenure, governance, external support and the freedom to self-build, as argued in my dissertation. Taking what was understood from the dissertation, this architectural thesis examines the spaces which support the poor in the selfurban environment of Kampung Badran, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The spaces outlined for analysis were spaces osocialising, spaces of economic production, and spaces of subsistence production. Once this understanding was in place a proposal was designed for the hypothetical resettlement of displaced residents, a very real threat in the face of expanding

To analyse particular spaces within the settlement, an analysis of the local built environment was required. Through observation, implicit values were deduced for the various permanent and temporal elements which form the lanes of theneighbourhood and, by breaking down the built environment in this way, a clear structure was understood. The unique social, economic and subsistence spaces, when analysed under this clear structure, displayed common arrangements of

itectural elements and common relationships with the users.

The design proposal of the thesis took the field research and applied it to a theoretical design model for resettling a poor Yogyakarta community who had been displaced by large scale urban development. A master-plan of service ‘corebased around the three spaces of empowerment – social space, economic production space and subsistence production

was designed. The application of the field research in design shows how the clear and stbuilt environment can better inform resettlement or upgrading programs.

build, development, habitat, Indonesia

Informal settlements are present in the majority of cities in lower-income countries. Self-built and unplanned at the urban scale, they can appear chaotic and disordered. However, the public lanes in the face of small, poor or absent internal space are often highly structured and organised.

tral Java, Indonesia, hosts many informal settlements - known locally as the city the field research took place in. Spatial analysis of kampung Badran was undertaken. Initial observations highlighted three key spaces which empowered the poor in everyday life: social spaces, economic spaces and subsistence spaces. These three spaces are the focus of this research.

Social space, in this context, refers to a space which supports impromptu social meetings. These spaces are crucial as the class rely on social capital as a mechanism to fall back on in tough times and for going forward in more

prosperous times. Economic space, in this context, refers to a space which supports an informal family business. Informal important as they often provide essential additional income or the sole income for a family.

Subsistence space, in this context, refers to a space where household activities such as washing or cooking take place. , particularly when running water, drainage and adequate ventilation are absent

The understanding of these three spaces shaped the theoretical design proposal in the second part of the thesis. This proposal looked at a situation where expanding large scale development had pushed a community off their land and resettlement was required elsewhere in the city. Implemented through a non-government organisation, a small master

houses based around the social, economic and subsistence spaces was designed. The application of the field research in to a design displayed the importance of such research in development.

This paper will focus mainly on the field research from the time spent in the kampung rather than the design proposal h came from it, in keeping with the brief.

UK National Research & Education Conference 2011

‘Our Global Future’

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relatively good and relatively bad conditions. The difference between the poorly developed and the highly developed settlement is a question of community, economics,

issertation. Taking what was understood from the dissertation, this architectural thesis examines the spaces which support the poor in the self-built urban environment of Kampung Badran, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The spaces outlined for analysis were spaces of socialising, spaces of economic production, and spaces of subsistence production. Once this understanding was in place a proposal was designed for the hypothetical resettlement of displaced residents, a very real threat in the face of expanding

To analyse particular spaces within the settlement, an analysis of the local built environment was required. Through observation, implicit values were deduced for the various permanent and temporal elements which form the lanes of the neighbourhood and, by breaking down the built environment in this way, a clear structure was understood. The unique social, economic and subsistence spaces, when analysed under this clear structure, displayed common arrangements of

The design proposal of the thesis took the field research and applied it to a theoretical design model for resettling a poor plan of service ‘core-houses’

social space, economic production space and subsistence production

was designed. The application of the field research in design shows how the clear and structured understanding of

built and unplanned at the urban scale, they can appear chaotic and disordered. However, the public lanes in the face of small, poor or absent internal

known locally as kampung - and is the city the field research took place in. Spatial analysis of kampung Badran was undertaken. Initial observations

or in everyday life: social spaces, economic spaces and subsistence

Social space, in this context, refers to a space which supports impromptu social meetings. These spaces are crucial as the class rely on social capital as a mechanism to fall back on in tough times and for going forward in more

prosperous times. Economic space, in this context, refers to a space which supports an informal family business. Informal important as they often provide essential additional income or the sole income for a family.

Subsistence space, in this context, refers to a space where household activities such as washing or cooking take place. , particularly when running water, drainage and adequate ventilation are absent

The understanding of these three spaces shaped the theoretical design proposal in the second part of the thesis. This nding large scale development had pushed a community off their land and

government organisation, a small master-spaces was designed. The application of the field

This paper will focus mainly on the field research from the time spent in the kampung rather than the design proposal

Admin

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Methods

The kampung does not exist in isolation but within the workings of the larger city. The starting point of the field research,therefore, began at the city scale. Different sets of information gathered through observation were superimposed over existing satellite images and historical maps of Yogyakarta. An understanding was established of the relationship between the various kampung areas and the rest of the city.

Shifting down a scale, the district of Badran was then analysed. Through maps an crossBadran was understood in its context of commercial businesses, institutions, the river, the railway, roads and lanes.

The Rukun Tetangga (RT) - loosely translated as ‘small community unit’ a small residential area which sits beside the river and, at 5000m squared, is home to roughly 200 people. A plan of the area was drawn, outlining each dwelling and the lanes of the RT. From this initial plan numerous others were drawn with information ranging from veranda positions, entrance positions, stall locations, public amenity locations, house materiality, household demographics, sanitation and running water.

The human scale, however, is the scale which this research centres around. This connected with their environment and where the built environment is a direct result of the dweller. Everyday activities occur within the spaces immediately adjacent to their dwellings and they tell how the urban poor survcircumstances. Initially, sketches were drawn of various moments along the lanes, such as at a front or back door, examining relationships between architectural elements and the temporal items within the spaces. This was followed by series of drawings of the main lane of the RT

Expanding on a method of analysing the built environment put forward by Habrakenwas analysed. The environment could be separated into a

The permanent levels were deduced through observation and analytical sketches of numerous lanes in the kampung. Each permanent level associated with the lane territorial impact on the lane. Various means were used in grading the territorial ‘value’ of each architectural element: thedweller’s level of use of each element, the dweller’s use of space adjacent to each element,as plant pots and laundry - in relation to each element and the relationship between each element and the internal private space behind.

The temporal levels were likewise deduced through observation and analytical sketches Each temporal level associated with the lane organized by their territorial impact on the lane. Again, the dweller’s level of use, the position and proximdifferent permanent elements and the monetary value of each item helped to order them into a rough territorial scale.

With the ‘structure’ of the built environment understood, it was then used to analyse specific spaces within the lanes which support the kampung dwellers in everyday life. These ‘support’ spaces were; stall outlets (economic space), veranda areas (social space) and cooking/washing/cleaning areas (subsistence spaces).

The two groups of levels and the three spaces were drawn

inform the design proposal in the latter stage of the thesis project.

Results

The ‘structure’ of the kampung environment, as previously mentioned, is broken down in to permanent levels architectural elements, and temporal levels

Permanent Levels:

The five fundamental architectural elements of the kampung which exert territorial influence on the lanes are: raised ledges, differentiated surfaces, dwelling windows, roof edges and dwellinelements abut the lane is show overleaf. These permanent levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below. Explanations follow.

Entrances: This is the most used element and the most connected with the inte

2 As described in his book Structure of the Ordinary


The kampung does not exist in isolation but within the workings of the larger city. The starting point of the field research,therefore, began at the city scale. Different sets of information gathered through observation were superimposed over

ellite images and historical maps of Yogyakarta. An understanding was established of the relationship between the various kampung areas and the rest of the city.

Shifting down a scale, the district of Badran was then analysed. Through maps an cross-section drawings, the kampung of Badran was understood in its context of commercial businesses, institutions, the river, the railway, roads and lanes.

loosely translated as ‘small community unit’ - was the next scale down. The RT studia small residential area which sits beside the river and, at 5000m squared, is home to roughly 200 people. A plan of the area was drawn, outlining each dwelling and the lanes of the RT. From this initial plan numerous others were drawn with

rmation ranging from veranda positions, entrance positions, stall locations, public amenity locations, house materiality, household demographics, sanitation and running water.

The human scale, however, is the scale which this research centres around. This is where the dweller becomes fully connected with their environment and where the built environment is a direct result of the dweller. Everyday activities occur within the spaces immediately adjacent to their dwellings and they tell how the urban poor survcircumstances. Initially, sketches were drawn of various moments along the lanes, such as at a front or back door, examining relationships between architectural elements and the temporal items within the spaces. This was followed by series of drawings of the main lane of the RT - elevations, plans and sections.

Expanding on a method of analysing the built environment put forward by Habraken2, the ‘structure’ of the kampung lane was analysed. The environment could be separated into a series of permanent levels and a series of temporal levels.

The permanent levels were deduced through observation and analytical sketches of numerous lanes in the kampung. Each permanent level associated with the lane – such as windows, roof lines and entrances – were then organized by their territorial impact on the lane. Various means were used in grading the territorial ‘value’ of each architectural element: thedweller’s level of use of each element, the dweller’s use of space adjacent to each element, the positioning of items

in relation to each element and the relationship between each element and the internal private

The temporal levels were likewise deduced through observation and analytical sketches of lanes throughout the kampung. Each temporal level associated with the lane – such as laundry, motorbikes and the dweller themselves organized by their territorial impact on the lane. Again, the dweller’s level of use, the position and proximdifferent permanent elements and the monetary value of each item helped to order them into a rough territorial scale.

With the ‘structure’ of the built environment understood, it was then used to analyse specific spaces within the lanes ch support the kampung dwellers in everyday life. These ‘support’ spaces were; stall outlets (economic space),

veranda areas (social space) and cooking/washing/cleaning areas (subsistence spaces).

The two groups of levels and the three spaces were drawn axonometrically for best spatial representation and used to

inform the design proposal in the latter stage of the thesis project.

The ‘structure’ of the kampung environment, as previously mentioned, is broken down in to permanent levels ctural elements, and temporal levels – items.

The five fundamental architectural elements of the kampung which exert territorial influence on the lanes are: raised ledges, differentiated surfaces, dwelling windows, roof edges and dwelling entrances. A typical arrangement of how these elements abut the lane is show overleaf. These permanent levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below.

This is the most used element and the most connected with the internal private space of the dwelling. It

Structure of the Ordinary (1998)



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The kampung does not exist in isolation but within the workings of the larger city. The starting point of the field research, therefore, began at the city scale. Different sets of information gathered through observation were superimposed over

ellite images and historical maps of Yogyakarta. An understanding was established of the relationship between

n drawings, the kampung of Badran was understood in its context of commercial businesses, institutions, the river, the railway, roads and lanes.

was the next scale down. The RT studied here is a small residential area which sits beside the river and, at 5000m squared, is home to roughly 200 people. A plan of the area was drawn, outlining each dwelling and the lanes of the RT. From this initial plan numerous others were drawn with

rmation ranging from veranda positions, entrance positions, stall locations, public amenity locations, house

is where the dweller becomes fully connected with their environment and where the built environment is a direct result of the dweller. Everyday activities occur within the spaces immediately adjacent to their dwellings and they tell how the urban poor survive in often difficult circumstances. Initially, sketches were drawn of various moments along the lanes, such as at a front or back door, examining relationships between architectural elements and the temporal items within the spaces. This was followed by a

, the ‘structure’ of the kampung lane series of permanent levels and a series of temporal levels.

The permanent levels were deduced through observation and analytical sketches of numerous lanes in the kampung. Each were then organized by their

territorial impact on the lane. Various means were used in grading the territorial ‘value’ of each architectural element: the the positioning of items - such

in relation to each element and the relationship between each element and the internal private

of lanes throughout the kampung. such as laundry, motorbikes and the dweller themselves – were also

organized by their territorial impact on the lane. Again, the dweller’s level of use, the position and proximity of items to different permanent elements and the monetary value of each item helped to order them into a rough territorial scale.

With the ‘structure’ of the built environment understood, it was then used to analyse specific spaces within the lanes ch support the kampung dwellers in everyday life. These ‘support’ spaces were; stall outlets (economic space),

axonometrically for best spatial representation and used to

The ‘structure’ of the kampung environment, as previously mentioned, is broken down in to permanent levels -

The five fundamental architectural elements of the kampung which exert territorial influence on the lanes are: raised g entrances. A typical arrangement of how these

elements abut the lane is show overleaf. These permanent levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below.

rnal private space of the dwelling. It


strongly influences the arrangement of most of the other permanent elements. The entpoint for the placing of many temporal items. For the

Ledges: By creating a change in level with the lane, ledges are visually separate from the laneactivity, such as traffic, away from plants, further distinguishing

Windows: Although windows visually connect intexternal space means their otherwise strong territorial presenceas laundry and plants are often arranged around windows andthe day giving them significant hierarchy.

Surfaces: With a common materiality to the lane, difference in surface type becomes significant when indicating territorial claim. Often items such asif unsupported by items or by a ledge a the hierarchy of territorial claim.

Rooflines: Providing shelter, the roofline creates something of an intermediate space between the lane and the dwelling. Often motorbikes and laundry froof occurs at a higher physical level away from the lane it is the weakest territorially.

Temporal levels:

There are five common ‘items’ of the kampung which exert territorial influedrying laundry, habitation, motorbikes and domestic items. A typical arrangement of how these elements abut the lane is shown overleaf. These temporal levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below. Explanation

Habitation: An individual within a space has fixed a territory solely through presence. As temporary as their presence may be, habitation is territorial by definition and therefore greater than that of any inanimate object. Habitation most commonly occurs at or beside the threshold to the dwelling.

Domestic Items:

The personal value and high use levels of domestic items (such as brushes, pots and buckets) throughout the day give a relatively high territorial value. They are always found adj

Motorbikes: A significant marker territorially due to a high monetary value, motorbikes are positioned as close to the entrances as practical. The use level of a motorbike is however less than that of domestic items.

Laundry: The personal value of laundry is high, but the incidence of laundry throughout the lanes is also high, reducing territorial impact. They are also only ‘used’ twice a day dry. Laundry typically line walls e

Plants: The most common item throughout the kampung lane is the potted plant. Used to create a more pleasant environment they still exert some territorial presence. Dwellers use them to line walls and ledges, or even trace the rooflines above, particularly on busier lanes.


strongly influences the arrangement of most of the other permanent elements. The entthe placing of many temporal items. For these reasons it is argued as the

By creating a change in level with the lane, ledges are visually separate from the lanety, such as traffic, away from the edge of the dwelling. Often items are placed along ledges, such as

plants, further distinguishing them from the lane. For these reasons it is placed highly.

Although windows visually connect interior with exterior, their high incidence throughout and the dense external space means their otherwise strong territorial presence is negated somewhas laundry and plants are often arranged around windows and the windows are used at different times in the day giving them significant territorial impact on the lane. For these reasons it is placed third in the

With a common materiality to the lane, difference in surface type becomes significant when indicating territorial claim. Often items such as potted plants will trace the edge of the differentiated surface. However, if unsupported by items or by a ledge a surface can easily be overlooked. For these reasons it is fourth in the hierarchy of territorial claim.

Providing shelter, the roofline creates something of an intermediate space between the lane and the dwelling. Often motorbikes and laundry follow the line of roofs, furthering territorial claim. However, as the

at a higher physical level away from the lane it is the weakest territorially.

There are five common ‘items’ of the kampung which exert territorial influence on the lanes. These are: potted plants, drying laundry, habitation, motorbikes and domestic items. A typical arrangement of how these elements abut the lane is shown overleaf. These temporal levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below. Explanation

An individual within a space has fixed a territory solely through presence. As temporary as their presence may be, habitation is territorial by definition and therefore greater than that of any inanimate object.

commonly occurs at or beside the threshold to the dwelling.

The personal value and high use levels of domestic items (such as brushes, pots and buckets) throughout the day give a relatively high territorial value. They are always found adjacent to the rear or only

A significant marker territorially due to a high monetary value, motorbikes are positioned as close to the entrances as practical. The use level of a motorbike is however less than that of domestic items.

The personal value of laundry is high, but the incidence of laundry throughout the lanes is also high, reducing territorial impact. They are also only ‘used’ twice a day – putting out when wet and taking in when dry. Laundry typically line walls either side of the entrance.

The most common item throughout the kampung lane is the potted plant. Used to create a more pleasant environment they still exert some territorial presence. Dwellers use them to line walls and ledges, or even

rooflines above, particularly on busier lanes.



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strongly influences the arrangement of most of the other permanent elements. The entrance is the focal se reasons it is argued as the strongest territorially.

By creating a change in level with the lane, ledges are visually separate from the lane-way. This pushes lane e placed along ledges, such as

placed highly.

incidence throughout and the dense is negated somewhat. However, items such

the windows are used at different times in asons it is placed third in the

With a common materiality to the lane, difference in surface type becomes significant when indicating potted plants will trace the edge of the differentiated surface. However,

For these reasons it is fourth in

Providing shelter, the roofline creates something of an intermediate space between the lane and the ollow the line of roofs, furthering territorial claim. However, as the

at a higher physical level away from the lane it is the weakest territorially.

nce on the lanes. These are: potted plants, drying laundry, habitation, motorbikes and domestic items. A typical arrangement of how these elements abut the lane is shown overleaf. These temporal levels can be viewed in a hierarchy, shown below. Explanations follow:

An individual within a space has fixed a territory solely through presence. As temporary as their presence may be, habitation is territorial by definition and therefore greater than that of any inanimate object.

The personal value and high use levels of domestic items (such as brushes, pots and buckets) throughout acent to the rear or only entrance.

A significant marker territorially due to a high monetary value, motorbikes are positioned as close to the entrances as practical. The use level of a motorbike is however less than that of domestic items.

The personal value of laundry is high, but the incidence of laundry throughout the lanes is also high, putting out when wet and taking in when

The most common item throughout the kampung lane is the potted plant. Used to create a more pleasant environment they still exert some territorial presence. Dwellers use them to line walls and ledges, or even





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Social Space:

A good example of a lane-side social space is shown above. It has a direct relation to the public lane and is also enclosed, giving passing neighbours the opportunity for impromptu indicated by the two figures, is directly adjacent to the entrance where contact with the dweller is most likely. Windows sitflush to the entrance (hidden from view here) which strengthen the

covers the space to provide essential shelter from sun and rain. The raised veranda (ledge) separates the space from the lane level and the ceramic tiled surface differentiates it further more, and is broken tile mosaic surface between the lane proper and the veranda creates a small buffer space to place items such as footwear, ensuring the veranda is kept clear as well as clean. The two ledges either side of the‘buffer space’ by pushing the public lane back further. Plants and laundry extend the space significantly.

Economic Space:

A good example of a lane-side economic space is shown above. The stall has a prominent position in the lanjunction and jutting out – and an opening straight into the internal living area. The surface of the lane runs flush with the external wall and no ledges are present –such as plants, laundry and motorbikes are positioned away from the stall leaving just the goods for sale exposed. The roofline protrudes significantly but reads as a shelter for the stall and not territorially. No windows overlook the stall either, further neutralising the space. Ideally the entrance would not be so immediate to the stall to create greater neutrality.


side social space is shown above. It has a direct relation to the public lane and is also enclosed, giving passing neighbours the opportunity for impromptu conversation within a semi-secluded space. Crucially the space, indicated by the two figures, is directly adjacent to the entrance where contact with the dweller is most likely. Windows sitflush to the entrance (hidden from view here) which strengthen the connection between veranda and interior. The roofline

covers the space to provide essential shelter from sun and rain. The raised veranda (ledge) separates the space from the lane level and the ceramic tiled surface differentiates it further more, and is also cool and comfortable to sit on. The broken tile mosaic surface between the lane proper and the veranda creates a small buffer space to place items such as footwear, ensuring the veranda is kept clear as well as clean. The two ledges either side of the‘buffer space’ by pushing the public lane back further. Plants and laundry extend the space significantly.

side economic space is shown above. The stall has a prominent position in the lanand an opening straight into the internal living area. The surface of the lane runs flush with the

– the lane is brought as close to the stall as possible. Territorial temporal itesuch as plants, laundry and motorbikes are positioned away from the stall leaving just the goods for sale exposed. The roofline protrudes significantly but reads as a shelter for the stall and not territorially. No windows overlook the stall

ther neutralising the space. Ideally the entrance would not be so immediate to the stall to create greater



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side social space is shown above. It has a direct relation to the public lane and is also enclosed, secluded space. Crucially the space,

indicated by the two figures, is directly adjacent to the entrance where contact with the dweller is most likely. Windows sit connection between veranda and interior. The roofline

covers the space to provide essential shelter from sun and rain. The raised veranda (ledge) separates the space from the also cool and comfortable to sit on. The

broken tile mosaic surface between the lane proper and the veranda creates a small buffer space to place items such as footwear, ensuring the veranda is kept clear as well as clean. The two ledges either side of the veranda strengthen the ‘buffer space’ by pushing the public lane back further. Plants and laundry extend the space significantly.

side economic space is shown above. The stall has a prominent position in the lane – at a and an opening straight into the internal living area. The surface of the lane runs flush with the

the lane is brought as close to the stall as possible. Territorial temporal items such as plants, laundry and motorbikes are positioned away from the stall leaving just the goods for sale exposed. The roofline protrudes significantly but reads as a shelter for the stall and not territorially. No windows overlook the stall

ther neutralising the space. Ideally the entrance would not be so immediate to the stall to create greater


Subsistence Space:

A good example of a lane-side subsistence space is shown above. The workspace is surrounded with immediate temporlevels and permanent levels to give it maximum protection against the public lane. The (back door) entrance sits immediate to the space and various ledges create a strip between the dwelling and the lane in which the subsistence space is located. A low roofline further separates the lane and the subsistence space and creates a stronger link to the interior. Numerous windows, particularly adjacent to the workspace, add significant territorial claim also as do plants, laundry and the domestic items alongside the lane.

Discussion

By breaking down the built environment into a series of levels the analysis of the three support spaces has yielded clear and fundamental understandings of how they are composed. The subsistence space has revealed itself as an intrspace that, if it could, would be placed away from the public lane. The economic space, on the other hand, wishes to merge with the public lane to be as close to the customer as possible. The social space falls somewhere between the two, offering a degree of privacy while opening up to the lane and therefore

These findings were used to shape the next stage of the thesis: a design proposal. The proposal prescenario in Asia, where an expanding commercial business or institupoor. The proposal looked at intervening in this process and offering the displaced dwellers a resettlement program nearby. A master-plan of 72 plots and a number of public amenities was proposed to resettleConcrete frame structures with services offered a base on which families could build and expand when they could afford to do so and when was right for them.

The results of the analysis helped shape the mastersubsistence spaces and the arrangement of the core houses. The lanes were staggered to raise the privacy of the verandas, this creating limited lines of sight. Verandas were grouped together in fours (but to raise face-to-face contact which would lead to greater social welfare. The verandas offered enough space to add further privacy with walls, plants etc., if the dweller wished. Subsistence spaces were located off the lanes ingrouped together in fours which alternated from the veranda groupings to raise facenetworks. The anticipated development of the lane is depicted below, showing examples of the permanent and temporal levels:


side subsistence space is shown above. The workspace is surrounded with immediate temporlevels and permanent levels to give it maximum protection against the public lane. The (back door) entrance sits immediate to the space and various ledges create a strip between the dwelling and the lane in which the subsistence

roofline further separates the lane and the subsistence space and creates a stronger link to the interior. Numerous windows, particularly adjacent to the workspace, add significant territorial claim also as do plants,

de the lane.

By breaking down the built environment into a series of levels the analysis of the three support spaces has yielded clear and fundamental understandings of how they are composed. The subsistence space has revealed itself as an intrspace that, if it could, would be placed away from the public lane. The economic space, on the other hand, wishes to merge with the public lane to be as close to the customer as possible. The social space falls somewhere between the two,

degree of privacy while opening up to the lane and therefore passersby.

These findings were used to shape the next stage of the thesis: a design proposal. The proposal prescenario in Asia, where an expanding commercial business or institution buys out the land from underneath the urban poor. The proposal looked at intervening in this process and offering the displaced dwellers a resettlement program

plan of 72 plots and a number of public amenities was proposed to resettle the displaced population. Concrete frame structures with services offered a base on which families could build and expand when they could afford

The results of the analysis helped shape the master-plan. From the organisation of the lanes to the position of social and subsistence spaces and the arrangement of the core houses. The lanes were staggered to raise the privacy of the verandas, this creating limited lines of sight. Verandas were grouped together in fours (but not overlooking one another)

face contact which would lead to greater social welfare. The verandas offered enough space to add further privacy with walls, plants etc., if the dweller wished. Subsistence spaces were located off the lanes ingrouped together in fours which alternated from the veranda groupings to raise face-to-face meetings and widen social networks. The anticipated development of the lane is depicted below, showing examples of the permanent and temporal



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side subsistence space is shown above. The workspace is surrounded with immediate temporal levels and permanent levels to give it maximum protection against the public lane. The (back door) entrance sits immediate to the space and various ledges create a strip between the dwelling and the lane in which the subsistence

roofline further separates the lane and the subsistence space and creates a stronger link to the interior. Numerous windows, particularly adjacent to the workspace, add significant territorial claim also as do plants,

By breaking down the built environment into a series of levels the analysis of the three support spaces has yielded clear and fundamental understandings of how they are composed. The subsistence space has revealed itself as an introverted space that, if it could, would be placed away from the public lane. The economic space, on the other hand, wishes to merge with the public lane to be as close to the customer as possible. The social space falls somewhere between the two,

These findings were used to shape the next stage of the thesis: a design proposal. The proposal pre-empted a common tion buys out the land from underneath the urban

poor. The proposal looked at intervening in this process and offering the displaced dwellers a resettlement program the displaced population.

Concrete frame structures with services offered a base on which families could build and expand when they could afford

isation of the lanes to the position of social and subsistence spaces and the arrangement of the core houses. The lanes were staggered to raise the privacy of the

not overlooking one another) face contact which would lead to greater social welfare. The verandas offered enough space to add further

privacy with walls, plants etc., if the dweller wished. Subsistence spaces were located off the lanes in seclusion and face meetings and widen social

networks. The anticipated development of the lane is depicted below, showing examples of the permanent and temporal


Conclusions

The research presented in this paper has demonstrated that in the limited space of an informal settlement, spaces become highly ordered and structured. The organisation is crucial to them functioning as spaces for talking with

neighbours, washing clothes or selling goods. It reveals the delicate relationships of space, engendering an understanding that allows them to be preserved or even replicated, as the design proposal suggested. Breaking down the environment into simple readable structures, as shown with the permanent and temporal levels, allows the three empowerment spaces to be discussed and clearly understood.

The application of the field research in the masterenvironment could be used to greater support the poor in resettling. The research findings could also be used at other development scales; they could inform externally implemented upgrading programs retaining or enhancing the qualities of the essential spaces. It could be argued that a study like this be a prerequisite to any upgrading or resettlement program.

As organisations attempt to tackle the problems informal settlements present, an understanding of how they work spatially is crucial if development programs are to be effective in implementing frameworks for self

Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge the assistance throughout my thesis of my supervisor Professor Johannes Widodo National University of Singapore Architecture department.

I also sincerely acknowledge the assistance of Bapak Hersumpana of the Yogyakarta action research group Yayasan Pondok Rakyat. He introduced me to the headman of RT48 and so without his help my stay with the peoBadran would not have happened.

Most of all the sheer hospitality of Bapak Sariman and his family has to be acknowledged. They allowed me to stay in their home for two months as I conducted my research. I also extend my sincere gratitude to not have wished to stay with nicer people.



ashing clothes or selling goods. It reveals the delicate relationships of space, engendering an understanding that allows them to be preserved or even replicated, as the design proposal suggested. Breaking down the environment

es, as shown with the permanent and temporal levels, allows the three empowerment spaces

The application of the field research in the master-plan proposal suggests how this intimate knowledge of the built could be used to greater support the poor in resettling. The research findings could also be used at other

development scales; they could inform externally implemented upgrading programs - such as the building of sanitation alities of the essential spaces. It could be argued that a study like this be a prerequisite to

As organisations attempt to tackle the problems informal settlements present, an understanding of how they work is crucial if development programs are to be effective in implementing frameworks for self

I would like to acknowledge the assistance throughout my thesis of my supervisor Professor Johannes Widodo ngapore Architecture department.

I also sincerely acknowledge the assistance of Bapak Hersumpana of the Yogyakarta action research group Yayasan Pondok Rakyat. He introduced me to the headman of RT48 and so without his help my stay with the peo

Most of all the sheer hospitality of Bapak Sariman and his family has to be acknowledged. They allowed me to stay in their home for two months as I conducted my research. I also extend my sincere gratitude to the people of RT48. I could not have wished to stay with nicer people.



4th March 2011

69


ashing clothes or selling goods. It reveals the delicate relationships of space, engendering an understanding that allows them to be preserved or even replicated, as the design proposal suggested. Breaking down the environment

es, as shown with the permanent and temporal levels, allows the three empowerment spaces

plan proposal suggests how this intimate knowledge of the built could be used to greater support the poor in resettling. The research findings could also be used at other

such as the building of sanitation - alities of the essential spaces. It could be argued that a study like this be a prerequisite to

As organisations attempt to tackle the problems informal settlements present, an understanding of how they work is crucial if development programs are to be effective in implementing frameworks for self-built communities.

I would like to acknowledge the assistance throughout my thesis of my supervisor Professor Johannes Widodo of the

I also sincerely acknowledge the assistance of Bapak Hersumpana of the Yogyakarta action research group Yayasan Pondok Rakyat. He introduced me to the headman of RT48 and so without his help my stay with the people of Kampung

Most of all the sheer hospitality of Bapak Sariman and his family has to be acknowledged. They allowed me to stay in the people of RT48. I could


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