Perry 1

Studying the New Town Movement for the Benefit of New Urbanism

Analysis and Application

Research Essay

Thomas Perry

5/1/15

Abstract:

Perry 2

America is statistically diversifying on the large scale. Yet, simultaneously there is documented

racial and socioeconomic homogenization on the micro level. Recently, this has led to tensions

and conflicts between differing socioeconomic and racial groups, as exhibited in Baltimore,

Maryland, Oakland, California, and Ferguson, Missouri. Some community planners have

suggested New Urbanism as a possible solution to homogenization. A half century ago the New

Town movement also attempted to address the issue. This paper will evaluate two prime

examples of the New Town movement: Reston, Virginia and Columbia, Maryland. It will

consider how each community approached homogenization differently and the affects of said

approaches on the population. Then the evaluation will be applied to New Urbanism, to see what

can be learned from the New Town Movement.

Perry 3

One hundred forty-four vehicle fires. Five hundred National Guardsmen deployed. Over

two hundred arrests (Morton). Such were the results of racial tensions and resident dissatisfaction

concerning the death of Freddie Grey whilst in police custody. Peaceful protests first conveyed a

feeling of confused anger amongst residents while also highlighting tensions between the racial

groups of Baltimore. Anger, confusion, and dissatisfaction transpired into rioting that heightened

the instability in an already suffering Baltimore community. These tensions were likely

incubated by a lack of interaction between residents of differing diversities. It was not by chance

that the “bulk of the riots that rocked the city occurred” at the intersection of West North and

Pennsylvania avenues, an intersection where racial demographics changeover (Peralta). The riots

in Baltimore were resultant of homogenization, as they were in Ferguson following the death of

Michael Brown, as they were in Oakland during the Occupy Wall Street movement. There is a

common theme occurring throughout America, community homogenization followed by citizen

unrest.

Statistically the population is racially diversifying, more so than ever. Consider that in

2011 the proportion of racial minority births, 50.4% surpassed those of majority births for the

first time in history (Cauchon). This indicates a coming increase of total racial minority

population in the near future. The Census Bureau has gone so far as to declare that the term

minority is likely to become irrelevant by the end of the decade , as the United States becomes a

racially plural nation (Cooper). It is expected that the United States will become a majority-

minority nation as early as 2043, a date within the lifetime of many living today (Demographics

Are Not Destiny). Presently, many urban centers are already majority minority in racial

demographic terms. Minority populations are increasing. Logically this should translate to

greater diversity and heterization.

Perry 4

Yet there is a paradox occurring. While America is statistically diversifying on the large

scale, it is meanwhile homogenizing in the micro community level. Even as diversity statistics

hit record highs, there is less and less interaction between the diverse groups of subject. Slowly

but surely, America is becoming more stratified. Separated by race and economic class. Racial

homogenization is illustrated through the Cooper Center dot map of Biltmore From afar; the map

appears as a mix of various colors, similar in appearance to a Pollack painting. But, as one zooms

in, the mix separates,

and it becomes

obvious that the dots

are clustered in

groups based on

color. There is a clear

separation of racial

groups to particular geographic areas and neighborhoods.

Economically, America is experiencing an even clearer wealth gap, that widens daily. In

2014, the Los Angeles Times announced that the “wealth gap between middle-and upper-income

households has widened to the highest level on record” (Lee). This economic separation is

seeping into community demographics, which are becoming more and more stratified, based on

wealth. Gentrification is whipping through city neighborhoods, supposedly revitalizing diverse

areas, while pricing out low-income residents as property values and rents rise exorbitantly.

According to urban expert David Harvey, “we increasingly live in divided and conflict-prone

urban areas” (Harvey 10). Clearly, there is evidence that communities are homogenizing

socioeconomically and racially all across America. The current environment of homogenization

Perry 5

does not lend itself well to interaction between groups of diversity, which as exhibited by recent

events is becoming problematic.

In light of recent socioeconomic and racial diversity dilemmas, there has arisen the latest

solution movement in urban development, New Urbanism. These New Urbanism projects all

attempt to increase socioeconomic diversity through urban planning, aspiring solve the societal

issue of homogenization. They often explicitly aim to “create a new community of socially and

economically diverse residents” a clear response to recent incidents (Principles of New

Urbanism). Given that New Urbanism is a relatively new movement and that many projects are

in the midst of development it is too early to draw any solid conjectures on the overall success of

New Urbanism in facilitating its goals of socioeconomic and racial heterization.

Thus, the primary focus of this essay is not the New Urbanism movement. Rather, this

paper will focus on the prior urban development of the New Town. By analyzing two instances

of the New Town movement, specifically Reston, Virginia and Columbia, Maryland, evaluations

will be made on the effectiveness of policies in relation to socioeconomic and racial diversity.

This will then be reconnected to New Urbanism. The overall purpose of this essay is to provide

New Urbanism a method by which to benefit from the past.

New Town Movement

A response to the social unrest of the 1960’s, the New Town movement lasted from the

sixties through the seventies. It subsided out of popularity in the early 1980’s as economic

prosperity returned and social unrest was quelled. Its legacy today is developments that

according to Donald Klein, aimed to “integrate the economics of the capitalist system with the

magnificent dream of a total city designed to provide a high quality of life.” Importantly, some

Perry 6

of the developments “sought to create a community that could be more than a single class,

uniracial entity” indicating an obvious attempt to solve issue of homogenization (Klein xiii). The

federal government became involved with the passage of the Urban Growth and New

Community Development Act in 1970. The act encouraged “the orderly development of well-

planned, diversified, and economically sound new communities” along with “desirable

innovation in meeting domestic problems whether physical, economic, or social” (Langford).

This was allegedly implemented by offering private developers “benefits from expanded credit

and lower interest rates” thereby creating an environment encouraging the New Town movement

(Langford). Resultantly, there were subsequent New Town developments that attempted to

address socioeconomic diversity. These developments provide an ideal setting for evaluation of

urban planning methods.

There are a number of parallels between the movements of New Town and New

Urbanism. Both were direct responses to social issues of homogenization. Both were designed

increase socioeconomic and racial heterization throughout American communities. Both were

undertaken mostly through private development, with limited government supported, and both

established unique communities across the country. Many urban planning scholars such as

Michael Vanderbeek and Clara Irazábel view New Urbanism as a later continuation of the New

Town Movement (Vanderbeek 43). Undoubtedly, a clear connection exists between the two

movements.

Reston, Virginia

The oldest of the communities to be analyzed, Reston could be considered the start of the

American New Town movement. Planned and developed beginning in 1962, Reston is the

Perry 7

brainchild of real estate broker Robert E. Simon. The current resident population as of 2010

numbers about 58,000, making it a small scale city (City Data). Its location, between

Washington, D.C. and Dulles International Airport makes it an ideal setting for residency. Its

design has served as “a model for later plans and projects elsewhere” (Kelly). Reston was the

precursor and inspiration to many other New Town developments. Its intended goals were as

follows:

“economic viability; ecological preservation; self-containment in retail facilities, recreation, and

employment; a socioeconomic and racial mix of residents; community participation and identity;

and a vaguely defined new leisure lifestyle. Further, many of the planners hoped that Reston

would become a model for new housing around the world.” (Kelly)

To achieve these goals, Simon designed Reston as a community to be “residential, commercial,

industrial, cultural, and civic” in function; mixed used development (Clapson). Simon’s desired

not to recreate the Levittown suburbs of the 1950’s, which he saw as detrimental to

socioeconomic and racial diversity. He viewed suburban developments as “relatively

homogenous in social composition” in comparison to high-density urban cities (Clapson). At the

same time, Simon recognized that in the 1960’s there was an American preference for suburban

life, particularly the attractiveness of the suburbs to families. He could not feasibly create an

urban environment with the expectation of economic success, because at the time their citizens

desired suburban living. As such he embarked to establish a nuanced community that blended

suburb and urban characteristics. The reasoning being that such a community would promote

socioeconomic and racial diversity.

Perry 8

This was done by creating a “new zoning category which allowed for more flexible

mixed-use” along with higher density development (Clapson). The original plan called for seven

villages of mixed-development and

medium density housing cluster that were

to serve as social centers (Reston Master

Plan). Only 15 percent of the proposed

homes were to be “detached, single

family homes in the suburban mold” and

the proposed population was “75,000

people by 1980” (Breckenfel 135) .The

emphasis on medium density village

developments was likely made with the

intention of facilitating heterization.

But, the present population of Reston is only 58,000, significantly short of the proposed

75,000. Evidently, Reston has not yet reached its objective population density. Why is this so?

The explanation to this discrepancy is that Simon lost control of planning and development.

Early on Reston faced issues with attracting commuters, appealing to high-income homebuyers,

and the funding development (Breckenfel 139). Reston did not initially attract a sufficient

number of residents, for two main reasons: the commute to Washington, D.C. and the desire of

homebuyers at the time for a suburban setting. Compounding this, Simon did not bother to

secure a loan for development or create an economic plan (Breckenfel 141).

Consequently, when Simon’s project became financially troubled and investor Gulf Oil

assumed control of operations in September, 1967, leading to a critical design change as the new

Perry 9

development plan strategy became “listen to the market” above all else (Breckenfel 140). Post

takeover many more detached single family homes were built than originally planned, in

response home buyer desires (Clapson). In turn, less high-density town homes were constructed.

Detached family homes are often less attractive to lower income citizens due to their usually

high initial purchase and upkeep cost. A clear diversion was made from Simon’s original plan for

socioeconomic and racial diversity.

The reemphasis on suburban design ultimately increased homogenization in Reston, in a

manner that would have disappointed Simon. “In 1973, only 6 percent of the Reston population

was black” exhibiting an overall lack of racial diversity (Kelly). Even forty years later in the

2010, census the African American population had only improved to 9.7 percent, noticeably low

considering that African Americans amount to 19.4 percent of the total Virginia population

(2010 Census). Reston has a proportionally lower African American population than the state in

which it is located, indicating a lack of racially diversity. Certainly, the proposed racial

heterization of residents has not been achieved.

Socioeconomically, Reston has fared no better. At present, it is almost impossible to rent

anything for a monthly rate lower than $1,300 (Zillow). Consider a family household that earns

less than $46,566 annually is deemed low income (NCCP). If such family is to pay $1,300 per

month in rent, then rent payment will compose 34.24 percent of their total income. It is popularly

agreed that rent payments should compose no more than 30 percent of total income (Toarabi).

Following this reasoning lower-income families are effectively unable to afford residence in

Reston. Furthermore, the median household income is $44,055 greater than that of Virginia,

suggesting that Reston is much wealthier than its neighboring Virginia communities (2010

Census).

Perry 10

Most telling, are the education rates, that 66 percent of Reston residents hold a bachelor’s

degree compared to 32 percent of Virginia residents indicates clear socioeconomic

homogenization (2010 Census). If it is agreed that college educated residents tend to earn higher

salaries than their non-collegiate counter-parts, then it is probable that the residents of Reston of

whom the majority received a collegiate education, thereby earn substantially higher salaries

than their fellow Virginian citizens. In truth, Reston should be categorized as slightly

socioeconomically diverse. Yes, it is not entirely homogenous, yet it is by no means a laudable

example of heterization as was originally intended.

The inability to meet original goals of socioeconomic and racial mix can be attributed to

the design shift that followed the Gulf Oil ownership takeover. This was characterized Gulf Oil’s

desire to create a more suburban environment (Breckenfel 140). The construction suburban style

detached homes out priced low-income residents while also creating a environment of less

interaction between residents. As physical space increases between residents interaction

decreases. As interaction decreases, separation increases, making it difficult for a community to

become anything but homogenous. Ultimately, the suburbanization of Reston led to the death of

its heterization.

Had Gulf Oil not suburbanized the design, maybe Reston would have facilitated greater

socioeconomic and racial heterization. Perhaps, the shift away from Simon’s original plan is best

illustrated in a statement by the Gulf Oil chairman Robert Ryan in reference to Reston, “The

America ethic for two hundred years has been for income levels to live with their own kind”

(Breckenfel 140). Such statement clarifies that following the takeover of Gulf Oil, Reston was no

longer a community meant to promote homogenization.

Perry 11

Columbia, Maryland

Probably the most discussed and infamous New Town community, Columbia was

designed to exceed the shortcomings Reston. Founded in 1967, on a 18,000 acre parcel between

Baltimore and Washington, D.C. the community has easy access to one of the largest

metropolitan areas in America (Breckenfel 172). With a present population of 99,615 Columbia

has not encountered the problems of attracting residents that afflicted Reston (Census Bureau).

Similar to Reston, Columbia is the product of a private developer, James Rouse who “envisioned

the planned community of Columbia as a socially responsible, environmentally-friendly and

financially successful place in which people of all ages, incomes, and backgrounds could grow as

individuals, neighbors and citizens.” (Downtown Columbia).

Like Reston and other New Town developments, Columbia was designed with a village

layout of nine concentrated community centers coupled to a central Columbia town center. The

nine villages were meant to “produce a sense of place…to which a person felt a sense of

belonging” thereby facilitating interaction, thus promoting good relations between groups of

diversity (Klein 53). Additionally, the implementation of a village allowed for a nuance

environment that was neither suburban nor urban, but rather a balance. Homes were clustered

together, in medium densities as, to

facilitate neighborhood interaction.

Yet, the clusters were slightly spread

out, which kept Columbia appealing

to families. The graphic on the right

illustrates the difference between

subdivision and cluster development.

Perry 12

By implementing the village design Rouse meant to create a community that “In place, of the

monotonous sprawling suburbs” would offer “vitality and a scale of living” that would allow for

prosperity (Columbia: A New Town for Howard County). Given earlier stated goals, it can be

assumed that vitality refers to socioeconomic and racial heterization.

Within the village system, clear efforts were made to foster a diversity of home prices,

with emphasis on providing “decent housing for low- and moderate-income families” (Brooks

93). This was facilitated through thoughtfully planned subsidized housing. It became Columbia

development policy to establish subsidized housing “in as small complexes as possible to prevent

ghetto-izing”, this meant placing no more than subsidized “60-70 units… in the same geographic

area” that were specifically not all adjacent to one another (Brooks 103). The purpose of such

policy was to prevent communities from manifesting themselves on the basis of housing levels.

Ideally, if housing price levels were interspersed, then there would be greater interaction between

citizens of differing socioeconomic status.

To further the quest for socioeconomic diversity, Rouse employed a variety of experts

from outside academic fields. As part of the planning process, he assembled “a core team of

outside experts and staff” to “work through the social planning of the area” (Forsyth). The

diversity of input illustrates a clear effort towards a multi-disciplinary development approach.

Rouse likely reasoned that solutions to socioeconomic diversity could be best achieved through

the collaboration of disciplines. Columbia further attempted to establish socioeconomic and

racial heterogeneity through deliberate advertisement and curation of its image by actively

advertising itself as the “Next America” and a community open to all races (Klein 111). In turn,

this increased minority interest in moving to Columbia (Klein 113). Such advertisement made

Perry 13

clear to the public that Columbia intended to be a heterogeneous community. Without a doubt

Columbia was designed with a most fervent desire to facilitate diversity.

Statistically, this fervent desire has translated Columbia into a model community for

racial diversity. Minorities total 44.5 percent of Columbia’s population, a larger proportion than

the state of Maryland indicating a clearly

diverse community (Census Bureau).

Columbia population is 24.4 percent

African American clearly exhibiting

success in attracting minorities into the

community, especially considering that

African Americans only comprise 18.4

percent of Howard County’s total population (Census Bureau). Statistically, Columbia is

conclusively more racially diverse than the areas, which surround it. It is impressive that

Columbia has maintained such racial diversity for over 40 years, a testament to the sustainability

of the master design plan.

Socioeconomically, Columbia has only been relatively successful in maintaining a

diversity of housing options. Unfortunately obstacles of development and community opposition

have “prevented any real and full attempt at securing considerable low-and moderate-income

housing for Columbia.” (Brooks 121). Upper-income homeowners inevitably desire for their

home values to increase, which is more likely to occur if there is a dearth of low-income

housing. Thus, microeconomics and concern for property values manifests a situation where

upper-income homeowners are encouraged to oppose low-income development. (Brooks 91). In

Perry 14

terms of goals, Columbia has yet to achieve its 10 percent lower income-housing objective

(Brooks 90). Columbia has been less than successful in implementing socioeconomic diversity.

Still, the community of Columbia is by no means majority upper-income, or for that

matter, an extremely stratified community. Indeed, 21.8 percent of households in Columbia make

less than $50,000 annually, neither low income, nor upper income (Characteristics of Columbia).

This is particularly impressive considering that the median household income is $73,538

annually (Census Bureau). That about a fifth of the population is well below the Maryland

median indicates that Columbia possesses a certain threshold of socioeconomic diversity.

Whereas in Reston the cheapest available apartment cost $1,300 per month, there are apartments

as cheap as $800 a month in Columbia (Zillow). Logically, a low-income family of four with an

annual income of $46,566 would only have to devote 20 percent of their total income towards

rent payment in Columbia. Following earlier reasoning, this makes Columbia possibly affordable

to low-income residents. Undeniably, Columbia resident enjoy more affordable rents than

Reston. It is obvious that despite not meeting its own heterization goals, Columbia has

experienced greater success in facilitating socioeconomic diversity than Reston.

So it seems that Columbia has achieved a threshold socioeconomic and racial diversity, at

least statistically. However, as discussed earlier, statistics do not always reveal the entire picture

of community demographics. In truth, there exist numerous accounts revealing issues of

homogenization on the micro-level throughout Columbia. Citizen Jean Toomer has observed

“conscious and even more harmful unconscious racism the permeated…schools” exhibited by

the “disproportionate suspension of black pupils” (Klein 115). There are complaints by black

students that the Columbia Association is skewed to “fund white sports” such as swimming

instead of sports such as boxing (Burkhart 68). Opposingly, many white students at Wilde Lake

Perry 15

High School complain of reverse discrimination (Burkhart 69). According to social relations

expert Lynne Burkhart, Columbia has not solved the racial issues, rather “Racism has gone

underground” thereby implying that racial homogenization is ever-present throughout Columbia.

It may be then, that urban planning does not provide an all-encompassing solution to the trend of

socioeconomic and racial homogenization. Recognizably, it has not been the full solution in the

case of Columbia.

Application to New Urbanism

It would be incorrect to say that there is nothing that urban planning can contribute to the

movement against homogenization. While it may not be able to entirely solve the issue, it can

certainly contribute to a solution. As exhibited by Reston and Columbia, it is feasible for

communities to make specific design actions to facilitate heterization. The question then

becomes, what actions are most effective?

After evaluating Reston and Columbia there seem to be two major components that affect

socioeconomic and racial diversity. The first component is the avoidance of suburbanization.

This translates to cluster housing densities that in theory encourage interaction between citizens

of different diversity groups. As discussed earlier, suburbanization often translates into

“relatively homogenous in social composition” creating a environment less welcoming to

diversity (Clapson). This is vividly evidenced in the case of Reston. Once Gulf Oil imposed a

design switch towards suburbanization through the construction of more single family detached

homes and less town homes. This had a direct effect on the community’s level of heterization.

The dominance of single family detached homes decreased levels of socioeconomic diversity

while the de-emphasis on medium density created a environment with less resident interaction,

Perry 16

an environment unfriendly to racial diversity. Ultimately, the design changes have prevented

Reston from achieving its original goal of “a socioeconomic and racial mix of residents”

(Kelly).

Whereas Reston fell victim to suburbanization, Columbia has largely avoided such

dominance of suburbanization. Columbia’s development followed original designs by

constructing a system of nine villages, each with dense centers that promote interaction amongst

citizens, and create an environment friendly to racial diversity (Burkhart 152). In keeping with a

cluster based community design, Columbia has only further increased citizen interaction.

Avoiding suburbanization includes the establishing a community with mixed-income housing. In

the instance of Columbia this was achieved with the inclusion of subsidized housing that was

strategically scattered throughout the overall community. By including subsidized housing

communities can like Columbia create more socioeconomic diversity. As noted earlier in the

paper, Columbia has achieved its goal of racial diversity and has proved itself more

socioeconomically diverse than its counterparts such as Reston.

The other main component effecting heterization in relationship to community

development is financial funding. As illustrated in Reston, solid financial backing is necessary to

carry out any plan aiming to promote socioeconomic and racial diversity. Simon’s initial failures

to establish a financial plan prevented Reston from reaching its goals. Inadequate financial

funding led to the eventual takeover of the development by Gulf Oil (Breckenfel 137). After the

change in ownership there was a subsequent change in motivation from humanitarian to profit

seeking. The profit seeking was the result of a need to fund the Reston development. Profit

seeking enterprises tend not to lend themselves to increasing heterization. It is important that

developments acquire funding from organizations that support heterization.

Perry 17

By contrast, Columbia was able to successfully achieve many of its original goals thanks

to adequate initial financial funding. Immediately following the acquisition of land, “Rouse set

out to arrange enough long term financing so Columbia would withstand financial reverses” a

clear deviation from the lack of planning present in Reston (Breckenfel 307). This was

accomplished by enlisting the financial backing of three prominent financial institutions:

Connecticut General, Teachers Insurance, and Chase Manhattan Bank (Breckenfel 307).

Through strong financial backing, Rouse gave Columbia adequate funding as evidenced, by

Columbia’s success in achieving original goals

Seemingly socioeconomic and racial heterization has occurred in Columbia where there

was avoidance of full suburbanization and adequate financial funding. Oppositely heterization

has occurred less in Reston were suburbanization was embraced and financial funding has been

lacking. Thus, it is recommended that New Urbanism projects, which intend to increase

socioeconomic and racial heterization, should be sure to avoid suburbanization and acquire

adequate financial funding from appropriate sources. It is possible that government involvement

could assist in the application of said recommendations.

Perry 18

There exists a community outside Austin, Texas that has avoided suburbanization and

acquired adequate funding. Only halfway

through development it is too early to declare it

a full success. Still, the Mueller Community is

noteworthy because it has experienced relative

success in establishing socioeconomic and

racial diversity. Through careful and deliberate

planning, Mueller has consciously avoided

suburbanization, instead becoming a medium

density environment. Specifically, its planners

called for “a density of these neighborhoods will be greater than the existing ones that surround

them” indicating a conscious effort to avoid suburbanization (Mueller Design Book 17).

According to the planners they purposefully constructed

“mixture of small-lot single-family homes (“yard houses”), row houses, mixed-use “shop

houses”, multi-unit “Mueller Houses”, and mixed-use apartment houses are carefully configured

to promote a diverse and inter-generational population.” (Mueller Design Book 17)

It is explicit that Mueller has purposefully avoided suburbanization with the intended goal of

facilitating a socioeconomic and racially diverse population.

For financial funding Mueller has successfully established a solid backing. A pact with

the City of Austin guarantees that the “City will defer its land-sale proceeds and issue debt that is

supported by project-generated tax revenues for the first few years of the development.” This has

allowed Mueller to achieve financial stability in the critical early stages of development (City of

Perry 19

Austin). Additionally, Mueller has been very successful in attracting numerous businesses such

as Dell Children’s Medical Center and Strictly Pediatrics. These high profile businesses have not

only provided Mueller’s citizens with employment, but also have provided income to the Mueller

project in the form of rent payments.

As it stands, Mueller seems to be relatively successful in its implementation.

Undoubtedly, Mueller has avoided suburbanization, and has created a situation that “minimize[d]

the supremacy of the automobile and shape[d] the environment around pedestrians” (Burnett).

Socioeconomically, Mueller is on track for diversity. The Mueller Foundation serves to “sustain

affordable housing at Mueller and to support the social goals of the Mueller neighborhood.” The

presence of such foundation demonstrates a long-term commitment socioeconomic diversity

(Mueller Foundation). As of 2013, “215 affordable homes had been completed and sold” along

with “216 affordable apartments leased” putting Mueller on course to achieve its objective of 25

percent proportion affordable housing (Its’s Happening At Mueller 10).

Currently, the community of Mueller has reached the levels of racial diversity that match

Columbia, with minorities comprising 34 percent of the population (ACS Profile Report).

Granted there have been documented anecdotes of underground racism, as conveyed in the

recent NPR article “A Texas Community Takes On Racial Tensions Once Hidden Under The

Surface” Mueller like its counterparts is not immune to racism. However, focus should be placed

on the community’s response to said issues. Following incidents, Mueller commissioned “two

neighborhood meetings…to open a frank dialogue about race in their community” (Burnett). The

motion to create neighborhood discussion exhibits that Mueller is both willing and capable of

improving of racial diversity. This capability is illustrated in one resident’s statement that

Perry 20

citizens share a “collective sense of ownership, that this is our community, that we're not going

to tolerate this, and we're going to do what we can to make this right” (Burnett).

It appears possible that urban planning can assist communities in reaching higher levels

of heterization. By analyzing previous New Town communities, planners can learn lessons from

the past concerning heterization goals. Hopefully, more research will commence on such

comparative analysis. Perhaps, if more developments follow the lead of Mueller, in avoiding

suburbanization and acquiring appropriate financial funding; our society will become less

homogenous. And, if our society becomes less homogenous, perhaps there will be less

socioeconomic and racial tension.

Perry 21

Works Cited: Breckenfeld, Gurney. Columbia and the New Cities. New York: I. Washburn, 1971. Print. Brooks, Richard Oliver. New Towns and Communal Values: A Case Study of Columbia, Maryland. New York: Praeger, 1974. Print. Burkhart, Lynne C. Old Values In A New Town: The Politics of Race and Class in Columbia, Maryland. New York: Praeger, 1981. Print. Cauchon, Dennis, and Paul Overberg. "Census Data Shows Minorities Now a Majority of U.S. Births." Usatoday.com. USA Today, 17 May 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. <http:// usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/story/2012-05-17/minority-births-census/ 55029100/1>. Characteristics of Columbia, Maryland: A Demograohic and Socioeconomic Profile. Publication. Columbia Association, Dec. 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. <http:www.columbiaassociation.com/home/showdocument?id=5446>. Clapson, Mark. "Suburban Paradox? Planners' Intentions And Residents' Preferences In Two New Towns Of The 1960S: Reston, Virginia And Milton Keynes, England." Planning Perspectives 17.2 (2002): 145-162. Urban Studies Abstracts. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. "Columbia: A New Town for Howard County." Issuu. Columbia Archives, 11 Nov. 1964. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://issuu.com/columbiaarchives/docs/columbia_a_new_town>. "Columbia MD Real Estate - 781 Homes For Sale | Zillow." Zillow. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http:// www.zillow.com/homes/Columbia-MD_rb/>. Cooper, Michael. "Census Officials, Citing Increasing Diversity, Say U.S. Will Be a ‘Plurality Nation’." The New York Times. The New York Times, 12 Dec. 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. "Demographics." NCCP. National Center for Children in Poverty. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:// www.nccp.org/profiles/VA_profile_6.html>. "Demographics Are Not Destiny: Facing Race Considers the Future of Race in a Diversifying America." The Institute for Southern Studies. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:// www.southernstudies.org/2014/11/demographics-are-not-destiny-facing-race- considers.html>. "Downtown Columbia Plan: A General Amnedment." Columbia Association. Howard County, 1 Feb. 2010. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.columbiaassociation.com/home/ showdocument?id=5448>. Harvey, David. "The Right to the City." New Left Review 53 (2003): 939-41. Online.

Perry 22

Kelly, John R. "Planned And Unplanned New Town Impacts: Applying A Method." Environment & Behavior 7.3 (1975): 330. Urban Studies Abstracts. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. Klein, Donald C. Psychology of the Planned Community: The New Town Experience. New York: Human Sciences, 1978. Print. Langford, Letitia C., and Gwen Bell. "Federally Sponsored New Towns Of The Seventies." Growth & Change 6.4 (1975): 24. Business Source Complete. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. Lee, Don. "Wealth Gap in American Widens to Record Level, Report Says." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 17 Dec. 2014. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.latimes.com/ business/la-fi-pew-wealth-gap-20141217-story.html>. Morton, Adam. "Toll of the Baltimore Riots, in Part." Baltimoresun.com. The Baltimore Sun, 28 Apr. 2015. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.baltimoresun.com/bal-toll-of-the-baltimore- riots-in-part-20150428-htmlstory.html>. Peralta, Eyder. "Baltimore Riots: 'This Is A Dead Neighborhood'" NPR. NPR, 28 Apr. 2105. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2015/04/28/402848564/ baltimore-riots-this-is-a-dead-neighborhood>. Reston Master Plan. Reston, Virginia: Simon Enterprises, May 1962. PDF. http://media.wix.com/ ugd/e7f463_dc29c6804907430baac16927e526a527.pdf "Reston, Virginia." (VA 20190, 20191) Profile: Population, Maps, Real Estate, Averages, Homes, Statistics, Relocation, Travel, Jobs, Hospitals, Schools, Crime, Moving, Houses, News, Sex Offenders. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.city-data.com/city/Reston- Virginia.html>. "Rental Listings in Reston VA - 109 Rentals | Zillow." Zillow. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_rent/Reston-VA house,condo,apartment_duplex,townhouse_type/6736_rid/paymenta_sort/ 39.017316,-77.203159,38.893705,-77.494984_rect/11_zm/>. Torabi, Farnoosh. "How Much Should You Spend on Rent?" CBSNews. CBS Interactive, 22 June 2010. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://www.cbsnews.com/news/how-much-should-you- spend-on-rent/>. "United States Census Bureau." Columbia CDP QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. 1 May 2011. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/24/2419125.html>. "United States Census Bureau." Howard County QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/24/24027.html>. "United States Census Bureau." Reston CDP QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/51/5166672.html>.

Perry 23

Vanderbeek, Michael, and Clara Irazábel. "New Urbanism as a New Modernist Movement: A Comparative Look at Modernism and New Urbanism." Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review XIX.1 (2007): 41-57. The University of Claifornian-Berkley. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. <http://iaste.berkeley.edu/pdfs/19.1d-Fall07vanderbeek irazabal-sml.pdf>. "2010 Census Interactive Population Map." 2010 Census Interactive Population Map. 26 May 2011. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.census.gov/2010census/popmap/>. Bibliography: Anderson, Stanford. Planning for Diversity and Choice: Possible Futures and Their Relations to the Man-controlled Environment. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T., 1968. Print. ACS Profile Report 2009-2013: Demographic. N.d. Raw data. http://www.austintexas.gov/page/ demographic-data, Austin

Perry 24

Avin, Uri P. "Should We Copy Columbia?." Planning 70.2 (2004): 27-29. Urban Studies Abstracts. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. Breckenfeld, Gurney. Columbia and the New Cities. New York: I. Washburn, 1971. Print. Briquelet, Kate. "Upper West Side Condo Has Separate Entrances for Rich and Poor." nypost.com. New York Post, 18 Aug. 2013. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. <http://nypost.com/ 2013/08/18/upper-west-side-condo-has-separate-entrances-for-rich-and-poor/>. Brooks, Richard Oliver. New Towns and Communal Values: A Case Study of Columbia, Maryland. New York: Praeger, 1974. Print. Burkhart, Lynne C. Old Values In A New Town: The Politics of Race and Class in Columbia, Maryland. New York: Praeger, 1981. Print. Burnett, John. "A Texas Community Takes On Racial Tensions Once Hidden Under The Surface." NPR. NPR, 13 Feb. 2015. Web. 23 Mar. 2015. Burnett, John. "With Porches And Parks, A Texas Community Aims For Urban Utopia." NPR. NPR, 15 Feb. 2015. Web. 23 Mar. 2015. Characteristics of Columbia, Maryland: A Demograohic and Socioeconomic Profile. Publication. Columbia Association, Dec. 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. <http:www.columbiaassociation.com/home/showdocument?id=5446>. Cauchon, Dennis, and Paul Overberg. "Census Data Shows Minorities Now a Majority of U.S. Births." Usatoday.com. USA Today, 17 May 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. <http:// usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/story/2012-05-17/minority-births-census/ 55029100/1>. City of Austin. Planning and Development Review Department. African American Population Concentrations. Austin, Texas. Census 2010 Data. July 2011. Web. 23 Mar. 2015. http:// www.austintexas.gov/sites/default/files/files/Planning/Demographics/ african_americans_2010_core_per.pdf Clapson, Mark. "Suburban Paradox? Planners' Intentions And Residents' Preferences In Two New Towns Of The 1960S: Reston, Virginia And Milton Keynes, England." Planning Perspectives 17.2 (2002): 145-162. Urban Studies Abstracts. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. "Columbia: A New Town for Howard County." Issuu. Columbia Archives, 11 Nov. 1964. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://issuu.com/columbiaarchives/docs/columbia_a_new_town>. "Columbia MD Real Estate - 781 Homes For Sale | Zillow." Zillow. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http:// www.zillow.com/homes/Columbia-MD_rb/>.

Perry 25

Cooper, Michael. "Census Officials, Citing Increasing Diversity, Say U.S. Will Be a ‘Plurality Nation’." The New York Times. The New York Times, 12 Dec. 2012. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. "Demographics Are Not Destiny: Facing Race Considers the Future of Race in a Diversifying America." The Institute for Southern Studies. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:// www.southernstudies.org/2014/11/demographics-are-not-destiny-facing-race- considers.html>. "Demographics." NCCP. National Center for Children in Poverty. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:// www.nccp.org/profiles/VA_profile_6.html>. "Downtown Columbia Plan: A General Amnedment." Columbia Association. Howard County, 1 Feb. 2010. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.columbiaassociation.com/home/ showdocument?id=5448>. Fletcher, Michael. "What You Really Need to Know about Baltimore, from a Reporter Who’s Lived There for over 30 Years." Washington Post. The Washington Post, 28 Apr. 2015. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/04/28/ what-you-really-need-to-know-about-baltimore-from-a-reporter-who-lived-there-for-30- years/?tid=sm_tw>. Forsyth, Ann. 2002. Planning lessons from three U.S. new towns of the 1960s and 1970s: Irvine, columbia, and the woodlands. Journal of the American Planning Association 68, (4) (10): 387, http://search.proquest.com/docview/14634909?accountid=11243 (accessed April 12, 2015). Harvey, David. "The Right to the City." New Left Review 53 (2003): 939-41. Online. It's Happening At Mueller. Digital image. http://www.muelleraustin.com/uploads/plan/ mueller-2014-community-report.pdf. 1 Jan. 2014. Web. Kelly, John R. "Planned And Unplanned New Town Impacts: Applying A Method." Environment & Behavior 7.3 (1975): 330. Urban Studies Abstracts. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. Klein, Donald C. Psychology of the Planned Community: The New Town Experience. New York: Human Sciences, 1978. Print. Langford, Letitia C., and Gwen Bell. "Federally Sponsored New Towns Of The Seventies." Growth & Change 6.4 (1975): 24. Business Source Complete. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. Lee, Don. "Wealth Gap in American Widens to Record Level, Report Says." Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles Times, 17 Dec. 2014. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.latimes.com/ business/la-fi-pew-wealth-gap-20141217-story.html>.

Perry 26

"Maryland At A Glance." Maryland Economy. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://msa.maryland.gov/ msa/mdmanual/01glance/economy/html/income.html>. Morton, Adam. "Toll of the Baltimore Riots, in Part." Baltimoresun.com. The Baltimore Sun, 28 Apr. 2015. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.baltimoresun.com/bal-toll-of-the-baltimore- riots-in-part-20150428-htmlstory.html>. Mueller Design Book. Digital image. Http://www.muelleraustin.com/uploads/plan/Mueller Design Book Low Res.pdf. 1 Nov. 2004. Web. "Mueller Foundation." Mueller Foundation RSS. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:www.muellerfoundation.org/q-and-a/>. Patti Harris, Emma. "Map: Monday's Violence." Baltimoresun.com. The Baltimore Sun, 28 Apr. 2015. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. Peralta, Eyder. "Baltimore Riots: 'This Is A Dead Neighborhood'" NPR. NPR, 28 Apr. 2105. Web. 29 Apr. 2015. <http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2015/04/28/402848564/ baltimore-riots-this-is-a-dead-neighborhood>. "Principles of New Urbanism | The Plan | Mueller Austin." Principles of New Urbanism | The Plan | Mueller Austin. 2015. Web. 19 Apr. 2015. <http://www.muelleraustin.com/plan/ new-urbanism/>. Reeves, Dory. Planning for Diversity: Policy and Planning in a World of Difference. London: Routledge, 2005. Print. "Rental Listings in Reston VA - 109 Rentals | Zillow." Zillow. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.zillow.com/homes/for_rent/Reston-VA house,condo,apartment_duplex,townhouse_type/6736_rid/paymenta_sort/ 39.017316,-77.203159,38.893705,-77.494984_rect/11_zm/>. Reston Master Plan. Reston, Virginia: Simon Enterprises, May 1962. PDF. http://media.wix.com/ ugd/e7f463_dc29c6804907430baac16927e526a527.pdf "Reston - A Short History." Reston - A Short History. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http:// www.restonweb.com/community/history_rest.html>. "Reston, Virginia." (VA 20190, 20191) Profile: Population, Maps, Real Estate, Averages, Homes, Statistics, Relocation, Travel, Jobs, Hospitals, Schools, Crime, Moving, Houses, News, Sex Offenders. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.city-data.com/city/Reston- Virginia.html>. Torabi, Farnoosh. "How Much Should You Spend on Rent?" CBSNews. CBS Interactive, 22 June 2010. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://www.cbsnews.com/news/how-much-should-you- spend-on-rent/>.

Perry 27

"What Is the Financing Arrangement between the City of Austin and Catellus for Mueller? | AustinTexas.gov - The Official Website of the City of Austin." What Is the Financing Arrangement between the City of Austin and Catellus for Mueller? | AustinTexas.gov - The Official Website of the City of Austin. City of Austin. Web. 1 May 2015. <http:// www.austintexas.gov/faq/what-financing-arrangement-between-city-austin-and-catellus- mueller>. "United States Census Bureau." Columbia CDP QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. 1 May 2011. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/24/2419125.html>. "United States Census Bureau." Howard County QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/24/24027.html>. "United States Census Bureau." Reston CDP QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau. Web. 1 May 2015. <http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/51/5166672.html>. Vanderbeek, Michael, and Clara Irazábel. "New Urbanism as a New Modernist Movement: A Comparative Look at Modernism and New Urbanism." Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review XIX.1 (2007): 41-57. The University of Claifornian-Berkley. Web. 30 Apr. 2015. <http://iaste.berkeley.edu/pdfs/19.1d-Fall07vanderbeek irazabal-sml.pdf>. "2010 Census Interactive Population Map." 2010 Census Interactive Population Map. 26 May 2011. Web. 20 Apr. 2015. <http://www.census.gov/2010census/popmap/>.