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Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies

SON, ByunggiuSungkyunkwan University

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The Effects of Man’s Remarriage andAdoption on Family Succession in the

17th to the 19th Century Rural Korea: Basedon the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy

Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies. Vol.10, No.1.2010 Academy of East Asian Studies. pp.9-31

ABSTRACT

Based on the demographic data from the Andong Kwon clan genealogies, the rates of men’s

remarriage reached a peak in the late 17th century but it gradually fell afterwards. Men’s remarriage

was no longer considered as an effective means of having a legitimate son. On the other hand, having

too many legitimate sons could cause a risk of degrading the family’s financial strength and social

status. o control the risk. In the mean time, The rates of adoption increased beginning in the late 17th

century and soared in the 19th century. People were giving up on their efforts to have a legitimate son

and instead making an attempt to maintain the family’s social status and financial means through a

kyeja. As the only son, the adopted heir could inherit the family’s property all alone and the rest of

his family members at his original home could control the dispersion of the family’s financial

resources caused by the continued practice of the partible inheritance. Especially under the situation

where the social status and financial strength of the high class was getting weaker in the 19th

century, the distribution of property through adoption helped stabilize the household economy.

Keywords: remarriage, adoption, family succession, inheritance, heir, genealogy

IntroductionIt is generally accepted that in the Choson Dynasty, it was not until after the 17th

century that the unity of patrilineal descent groups was significantly consolidated.Examining the succession of descent in the unit of family as exhibited in thechanges in the inheritance system and the tendency of adoption, Mark A. Petersonpresents some causes of the change to support this general theory.1 Before the 17th

century, he observes, the necessity of adopting a son to a family was not stronglyfelt even when there was no son in the family because daughters enjoyed an equalshare in inheriting her parents’ property. Peterson pays attention to the fact that bythe late 17th century, however, the number of daughters inheriting their parents’property sharply decreased, while the instances of patrilineal adoption increased.The eldest son of a family was playing an increasingly important role inmaintaining the family ritual for his ancestors, which reinforced his rights to thefamily property and ritual. This tendency resulted in the formation of the‘patrilineal system based’ on the ‘Confucianized patrilineal ideal,’ Paterson reasons.

Family succession refers not only to the inheritance of the family propertybut also to the inheritance of the rights to perform the family ritual for theancestors and supervise the family members, which means the inheritance of the

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The Effects of Man’s Remarriage and Adoption onFamily Succession in the 17th to the 19th Century RuralKorea: Based on the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy

SON, ByunggiuSungkyunkwan University

Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies. Vol.10 No.12010 Academy of East Asian Studies. pp.9-31

email of the author: [email protected]

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SON, Byunggiu

1 Mark A. Peterson, Korean Adoption and Inheritance: Case Studies in the Creation of a ClassicConfucian Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).

2 For the inheritance and family, see Son Byung-giu, “Choson hugi sangsok kwa kajok hyongt’ae uipyonhwa” [Changes in the inheritance practice and family structure in the late Choson] Daedong munhwayon’gu 61 (2008). For the inheritance practice of the Tokugawa Japan, the established theory ofprimogeniture has been challenged by the views that offer a variety of inheritance practice in the ruralsociety of the later Tokugawa era. See Hayami Akira, “EAP (The Eurasia Project on the Study ofPopulation and Family History) working paper,” http://www2.ipcku.kansai-u.ac.jp (2000).

3 Okada Aoi, “Keisho sozoku” [Succession and inheritance] In EAP working paper (2000);Hyami Akira, “Ibid.”

4 In Korean genealogies, adopted son is recorded as ‘kyeja’ ( , heir), and departed son isrecorded as ‘ch’ulgye’ ( ) or ‘ch’ulhu’ ( ).

socioeconomic status of the family. When a family line was about to come to anend, it was a very important and serious business to find a reliable heir to succeedand maintain the family’s socioeconomic status. On the other hand, having manysons in a family was also a problem. There were no worries about an heir, ofcourse, but it still posed the problem of having to determine who among the sonswould be recognized of his legitimacy and how to divide the family propertyamong them in such a way as not to degrade the socioeconomic status of each son.The incomplete primogeniture, or the system of inheritance (sangsok ) wherethe eldest son was granted a larger portion of property than his brothers, and theadoption (ibyang ) were some of the many strategies for the succession of thefamily line. However, the inheritance system in the late Choson has often beenunderstood as having strongly favored the elder son, probably because thepatrilineal descent groups which were formed following the family order of a clancode were taken into account.

In parallel with the tendency of the eldest son taking the largest proportionof inheritance in the late Choson, however, it should also be noted that the partibleinheritance continued where the other children also inherited their share ofinheritance, although not as large as the share to the elder son.2 The partibleinheritance worked as a minimum fund by which the other descendants formed afamily of their own on a stable basis. On the other hand, it also could lead to thedemotion of the social status of the family members following the dispersion of thefinancial means of the family. While the partible inheritance remained in place,such possible socioeconomic crises of families produced a variety of familystrategies of the family succession.

Regarding the family succession and inheritance, a new research methodhas already been proposed with individuals as a unit of observation in addition tohouseholds.3 Historical demography has made an effort to trace the family historyby means of the demographic behaviors of individuals, such as births, marriages,deaths, and creating a new family together with succession and adoption. Thispaper intends to observe how the family succession was affected by thecharacteristics of the marriages during the Choson Dynasty, especially by the aspectsof man’s marriages and adoptions as recorded in family genealogies.4 The observation

from this perspective will put into question the validity of the idea of the so-called“Confucianized patrilineal society.”5

To this end, this paper analyzes the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database,which was compiled by the General Association of the Andong Kwon Clan in theearly 2000s.6 The analysis is made mainly for the descendants of Kwon Kum-sokwho have lived in the rural areas in Tansong, Kyongsang Province from the 15th

century, especially the many branches of the family line of his sons, Kwon Si-tukand Kwon Si-chun. Their legitimate descendants, now forming many families,were positioned as high class in Tansong. In the Kyongsang area, a large volume ofhousehold registers (hojok ) are still preserved with many records to checkagainst the records of family genealogies (chokpo ). The household registersmake it possible to understand more specifically the movements of the AndongKwon families in Tansong.7 In addition to using as a basic data the genealogydatabase, which encompasses the family genealogies of many branches of theAndong Kwon clan ( ), this paper also referred to the Houshold Registers ofTansong-hyon, Kyongsang Province to compare with specific personal information infamily genealogies.

1. Population Registered in the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database Kwon Kum-sok had four sons. The first son entered into politics and left home toserve at the central government; he never returned home. The second son diedyoung. The sons who stayed in Tansong, Kyongsang Province, and left descendantswere Kwon Si-tuk and Kwon Si-chun. They were first registered in the Andong KwonClan Genealogy of 1654.8 Kwon Si-tuk is recorded as having been born in 1470 in agenealogy of his sub-clan (p’abo ), compiled by his descendants, but the year ofbirth of Kwon Si-chun and his descendants to his grandchildren’s generation is notfound in any p’abo.9 From a single family line, sub-clans were often formed forthose who stayed in an area for generations and the genealogies of the differentsub-clans contained different demographic information about their ancestors.

The Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database, drawn up in 2002, includesinformation recorded in nationwide clan genealogies (taedongbo ) andgenealogies of many sub-clans or p’abo. More specifically, the Database is based on

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The Effects of Man’s Remarriage and Adoption on Family Succession in the 17th to the 19th Century Rural Korea: Based on the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy

5 Miyajima Hiroshi argues that the ethics of Neo-Confucianism well fit to small-sized cultivatorhousehold, promote the uniformity in family structure and family economy. See his “Yugyo ui chemin sasangkwa sonong sahoe ron” [Confucian idea on the people’s welfare, and treatise on small-sized cultivatorhousehold] Kukhak yon’gu 14 (2009). It is still unclear, however, that his theory has a direct relation tothe principles of patrilineal descent group.

6 Angdong Kwon ssi taejonghoe [General Association of the Andong Kwon Clan](http://andongkwon.or.kr), Andong Kwon ssi chokpo deit’o peisu [Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database](2002).

7 Daedong munhwa yon’guwon [Daedong Institute of Korean Studies] of SungkyunkwanUniversity, Kyongsang-do Tansong-hyon hojok taejang chonsan deit’o paisu [Household Registers of Tansong-hyon, Kyongsang Province, Digitalized Database] (2006).

8 Andong Kwon ssi kabo po [Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy of 1654], preserved in the NationalLibrary of Korea.

9 Andong Kwon ssi p’abo, Tonggyegong p’a [Genealogy of the Andong Kwon Clan Branch Line,Tonggyegong Branch] (1936).

Taedongbo, from the Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy of 1654 through the Andong KwonClan Genealogy of 1907, and added information from many p’abo compiled bysmall and large sub-clans and genealogies of family lineages (kagyebo ),covering almost all records contained in genealogies of the Andong Kwon clan. Yet,as it was made on the basis of existing genealogies, this database still has flawswhich those genealogies commonly have.

* Source: Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database, 2002, General Association ofthe Andong Kwon Clan (the same hereafter) * The years of birth of those who bear no birth record were inferred from theirparents and brothers with birth records. Those spouses of the men on thepaternal side who have no birth record were assumed to have the same birthyear of their husbands.

First of all, let us take a look at the records of birth from Kwon Si-chunthrough his descendants who are estimated to have been born in the early 20th

century (Table 1). Nearly 90 percent of men on the paternal side of the AndongKwon clan have their birth-year record, while, comparably, only less than 50percent of their wives do. For the women on the paternal side, or the daughters ofthe Andong Kwon clan, the years of birth are not recorded and only the names oftheir husbands are recorded. Towards the early 20th century, the number of thosewhose birth years are recorded increases. The demographic information of thegenealogies, including the years of birth, is lopsided in favor of men on thepaternal side and more information is available towards the later times whengenealogies were compiled widely.

The Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database records a total of 9,680 men onthe paternal side of the clan who lived in Tansong for a long time from the latefifteenth to early twenties centuries (Table 2). Their wives are recorded in

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SON, Byunggiu

Table 1. Number and Rate of the Birth-Year Records of Men and Their Spousesin Kwon Si-chun’s Family Line

Year of Late Early Late Early Late Early Late Early Late EarlyTotal

Birth 15th C 16th C 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C 20th C

Recorded 2 5 36 73 161 351 744 1,451 3,503 6,326

Not 2 3 6 10 35 89 173 189 153 144 804

recorded

Total 2 5 11 46 108 250 524 933 1,604 3,647 7,130

0 40 45 78 68 64 67 80 90 96 89

Recorded 1 5 12 34 65 204 727 2,163 3,211

Not 2 3 7 48 126 261 537 825 1,022 1,358 4,189

recorded

Total 2 3 8 53 138 295 602 1,029 1,749 3,521 7,400

0 0 13 9 9 12 11 20 42 61 43

Rate of the Birth

Year Records (%)

Rate of the Birth

Year Records (%)

Man on

the

Paternal

Side

Wife of

Man on the

Paternal

Side

approximately the same number. However, the number of the women on thepaternal side of the Andong Kwon clan is short of 6,000 during the same period.The men on the paternal side and their wives account for 38 percent of the totalnumber of those registered in the database, whereas the women on the paternalside account for only 23 percent. If it were a normal demographic statisticscovering all age groups, the total numbers of sons and daughters would have beenthe same. The genealogies, however, registered daughters in relatively less number.

An examination of the changes in the number of the recorded or assumedbirth years reveals that during the period from the seventeenth to nineteenthcenturies more entries were made for the wives than the men on the paternal side.During the period, men on the patrilineal descent had often more than one wife.The entries for women were fewer than those for men because the information onspouses was not recorded before the 16th century and marriages were yet to beregistered after the 20th century. The number of the entries for women on thepaternal side was on the decline from the sixteenth to the early nineteenthcenturies but turned upward after the late 19th century. It is quite interesting tonotice that it is inversely proportional to the movement of the entries of the wivesof the men on the paternal side.

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Table 2. Number of the Descendants of Kwon Si-tuk and Kwon Si-chunRegistered in the Genealogical Database

Late Early Late Early Late Early Late Early Late EarlyTotal15th C 16th C 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C 20th C

7 16 25 73 167 363 698 1,288 2,199 4,842 9,680

6 11 22 78 191 417 789 1,437 2,349 4,355 9,656

3 19 54 108 230 329 592 1,244 3,358 5,937

Total 13 30 66 205 466 780 1,487 2,725 4,548 9,197 19,336

Wives of the Men

on the Paternal Side

Women on the

Paternal Side

Man on the

Paternal Side

In the early genealogies prior to the 16th century, entries of wives wereabsent, while the lineage of daughters was recorded in abundance, leading tofamily lines of many surnames registered in one genealogy. After the 17th century,genealogies began to be compiled by surname, reducing the lineage of daughtersand, instead, increasing records of wives.10 The data used in this paper wasprepared on the basis of post-17th century genealogies, but the changes in theamount of information on women seem to foretell the transition from the early tolater genealogies. The fact that an increasingly large number of women on thepaternal side began to be registered in genealogies after the late 19th century can bemore of the result of an emphasis on the patrilineal descent than a return of thegenealogy compilation method to the pre-16th century.

Our observation on the entries from the seventeenth to nineteenth centurieswill be made primarily on men on the paternal side. The relatively faithfuldemographic records on the men in the patrilineal descent make it a useful startingpoint for a study based on the demographic information in genealogies. Thegenealogies were compiled for the purpose of proving the legitimacy of thepatrilineal succession of families and the marriage networks. As a result, those whodied young without any heir were seldom recorded in the genealogies, except forsome special cases where they made entries with notes of “Died Young” or “Died.” 11

Among the men from Kwon Si-chun’s family line, there are only 18 caseswhose years of birth and death are both known and who died before they became19 years old. Five of them who died before the age of 14 and made into thegenealogies were all born after the 20th century. It is presumed that they died beforemarriage but their records which were registered in genealogies before they becameadults survived through the repeated compilations of the genealogies. Those aged16 to 18 were born after the early 18th century and the wives of them all wererecorded. With the exception of those who were born in the early 20th century, allthose without a legitimate son adopted a son. Those who were born in theeighteenth and nineteenth centuries and died before age of 19 are all recorded ashaving got married. It seems that those who died before getting married had notbeen registered in the genealogies until the 19th century.

However, not all those who had no legitimate son and failed in succeedingtheir family line by means of a son adopted as an heir (kyeja ) were entirelyexcluded from the registration in the genealogies. The ratios of those, among thedescendants of Kwon Si-tuk and Kwon Si-chun, who had no legitimate son byperiod of birth, those who had no legitimate son and adopted a son, and those whoin the end failed in succeeding their family line, all against the total number ofmen, are as follows:

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10 Miyajima Hiroshi, “Toyobunka Kenkyusho shojono Chosen hanto zokufushiryo ni chuite”(http://www.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~koreandb/miyajimajp.htm) [On the Choson chokpo collection of theCenter for East Asian Cultural Research, University of Tokyo] Ashita no Toyogaku 7 (2007).

11 Son Byung-giu, “Ingusajok ch’ukmyon eso pon hojok kwa chokpo ui charyojok songgyok”[Characteristics of household registers and genealogies as source materials for historical demography]Daedong munhwa yon’gu 46 (2004).

* Those who are regarded as having been able to be recorded in genealogies bya kyeja were excluded from the count.

The number of those who had no legitimate son varies according todifferent times, but those who were born before the 19th century account forapproximately 24 percent in total. About 50 percent of them adopted a son tosucceed their family line, putting the ratio of those whose family lines died out at amere 12 percent. What should be noted in this context is the changes in the ratiosof failed family lines by different times. The ratios were increasing after the lateseventeenth through eighteenth centuries and recovered to a lower level in the 19th

century. As will be described later, it has something to do with people’s such effortsto continue the family lines as men’s remarriage and adoption.

Prior to getting into a full-fledged analysis of men’s remarriage andadoption, we need to keep several elements in mind regarding the Andong KwonClan Genealogy Database. Above all, it is doubtful if, as the data suggests, therewere really so many of those before the 19th century who got married and did nothave any legitimate son. Given the probability that a family line would still havefailed even with a legitimate son if the son died before he got married, it is verylikely that those whose family line eventually died out were not all registered in thegenealogies. Those who had no legitimate son and had their family line died outcould probably have been registered in the genealogies through an adoption of a son.12

These probable omissions in the genealogies are hard to confirm.

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12 Therefore, it is probable that higher rate of adoption led to higher rate of listing of legitimatesons in genealogies. See Son Byung-giu, “Chokpo ui ingu kijae pomwi [Extent of listing in genealogies]Komunso yon’gu 28 (2008). But, the rate is negligible here.

Table 3. Ratios of Those Without a Legitimate Son and Those With a FailedFamily Line Over Time

Late 15th C Late Early Late Early LateTotal-Early 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C

119 166 350 655 1,284 2,201 4,775

22 46 88 188 322 495 1,161

18% 28% 25% 29% 25% 22% 24%

9 29 39 63 187 249 576

41% 63% 44% 34% 58% 50% 50%

13 17 49 125 135 246 585

11% 10% 14% 19% 11% 11% 12%

No. of Those Who Had No

Legitimate Son (b)

Ratio of Those Who Had

No Legitimate Son (b/a, %)

No. of Men on Paternal

Side (a)

No. of Those Without

Legitimate Son Who Adopted

a Son (c)

Ratio of Their Adoption

(c/b, %)

No. of Those Who Had a

Failed Family Line (d; b-c)

Ratio of the

Discontinuations of the

Family Line (d/a, %)

None the less, the Database has advantages that other databases do nothave. The advantages come from the unusual method of compiling the genealogiesby which many family lines which had been omitted before were included in theDatabase to help increase the number of cases which serve the purpose of thisstudy. The Database did not differentiate between the legitimate and illegitimatesons but, when a new family line made an entry, it specified when it was includedbased on what genealogy.13 For this reason, this study excluded from the statisticsof legitimate sons those who were born before the 19th century and registered asthe progenitors of new family lines which newly entered into the Database basedon post-1950 genealogies, regardless of their legitimacy or illegitimacy.14

2. Men’s Remarriages and Their Trend Among the legitimate sons (chokcha ) of Kwon Si-tuk, only the third son KwonKyu had legitimate sons. As a result, Kwon Kyu’s second son, Kwon Mun-cho,succeeded his uncle as a kyeja. This was the first case of a kyeja among thedescendants of Kwon Si-tuk. Among the sons of Kwon Kyu, the third son KwonMun-im had no legitimate son and took as a kyeja Kwon Hong (1564-1628), thesecond son of Kwon Kyu’s fourth son Kwon Mun-on. This was the second kyeja inKwon Si-tuk’s family line. The first kyeja Kwon Mun-cho has no record about hiswife in the genealogies, but Kwon Hong, the second kyeja, was recorded as havingtwo wives.15 In the 1606 Tansong registers, he is recorded as having formed ahousehold with the second wife. Kwon Hong had three legitimate sons from thetwo wives.

Kwon Tok-hyong (1653-1719) was born the second son of Kwon Tu-mang,a fifth-generation descendant of Kwon Si-chun, and became the kyeja of his unclewho had no legitimate son. This was the first kyeja in Kwon Si-chun’s family line,which took place very late in comparison with Kwon Si-tuk’s. Kwon Tok-hyongbecame a kyeja after he got married. He had three legal marriages during hislifetime: His first wife died after leaving only a daughter, and his second wife diedafter leaving a son. Perhaps feeling that only one legitimate son was not enough, hegot married for the third time but had to settle for only one more daughter fromhis third wife. He lived in a social environment where it was strongly needed tosucceed one’s family line even through a kyeja from among legitimate descendants,as exhibited by Kwon Tok-hyong. Himself the kyeja of his uncle and alreadyhaving a legitimate son, Kwon Tok-hyong made an extra effort to have morelegitimate sons as insurance.

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13 The Database records “[given individual] is newly listed in 2002 according to kye p’abo,” withno mention of legitimacy or illegitimacy. Such case is most probably illegitimate son, thus not included inthe statistics of legitimate sons.

14 In the post-1950 editions of genealogies, the number of branch originator as kyeja are asfollows; 3 cases for the 17th century, notably 59 cases for the 18th century, and 5 cases for the early 19th

century. 15 In the 1606 Tansong hojok, Kwon Sim, the second son of Kwon Mun-jo, records as his

maternal grand father a Kumsan Ha, The first son of Kwon Mun-jo does not appear in the hojok. KwonHong, the kyeja of Kwon Mun-im (aged 53) married second a Songju Yi (aged 44). Their son does notappear in the 1606 hojok.

The p’abo with the entry of Kwon Tok-hyong registers only his three wives.Genealogies generally record a man, his spouse(s) of legal marriage(s), and hislegitimate child/children. Choson’s traditional ruling class of yangban ( ) stuckto monogamy, and a second wife could be taken only after the first wife died.Taking a concubine was possible while the legal wife lived, but the concubineswere not registered in genealogies. Some illegitimate children from the concubineswere registered in genealogies but, even when they were, only the concernedpeople were recorded with a note of ‘illegitimate child’ (sojanyo ). Theirdescendants were not recorded. The legitimacy for the succession of a family linewas given only to a legitimate son from a legal wife, and only the legitimatechildren in the ruling class were allowed to get married someone in the same class.

Genealogies in the Ming and Qing China did distinguish the legal wife fromthe concubine, but they did not discriminate legitimate from illegitimate sons. Bothof them were entitled to succeed the legitimacy of their father.16 When an illegitimate sonwas the only son, he still could succeed his father’s property and the right toperform the ancestral rite. The genealogical tables in the Edo period of Japan hadthe principle of primogeniture: when there was no son to succeed the family line, ason from another family. Then again, the son was not necessarily adopted from afamily of patrilineal descent: A son-in-law practically the daughter could succeedthe rights to supervise the family.17 Comparing with the relatively open principle ofthe family succession in China and Japan, Choson’s principle, where the legalmarriage could take place only among people from the same high class and aremarriage was allowed only after the first wife died, made it difficult to have apatrilineal heir with legitimacy. Under these restrictions, a way of increasing thelikelihood of the successful family succession was to enhance the chance to have alegitimate son by getting married again soon after the first wife died.

How many times a man gets legally married during his lifetime can bededuced from the number of wives registered in the genealogies. Here, the rate ofmen’s remarriages refers to the number of remarriages against the population ofmen, or an average number of remarriages that a man had during his lifetime. Thecalculation of the rates was made for both Kwon Si-tuk’s and Kwon Si-chun’sfamily lines, and the cases where wives were not registered were excluded from thecalculation even then there was a legitimate son in the family. It is due to theuncertainty of how many times those whose wives are omitted from thegenealogies got married in their lifetime, although those who were born before the20th century are all presumed to have got married from the fact that they made anentry into the genealogies.

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16 Hence, in many Chinese genealogies, concubines were listed only when they had sons. TagaAkigoro, “Chugoku sohu no kihonteki gainen to mondai teiki” [Basic concepts of Chinese genealogiesand problems] in Chugoku sohu no kenkyu 1[A study of Chinese genealogical 1] (Tokyo: Nihon gakujuchusinkokai, 1981).

17 Oguchi Yujiro, “Noson ni okeru josei sozokunin” [Female inheritress in rural Japan] in Joseino iru kinsei [Modern era for women] (Tokyo: Keiso shobo, 1995).

Among the men who were born in the 16th century, there are onlyignorable four cases of remarriages. However, the increasing tendency ofremarriages until it reached the peak for men who were born in the late 17th

century cannot be denied. If many men get remarried in their thirties, it can beunderstood that the remarriages of those who were born in the late 17th centurytook place from the late 17th to the early 18th centuries. The rate of men’sremarriages reaches the peak during this period and declines until the 20th century.

Then, how effective was a man’s remarriage in securing a legitimate son?The average numbers of legitimate sons whom a remarried man had indicate thatthey are inversely proportional to the rates of men’s remarriage. Men’s remarriagesfor the purpose of securing legitimate sons prove, therefore, not effective at all. Theaverage numbers of legitimate sons that men had during their lifetime were alsocalculated by different times. The average numbers, therefore, represent the finaltallies of legitimate sons that those men had after their first and second marriages.The calculations were made only for those men who were born in the late 19th

century and earlier, because the legitimate sons of those who were born in the early20th century supposedly did not make the entries sufficiently.

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Table 4. Number of Men’s Remarriages and Changes in the Remarriage Rates

Late Early Late Early Late Early Late Early Late Early15th C 16th C 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C 20th C

6 10 19 66 153 343 668 1,212 2,043 4,062

6 11 22 78 190 417 789 1,437 2,350 4,355

Total No. of Remarriages 0 1 3 12 37 74 121 225 307 293

0 10 16 18 24 22 18 19 15 7Rate of Men’s

Remarriage (%)

No. of Men whose Wives

are Recorded

Total No. of Such Wives

(No. of Marriages)

Generally, of course, the remarried men had more legitimate sons frommore than one wife than the men in the single marriage had. However, after it wasat the zenith in the late 17th century, the rate of remarriage started to drop until, inthe end, the number of legitimate sons of those remarried men who were born in

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Table 5. Average Numbers of Legitimate Sons of Single Marriage Couples andCouples with Remarried Men

Early Late Early Late Early Late Early Late16th C 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C

No. of Couples (a) 6 16 54 120 280 559 1,009 1,764

10 25 90 165 394 657 1,377 2,997

(b/a, %) 1.67 1.56 1.67 1.38 1.41 1.18 1.36 1.70

No. of Men (c) 1 3 12 33 63 109 203 279

No. of Wives (d) 2 6 24 70 137 230 427 586

2 8 28 73 87 176 363 677

(e/c, %) 2.00 2.67 2.33 2.21 1.38 1.61 1.79 2.43

(e/d, %) 1.00 1.33 1.17 1.04 0.64 0.77 0.85 1.16

No. of Legitimate Sons

(e)

No. of Legitimate

Sons (b)

Single Marriage

Couples

Couples with

Remarried Men

the early 18th century became about the same as that of their counterparts who didnot get remarried. After the late 18th century, the number of legitimate sons of theremarried men began to climb up again but the trend of a falling rate of remarriagedid not turn around. The fall in the average number of legitimate sons was enoughto raise doubts about the presupposed effect of men’s remarriages on securing morelegitimate sons.

Presumably, the doubts over the effect of men’s remarriage already existed atthe time when the rate of remarriage reached a peak. In the late 17th century, theaverage number of legitimate sons was lower not higher than earlier. Manypeople probably experienced that a second or even third marriage did not alwaysguarantee extra legitimate sons. More importantly, however, having manylegitimate sons raised as much problem as a discontinuation of the family line. Thepartible inheritance which was practiced at the time undermined the financial basisof the families with a multiple of legitimate sons.18

The afore-mentioned remarriage of Kwon Tok-hyong contributed tomaking the rate of remarriage of men from the Andong Kwon clan reach the peakin the late 17th century. Furthermore, in addition to the legal wife, he had twoconcubines. He took the first concubine while he was married to his first wife andhad an illegitimate son from her. It appears that he took the second concubine afterhis third wife died, which means that the second concubine lived with Kwon foralmost 30 years until he died. Then, when his legal wife died, why did he not getmarried to a legal wife and instead take a concubine when he was still no olderthan 40 years old? He probably could not settle for only one legitimate son for thesuccession of his family line but did not want his property dispersed among hischildren. As a kyeja, he inherited his uncle’s property almost all alone. In asituation where the property was also divided among the daughters andillegitimate children, although not as much as the legitimate son, having morelegitimate sons was suppressed.

As illustrated above, Kwon Hong from Kwon Si-tuk’s family had threelegitimate sons from two wives, of whom the first had no legitimate son of hisown. Thus, for him, the second son named Kwon Tae-yu (1630-1703) of KwonHong’s second son (who had been sent to Kwon Hong’s younger brother as thekyeja) succeeded Kwon Hong’s first son as the kyeja. There exists the writtendocument of inheritance by which Kwon Tae-yu handed over his property to hischildren.19 According to the document, Kwon distributed his property to the threelegitimate sons at the same proportion, adding one fifth of the share of a legitimateson to the eldest son for the ancestral ritual. He left his daughters with a half of the

20

SON, Byunggiu

18 Miyajima Hiroshi, “Zaichi yangbanso no keizai kihan,” [Economic base of local yangban inKorea] in Yangban (Tokyo: Chuo koron sha, 1995).

19 Daedong munhwa yon’guwon, “Nobi chondap punkum mungi” [Document on dividingslaves and fields] (3rd month 24th day, 1690) in Kyongsang-do Tansong-hyon sahoe charyojip [Societalmaterials of Tansong County, Kyongsang Province] (2003). For an analysis of this document, see SonByung-giu, “17-18 segi hojok taejang ui sanobi kijae silt’ae: Kyongsang-do Tansong-hyon Kwon Tae-yuka nobi nul chungsim uro” [Listing of slaves in the household registers of the 17th and 18th centuries: theslaves of Kwon Tae-yu’s household, Tansong County, Kyongsang Province] Komunso yon’gu 24 (2004).

share of a legitimate son and his illegitimate children with one fourth to eighth ofthe share of a legitimate son. Eventually, the eldest son who inherited the largestportion ended up possessing only about one fourth of his parents’ property.

The practice of living with a concubine for the rest of one’s life, not takinganother wife through a legal wedding, for many reasons including the inheritanceof the property, was not limited to this period. In fact, it became more commonduring the 18th and 19th century.

3. Aspects of Adoption In conjunction with the effect of men’s remarriage on having a legitimate son, nowlet us pay attention to its effect on the fertility rates. What is noticeable in theabove table is that while the rate of remarriage of men who were born in the late17th century steadily fell until the 20th century after it reached the peak, the averagenumber of legitimate sons per woman which can be described as the ‘total fertilityrate’ calculated for the legitimate sons who survived continued to drop until the18th century and recovered to the level of the 17th century in the 19th century.

The first consideration to make is the possibility that men’s remarriage canexert an effect on the fall of the fertility rates. As pointed out before, the averagenumber of legitimate sons per remarried man is generally higher than that of thecouples of the single marriage. Men’s remarriage brings about an increase in thenumber of population within the family and the patrilineal group. Besides, men’sremarriage reduces the number of single women in the high class, ultimatelyhelping as many of them to get married and consequently contributing to anincrease in the overall population in society. The number of legitimate sons perwoman remained high until the late 17th century when the rate of men’s remarriagewas high.

However, the average number of legitimate sons from the wives of theremarried men is by far lower than that of the single marriage couples, and bothstatistics were tending downwards until the 18th century. The rise in the fertilityrate resulted from the marriage of almost all women gradually lost its effect. As anecessary consequence, remarriage takes place as a result of the previous wife’sdeath, which, in turn, translates into a shorter period when a woman is capable ofpregnancy. The primary cause of the relative low fertility rate was that women didnot live long enough until the end of the period in which they were capable ofpregnancy. Other causes include the fact that remarriage in the high class isallowed only to men and not women.

Together with the stratification within the Andong Kwon clan, whichbelonged to the high class, men’s remarriage also foretold an overall degradation ofthe social status of the clan members. As women in the high class were taken assecond wives, some high class men were deprived of a chance to get married to awoman of their class and left with the alternative of remaining single or gettingmarried to a woman of a lower class. This situation helped undermine thestabilization of the high class’ status. Being forced to get married to a woman of alower class, men in the high class experienced a degradation of their status. Moreimportantly, the increase in the number of children in high class families following

21


men’s remarriage led to the dispersion of the family properties and the fall of theirfinancial status as a consequence of the partible inheritance. The downgrade in thestatus and financial conditions might have had an effect on the decrease in thefertility rates within the families. The steady decline in the fertility rates until the18th century even after the rates of men’s remarriage were at its peak might havebeen a byproduct of these situations combined.

The second point to consider is the fact that, conversely, the effects of thecontinued reduction in the rates of men’s remarriage now led to a recovery of thefertility rates. How could we understand the trend that the average number oflegitimate sons from the wives of the men who were born in the early 18th centuryhit the record low before starting to steadily rise?

The high rates of men’s remarriage not only failed in effectively preventingthe discontinuation of family succession, it also caused the degradation of thesocial status and financial conditions of many children. The rates of remarriagesteadily dropped while there still were a number of men’s remarriage probablybecause the recognition of the unwanted situation was widely shared. Now thereneeded a dramatic turnabout in the way of family succession. The rise in theaverage number of legitimate sons after the late 18th century was attributable tothese changes in the way of family succession which took place in the wake of thefall in the rates of men’s remarriage.

The answers to the decline in the rates of men’s remarriage can be found inthe rise in the rates of adoption and the primogeniture. The taking of a kyeja (i.e.,practice of adoption, iphu ) was a family strategy which aimed to solve theproblems of the feared discontinuation of the family line and the likely securing oftoo many legitimate sons all at a time. The succession of the family line meant thesuccession of the status and the inheritance of property with a view to maintainingthem at the same or hopefully a higher level. The primogeniture was an attempt tocurb the dispersion of the financial means of the family as much as possible so thateven the eldest son alone can maintain the social status as before.

An examination of the various aspects involving kyeja by the times whenthey were born confirms that the rates of adopted heirs tended to graduallyincrease until the late 19th century in terms of both the sheer number and as sharein the male population. Concerning the descendants of Kwon Si-tuk and Kwon Si-chun, the cases of kyeja started to appear with regard to those men who were bornin the early 16th century. Among the total of 114 men, including those who were

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SON, Byunggiu

Table 6. Changes in the Rate of Adoption

Early 16th C Late Early Late Early Late Early- Early 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C 20th C

No. of kyeja (a) 6 12 28 51 106 239 276

No. of Men (b) 114 165 361 665 1263 2198 4842

Rate of Adoption (a/b, %) 5.3 7.3 7.8 7.7 8.4 10.9 5.7

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born in the early 17th century, only six were kyeja. Those kyeja account for lessthan 6% of the total number of men. The number of adopted heirs, however,started to rise beginning with those men who were born in the late 17th centuryand later and reached the top among those who were born in the late 19th century.However, there are not many cases of adopted heirs registered in the genealogiesamong those who were born in the early 20th century probably because many ofthe adopted heirs did not make entries.

With regard to the relations between the rates of men’s remarriage and therates of adoption, the following characteristics can be identified according to thedifferent periods when they were born; First, when the rates of men’s remarriagesreached the peak in the late 17th century, the rates of adoption already began to rise.It was a time when people made great efforts to have legitimate sons by means ofmen’s remarriages but started to feel that it was not an entirely easy goal to achieve.Under these circumstances, the necessity was strongly felt to succeed the familyline even through a kyeja. At the time, the tendency of inheritance was alsoundergoing change. In a break from the convention of sharing inheritance equallyamong the children regardless of their sex, the practice of granting inheritance infavor of sons over daughters was implemented with additional differentiationbetween legitimate and illegitimate children. Faced with the situation in whichtheir financial means was dispersed and undermined due to the partibleinheritance, the high class was attempting to arrest the development of such asituation. The problem of favorable inheritance for the eldest son was yet to beraised by the time.

Second, in the subsequent 18th century, as the fall in the rates of men’sremarriages suggests, there was less effort to have legitimate sons while thetendency of taking a kyeja continued, although the rates of adoption did notcontinue to increase any more but stood still for some time. It is interpreted thatthe necessity for family succession was not felt any less but the adoption was nottaking place much easily. Some adoptions were made from among distant kindredeven when candidates for adoption were available among closer kindred.20 If we arereminded that the average number of legitimate sons was at the lowest in the 18th

century, we can assume that there was a deficiency in the candidates for kyejaduring this period and finding an appropriate candidate must have been very hard.As observed before, the many cases of not taking a kyeja during this period evenwhen there was no legitimate son had something to do with this situation.

Third, it can be pointed out that in the 19th century, the rates of men’sremarriage continued to fall, while the rates of adoption rose sharply. In addition,the contradicting phenomena of the rates of men’s remarriage and adoptionassumably started to take effect after the late 18th century, resulting in the rise inthe average number of legitimate sons.

A kyeja could inherit the social status and financial means of their

20 Kwon Naehyon, “Choson hugi ibyang ui sijom kwa pomwi e taehan punsok” [An analysis onthe timing and extent of adoption in the late Choson] Daedong munhwa yon’gu 62 (2008).

stepfathers almost all alone and the other brothers who were living in their parents’home could have a larger allocation of the inheritance. Sometimes, mismanagement ofthe household economy, coupled with smaller allocations of the inheritance, couldlead to the degradation in the social status of those involved, but the inheritancestrategy helped them maintain the legitimacy of their social status by distributingthe financial resources among the kindred.

The situation lasted where generally the financial means of the high classwas dispersed and their financial conditions were deteriorating,21 continuing thedownward tendency of their social status even within the high class. The socialand economic gap was now narrowed between the financially successfulillegitimate children and their descendants who had been denied of the legitimacyin the family succession and discriminated even within the high class, and thelegitimate children and their descendants. The leveling of the social status andfinancial means to some degree was in the same direction as the stabilization offinancial conditions of a great number of families. The Andong Kwon clan was notan exception in experiencing the even distribution of its financial means amongmany families in the clan through the adoption of heirs. The conditions whichallowed both men and women to get married without difficulties, and the financialstability for so many families must have been the primary factors in increasing thefertility rates.

A closer look at the extent of adoption and its trend reveals the changes inthe way of taking a kyeja in addition to its diverse aspects. Adoptions were limitedto the legitimate sons of patrilineal descent. It was because they wanted to sharethe legitimacy of the social status and financial conditions of their family onlyamong themselves. The extent of adoption can be defined in terms of the distanceof a blood relationship between one’s biological father and the stepfather. The tablebelow shows the number of the cases of adopted heirs according to how manygenerations the heir is away from the common ancestor of the two familiesinvolved in the adoption. Because the exact times of adoption is not known, thetrend has been traced by the different periods when the adopted heirs were born:

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SON, Byunggiu

21 As shown in Table 3, among the men without legitimate sons, the rates of adoption in the firstand second half of the 18th century are as lows as 44 percent and 34 percent.

Table 7. Trend in Adoption Cases According to the Extent of Adoption

Early Late Early Late Early Late Early Late Early16th C 16th C 17th C 17th C 18th C 18th C 19th C 19th C 20th C

2 generations away (grandfather) 1 2 7 11 21 46 119 162

3 generations away (great grandfather) 1 1 2 5 11 26 42 38

4 generations away 1 3 5 3 15 29

(great-great-grandfather)



7 generations away 3 5 7 7 1

8 generations away 2 5 3

Common Ancestor of the BiologicalFather and the Stepfather

* The common ancestors of the biological father and the stepfather weredivided by the number of generations calculated from the kyeja. * “Within the Extent of Four Generations” refers to the cases in which an heiris adopted from among the descendants with the great-great-grandfather as thecommon ancestor. In here, cases of ‘kyeson,’ or grandson adopted as the heir,were included.

Until the early 17th century, the kyeja in Kwon Si-tuk’s and Kwon Si-chun’sfamilies were decided upon within the extent in which the common ancestor ofthe biological father and the stepfather of the heir was no farther than the great-great-grandfather (kojo ) of the heir in the distance of the blood relationship.The descendants who have the great-great-grandfather as the common ancestor areall kindred of third cousins or closer in the kinship system where the bloodrelationship is counted in terms of the degree of consanguinity (ch’onsu ). Theso-called ‘kindred of third cousins or closer with the same great-great-grand father’(tonggojo p’alch’on ) could have lived at the same period of time andlived and manage the household together as one family.22 Otherwise, they stillcould have lived in close relationships. It is completely understandable that thefamily succession and the distribution of the financial means are implementedwithin themselves.

However, beginning in the late 17th century, kyeja were decided uponoutside the afore-mentioned extent. And afterwards, the extent got even wider andwider over time. It implies that the extent of kindred widened to that extent theextent where, as a family, the members could hand down the social status of thefamily to the next generation and share its financial means among themselves by

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22 So the kindred of ‘tonggojo p’alch’on’ were called ‘ilga’ ( , same family), which alsosometimes referred to the members of the same surname and same ancestral seat group in its broadest sense.

9 generations away 1 2 2

10 generations away 1 2 8 1

11 generations away 1 1 4 3

12 generations away 1



15 generations away 1 2


Grandson Adopted 1 5 17

as the Heir (‘kyeson’)

Not Known 2 2 11 13 8

Total No. of kyeja 6 12 28 51 106 239 276

Within the Extent

of Four Generations 6 9 19 37 76 181 246

(Great-Great-Grandfather)

Proportion (%) 100 75 68 73 72 76 89

adopting an heir. However, although the extent was widening, the majority of theheirs were still adopted from within a narrower extent of sub-clans, except someexamples where the origin of the kyeja was not clearly stated.

In this context, the “sub-clan” refers to the patrilineal group of kindred(munjung, ), but in reality it varied in form to some degree. The commonancestor of the Andong Kwons who have lived in Tansong for a long time is KwonKom-sok. His descendants perform a ritual jointly in his memory as the originatorof their sub-clan. However, other sub-clans, originating from ancestors of latergenerations than Kwon Kom-sok, also exist with different munjung. While there isthe Sajikkong (referring to Kwon Si-tuk) Sub-clan with Kwon Si-tuk as itsoriginator, there separately exists the Anbundang (referring to Kwon Kyu) with KwonSi-tuk’s third son Kwon Kyu as its originator. With respect to the descendants ofKwon Si-chun, a sub-clan was formed with a fourth generation son from Kwon Si-chun as its originator.23

In Tansong, there are more than five major sub-clans of Kwon Kom-sok’sdescendants. What is noticeable about them is that with the exception of KwonKyu (born in 1496), most originators of the sub-clans were born in the late 16th

century. In the late 17th century when kyeja started to be adopted outside theextent of the descendants from the same great-great-grandfather, members of sub-clans were counted as descendants of the same great-great-grandfather. In thissense, it is hard to regard that what was to be known as ‘sub-clans’ in later dayswere formed during this period. The idea of munjung which is based on sub-clansshould be thought to have been formed much later.

What is interesting is that cross-sub-clan adoptions were frequently madeeven before a branch of a family was formed. The expanding extent of adoptionprobably prompted the recognition of the idea of a branch family. From thisviewpoint, it draws our attention that the adoptions were being polarized after thelate 18th century. The extent of adoption was increasing on the one hand, while,conversely, there was a stronger tendency to find a kyeja from among closerelatives of the tonggojo p’alch’on ( ) on the other hand.

From the late the 17th through the 18th century, the extent of adoption wasincreasing, leaving with fewer cases of adoption from among the descendants withthe same great-great-grandfather. At the time, it was presumably not easy to findcandidates of adoption from among close relatives due to the relatively smallnumber of legitimate sons per man. After the late 18th century, however, the casesof adoption from among the descendants with the same great-great-grandfatherwere increasing again amidst the continued expansion of the extent of adoption.The extent of kindred, in which the family succession and the distribution ofproperty were allowed through the medium of a kyeja, were being increasinglylimited to closer kindred.

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SON, Byunggiu

23 The four branch (or sub-clan) included the Tonggyegong p’a as its originator Kwon To (bornin 1575), the second son of Kwon Si-chun’s grandson (i.e., Kwon Se-ch’un); the Tongsangong p’a as itsoriginator Kwon Kug-nyang (born in 1584); the Mugonggong p’a as its originator Kwon Chip (born in1569), the first son of Kwon Se-in (i.e., another grandson of Kwon Si-chun; the Sangamgong p’a as itsoriginator Kwon Chun (born 1579), the third son of Kwon Se-in.

Adoptions showed different aspects after the 19th century when the rates ofadoption sharply increased. One of the aspects was that as efforts were made toprevent the discontinuation of one family line, the family which provided a kyejasometimes faced with the crisis of the discontinuation of its own family line. Sucha situation took place when, for example, after providing a son for adoption, theonly remaining son in the family died before having an heir of his own and nomore legitimate son was born contrary to the expectation of having more of them.In this case, solutions were often that one of the sons of the kyeja was sent back, orreadopted, to the kyeja’s original family to succeed its lineage or the kyeja wasdecided to succeed the lineage of the two families and perform the ancestral ritesfor both families (yangga pongsam ).24 The readoption was counted asanother adoption, and in this case, the readopted son was actually back to his ownhome although on the surface he comes from distance in the range of adoption.

Another aspect of adoption which was produced by the same cause was thegrandson adopted as the heir (kyeson, ) who was directly adopted to the familyof the grandfather. This case took place especially when a son of a kyeja wasadopted back to the adoptee’s home which had no heir. A biological grandson in ablood relation, he was a kyeson in form. Such cases appeared in the 19th centuryand they were quite common in the early 20th century.

This aspect of adoption attests to the fact that a family’s intention todistribute the family property among those patrilineal relatives who are as close tothe family as possible in the blood ties. As the eldest son almost monopolized theinheritance, the rest of the brothers often found themselves under a dire financialsituation. Now the environment was created where most of them could be savedfrom such a quandary through adoption. Under the circumstances where thecontinued practice of the partible inheritance were undermining the financial basisand degrading the social status of a family, adoption was a family strategy devisedto secure the stability of the household economy. The recovery of the fertility ratesin the 19th century must probably have been possible on the basis of the formationof the families with stable financial conditions. Still, the extent of the family inwhich the financial means was shared and distributed through adoption waslimited to very close relatives.

Conclusion Due to the insufficient demographic information in the genealogies, this paper hasnot been able to present specific demographic indices comparable with data onother areas in East Asia. However, it does identify the relationship between men’sremarriage to have a legitimate son and the adoption to succeed a family linewhich was about to come to an end and the interconnectedness between thecontradicting phenomena involving them and inheritance. This paper alsoproposes a hypothesis on the effects of men’s remarriage and adoption on thefertility rates and the following changes in the rates.

27


24 In Kwon Si-chun’s line, such events count 2 in the first half of the 18th century, and 3 in the20th century.

The rates of men’s remarriage reached a peak in the late 17th century but itgradually fell afterwards. Men’s remarriage was no longer considered as an effectivemeans of having a legitimate son. On the other hand, having too many legitimatesons could cause a risk of degrading the family’s financial strength and socialstatus. Although daughters’ share of inheritance drastically dropped in the late 17th

century, it was not enough to control the risk. The rates of adoption increased beginning in the late 17th century and

soared in the 19th century. People were giving up on their efforts to have alegitimate son and instead making an attempt to maintain the family’s social statusand financial means through a kyeja. As the only son, the adopted heir couldinherit the family’s property all alone and the rest of his family members at hisoriginal home could control the dispersion of the family’s financial resourcescaused by the continued practice of the partible inheritance. Especially under thesituation where the social status and financial strength of the high class was gettingweaker in the 19th century, the distribution of property through adoption helpedstabilize the household economy. The frequent adoptions increased the number ofthose who inherited the family property as the only son, preventing the weakeningof the family financial strength. Families with a lot of legitimate sons respondedwith the expected destabilization of the family’s financial conditions by increasingthe eldest son’s share of inheritance.

The conflicting progress of the decline in the rates of men’s remarriage andthe rise in the rates of adoption had presumably an effect on the changes in thefertility rates. Together with the restrictions on women’s remarriage, high classmen’s remarriage also helped repress the rise of the fertility rates. The fertility ratesstarted to fall in the late 17th century when the rates of men’s remarriage reachedthe highest, and recorded the lowest levels in the 18th century. It is viewed that thefalling rates of men’s remarriage could not turn around the trend of the decliningfertility rates. In the 19th century, however, the fertility rates may have been recoveredthanks to the sharply increasing rates of adoption and the stabilization of thehousehold economy.

Finally, some questions need to be raised over the supposed unity ofmunjung. Practically, it is quite difficult to measure the range in which the familysuccession and the distribution of the family property was allowed by the extent ofadoption. In this respect, both the centrifugal and the centripetal forces were atwork in the opposite directions: The extent of adoption was expanding to includea wider munjung on the one hand and shrinking toward the tonggojop’alch’on onthe other hand. The selection of a kyeja may have been affected by conflictinginterests among the close kindred, which must have varied depending on thedifferent perception on the clan. The supposed perception on munjung can be moreabstract than generally argued for. Perhaps we must understand munjung based onthe flexible relationship which works in both directions in the concentric circlescomposed of individuals, families, tonggojop’alch’on, small munjung, and largemunjung.

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SON, Byunggiu

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Primary SourcesAndong Kwon ssi kabo po . 1654. [Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy of

1654], preserved in the National Library of Korea.Andong Kwon ssi p’abo, Tonggyegong p’a . 1936. [Andong Kwon

Clan Branch Line Genealogy, Tonggyegong Branch].Angdong Kwon ssi taejonghoe [General Association of the

Andong Kwon Clan] (http://andongkwon.or.kr). 2002. Andong Kwon ssi chokpo deit’o peisu

[Andong Kwon Clan Genealogy Database].Daedong munhwa yon’guwon . 2003. “Nobi chondap punkum

mungi” ( ) [Document ondividing slaves and fields] (3rd month 24th day, 1690). In Kyongsang-do Tansong-hyon sahoe charyojip1 ( ) [Societal materialsof Tansong County, Kyongsang Province].

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Miyajima, Hiroshi . 1995. “Zaichi yangbanso no keizai kihan” [Economic base of local yangban in Korea]. In Yangban .

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[Modern era for women]. Tokyo: Keiso shobo.Okada, Aoi . 2000. “Keisho sozoku” [Succession and

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___________________. 2004b. “17-18 segi hojok taejang ui sanobi kijae silt’ae:Kyongsang-do Tansong-hyon Kwon Tae-yu ka nobi nul chungsim uro”17~18[Listing of slaves in the household registers of the 17th and 18th centuries: theslaves of Kwon Tae-yu’s household, Tansong County, Kyongsang Province]Komunso yon’gu 24.

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________________. 2008b. “Chokpo ui ingu kijae pomwi” [Extent of listing in genealogies] Komunso yon’gu 28.

Taga, Akigoro. 1981. “Chogoku sohu no kihonteki gainen to mondai teiki” [Basic concepts of Chinese genealogies and

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