The Humphries Wildlife Management Area:

History of Title and History of the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant

Malcolm Ebright President, Center for Land Grant Studies

Submitted to the Commission for Public Records

pursuant to Contract #09-36099-008720 2/4/2009

Table of Contents 1. Introduction – Scope of the Project ............................................................................4 2. Early Settlement........................................................................................................4 3. Early History of the Rio Arriba North of Abiquiú ........................................................9 4. Relations with the Jicarilla Apache..........................................................................11 5. Relations with the Ute and Navajo ...........................................................................14 6. The Old Spanish Trail..............................................................................................15 7. The Tierra Amarilla Grant........................................................................................18 8. Emmet Wirt.............................................................................................................22 9. Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Activism .......................................................................24 10. Humphries Wildlife Area Abstract..........................................................................29 11. Operation of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area.........................................33 12. Conclusion ............................................................................................................41 Appendices..................................................................................................................42 Appendix A - Chain of Title of Bill Humphries Wildlife Management Area ...................42 Appendix B – Tierra Amarilla Hijuelas by Community..................................................53 Appendix C – Catron Exclusions..................................................................................60 Appendix D – 1920 Chama Census .............................................................................61 Appendix E – Lumberton Census.................................................................................75 Appendix F – Chronology.............................................................................................76 Appendix G – Bibliography ..........................................................................................80 Appendix H – Color Coded Map of Humphries Wildlife Area.........................................81

Cover photo: Interpreter, left; Emmet Wirt, center, Chief of the Olleros, right.

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Table of Figures Figure 1. Jicarilla delegation to Washington in 1885. ..............................................13 Figure 2. Emmet Wirt’s trading post in Dulce, New Mexico......................................23 Figure 3. Emmet Wirt in the 1920s. ........................................................................24 Figure 4. Notice posted in September, 1964. ...........................................................25 Figure 5. The first paragraph of the eviction notice..................................................26 Figure 6. Article was printed in the Farmington Daily Times on October 11, 1964...27 Figure 7. Color-coded map locates the several tracts that are now included in the

Humphries Wildlife Management Area (see Appendix H for color version). .............30 Figure 8. A portion of Kenneth A. Heron’s 1920 map of Central Rio Arriba County. .31 Figure 9. William Humphreys..................................................................................33

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1. Introduction – Scope of the Project

This report on the Humphries Wildlife Management Area1 (WMA) is rendered

pursuant to a contract between the Center for Land Grant Studies and the Commission

of Public Records (the Agency) dated September 9, 2008. Paragraph 1 of the contract

provides for a review by the Center for Land Grant Studies of each of seven abstracts to

be provided by the Agency. After making a detailed review of the abstract the contractor

shall provide, “a synopsis of the chain of title, identification of any discrepancies or

breaks in the chain of title, and a brief history of the land grant in which the State Park

is located.” This report covers the findings concerning the Humphries Wildlife

Management Area (deliverable 1A2) within the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant and was

written by Malcolm Ebright.

While the abstract provided for the Humphries WMA was more complete than

other abstracts, there were some gaps that required additional research to fill in. The

files of probates, partition suits and other litigation were not included in the abstract.

In some cases I was able to obtain copies of some of these extensive court files from the

Department of Game and Fish, with the help of Melinda Benavidez. In addition, the

first two deeds in the chain of title were missing but have been added to the summary

of the chain of title in Section 10 and Appendix A.

I was assisted by research assistant Carisa Williams Joseph, Corinna Lazlo-

Henry, a law student at UNM School of Law, former State Archivist Richard Salazar,

and community members. Special thanks to Melinda Benavidez, Property Specialist,

Department of Game and Fish for making their extensive files available. Her assistance

went beyond the call of duty.

2. Early Settlement

The settlement of Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico was the culmination of a 150-year

pattern of settlement of what is now Rio Arriba County, starting in Abiquiú in about

1750. The Jicarilla Apaches, various bands of Utes, Navajos, and to some extent the

Comanches, considered the Rio Arriba their homeland before the Spanish arrived, and

the story of Hispanic occupation of the Rio Arriba is the story of the relations between

Hispanos, Anglos, and the Native Americans, especially the Utes and the Jicarilla

1. I have used Humphries Wildlife Area, because other references including: the Bill Humphries WMA, and the W. A. “Bill” Humphries WMA have not been used consistently.

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Apaches. Until the Jicarilla Apaches were resettled onto a reservation at Amargo near

present-day Dulce in 1881, and the Ute Agency was moved from Tierra Amarilla to Los

Pinos, Colorado, in 1878, all Hispanic settlements were subject to raids by these tribes

(see chronology). Raiding was accompanied by trading, and the most successful

Hispanic settlements often included Genízaros with some Indian blood, who could

negotiate with the Utes and Jicarillas.2

The communities of Los Ojos, Los Brazos, Tierra Amarilla (formerly Nutritas),

Ensenada, and La Puente were all settled and their irrigation ditches dug by 1861

(Barranco, Cañones, and Upper Town were also settled at that time as well, but are now

abandoned), and the outlying communities of Rio Nutrias, Canjilon, and Cebolla were

settled in 1867, 1871, and 1875, respectively. Since the Utes and the Jicarilla Apaches

had not been settled on their reservations until 1878 and 1881, respectively, and were

still raiding Hispanic settlements up until that time, all of the Tierra Amarilla

settlements were settled by a substantial number of interrelated Hispanic extended

families who moved to the communities about the same time. Smaller settlements were

not sustainable in the face of Indian attacks.3

Because of the lack of due process in the proceedings before the Surveyor

General, the Tierra Amarilla grant was confirmed as a private grant to Manuel Martínez

rather than the community grant it was intended to be. As the petitioner for

confirmation of the grant and one of Manuel Martínez'es sons, Francisco Martínez

claimed ownership of almost the entire grant. Due process of law requires a hearing

and notice of the hearing to those whose property rights may be affected.4

In 1861, Francisco Martínez, as spokesman for the family, began giving deeds or

hijuelas5 confirming individual holdings to settlers in the seven communities in the

Tierra Amarilla area. A list of these hijuelas is attached as Appendix B. By their terms,

they gave to each family-head parcels of land for house and garden plots, the right to

use the unallotted land on the grant for pastures, waters, firewood, and timber with free

2. Hispanic settlement of the Rio Arriba, a “spontaneous folk migration” is succinctly described in Robert J. Rosenbaum and Robert W. Larson, “Mexicano Resistance to the Expropriation of Grant Lands in New Mexico,” in Charles L. Briggs and John R. Van Ness, Land, Water, and Culture: New Perspectives on Hispanic Land Grants (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987) p. 275. See also James Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 304-06. 3. Malcolm Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A History of Chicanery (Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies, 1980), passim. 4. Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, p. 20. 5. An hijuela, as the term is used in Spain, is a document given to one who is entitled to a share of the estate of a deceased person, which gives an account of the share. Payne Livestock, 654. It is used here in the sense of a deed for a share in a land grant, including a tract of land which was private and conveyance of rights to use the unalloted land which was owned communally.

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access to all roads.6 Not only were these deeds notarized; but 113 of them were

recorded shortly after they were signed in the Rio Arriba County deed books.

Catron started buying the interests of the Martínez family to the Tierra Amarilla

grant in 1874 and is said to have paid about $200,000 for approximately forty-two

deeds purportedly conveying all the grant interests to him. In 1883 Catron had

consolidated his title sufficiently to file a quiet title suit, which resulted in his

acquisition of title to the entire Tierra Amarilla Grant. In order to do this, Catron

proceeded on the theory that the Tierra Amarilla Grant was made to Manuel Martinez,

individually, and his family, ignoring the fact that hundreds of Hispanic families were

living on the grant in the communities of Los Brazos, Barranco, Cañones, Ensenada,

Nutritas, Los Ojos, and La Puente. Manuel Martinez’s son, Francisco, had given deeds

called hijuelas to over 100 individuals living in those communities and those deeds were

recorded; nevertheless, in his quiet title suit, Catron named only the heirs of Manuel

Martinez and other members of the Martinez family. Catron claimed to own the entire

grant, which had been surveyed in 1876 and found to contain almost 600,000 acres,

except for about 50 acres in Chama. Catron alluded to the hijuelas as “conditional

donations of small strips of cultivable land,” which he estimated at less than 6,000

acres and agreed to recognize such conveyances “on presentation of the deed and proof

of compliance with its condition.”7

When Charles Catron finally sold the Tierra Amarilla Grant on June 12, 1909,

he excluded from the deed some surveyed tracts of land that became known as the

Catron exclusions, totaling 14,515 acres.8 Thus the area of the Catron exclusions

increased over time from 6,050 in 1883 to 14,515 in 1909.

Not all the occupied and irrigated land on the Tierra Amarilla Grant was

included within the boundaries of these “exclusions,” because Catron was not

motivated to make the Catron exclusions any larger than necessary. The greater the

area of the exclusions, the less Catron would receive by way of the purchase price for

the grant. He placed the burden on the owners of cultivated land represented by

hijuelas to prove their ownership by presenting those documents to him together with

proof of compliance with any conditions in those deeds. This is just the reverse of what

6. See Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 42-3 for the Spanish text and a translation of one of the hijuelas. For background on the hijuelas and a different conclusion as to their effect, see David J. Alderete and Gilbert Baca, “El Uso de la Hijuela en Tierra Amarilla,” a paper presented at the 20th annual meeting of the Western Social Science Association, Denver, Colorado (April, 1970). 7. Michael Rock, “Catron’s Quiet Title Suit,” unpublished manuscript in the author’s possession. 8. Deed from Charles C. Catron to Chama Valley Land Company, June 12, 1909, recorded June 22, 1909, Rio Arriba County Mortgage Record, Book 4, pp. 119-150.

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the law required.9 At the time he filed his quiet title suit, Catron was not required to

name and serve all those individuals occupying land within the grant. That

requirement was not imposed until two cases in 1911 and 1912, the cases of Priest v.

Town of Las Vegas and Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co.,10 dealing with quiet title and

partition suits, were decided, partly as a reaction to the abuses and unfairness of

proceedings like Catron’s quiet title suit. As the court in Rodríguez v. La Cueva Ranch

Co. stated, no longer may the plaintiff in a quiet title suit: “sit in his office, refrain from

all inquiry as to the persons claiming any part of the estate sought to be partitioned . . .

proceed against them as unknown owners, and thereby deprive them effectually of all

their rights and property.”11

This is exactly what Catron did when he quieted title to the entire Tierra

Amarilla Grant. He named only the unknown heirs of Manuel Martinez as defendants

and served all the defendants by publication. Thomas B. Catron sat in his office and

prepared the Bill of Complaint on August 17, 1883, and 42 days later on September 28,

1883, Judge Samuel B. Axtell signed the Final Decree declaring him to be the owner of

the entire Tierra Amarilla Grant. The only other individuals named were two of Manuel

Martínez’s six sons, both deceased, Eusebio Martinez and Sixto Martinez. Notice of the

lawsuit was published in a newspaper somewhere in the territory of New Mexico, but

since the court file is missing, we do not know which one. Catron was doing his best to

be sure that none of those people who had a claim to the Tierra Amarilla Grant would

receive notice of his quiet title suit. In fact, the suit was uncontested.12

Catron was required to name the holders of recorded deeds (a list of these deeds

is included as Appendix A) and all those who had purchased interests in the Tierra

Amarilla Grant from the other heirs of Manuel Martinez. It was not until 46 claimants

of interest in the grant sued Catron in 1889 to partition the grant that Catron entered

into stipulations with many of these claimants that the Final Decree in the quiet title

suit would not affect their holdings in the grant. In a sense, it was only when Catron

was forced to recognize individual occupants of or claimants to the Tierra Amarilla

Grant that he carved out exceptions to his ownership that became known as the Catron

9. Rock, “Catron’s Quiet Title Suit.” 10. Priest v. Town of Las Vegas, 16 N.M. 692 (1911); Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co., 17 N.M. 246 (1912). 11. Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co., 17 N.M. 246, 254 (1912). 12. Besides Eusebio and Sixto, Manuel Martínez had four other sons, Julian, Vicente, Antonio, and Francisco, none of whom were named in the quiet title suit. Francisco is the one who had the grant confirmed in his name by the Surveyor General of New Mexico after Manuel Martínez died and is the one granting hijuelas to the settlers living on the grant. Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 8-22.

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exclusions. These exclusions were not a good faith attempt to have the occupied lands

of the grant surveyed and excluded; rather, they represented Catron’s attempt to keep

the occupied land that he did not own at a minimum. Based on similar situations in

other land grants such as the Las Trampas Grant, if all the occupied land had been

surveyed, the Catron exclusions would be ten times larger. In fact when Charles Catron

sold the entire Tierra Amarilla grant in 1909, the Catron Exclusions comprised about

14,500 acres (see Appendix C). As early as 1881, he began receiving royalties from the

grant. In that year he sold a right-of-way to the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad Co.

across the northern part of the grant, plus house lots for employees and land for a

depot in Chama. His income from the grant reached as high as $50,000 a year. After

numerous attempts to sell the grant, beginning around 1883, he finally sold it in 1909

for an estimated price of $850,000, of which $495,000 was in cash.13

There is evidence that Catron was aware of the fact that there were others who

claimed to own the grant besides those from whom he obtained deeds. New Mexico's

representative in Congress, Antonio Joseph, filed a memorial before that body on behalf

of a large number of persons, “who report themselves to be descendants of those who

originally went on said grant with Martínez and complain that they are being deprived

of the right of free pasturage and wood and water by the present owners.”14 And in

1889 a lawsuit was filed against Catron by forty-six plaintiffs, who claimed that he was

making profits by leasing portions of the grant for grazing and timber-cutting, and that

they had a right to share in those profits since they had an interest in the commons by

virtue of conveyances from Francisco Martínez. Presumably these plaintiffs had not

conveyed to Catron. Apparently, the suit was dismissed.15

In 1883, Catron filed a quiet title suit that named only the unknown heirs of

Manuel Martínez as defendants, despite the fact that at least 113 hijuelas had been

recorded from Francisco Martínez to settlers living on the grant, most of whom were not

Martínez heirs. These settlers were not named because they were not listed on the

abstract of title to the grant which was filed in the case. This document, which

purported to be a complete listing of all recorded deeds to the Tierra Amarilla grant,

prepared by the County Recorder of Rio Arriba County, Francisco Salazar, does not list

the hijuelas. It does mention them but they are dismissed from serious consideration,

being referred to as “some informal conveyances of some very small piece of land.” This

13. Westphall, Thomas Benton Catron and his Era (Tucson, 1973), 46-60. 14. Frankie McCarty, Land Grant Problems in New Mexico, 13. Reprint of a series of articles appearing in The Albuquerque Journal, September 28 through October 10, 1969. 15. Seth v. Catron, SC-UNM, Catron Collection, PC 29:202; Box 1, folder 5.

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was simply not true since the hijuelas granted use rights on what became quasi-

common lands. This lays the entire quiet deed suit open to question.

For the second time, the settlers were not given notice of a proceeding which

challenged their ownership of the land. So Catron's title became final and most of the

grant, except for the villages, came into the hands of large-scale ranchers.

3. Early History of the Rio Arriba North of Abiquiú

The individuals who attempted to settle Tierra Amarilla and other communities

north of Abiquiú were forced back to more secure settlements where there was plentiful

irrigation water and a substantial body of pobladores. This pattern of moving from one

settlement to another throughout the Rio Arriba area was repeated over and over as

population increases in one settlement exacerbated shortages in land and irrigation

water during times of drought. Periods of drought also brought about an increase in

raiding activities by the Navajos, Utes, and Comanches who had difficulty in foraging for

and growing food during these drought periods. Thus, the times when establishment of

new communities was most needed by settlers from overcrowded communities because

of scarce water were often the times when such expansion was most difficult because of

Indian raids. In the 1870s, Indian raids began to subside as Utes and Jicarilla Apaches

were finally settled on their reservations, but claims settlers in the Tierra Amarilla area

made for livestock killed by Indians in the 1870s demonstrate the continuation of these

raids. Thus when a new settlement was made at a place like Tierra Amarilla, it was

necessary for a substantial group of families to move to the new settlement at one time

for defense against Indian raids.

The population of the Abiquiú area increased dramatically in the latter part of

the eighteenth century, from fewer than four hundred when Father Domínguez made

his census in 1776,16 to more than a thousand in 1790 when a census ordered by

Governor Chacón counted the individuals in eight Hispanic plazas and the Genízaro

Pueblo of Santo Tomás de Abqiuiú.17 By 1793 the population of the Abiquiú

settlements had increased to 1,558, which included the surrounding settlements of

Barranca, La Puente, and Tierra Azul. This rise in population was limited to individuals

designated as Spaniards, indicating that any population increase among Genízaros

from the Pueblo of Santo Tomás was offset by their assimilation into other plazas and

16. The 1776 census listed 46 families of 136 persons at the genízaro pueblo and 49 families of 254 persons at the surrounding Spanish settlements. Adams and Chávez, Missions of New Mexico, 126. 17. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3, Bancroft Library, Berkeley; Van Ness, Hispanos in Northern New Mexico, 150-54; Virginia Langham Olmsted, compiler, Spanish and Mexican Censuses of New Mexico, 1750-1830 (Albuquerque: New Mexico Genealogical Society, 1981), 111-24.

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their acquisition of vecino status. The plaza to which most Genízaros moved was the

Plaza de San Antonio del Vallecito in the mountains south of Abiquiú, which was

reached by an old Tewa trail. Of the nineteen families listed in the 1790 census, one

was characterized as Genízaro, one Indian, and four coyote, and one of the coyote

families was further classified as vecinos del Moqui (Hopis from the Plaza del Moqui with

vecino status).18

In 1790 the Pueblo of Santo Tomás included both Genízaros and Hopis in

separate plazas, but by the 1800s the separate Hopi settlement had become

assimilated, and the Hopi designation had mostly disappeared from sacramental

records. Occasionally the term "Moqui" appeared in the baptismal records, but these

likely referred to recent captives brought back to Abiquiú after militia expeditions into

Hopiland.19 Another outlying settlement listed in the 1790 census was the Plaza de

Guadalupe near the mouth of the Cañón del Cobre near the farmlands now called Los

Silvestres.20

The settlers in these plazas were a hardy group that included many of the

families who subsequently settled El Rito, Canjilón, Rio Nutrias, Cebolla, and the

settlements around Tierra Amarilla. Hispanos often took on the customs and

characteristics of the Genízaro and other nomadic Indians. Many Abiquiú vecinos were

fluent in Ute and other Indian languages and often engaged in a pattern of illegal trade

with the Utes and other tribes. They also raided surrounding Indian groups such as

the Navajos, Hopis, Utes, Apaches, and Comanches for war booty, particularly

captives.21 Several families in the 1870 El Rito census and the 1870 Tierra Amarilla

census included Indian servants.

As the population increased in the plazas around Abiquiú, new land grants were

made and old ones were revalidated (because of abandonment and failure) to secure

land on which new settlements could be established. The pressure to settle new areas

and find new water sources for irrigated farming increased during the early nineteenth-

century drought years from 1801 to 1803 and 1805 to 1813. The settlers in and around

the Abiquiú area were encouraged to attempt new settlements during the first decade

and a half of the 1800s because of a decrease in nomadic Indian raiding. Except for the

18. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3; Swadesh, Primeros Pobladores, 43-4; Poling-Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 57-8. 19. The Pueblo of Santo Tomás included fifty-five families in the 1790 census, including one headed by an individual named simply "Jose, el Apache." Pinart Collection, PE 55:3; Poling-Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 58. 20. The Plaza of Guadalupe contained twenty-four households in the 1790 census, six of which were headed by women. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3. 21. Van Ness, Hispanos in Northern New Mexico, 151-54; Poling Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 44.

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years 1801 to 1804, the period was relatively free from Indian raids on Spanish

settlements.

By 1806, as Plains Indians and other nomadic tribes fought each other over

territory, requests for farmland north and west of Abiquiú began coming in to Santa Fe,

although clearing the land, breaking the soil, and irrigation appear to have started a few

years earlier. In 1806 the Piedra Lumbre Grant was revalidated22 and the San Joaquin

del Río Chama Grant was made to Francisco Salazar, his two brothers, and twenty-

eight companions.23 Then in 1807 the Juan Bautista Valdez Grant was made south of

the Piedra Lumbre Grant in the Cañón de los Pedernales, where the community of

Cañones was established.24

4. Relations with the Jicarilla Apache

The Jicarilla Apache were a semi-nomadic tribe living in New Mexico at the time

of Juan de Oñate's arrival in 1598. A band of Jicarilla lived between Taos and Picuris

Pueblos at that time, and others were living to the north of Taos Pueblo and east of

Picuris Pueblo. In 1733 a Franciscan mission was established at or near Taos Pueblo,

but was short lived.25 A band of Jicarillas were still settled near Picuris Pueblo in the

late 1790s and early 1800s when they tried to obtain land from the Spanish

government at the Cieneguilla grant not to be confused with the Cieneguilla south of

Santa Fe. The Cieneguilla grantees objected telling the governor they would rather

abandon their grant than live with the Jicarillas. By the 1850s a group of the Jicarilla

Apache were still in the Taos/Picuris area.26

In March of 1854 a group of Jicarillas met with Kit Carson at Ft. Burgwin and

denied responsibility for recent raids in the area.27 Contrary to their assertions of

22. Piedra Lumbre Grant, PLC 30, Roll 35, fr. 1303 et seq. 23. San Joaquín (Cañón de Chama Grant), SG 71, Roll 20, fr. 575 et seq. 24. Juan Bautista Valdez Grant, PLC 179, Roll 50, fr. 369 et seq.; John R. Van Ness, "The Juan Bautista Valdez Grant:. Was it a Community Grant,?" in Van Ness and Van Ness, Spanish and Mexican Land Grants in New Mexico and Colorado (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1980), 107-16. 25. Declaration of fray Miguel de Melcher, Santa Barbara, 10 May 1744. Hackett, Historical Documents, 3: 403. 26. Town of Cieneguilla Grant, SG 62, Roll 19, fr. 668-72. 27. Carson recommended that a Special Agent be appointed to live with the Jicarillas to help them get provisions as they were starving. If no agent were appointed, since there was no game

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peaceful intentions, nine days later a combined force of up to 500 Utes and Jicarilla

Apaches attacked a company of sixty (60) U.S. military dragoons killing forty (40) of

them. As a result of the heavy U.S. defeat at what was called the Battle of Cieneguilla,

Brigadier General John Garland called the Jicarilla Apache the "most warlike of all the

Indians in New Mexico."28

The Jicarillas began receiving allotments of subsistence rations under the

program established by the U.S. government at Cimarron until 1871 when those

allotments were discontinued. The band of Jicarilla led by the chief known as Chacón

also received allotments "at a farm in the vicinity of Abiquiú, during the spring and

summer of 1853, but the farm yielded but little produce [and] when the produce of the

farm was consumed these Indians resorted to theft and robbery for sustenance."29 In

September of 1854 Governor Meriwether met with Chacón who "professed a strong

desire for peace [and] said that he and his people were poor and destitute." Meriwether

had Indian Agent Lafayette Head purchase forty (40) fanegas of corn and deliver it to the

Jicarillas who were camped near Abiquiú. Head reported that there were 100 lodges at

Chacón's camp and that after delivering the corn "the Indians treated him in a very

insolent manner and threatened to kill him."30

Many of the Jicarilla settled around Tierra Amarilla and received annuity goods

at the Ute Agency there. They intermingled and intermarried with the Capote Utes who

were officially receiving their subsistence allotments at Tierra Amarilla. In late 1873 the

Jicarilla chief Ignacio negotiated a treaty with the U.S. government that would provide

the Jicarillas with a reservation east of the Navajo reservation. On 25 March 1874

President Ulysses S. Grant signed an executive order establishing a 900 square mile

in the region, they would be forced to commit thefts and robberies according to Carson. Christopher "Kit" Carson to Acting Governor Messeveny, 21 March 1854, National Archives Records, Roll 547, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1855, NMSRCA. 28. Brig. General Garland to Lt. Col. Thomas, 1 April 1854, National Archives Records, Roll 497, Letters Received by the Office of the Adjutant General, 1822-1860, G-341, 1854, NMSRCA. 29. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1854, p. 378, cited in Albert H. Schroeder, "A Study of the Apache Indians, Part II, The Jicarilla Apaches," a report submitted to the Indian Claims Commission, Docket no. 22A. 30. Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs Meriwether to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Manypenny, 29 September 1854. National Archives Records, Roll 547, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1874, NMSRC; Schroeder, "The Jicarilla Apaches," 114-16.

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reservation for the Jicarilla Apaches. But the Jicarillas, then camped near Tierra

Amarilla, did not want to move there.31

Figure 1. Jicarilla delegation to Washington in 1885.

Since the Jicarillas did not want to move to their reservation, the boundaries of

which were not clearly delineated but which included the Cañon Largo/San Juan area,

Indian Agent W. F. M. Arny recommended that the San Juan region be opened to

settlement by non-Indians to support the miners, "opening the resources of the San

Juan mining region. Arny argued that the Jicarilla should be separated from the Utes

and other tribes and moved to the Mescalero Apache reservation and the area of their

reservation "be open for settlement by citizens . . . as homesteads."32 Another

document also recommended the opening of the area because "if the land were opened

for settlement it would become immensely valuable for purposes of agriculture."33

While Arny was encouraging settlement of the Cañon Largo/San Juan area, two

descendants, Syrus Arny and W. E. Arny, acquired land for themselves in the Tierra

Amarilla area.34 The Jicarilla Apache were finally moved from the Tierra Amarilla area

to their reservation at Amargo (near present-day Dulce) in 1881.

31. Interior Department, Executive Order signed by Ulysses S. Grant, 26 March 1874. National Archives Records, Roll 562, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1855, NMSRCA. 32. S. A. Russell to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Tierra Amarilla, 25 January 1876. National Archives Records, Roll 567, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1876, NMSRCA. 33. W. F. Arny to A. D. Higgens. National Archives Records, Roll 566, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1876, NMSRCA. 34. See map of survey Appendix I.

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5. Relations with the Ute and Navajo

The period from 1806 to 1818 was one of relative peace from Indian raids owing

in large part to the success of an 1805 expedition into Navajo country led by Lieutenant

Colonel Antonio Narbona, who also later became governor of New Mexico (1825-27).

Narbona led his troops, together with Opata and Pueblo Indian allies, into the heart of

Navajo country at the Canyon de Chelly. After a two-day battle the Navajos, who had

fortified themselves on a high point of rocks, were defeated. Narbona reported that

ninety warriors and twenty-five women and children were killed, and three warriors and

thirty women and children were taken captive. Among the captives was the leader,

Segundo, with his wife and two children. Eleven of the prisoners were distributed as

servants to the Spaniards.35 The campaign induced the Navajos to seek peace. On 12

May 1805, Governor Alencaster signed a peace treaty at Jemez Pueblo with the Navajos,

under which the Navajo agreed to relinquish their claims to lands at Cebolleta and the

Spaniards agreed to release seventeen Navajo captives, including Segundo. Such a

captive release was "perhaps unparalleled in Navajo-Spanish relations," according to

Frank McNitt, and helped establish peace with the Navajos for more than a decade.36

During the period, from 1806 to 1818, of relative peace with the Navajos and the

Utes, Spanish settlers traveled north far into Ute country as they continued to trade

with the Utes, regain property such as horses and livestock stolen by the Utes, and

bring back Genízaros to be sold as household servants. For example, in 1805 seventy-

year-old Manuel Mestas pursued a group of Utes who had stolen his horses and tracked

them as far as Utah Lake.37 Six years later Rafael Sarracino traveled across the same

region in search of a rumored Spanish settlement.38 In 1813 Mauricio Arce and Lago

García led a group of traders from Abiquiú into and beyond the Utah Lake area on a

trading expedition.39 Men like Manuel Mestas became intermediaries between the

35. Frank McNitt, Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972), 41. Narbona's report of the 17-18 January 1805 engagement at Canyon de Chelly is reproduced in Appendix A, 431-33. Narbona praised the bravery of militia captains Lorenzo Gutiérrez and Bartolomé Baca. The latter became governor (1823-25). 36. McNitt, Navajo Wars, 45-6. In addition to the captives Narbona brought back "eighty-four pairs of ears of as many [Navajo] warriors." Narbona had promised the governor ninety sets of ears so was lacking six "because the subject I encharged with them lost them." Report of Narbona's engagement with the Navajos at Canyon de Chelly, 1805, McNitt, Navajo Wars, 433. 37. SANM II: 1881, and Schroeder, "History of the Southern Ute." Mestas, a genízaro, received pay from the Spanish government for his services as a Ute interpreter. 38. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), 134. Sarracino did not find the rumored settlement but was able to trade for beautifully tanned pelts on very good terms. 39. SANM II: 1881.

14

Spaniards and the Utes, serving not only as interpreters but also as go-betweens who

brought peace proposals back and forth between the two groups. In 1808, for example,

Mestas reported to the alcalde of Santa Cruz de la Canãda that he had met with the

Utes about certain peace proposals. He reported that the Utes were divided, some

wanting to avenge a recent atrocity, others, including four captains, wanting peace.40

Later, men such as José María Chávez and Pedro León Luján, who alternatively fought

with or traded with the Utes, filled this same role.41

During this period of 1806 to 1818 of decreased raids by the Utes and the

Navajos, several petitions were filed for large community grants. Francisco Salazar

requested the San Joaquín Grant for himself, his brothers, and twenty-eight associates

in 1806, and the first petition for the Tierra Amarilla Grant was filed in 1814. The

Tierra Amarilla Grant was not made until 1832, but Governor Alencaster made the San

Joaquín Grant in 1806, just one month after the petition was filed. Both grants

included substantial areas of common land, but these ejidos were lost to the settlers on

the Tierra Amarilla grant when it was privatized. The common lands on the San

Joaquín grant were rejected by the courts and became U. S. public domain. Many

settlers were able to obtain title to small tracts of this land as homesteaders or small

holding claimants.42

6. The Old Spanish Trail

The first official attempt at opening a trial from New Mexico to California was the

Domínguez-Escalante expedition in 1776, which failed to reach its destination of

Monterey, California. Some members of that expedition, such as Andrés Muñiz of Ojo

Caliente and his brother, Antonio Lucrecio Muñiz, were familiar with the country

northwest of Abiquiú into Ute country because of their trading expeditions with the

Utes.43 They were helpful in guiding the Dominguez/Escalante expedition particularly

when it reached the Colorado River. Settlers in the communities around Abiquiú

continued their trading expeditions to Ute country learning more about the trails that

would become the several branches of the Old Spanish Trail. They often traded for

40. Manuel Mestas to the Alcalde of La Cañada, Abiquiu, 4 September 1808, SANM II: 1886. 41. For more on Pedro León Luján, see Sondra Jones, The Trial of Don Pedro León Luján: The Attack Against Indian Slavery and Mexican Traders in Utah (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2000), passim. 42. For a discussion of the privatization of the Tierra Amarilla Grant see, Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, passim. For the San Joaquín Grant see Chapter Five, "The San Joaquín Grant: Who Owned the Common Lands," in Ebright, Land Grants and Lawsuits, 105-42. 43. Joseph J. Hill, "Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, 1765-1853," Utah Historical Quarter;y, 3 (January 1930): 5-8.

15

Indian captives who were sought after by Spanish settlers.44 In 1829 many of these

individuals familiar with the country northwest of Santa Fe joined Antonio Armijo's

expedition that blazed the first complete route between Abiquiú and the San Gabriel

mission near Los Angeles. The journey took eighty-six days and opened one of the

routes that became the favored way to California for the next twenty years. Numerous

expeditions followed this route to California, where settlers looking for farmland and

grazing pastures found better locations than were available in New Mexico. Those who

could afford the trip, such as members of the Chávez family, settled permanently in

California or stayed there temporarily until Indian-raiding on the northern New Mexican

settlements subsided.45 Julián and Mariano Chávez, two of José María Chávez's

brothers, traveled the Old Spanish Trail to Los Angeles in the early years of the trail.

José María Chávez soon joined his brothers in Los Angeles under rather unusual

circumstances.

Unlike many New Mexicans, José María Chávez was a supporter of the

controversial governor, Albino Pérez, whose centralist policies sparked the 1837 Revolt

that cost him his life. Chávez served under Pérez as alcalde constitucional of Abiquiú in

the 1830s. When Pérez was killed, and his body mangled and beheaded in the early

days of the revolt, other Pérez supporters were also marked for execution. Chávez, along

with Jesús María Alarid, Santiago Abreu, Ramón Abreu, and Miguel Sena, were all on

the rebel's death list as former supporters of Governor Pérez. Chávez's uncle, Pablo

Montoya, was one of the leaders of the rebellion. He knew José María was a marked

man and told him so. Chávez hurriedly packed his baggage and set out on the Old

Spanish Trail for California. He probably followed the route Armijo opened in 1829

arriving in Los Angles in November 1837. Chávez brought serapes with him to trade and

presented himself to authorities in Los Angeles as a trader from New Mexico. He met his

brothers, Julián and Mariano, and probably settled near them. In March 1838 José

María and others who had fled New Mexico with him were involved in another rebellion

in California. They fought a gun battle on the side of the California rebels against

Mexican forces under the command of General José Castro. When an armistice was

declared José María quickly returned to New Mexico. He may have traveled back and

forth several times between Abiquiú and Los Angles on the Old Spanish Trial, but by

44. Jones, Trial of Don Pedro León Luján, 26-31. 45. Joseph P. Sánchez, Explorers, Traders, and Slavers: Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 1678-1850 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1997), see Appendix for a map of the route of the Old Spanish Trail.

16

1840 he had returned permanently to New Mexico to continue his career as an Indian

fighter and trader.46

José María Chávez led numerous campaigns against the Utes and Navajos

before and after his trips to Los Angeles in the 1830s. By the time he was twenty-two,

he had served in the positions of Lieutenant of Militia, Captain of Battalion, and

Adjutant of the Army. Chávez established himself at Abiquiú on his return from

California and in 1841 and 1843 led campaigns against the Utes in northern New

Mexico and southern Colorado and against the Navajos in northwestern New Mexico.

The Navajos and the Capote Utes had been enemies for some time, but in the late 1820s

Navajo-Ute relations improved so instead of attacking each other, they increased their

raids on Hispanic settlements. The Navajos hit the Abiquiú region in 1827 and 1829,

San Miguel in 1835, and Barranca and Ojo Caliente in 1844. An unfortunate incident

set back Spanish-Ute relations in 1844 when Governor Martínez de Lejanza killed a Ute

with a chair in the Governor's Palace. The Utes had come to parley with the governor,

but Martínez had set a trap with soldiers hidden behind curtains. At the first defiant

word from the Ute chiefs the governor and his men attacked the unsuspecting Indians.

Feeling betrayed the Capote Utes attacked Abiquiú and Ojo Caliente, and Utes raids

increased throughout New Mexican settlements. Chávez, now a brigadier general in

charge, ordered a massive retaliatory raid.47

The three districts into which New Mexico was divided were ordered to provide a

thousand men, and one hundred regular soldiers were added to the campaign. The lists

of plazas around Abiquiú that were supplying fighters provide a fairly complete listing of

the Abiquiú area settlements that provided militiamen. General Chávez led this large

army against the Utes in Colorado driving them to the Arkansas River, which was the

boundary between Northern Mexico and the United States. He was not allowed to

pursue the Utes beyond the Arkansas; this would constitute an invasion of the U.S. His

army was turned loose on the remaining Ute encampments south of the Arkansas, and

all property left behind was either divided among the troops as spoils or destroyed. The

campaign was considered successful, although it did not stop Ute and Navajo raiding.

For his leadership of the campaign the Mexican government rewarded General Chávez

with a handsome sword, which he proudly displayed over his fireplace in his Abiquiú

home.48

46. Sánchez, Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 108-14. 47. Ibid., 114-15; Schroeder, "Brief History of Southern Utes," 64; "New Mexican [is] 101 Years Old," clipping from the Santa Fe New Mexican, L. Bradford Prince papers, Personal Papers, José Maria Chávez, Folder 24, Box 14019, NM State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 48. "New Mexican [is] 101 Years Old," Sánchez, Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 114.

17

Despite the disruptions and uncertainties that Indian raids caused in the 1830s,

1840s, and 1850s, the Old Spanish Trail remained open. The Mexican policy of

providing gifts to the Utes, Jicarillas, and Navajos to maintain their friendship did not

guarantee peace but helped insure safe passage over the trail.49 "Mule trains leaving

Abiquiú moved up the Chama River and down the San Juan through Capote Ute

territory unmolested before looping through Utah to the coast."50 This safe passage

lured numerous settlers, to establish settlements in Southern Colorado and the Los

Angeles area well before the Tierra Amarilla area was considered safe for settlement.

7. The Tierra Amarilla Grant

In the early fall of 1824, Pablo Romero and Manuel Martínez, joined by seventy-

six other mostly poor, landless individuals, asked Governor Bartolomé Baca for a tract

of land thirteen or fourteen leagues (about 35 miles, an underestimation), from Abiquiú

that later became known as the Tierra Amarilla Grant. Romero and Martínez had

requested the same land on behalf of sixty proposed settlers in 1820, and six years

earlier in 1814 Marcial Montoya and Pedro Romero had sought the same land for

themselves and seventy others.51 People from Abiquiú were familiar with Tierra

Amarilla since before the Domínguez-Escalante expedition passed through the area.

The 1776 entry dated "3 Augusto" in the Domínguez-Escalante journal describes a

region along the Río Chama near El Bado that could support a farming community: “the

river's meadow is about a league long from north to south, good land for farming with

the help of irrigation; it produces a great deal of good flax and abundant pasturage.

There are also the other prospects which a settlement requires for its founding and

maintenance.”52 The 1824 petition used similar language to describe the land available

for the establishment of a large settlement: “fertile land, having pastures, wood, and

49 Schroeder, "Brief History of the Southern Utes," 63. 50. Le Roy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, The Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles (Glendale: The Arthus H. Clark Company, 1954). 51. Petition of Marcial Montoya and Pablo Antonio Romero for land on the Brazos del Río de Chama, Abiquiú 1814, SANM I: 613; Petition of Manuel Martín and Pablo Romero for lands at Tierra Amarilla, 1820, SANM I: 615. 52. “La vega del río tiene de norte a sur como una legua, buen terreno para siembras con proporción de riego; produce mucho lino y bueno y abundante pasto. Hay también las demás proporciones que una población necesita para su establecimiento y subsistencia.” Fray Angelico Chávez, trans., and Ted J. Warner, ed., The Domínguez-Escalante Journal: Their Expedition Through Colorado, Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico in 1776 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), journal entry for 3 August 1776, 6-7 (English), 136 (Spanish).

18

water for a useful advantageous farming settlement on which to support our large

families.”53

The 1824 petition was approved by local officials at Abiquiú and passed on to

Governor Bartolomé Baca (1823-1825) for action. Baca failed to rule on the request,

perhaps because he was aware of an investigation of the 1820 petition, which revealed

that not all the petitioners were as poor as they had represented. Alcalde García de la

Mora had reported that Manuel Martínez “has enough farmland.”54 The requirement

that petitioners for both private and community land grants not own other land was

frequently overlooked, but officials such as Governor Baca, who encouraged the

privatization of common lands rather than the making of new community grants,

tended to overlook such requirements.55 The boundaries of the tract requested in the

1824 petition were substantially the same boundaries awarded to the successful

petitioner for the Tierra Amarilla Grant in 1832, Manuel Martínez. The boundaries

requested by Martínez were: north, the Navajo River; south, the Nutrias River; east, the

ridge of the mountain range; and west, the line from the mountain pass to Horse

Lake.56 Martínez asked for the land for himself, his eight sons, and “some others who

voluntarily desire to accompany me.”57 Since no list was attached to the petition and

there was no act of possession listing the names of proposed settlers, the petition alone

was somewhat ambiguous as to whether Martínez was asking for a private or a

community grant. But the subsequent reports and the granting decree make it clear

that the Tierra Amarilla grant was intended to be a community grant. 58

53. Petition of Pablo Romero and Manuel Martínez for themselves and seventy-six others for land at Tierra Amarilla, Abiquiú, 21 September 1824, SANM I: 805. 54. For a brief discussion of the early petitions for the Tierra Amarilla Grant, see Malcolm Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, 9-10. 55. Bartolomé Baca's policy of privatizing communal lands is discussed in Malcolm Ebright and Rick Hendricks, “The Pueblo League and Pueblo Indian Land in New Mexico, 1692-1846,” in Ysleta del Sur Pueblo Archives, El Paso: Book Publishers of El Paso, 2001), 4: 144-48. 56. “Norte, el Rio de Navajó; sur, el Rio de las Nutrias; oriente, la cordillera de la sierra; poniente, la línea del Puerto a la Laguna de los Caballos.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32. 57. “Algunos otros voluntariamente me quieren acompañar.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32-3. 58. At the time Manuel Martínez submitted his petition, he had six sons (José Julián, José Vicente, José Eusebio, José Sixto, José Antonio and José Francisco) and two sons-in-law (the husbands of his daughters, María Dolores Martínez de Chávez and María de Jesús Martínez de Chávez). 1843 will of Manuel Martínez, New Mexico Documents, 1770-1876, SC-UNM. Of these, the only ones for whom there is evidence of settlement on the grant are Francisco and José Antonio. Francisco is said to have built a large fuerte, with four corner turrets enclosed by a wall, in Los Ojos. Robert J. Torrez, “A History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880,” unpublished manuscript, December 1, 1975. José Antonio received an hijuela from Francisco for land in Barranco in 1863.

19

The size of the grant was not mentioned, but from the boundaries requested it

was clear to Martínez'es contemporaries that the Tierra Amarilla grant, as it would be

called, was huge (almost 500,000 acres). This was more land than was usually granted

to one individual, but Martínez made it sound as if he was asking for the land himself,

when he said that one of the motives was to leave his family “a means of providing for

their subsistence” when he died. Manuel Martínez admitted he had other lands but

said they were “so old, worn out, and exhausted” they were not sufficient to provide for

his family's needs.59

When Governor Santiago Abreu received the petition as head of the territorial

deputation (New Mexico's legislative body), he referred it to the Abiquiú ayuntamiento

for its report. The Ayuntamiento of Abiquiú was the town council that performed all the

functions of local government, one of which was to report on petitions for grants of land.

Although the senior regidor, José María Chávez, was married to one of Manuel's

daughters, there does not appear to have been any favoritism exercised on his behalf.60

On the contrary, the main concern of the ayuntamiento was to retain the use of the

common lands of the new grant for the residents of Abiquiú, which could most easily be

done if the new grant was a community grant with common lands. The statement in

the ayuntamiento's report that the land “was capable of supporting five hundred

families without property . . . leaving the pastures and watering places free to all

inhabitants of this jurisdiction of Abiquiú,” certainly shows that a community grant was

intended at this point in the proceedings.61

Manuel Martínez did not want it to be a community grant, however. It was

unusual for the petitioner to intervene at this point since the ayuntamiento's report was

directed to the governor, but Martínez was apparently aware of its content and sent a

protest to Governor Abreu. At first glance, the protest, which could be viewed as a new

petition, seems to object only to sharing the common lands of the new grant with the

Abiquiú settlers. On closer scrutiny, however, Martínez appears to be objecting to any

provision for common lands asserting that, “what is reduced to private property cannot

be common,” and “what is common to everyone is owned by no one.” By the end of his

59. “Un recurso para subvenir a su subsistencia,” “tan demeritados, vejecidos, y cansados.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32-3. 60. Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), 57. 61. “Capaz de mantener quienientas familias sin propiedad . . . que dando libres los pastos y abrevaderos comunes para todos los habitantes de esta jurisdición de Abiquiú.” Report of the Ayuntamiento of Abiquiú, 15 May 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 34.

20

protest it was clear that Manuel Martínez wanted the entire Tierra Amarilla grant to be

his property as a private grant.62

The next document in the administrative sequence does not appear in the

Surveyor General's file and was apparently not submitted with the petition for

confirmation. It is the report, found in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico, of a special

three-man commission in Santa Fe, appointed by the governor to make

recommendations regarding the petition and the protest. The use of such commissions

testifies to a thoroughness of administrative procedure during the period of the Mexican

administration. The commission was even more explicit than was the ayuntamiento

that this was to be a community grant when it stated, “ . . . [it] has deemed it just and

proper that it [the land] be granted to the related petitioners and the rest which may join

together” [emphasis added].63

The provisions recommended by the commission were adopted almost word for

word in the grant itself, made by the territorial deputation. Article three in particular

points directly to a community grant, clearly overruling Martínez's protest but leaving

the question of sharing the commons open, stating “that the pastures, watering places,

and roads shall be free according to custom prevailing in all settlements.”64

The process of settlement of the Tierra Amarilla area, as in the other river valleys

of Northern New Mexico, has been termed a budding process, whereby the buds of new

villages would form out of the stock of older villages, such as Abiquiú.65 The new

community was often named after the older one from which the bulk of the settlers were

recruited. The villages of Barranco, Cañones, and La Puente were all named after

communities near Abiquiú.66

The pattern of a large group settling in an area after repeated small scale

settlements were driven off by the Utes, Navajos, and other Indians occurred on the

Tierra Amarilla grant during the 1860s and 1870s. In the Tierra Amarilla region the

62. “Respecto de que no puede ser comun lo que se distina a propiedad particular” and “lo que es de todos en comun no es de nadie en propiedad.” Martínez to Governor Abreu, Abiquiú, 16 July 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 36-7. 63. SANM I: 1103. It is not clear why Francisco Martínez did not file this document with his petition for confirmation of the grant. 64. Grant by the Territorial Deputation, Santa Fe, 20 July 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 40-41. 65. Paul Kutsche, John R. Van Ness and Andrew T. Smith, “A Unified Approach to the Anthropology of Hispanic Northern New Mexico: Historical Archaeology, Ethnohistory and Ethnography,” Historical Archaelogy, 10 (1976): 1. 66. It was not always the case that the majority of settlers in the new community came from the named-after community. La Puente was settled by people from Abiquiú and El Barranco de Abiquiú. Interview with Samuel and Bernardo Sánchez, Los Brazos, New Mexico, September 21, 1971, cited in Torrez, “A Brief History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880.”

21

Jicarilla Apaches claimed much of the land encompassed by the Tierra Amarilla land

grant. In April 1855 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asked New Mexico governor

David Meriwether to negotiate a treaty to provide the Jicarillas with a reservation. It

was thought that such a reservation might cover part of the Tierra Amarilla Grant.

Thus when Francisco Martínez tried to take possession of the grant with a group of

settlers in 1856, he was asked by the Indian agent at Abiquiú to postpone settlement.

In the meantime, Francisco Martínez pursued his petition for confirmation of the

Tierra Amarilla Grant with Surveyor General of New Mexico, William Pelham. Pelham

championed Martínez's cause over the efforts of Governor Meriwether to provide land for

the Jicarillas. In June 1860 Congress confirmed the Tierra Amarilla grant based on

Pelham's recommendation, and Martínez began to recruit settlers to populate the grant.

The Capote Utes and other tribes continued to resist Hispanic attempts to form

settlements on the Tierra Amarilla grant, but between 1860 and 1864 eight

communities had been formed in the Tierra Amarilla area consisting of more than one

hundred thirty heads of families.67

8. Emmet Wirt

The story of the life of Emmet Wirt is important to the history of the Humphries

Wildlife Management Area (WMA) because the largest part of the Humphries WMA tract

of 10,950.95 acres was owned by Emmet Wirt from the time he acquired it in 1917 to

the time the estate of his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms transferred a portion of the tract

to the New Mexico State Game Commission in 1968. Known as the Simms tract

containing 4903.8 acres it is colored green on the map of the Humphries WMA attached

as Appendix H.

Emmet Wirt was born on a farm near Harrisonville, Missouri in 1865. He came

to the Southwest around 1883. He first worked at Sullenberger’s sawmill near Azotea,

and then worked as a cowboy for the Bar U Ranch, in the four corners area. When he

heard that the Jicarilla Apache Indians had been settled on the reservation near Dulce

established by Grover Cleveland’s 1887 executive order he decided to go into the

mercantile business. After gaining some experience in a store run by Gomez, Wirt

opened his first trading post at Monero, between Amargo and Lumberton. A few years

67. The settlements on the Tierra Amarilla established during this period and the approximate number of settlers are: Brazos (12), Barranco (15), Cañones (15), Ensenada (22), Nutritas (18), Los Ojos (33), La Puente (14), and Upper Town (3), Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, xv-xvii, 45-48; Robert Torrez, “The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A Case Study in the Editing of Land Grant Documents,” Southwest Heritage 13 (Fall 1983-Winter 1984): 2.

22

later he opened a store in Dulce, the headquarters of the Jicarilla agency, which he ran

until his death in 1938.

Figure 2. Emmet Wirt’s trading post in Dulce, New Mexico.

While he ran his trading post, most Jicarillas liked and trusted Emmet Wirt. He

would often provide them with needed supplies on credit using coupon books “selling”

them $10 worth of books on credit. When the Jicarillas’ government subsistence

checks came in Wirt would cash their checks, after first deducting for the outstanding

coupons. Often when a Jicarilla died owing Wirt money he would cancel the debt

saying God had settled the account.68

Wirt worked with the Jicarilla Indian agent for the benefit of the Jicarilla. When

the Jicarillas attempted to expand their reservation with much-needed grazing lands

Wirt traveled to Washington with their representatives and spoke on their behalf. He

also provided the Jicarilla with hay, meal, and cottonseed cake when their sheep and

cattle were suffering because of lack of forage due to heavy snow. Wirt helped the

Indians make paths through the snow by cutting down large pine trees and hauling

them behind teams of horses. When the government tried to enforce a new regulation,

the Jicarillas would come to Emmet for his advice.69 Thus the Indian Agent learned to

cultivate a good relationship with him.

In 1912 Wirt married Christina Shirmer, a nurse at the Ochsner Hospital in

Durango, Colorado. They had a daughter Cecilia who later married Richard Simms, son

68. Daniel T. Kelly, Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest (Santa Fe: The Vergara Publishing Company, 1972). 69 Kelly, Buffalo Head, 154-55.

23

of Emmet’s friend Denton Simms, a missionary of the Dutch Reformed Church. Emmet

and Denton had long worked together helping the Jicarilla Apaches. In the 1920s Wirt

and the Indian agent at Dulce worked with the local lumber mills to assure that the

Jicarillas were paid well for their timber rights and found them employment in the

mills. They encouraged the Jicarilla to put their money in livestock. Emmet Wirt was

considered a friend and advocate for the Jicarilla Apaches to such an extent that

Veronica Tiller stated in her the Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History, “the story of the

Jicarillas cannot be divorced from Emmitt (sic) Wirt.”70

Figure 3. Emmet Wirt in the 1920s.

During the 1920s Emmet Wirt took the advice of his attorney Will Barker and

made a will “naming his Apache children and leaving each a substantial sum, while

reserving a goodly inheritance for his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms.”71 This will is

mentioned in the abstract of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area, but is not

included. The will provided that the land known as the Simms tract (color-coded green

on Appendix H) would go to his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms.

9. Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Activism

This section will deal with the land grant activism in the early 1960s and the

response of the State of New Mexico to that activism. The famous Courthouse Raid on

June 5, 1967 was one result of this activism, but this report will deal primarily with

events occurring before and after the Courthouse Raid since that event has been

70. Citing Memorandum Faris to Collier, October 13, 1936, RG75, Jicarilla Agency, CF 1907-39, NA, from Veronica E. Velarde Tiller, The Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History (Albuquerque: Bow Arrow Publishing Co., 2000), pp?; Kelly, Buffalo Head, 161. 71. Kelly, Buffalo Head, 161-62.

24

discussed fully in numerous books and articles.72 This is relevant to the El Vado Lake

State Park because correspondence from the New Mexico Game and Fish Department

during this time period specifically mentions, “the El Vado property.”73

Sometime in September 1964 officials of the Tierra Amarilla Grant and its

representative the Corporation of Abiquiú, advised the public and in particular the

residents of the grant that were not heirs, that the grant heirs owned the entire grant

and intended to evict all non-heirs by October 20, 1964. The notice came in the form of

a sign on the grant giving notice that anyone “caught destroying any part or product of

this grant will be punished under the law,” and a formal notice of eviction signed by five

members of the Corporation of Abiquiú.74

Figure 4. Notice posted in September, 1964.

72. The following books deal with the courthouse raid and Reies Lopez Tijerina, the best known land grant activist: Patricia Bell Blawis, Tijerina and the Land Grants (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Richard Gardner, Grito: Reies Tijerina and the New Mexico Land Grant War of 1967 (Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1970); Peter Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969); and "Reflections on the Alianza," New Mexico Quarterly, 37, (Winter 1968), pp. 343-356; Clark S. Knowlton, "Land-Grant Problems Among the State's Spanish-Americans," New Mexico Business, June 1967; "Reies Lopez Tijerina and the Alianza: Some Considerations," unpublished manuscript, and "Reies L. Tijerina and the Alianza Federal de Mercedes: Seekers after Justice," unpublished manuscript. 73. Memo from William A. Humphries, September 29, 1964, re T.A. Grant. NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 74. Photo of sign on the Tierra Amarilla Grant, NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

25

The eviction order was signed by Amarante Serrano, Ubaldo Martinez, Samuel

Benavidez, Cruz Aguilar, and Juan Y. Valdez, and – claiming the authority of the Treaty

of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the U.S. Constitution and international law – ordered the

evacuation of all non-heirs from the grant by October 20, 1964.75

Figure 5. The first paragraph of the eviction notice.

In response, state officials, the courts, and federal officials took action.

Newspaper articles, both published and in draft form described the situation in

alarming terms.76

75. First page of eviction order NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 76. “Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Dispute Nears Boiling Point,” The Farmington Daily Times, Sunday, October 11, 1964, p. A7.

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Figure 6. Article was printed in the Farmington Daily Times on October 11, 1964.

As the newspaper described the challenge by the activists “The Corporation of Abiquiú

says no one may hunt or fish upon the huge grant without possessing a special license

purchased from the grant. A number of hunters intend to go into the area with regular

New Mexico big game licenses. The corporation has set up a headquarters on the

highway leading into the small town of Chama. It has posted signs all over the area.

Persistent reports from local papers say the corporation will have approximately 70

armed men ready to enforce its eviction notices as of the 20th.”77 The threat of privately

issued hunting licenses soon caught the attention of state authorities. As one of the

newspaper articles noted: “The area is well-known for its recreational facilities - - the

Chama and Brazos Rivers providing excellent trout fishing and the mountains of the

area abounding in deer, elk, bear and turkey. It is a favorite area for both New Mexico

and non-resident sportsmen. This, say Game and Fish Department officers, also

complicates matters since the Game Department owns and operates a huge state trout

fish hatchery at Parkview and, in addition owns and maintains an additional 12,000-

plus acres of recreational land in the grant. Game Department officers say they will

take no action as law enforcement officers but will simply act as conservation officers in

case of trouble - - reporting violations to the State Attorney General’s office.”78 The New

Mexico Game and Fish Department considered deputizing their conservation officers

with deputy sheriff commissions with authority to arrest land grant activists, but

decided against it. The department issued a memorandum regarding “procedures to

follow on T. A. Land Grant During the Big Game Season.” It provided for hunting

licenses to be issued as usual, and for poachers without a license to be “cited to court

77. Draft of newspaper article NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 78 Draft of newspaper article NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

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in the usual manner.” In cases of potential conflict the Department advised among

other things:

1. If gates or right-of-ways to Game Department property are obstructed or

interfered with to prohibit hunters entering without purchasing the Grant

permit by the so-called armed guards of the Grant, you should contact

Director Ladd Gordon or Jim Peckumn who in turn will contact the Attorney

General’s Office and the District Attorney who will advise the next step to be

taken.

2. We should not attempt to interfere in cases where the special fee is

requested on such private lands.

3. We will not cut fences or saw off locks on any land for the purpose of

permitting hunters to enter.

4. All State Game Department property will be open to the public without

additional restriction to anyone.

5. Where questions are asked in regard to any restrictions on other lands, you

should inform the sportsmen that these private lands are no different than

other private lands outside the Grant.

6. We should refrain from encouraging or agitating any conflict, either between

the Grant people and the sportsmen, or between the Grant people and the

Game Department.

7. Do not encourage sportsmen to forceably enter any land and advise hunters

to contact the individual landowner for entry permission.

The non-confrontational stance of the Department of Game and Fish together

with a restraining order issued in Rio Arriba County District Court helped avoid any

confrontations for the time being. The restraining order, signed by district court judge

Paul Tackett ordered the named defendants – which included the five signers of the

Corporation of Abiquiú eviction order to refrain:

1. From issuing or causing to be issued any future or further eviction orders or

notices;

2. From in any way carrying out or attempting or threatening to carry out any

eviction of any person whatsoever without legal process of the Courts of the

United States or the State of New Mexico;

3. From issuing or collecting any fees in any form for hunting or fishing

licenses;

4. From in any way interfering, molesting, stopping or threatening any hunter

or fisherman with a valid New Mexico hunting or fishing license;

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5. From unlawfully carrying any loaded firearms or other deadly weapons

except as provided by law, and this portion of the Injunction is to apply to all

citizens of Rio Arriba County, New Mexico, and the Sheriff, State Police

Officers, and all peace officers are forthwith ordered and directed to arrest

and file criminal charges against any person violating the order herein.

6. From patrolling or trespassing on any private land or interfering with the

possessor of said land in the peaceful enjoyment of said land in any way

whatsoever.

The court further ordered “the individuals who installed and posted signs on the

Tierra Amarilla Land Grant [to] remove said signs within five days from October 16,

1964, the date of the hearing herein.” This episode in the long-standing land grant

struggle demonstrates the concern by local residents or regarding usage and indeed

ownership of lands that had been the common lands of the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant.

It also shows the reaction of state and federal government to the perceived threat. As

one press release noted “The federal government, however, does not appear to be taking

the matter too lightly. Armed guards have been placed around all federal construction

sites on the grant - - such as the multi-million-dollar San Juan-Chama Diversion

project, designed to divert water into the Rio Grande Valley.” This would presumably

include El Vado Dam and El Vado Lake.

10. Humphries Wildlife Area Abstract

The Bill Humphries Wildlife Area was established through the consolidation of

five tracts of land acquired by the N. M. State Game Commission at different times as

discussed more fully in this portion of this report dealing with the chain of title to the

Wildlife Area.

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Figure 7. Color-coded map locates the several tracts that are now included in the

Humphries Wildlife Management Area (see Appendix H for color version). Tract 1, containing 4903.8 acres was conveyed to the N. M. State Game

Commission by Cecelia Wirt Simms in 1968. It is known as the Simms tract and is

colored green on the above map. Tract 2 consisting of 839.29 acres is a portion of the

Sanchez Tract conveyed to the N. M. State Game Commission by Miguelita S. Maestas

in 1978 (105.5454 acres), Oriola S. Garcia in 1978 (105.5454 acres), Joe and Juanita

Pino in 1977 (522.607 acres) and Matias Sanchez (signed by Joe Pino as attorney in

fact) in 1978 (105.5454 acres). Tract 3, known as the Tomás Gonzales or Consuelo

Gonzales tract, was conveyed to the N. M. State Game Commission by a deed from

Consuelo Gonzales, a widow in 1966 (4227.08 acres) and is colored purple on the above

map. Tract 4, known as the Gonzalo Gonzales tract, was conveyed to the N. M. State

Game Commission by Gonzalo Gonzales in 1977 (980.87 acres) and is colored yellow on

the above map.

A. Hernandez Abstract The first part of the Humphries Wildlife Area abstract is the so-called Hernandez

abstract prepared in 1904 by Benigno C. Hernandez for Thomas B. Catron who was

seeking a loan at the time. It covers the history of the Tierra Amarilla grant from 1832

to 1904. This historical material is covered in sections 6 and 7 of this report.

B. Tract 1 – Nolan or Wirt and Garcia Tract (Simms Tract) This tract is colored green on the color-coded map. It is approximately half of

the larger Nolan Tract that was severed from the common lands (all the land within the

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grant other than the Catron Exclusions) by the 1913 deed from Arlington Land

Company to Laurence Nolan, a large landowner in Archuleta County, Colorado.79. That

tract is shown on the 1920 Heron map as the Wirt/Garcia Tract.

Figure 8. A portion of Kenneth A. Heron’s 1920 map of Central Rio Arriba County.

In July of 1917 Emmet Wirt acquired the Nolan (Wirt/Garcia) tract from John

Walker who had acquired it from the Nolan Cattle Co. in June of 1917. When Emmet

Wirt went into partnership with Felix Garcia, they each agreed to each take a half

interest in the Nolan tract, so when Garcia died around 1927 Emmet Wirt conveyed a

half interest in the 11,191 acre Nolan tract to his estate. That deed is the beginning of

the chain of title for tract 2 to be discussed in subsection C of this section.

In 1938 eleven years after the Nolan (Wirt/Garcia) tract was divided in half,

Emmet Wirt died and during the probate of his estate and related litigation the property

was surveyed at 4903.8 acres. It was not until 1948 that Wirt’s daughter Cecilia Wirt

Simms and her husband Richard Simms received a deed from the trustee of the estate

of Emmet Wirt for the 4903.8-acre tract. In 1968 Cecelia Wirt Simms, joined by her

husband Richard Simms, transferred this tract, known as the Simms tract and colored

green on Appendix H, to the New Mexico State Game Commission.

C. Tract 2 – Sanchez Tract (Sanchez, Maestas, Garcia tract 316.6 ac/ Pino Tract 522.6 ac)

The first deed in the chain of title for tract 2 (which is actually two tracts on the

color-coded map: Pino/ brown and Sanchez/Maestas/Garcia/ brown with red border) is

79. 1905 Tax Roll for Archuleta County, Colorado, http://files.usgwarchives.net/co/archuleta/taxes/tax1905.txt.

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the 1927 deed from Emmet Wirt to the estate of Felix Garcia. Thus the abstract for

tract 2 deals with the east half of the Nolan tract. In 1929 Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez

received a deed for half (5,959.5 acres) of the 1,1919 acre Nolan tract from the Estate of

Felix Garcia. Thereafter the property became fractionalized during the probates of the

Estates of Alfredo Sanchez and of Bernardo Sanchez.

Alfredo Sanchez died in 1955 leaving twelve (12) heirs, and before the land could

be divided, one of the heirs, Bernardo Sanchez, died in 1973. Juanita Pino was

appointed executrix under the will of Bernardo Sanchez, but the administration of the

estate was highly contentious, with several lawyers involved and one faction of the

family contesting the actions of the executrix, Juanita Pino. Finally the heirs took part

in a lawsuit to partition the land and in 1977 a partition deed was filed providing for the

portions of the land going to Joe and Juanita Pino (522.6 acres), Oriola Garcia (103.4

acres), Miguelita Maestas (103.4 acres) and Matias Sanchez (103.4 acres) (see Appendix

A, p. 48, shaded). This partition deed is shaded in Appendix A. Then in 1978 Joe and

Juanita Pino conveyed 522.6 acres to the N. M. State Game Commission and Oriola

Garcia, Miguelita Maestas, and Matias Sanchez each conveyed 105.5454 acres, a little

larger than the tracts they received from the partition deed. The Pino deed is shown in

brown on Appendix H and the Sanchez, Maestas and Garcia deeds are combined into

one 316.6-acre tract color-coded brown with a red border on Appendix H.

D. Tract 3 – Tomás Gonzales Tract This is a straightforward chain of title starting with a hand written deed from the

Arlington Land Company for 4227.8 acres to Tomas Gonzales in 1914. When Tomas

Gonzales died around 1945, his heirs conveyed the land to Miguel Gonzales. In 1951

Miguel Gonzales conveyed to Consuelo Gonzales who in turn deeded the 4227.8 acres

tract to the N. M. State Game Commission in 1966.

The final tract completing the Humphries WMA is a 980.87-acre tract (colored

yellow on color-coded map) conveyed by Gonzalo Gonzales to the N. M. State Game

Commission in 1997. This is the one tract without an unbroken chain of title. The only

deed into Gonzalo Gonzales which might provide some color of title is a deed from

Kathryn Gonzales for 18,146 acres. However, there is no deed into Kathryn Gonzales

and it is not clear where the 18,146 acres is located; but it is probably part of the

19,361.2 acre M. Gonzales tract shown on the 1920 Heron map north of the

Wirt/Garcia tract (Figure 8, p. 31).

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11. Operation of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area

The Humphries Wildlife Management Area began with acquisition of parcels of

land in 1966, 1967 and 1968 totaling about 10,950 acres as described in the previous

section. Initially referred to as the Roque Wildlife Area it was renamed the Bill

Humphries Wildlife Area and dedicated on June 27, 1976 to the memory of W. A. Bill

Humphries, Assistant Director of the Department of Game and Fish, who died

December 28, 1973.80

Figure 9. William Humphreys.

The Humphries WMA is managed by the Department of Game and Fish. The

Department operates under a seven-member State Game Commission appointed by the

governor. The Commission employs a director responsible for administration of the

Department. The Department protects wildlife within the state, provides hunting and

fishing opportunities and manages Commission owned lands and facilities for wildlife

habitat and public use. To this end, the agency operates fish hatcheries; provides

80. Dedication program for the W. A. Humphries Wildlife Area, June 27, 1976, Deparment of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.

33

public information on wildlife, recreational opportunities and Department programs;

conducts research on game and non-game species of wildlife and wildlife habitat in

order to perpetuate species; stocks New Mexico waters; acquires, manages and disposes

of Department-owned property; promulgates and enforces hunting, trapping and fishing

rules and regulations; monitors wildlife populations; assists private landowners in

improving wildlife habitat; and develops wildlife education programs.

The Humphries WMA was acquired to provide habitat primarily for elk and deer,

as well as black bear, turkey, squirrels, small wildlife and birds such as band-tailed

pigeons and mourning doves. The population of elk was as high as 1000 animals with

a “resident” population of around 300 elk and a migratory population of between 600 to

800 head. The Humphries WMA straddles the Continental Divide and is bounded on

the west by an escarpment called the Tecolote Rim. It contains mountainous wooded

areas with a mixture of piñon, juniper, and mixed conifers and meadows with alfalfa

and grasses such as orchard grass, smooth brome, and different wheat grasses such as

western wheat grass.81

The management objective for the Humphries Wildlife Area is primarily wildlife

habitat protection, which involves erosion control, limited grazing, and reseeding certain

areas to provide vegetative cover with plants favored by elk. In the early 1970s about

2350 acres of the mountain valleys were reseeded with various legumes and grasses,

including alfalfa, orchard grass, smooth brome, and various wheat grasses. The project

was considered highly successful with a good stand of these plants and in some areas

the western wheat grass spread and extended “out of the mountain meadows and up

the slopes of the side hills.” However, in some places the species of plants was

changing because of light use by the elk, with “undesirable species such as [Kentucky]

bluegrass, starting to invade the reseeded areas.” In 1975 a program of limited

livestock grazing was considered to control this problem.82

When Game and Fish “advertised the area for leasing for grazing by 500 steers

for 60 days during the spring” of 1975, no one submitted a bid. Apparently the limited

time period and other restrictions –cattle owners would have to haul water for their

animals because the department did not want livestock mixing with the elk – were too

restrictive. Accordingly it was decided not to allow grazing in 1975 and to handle the

problem of invading Kentucky bluegrass with controlled burns “to remove unused

81 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 82 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.

34

grass.” Another suggested treatment “would be mowing, raking and then bailing [sic] or

stacking [unused forage] for elk use.83

Limitation of grazing on the Humphries Wildlife Area has helped erosion control

but it has been controversial, especially since the Department has suggested that some

grazing would be beneficial. There is more forage on the Humphries Wildlife Area then

the elk can eat and this has resulted in the invasion of the reseeded areas by

undesirable species.84

Management of the Humphries Wildlife Area has been primarily for the benefit of

the elk population. The reseeding program was designed to increase the number of

plants the elk like to graze on with a close examination of elk’s grazing preferences. In

a 1971 memo Samuel H. Lamb noted the result of his inspection on April 7:

“There seems to have been very little utilization of the tall wheat grass but we did notice in one or two areas where the new shoots were coming the elk had pawed off the old growth of tall wheat grass. The orchard grass is chewed clear to the crown all over the area. We checked one small patch of burnet and found that it had been utilized to the crown and new shoots were now beginning to appear but apparently have not yet been grazed.”85

As the erosion and forage problems continued to improve on the Humphries

Wildlife Area, with less erosion and more forage, pressure from livestock owners began

to increase to provide some private grazing leases. Prior to September 30, 1980 several

livestock owners had contacted the Department of Game and Fish asking about grazing

leases. On that date, a livestock owner in Abiquiú was notified by the Department that

“grazing may be considered on the Humphries area,” but that “It is important to leave

forage on the ground available for deer and elk winter use. We must set up a system for

analyzing the effect of grazing on the forage and determine exactly what our

management objectives are, prior to establishing grazing leases on the area.”86

83 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 84 In 1975 Walt Snyder pointed out that “deferrment of domestic livestock grazing demonstrates that on an area without treatment for erosion control, they can stabilize themselves with non-use [by livestock].” Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 85 Memorandum from Samuel H. Lamb to Walt Snyder. April 7, 1971 re: grazing on the Roque [Humphries] Area. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 86 Letter from George W. Merrill, Assistant Chief, Game and Fish, to Juan Lopez, Abiquiú, N.M. September 30, 1980. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.

35

On January 27, 1984 a management plan was established for the Humphries

Wildlife Area, which included a plan for habitat rehabilitation.” Referring to the earlier

project the report noted:

“The last habitat enhancement project involves meadow maintenance. Vegetation within meadows seeded in the late 60’s have now become over mature and unpalatable for elk. Treatment of these plots will depend on the vegetative composition and condition. Areas of desirable plant communities will be treated with a prescriptive burn to remove coarse or woody plant material. Areas containing mostly unpalatable species will be plowed and reseeded to those that are palatable to elk.

It seems that the elk no longer favored the plants that were seeded in the habitat

rehabilitation program of the 1960s and a new program was proposed including a 50

acre test plot of conversion from coniferous trees to primarily aspen trees because they

provide “forest diversity and high yield.” In addition conifer encroachment into

meadows used by elk for foraging areas would be “identified and seedlings will be

removed by the most efficient technique available. Removal technique to be evaluated

includes cutting of seedlings, burning, plowing, and chemical treatment.” It was

determined that “livestock grazing on the Humphries Wildlife Area will not be permitted

during the period of habitat rehabilitation.”87

In 1983 the Department of Game and Fish entered into negotiations with

Ganados del Valle, a community non-profit organization in Tierra Amarilla regarding a

proposed cooperative grazing program allowing owners of small flocks of sheep to graze

on state wildlife areas (at that time it was the Sargent Wildlife Management Area that

was being considered). Ganados del Valle proposed “responsible management

measures to insure that there will be no overgrazing or undue disturbance of game.”

The proposal stalled in 1985 over the state requirement that such grazing leases would

be subject to competitive bidding procedures. On June 7, 1985 Ganados del Valle

asked the state to reconsider this policy because “other state agencies [were] leasing

their property to non-profits for nominal consideration without going to bid,” provided

the need, and effectiveness of the grazing lease was documented. At this point the issue

was becoming mired in red tape, but there was no suggestion at this time that grazing

would not be allowed on Wildlife Areas.88

Soon, however, as negotiations continued the Department of Game and Fish

raised the argument, as described in an extensive Smithsonian magazine article, that

87. Bill Humphries Wildlife Area Management Plan, January 27, 1984, Deparment of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 88 David W. King, Secretary General Services Department to Harold Olson, Department of Game and Fish, march 21, 1985 and Ganados del Valle/ Tierra Wools to Clarence Lithgow, General Services Administration, June 7, 1985, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.

36

“sheep and elk were incompatible; the sheep would compete with the elk for forage. ‘It’s

like your kinfolk opening your refrigerator door,’ explains Game and Fish director Bill

Montoya. ‘They eat the good stuff first. That’s what the sheep do.’ Montoya’s view

reflects a widely held belief that sheep destroy grasslands, and in fact there have been

many cases of such overgrazing. The Game and Fish Commission’s mandate, moreover,

was wildlife, not livestock, Montoya adds. If they allowed sheep on the preserves, they

risked the loss of federal subsidies channeled through the U.S. Fish and Wildlife

Service.”

Soon the conflict escalated, as further narrated in the Smithsonian article: “Late

on the night of August 17 [1989] they [Ganados del Valle] moved roughly 1,000 ewes

and their lambs across ten miles of rugged country onto the W. H. Humphries Wildlife

Management Area. Maria [Varela] publicly announced the move at a meeting of the

Commission. ‘What we now undertake, we do not take lightly,’ her statement said. ‘We

have nowhere to turn . . . It is in our long-term interests for these wildlife areas to

flourish. But you cannot tear these wilderness areas out of the fabric of the

communities which surround them.’ Officers from the Department of Game and Fish in

a state airplane spotted the trespassers two days later. ‘We were pretty much waiting to

be found,’ Antonio [Manzanares] recalls. ‘It was hard to hide that many sheep. But we

kept changing hats, turning our jackets inside out and moving around, so they’d think

there were more of us.’ Montoya, directing the state response, kept the gloves on. A

half-dozen mounted officers dispatched by Montoya found Antonio, Molly [Manzanares]

and the then 78-year-old herder Martín Romero the next day. After a few minutes of

affable small talk the officers explained that they were trespassing and warned Antonio

to move out of the wildlife area . . . The officers kept saying they didn’t want to arrest

anybody. Finding Antonio and the sheep still there the next day, the rangers cited him

for criminal trespass. Gov. Garrey Carruthers and Commissioner of Public Lands Bill

Humphries89 scrambled up a short-term solution - the sheep could graze on a nearby

state park for a few weeks.” Meanwhile, “The governor appointed a ten-member task

force representing various viewpoints, chaired by agricultural economist John Fowler of

New Mexico State University, to conduct a study to find out whether livestock could

enhance habitat for wildlife. The scientific wisdom on the question, such as it was, was

inconclusive and contradictory. Fowler found scholarly treatises on both sides, though

none zeroed in specifically on the semiarid high-country ecosystem of northern New

Mexico. Fowler hypothesized that if timing and grazing intensity were carefully

89. William R. Humphries, the former Commissioner for Public Land (completed his term in 1990) is not to be confused with William A. Humphries, after whom the WMA is named, who died in 1973.

37

controlled, sheep might enhance the elk’s habitat. But he never got the chance to prove

or disprove it. The task force degenerated into polarized wrangling so intense that the

research plan dissolved in the heat of combat. Some members considered the study’s

2.9 million price tag too high, but the main problem was whether sheep would be

allowed on the wildlife lands for purposes of research. The state land managers,

supported by the environmentalists on the panel, said no. Ganados and Fowler,

arguing that any other plan made no sense, said yes.”90

The issue was never resolved through a scientific but pragmatic study, partly

because some environmental groups like the Sierra Club objected categorically to

grazing on wildlife management areas. In 1989 after reading about the standoff

between Ganados del Valle and the Department of Game and Fish, the Tennessee

chapter of the Sierra Club argued in a letter to the Chairman of the Commission for

Game and Fish, that:

“Ganados is now attempting to legalize their trespass of lands purchased for wildlife with taxpayers’ money. Their present tactic is to convince authorities to allow the grazing of sheep on WMA’s [Wildlife Management Areas] under the guise of research. Stripping the grass on semi-arid WMA’s by sheep is alleged to improve pasturage for native elk and deer. We urge you and your colleagues to disallow all permits for such illegal grazing operations, whether under the pretext of “research,” “experimental grazing,” “environment enhancement,” “habitat management,” or other spurious representation of the facts. Our wildlife management areas must be preserved for game use, only.”91

After the grazing controversy calmed down, there was little activity for the next

two decades on the Humphries Wildlife Management Area. In 2006 a draft 5-year plan

for the Humphries WMA was promulgated suggesting many of he same management

programs put forth in the 1984 management plan. The three highest priorities

addressed were water availability, erosion, and forage problems. Water availability is a

problem particularly on the southern and central portion of the Humphries property.

Several ponds have silted over and there is reduced water runoff due to the improved

vegetation coverage. The 2006 draft plan suggests constructing ten additional ponds

and developing several natural springs on the Tecolote rim with “spring boxes and water

troughs appropriate for wildlife use.” Regarding gully and sheet erosion, the draft

90 Donald Dale Jackson, “Around Los Ojos, Sheep and Land are Fighting Words,” Smithsonian, April 1991, 42. 91 Henry Hall, Tennessee Chapter, Sierra Club, to Gerald Maestas, Chairman Commission for Game and Fish, November 25, 1989, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.

38

management plan suggests they “may have to be structurally treated to stabilize the

most advanced gully conditions.”92

As to forage problems, many of the projects proposed in the 1984 plan were

again proposed: aspen conversion from coniferous species on a 50-acre tract, reseeding

and plowing up areas of vegetation unpalatable to elk, and prescribed burns to remove

“vegetation within meadows seeded in the late 1960s [that] have now become over

mature and unpalatable for elk.” These projects that were not undertaken because of

inadequate funding are being proposed again in the 2006 draft plan. Also proposed is a

program designed to deal with “conifer encroachment.”

“Conifer encroachment into meadows is converting forage areas to unneeded forest habitat. Areas of accelerated conifer encroachment will be identified and seedlings will be removed by the most efficient technique available. Removal technique to be evaluated includes cutting of seedlings, burning, plowing, and chemical treatment.”

Regarding the touchy issue of livestock grazing the 2006 plan had this to say:

“Livestock grazing on the Humphries WMA will not be permitted during the period of habitat rehabilitation. When rehabilitation is completed, an evaluation will be made to determine the feasibility of allowing livestock use. If livestock grazing is determined to be feasible and in agreement with Federal Aid guidelines, grazing may be permitted to the extent, in locations and during times when it does not infringe upon accomplishing or maintaining elk objectives as established for the area.”93

Finally, under the heading of habitat enhancement for mule deer two projects are

proposed dealing respectively with mature oak and mountain mahogany;

“Browse availability will be enhanced by promoting sprouting in mature oak and mountain mahogany stands. This will be accomplished in mature oak by breaking larger stems with a crawler tractor blade. Pushed plots will not exceed 10 acres in size. These pushes will be created within oak stands in the southern and central portions of the area. During pushing operations, grass and forb seeds will be dribbled on the tractor cleats for planting. When pushing is completed and if practical, wood suitable for firewood will either be removed or stacked and made available to the public for firewood. Mountain mahogany stands are fairly common on the area but plants are taller than the wildlife browsing height which makes this potential forage unavailable to deer. These mahogany stands will be made available to browsing through either burning, crushing, or pruning. To determine the most effective technique for converting mountain mahogany from unavailable

92. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 93 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé.

39

to mostly available, small replica test plots will be treated. Burning, crushing, and pruning will be applied to these plots to determine the most effective technique. The rehabilitation technique selected will be applied to at least ten acres per year until most mahogany stands have been treated.”94

The 2006 draft 5-year plan is similar to the 1984 management plan even to the

extent that both plans make reference to the reseeding program of the 1960s and its

long term effects. In both cases habitat restoration projects have been proposed and

whether or not the project has been implemented, the Department has not permitted

livestock grazing “during the period of habitat rehabilitation.”95 It is somewhat of a

catch-22 situation. The current policy is, “at the present time grazing by either sheep

or cattle is not under consideration as a tool for managing the H[umphries]WMA. Lack

of funding has meant that other programs of habitat restoration, as proposed in the

early management plans have had to be put on hold.”96

Permitted activities include hiking, horseback riding, camping, and wildlife

viewing and photographing as well as hunting. “Hunting is allowed by licensed and

permitted hunters for deer, elk, bear, turkey, and small game.” Currently the number

of licensed and permitted hunters on an annual basis by wildlife hunted is elk (60-65),

deer (about 56), and turkey (about 12).97

In late 2007 a controversy emerged regarding unannounced closings of the

Humphries WMA. As reported in the December 12, 2007 Santa Fe New Mexican: “some

Chama residents are up in arms again over the state Game and Fish Department’s

ongoing fall closures to allow hunting in the popular wildlife areas, especially the

10,868-acre Humphries. They say the closures have been arbitrary and ill-advertised,

hurting an already-struggling small town dependent on tourism. ‘Last year was

extreme,’ said Chama resident Amilia Elliott. ‘They put up signs saying it was closed,

and we didn’t know how long. It was closed (to allow hunting) for the whole month of

September. This year, at least they allowed access between hunts. But it changes

every year.’ The areas are closed to other users but are open at different times in

94. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 95. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 96. Personal communication with Melinda Benavidez, Department Property Specialist, Conservation Services Division, N. M. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe, January 31, 2009. 97. Personal communication, James Martinez, Game and Fish Conservation Officer, January 21, 2009.

40

September, October and November for hunting of specified game with various weapons.

They also are closed in the late spring for several weeks during elk calving. Members of

the public will meet with state Game and Fish Department officials Friday in Chama to

discuss the wildlife areas and their management. Department officials say they finally

are managing some state-owned wildlife areas for more than just hunting and fishing.

Restricting access at certain times of year and eventually adding user fees will benefit

wildlife, other kinds of wildlife-related recreation and tourism-dependent communities

like Chama, said Brian Gleadle, area chief for the Department of Game and Fish’s

northwest quadrant, which includes the two wildlife areas. ‘Some people want it open

365 days a year,’ he said. ‘We want to promote something that will be beneficial in the

long term.’”98 It appears that the current policy of the Department of Game and fish

reflects some sort of compromise between these views.

12. Conclusion

The history of the land that comprised the Humphries Wildlife area has had its

share of controversy, from the land grant activists in 1964 to the actions of Ganados del

Valle in moving their sheep on the Humphries WMA in 1989. The land was part of the

common lands of the Tierra Amarilla grant that was conveyed to Emmet Wirt and

Tomas Gonzales as shown on the 1920 Kenneth Heron map. The abstract reflects an

unbroken chain of title to the entire tract once the first two deeds from Charles Catron

to Chama Valley and from Chama Valley Land Company to Arlington Land Company

are supplied.

The management of the Humphries WMA has fluctuated from fairly active in the

1960s to relatively light at the present-time. Because of budget constraints, the

proposed projects in the management plans have been put on hold. Possibly because of

the grazing controversy with Ganados del Valle and the protest of any grazing by the

Sierra Club, livestock grazing is not contemplated at the present. Elk, deer and turkey

are the only wildlife hunted on the Humphries WMA and that is relatively light based on

current estimates.

The story of the land making up the Humphries WMA is the story of the Ute and

Jicarilla Apache, the Old Spanish Trail, the Tierra Amarilla land grant, the Wirt, Garcia,

Gonzales, Sanchez, Maestas, Pino and other families who owned part of the tract, and

the New Mexico Game and Fish Department that presently manages the land.

98 Staci Matlock, “Closures in Wildlife Areas Irk Residents,” Santa Fe New Mexican December 12, 2007.

41

Appendix A

- Chain of Title of Bill Humphries Wildlife Management Area

Tract 1 Known as the Nolan or Wirt and Garcia tract, was acquired by the N. M. State Game

Commission by warranty deed December 26, 1968 from Cecelia Wirt Simms, conveying

4,903.8 acres (abstract pp. 159-185). This is called the Simms tract and is coded green

on the color-coded map (Appendix H).

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official

Book/ Page

Legal Description

1909 6/

Warranty Deed

Charles C. Catron

Chama Valley Land Co.

Mortgage Record 4/ 119-150

Describes the exterior boundary of the TA grant, with exclusions as listed in Appendix B.

Warranty Deed

Chama Valley Land Co.

Arlington Land Co.

1913 10.20/ 159-161

Warranty Deed

Arlington Land Co.

Laurence Nolan

19A/ 43 Conveys 11,221 (with exceptions) for $34,693. Net acreage 11,191 acres, survey description. Hand written.

1915 12.14/ 162-163

Warranty Deed

Lawrence Nolan

The Nolan Cattle Co.

20-A/ 292

Same description which is typewritten. The rest of the deed is handwritten. 11,191 acres.

1917 6.27/ 164-169

Warranty Deed

The Nolan Cattle Co.

John Walker 20-A/ 518

Same description. Handwritten deed. 11,191 acres.

1917 7.23/ 170-173

Warranty Deed

John Walker & Bessie H. Walker

Emmet Wirt 20-A/ 610

1/2 interest in above – same description. 1/2 of 11,191 acres (which is 5,595.50)

1927 7.27/ 174-175

Warranty Deed

Emmet Wirt

Estate of Felix Garcia

23/ 944 1/2 interest in above same description. 1/2 or 11,191 acres.

? / 176 Probate Emmet Wirt

#539 Not in abstract

42

1948 1.16/ 177

Deed Estate of Emmet Wirt, Decd

Cecilia Wirt & Richard Simms

27A/ 396

1/2 interest in above. Same description – 1/2 of 11,191 acres.

?/ 178 Probate Cecelia Wirt Simms

#157 Not in abstract

?/ 179 District Court

Cecelia Simms vs. Gregorita Pino, et al

#3810 Not in abstract

1958 11.28/ 180-183

Quitclaim Deed

Emmet Wirt

Cecelia Wirt Simms

59/ 130 Courses and distances description starting at the 10 mile post on the West boundary of the Tierra Amarilla grant containing 4903.8 acres (same description as 1913 deed from arlington Land Co. to Laurence Nolan)

1968 11.26/ 184-85

Warranty Deed

Cecelia Wirt Simms

New Mexico State Game Commission

101/ 183 Courses and distances description starting at the 10-mile post on the West boundary of the Tierra Amarilla grant containing 4903.8 acres (same description as 1913 deed from Arlington Land Co. to Laurence Nolan)

43

Tract 2 Known as the Sanchez tract, consisting of that portion of the Nolan tract conveyed by

warranty deed July 17, 1929, J. Cristobal Gomes, as Administrator of the Estate of

Felix Garcia, to Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez conveying the full one half interest

acquired from Emmet Wirt on September 30, 1927. The portion of this tract acquired

by the state consists of 839.29 acres, of that one-half interest. The following acreages

are rounded off to the nearest hundredth (pp. 186-369). Referring to the color-coded

map of the Humphries wildlife Area (Appendix H), this tract is comprised of the Pino

Tract (522.6 acres) coded brown, and the Sanchez, Maestas, Garcia tract (316.6 acres)

coded brown with a red border.

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1927 7.27/ 186

Warranty Deed Emmet Wirt J. Cristobal Gomes, Admin. Of Estate of Felix Garcia

23/ 944

Survey description conveys 1/2 interest in 11,191 acre Nolan tract.

?/ 187 Probate Felix Garcia NA #51 Not in abstract

1929 7.17/ 188-189

Warranty Deed J. Cristobal Gomez, Administrator of Estate of Felix Garcia

Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez

24/ 86 1/2 of 11,191 acres same description as above

1950 9/ 190-191

Quit Claim Deed

J. Denton Simms, Administrator of Estate of Emmet Wirth

Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez Brothers

43/ 275

Survey description 4903.8 acres

?/ 192 Probate Alfredo Sanchez

NA #137 Not in abstract

1960 6.24/ 193-196

Administrator Deed

Estate of Alfredo Sanchez

Consuelo Sanchez

65/ 149

Survey description 1/40th interest in 4903.8 acres

1984 6.18/ 197

Quitclaim Deed

Oriola Garcia Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 258

Survey description 103.403 acres

1984 7.6/ 198

Quitclaim Deed

Roque Sanchez

Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 259

Same as above

1984 6.20/ 199

Quitclaim Deed

Miquelita Maestas

Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 260

Same as above

1984 6.13/ 200

Quitclaim Deed

Mary Alice Sanchez

Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 261

Same as above

1984 7.6/ 201

Quitclaim Deed

Joe Pino Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 262

Same as above

44

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1984 6.29/ 202

Quitclaim Deed

Juanita Pino Consuelo Gallegos

149/ 263

Same as above

1960 6.24/ 203-206

Administrator’s Deed

Estate of Alfredo Sanchez

Rebecca Quintana

65/ 151

Survey description 1/8 interest in 4903.8 acres

?/ 207 Probate Rebecca S. Quintana

NA #385 Not in abstract

1971 8.3/ 208-210

Administratrix Deed

Estate of Rebecca S. Quintana

Natividad Q. Chavez

109-A/ 178

Survey description 1/8 interest in 4903.8 acres

1986 7.9 /211-216

Quitclaim Deed

Natividad Chavez

Frank and Natividad Chavez

154/ 370

Survey description .1904761 interest in 1/2 interest in 4903.9 acres = 522.607 acres

1992 6.9/217-228

Lease Frank and Natividad Chavez

G&H Operating Company

139 OG/ 802

Alfredo Sanchez died March 1, 1955 leaving 12 heirs. Conveyance of 1/8 interest in 1/2 interest of 4903.8 acres.

1960 6.24/ 229-32

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Josefita Suazo 65/ 153

Conveyance of land described above.

1972 2.10/ 233

Warranty Deed Josefita Suazo

Samuel Sanchez

112/ 541

Survey description of 1/40th interest in tract

1960 6.24/ 234-37

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Miguelita Maestas

65/ 155

Survey description conveyance of 40th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

1960 6.24/ 238-41

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Matias Sanchez

65/ 157

Same as above

1960 6.24/ 242-45

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Jose A. Sanchez

65/ 159

Same as above

1995 5.11/ 246

Warrant of Levy, Lien

State of New Mexico

Jose A. Sanchez

201 A/ 512

Lien of $1854 levied by Benefit Payment Control Section of the Employment Security Division

45

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1960 6.24/ 247-250

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Uriola Velasquez

65/ 161

Survey description 1/40th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

1982 12.23/ 251

Quitclaim Deed

Oriola Garcia Samuel Sanchez

145/ 160

Survey description 9.172 acres

1983 5.19/ 252

Quitclaim Deed

Oriola Garcia Natividad Chavez

146/ 75

Survey description 105.997 acres

1984 6.18/ 253

Quitclaim Deed

Roque Sanchez

Oriola Garcia 149/ 258

Survey description 103.403 acres

1984 6.18/ 254

Quitclaim Deed

Oriola Garcia Jose Sanchez 149/ 760

Same as above

1984 6.2/ 255

Quitclaim Deed

Miguelita Maestas

Jose Sanchez 149/ 761

Same as above

1960 6.24/ 256-59

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez estate of

Eloisa Sanchez 65/ 163

Survey description 1/8th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

1976 11.1/ 260

Warranty Deed Eloisa Sanchez

Frank and Natividad Chavez

129/ 279

Property described in above deed

1977 1.17/ 261-62

Quitclaim Deed

Elena Sanchez

Miguelita Maestas, Oriola Garcia, Consuelo Gallegos, Jose Sanchez, and Matias Sanchez

132/ 204

Survey description 4933 acres

1960 6.24/ 263-66

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez Estate of

Bernardo Sanchez

65/ 165

Survey description 1/8 of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

267 Probate #344 Bernardo Sanchez Estate of

Not in abstract

268 Partition Suit #13841 No copies available

Bernardo Sanchez Estate of

Not in abstract

46

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1977 11.8/ 269-277

Partition Deed Bernardo Sanchez Estate of

Joe & Juanita Pino SW Oriola Garcia & Miguelita Maestas & Matias Sanchez

131/ 614

Partition of portion of 4903.8 tract in Bernardo Sanchez estate: Pinos - 522.6, Oriola Garcia -103.403, Miguelita Maestas - 103.40, Matias Sanchez - 103.40

1983 5.17/ 278-88

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gonzales et al.

Natividad Chavez

146/ 70-80

11 quitclaim deeds Survey description 105.997 acres each

1983 8.15/ 289

Quitclaim Deed

Miguel and Cleofas Sanchez

Natividad Chavez

146/ 674

Survey description 105.997 acres

1983 8.15/ 290-91

Affidavit Natividad Chavez

145A/ 511

Affidavit of surveyor Adriano G. Valdez

1987 6.9/ 292

Warranty Deed Natividad Chavez

Manuel and Suzy Gallegos

157/ 62

Survey description partially illegible

1995 6.9/ 293

Warranty Deed Natividad and Frank Chavez

Sanchez Family Trust

183/ 173

Survey description covering 105.997 acres

Filed 2003 1.16/ 294

Plat Natividad Chavez

NA C1/ 113

Too small to read

1960 6.24/ 295-298

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez Estate of

Irene Sanchez 65/ 167

1/8 interest in 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

1960 6.24/ 299-302

Administrator’s Deed

Alfredo Sanchez Estate of

Gregorita S. Pino

80/ 211

1/8 interest in 1/2 of 4903.8 acres

1986 6.10/ 303- 307

Notice of Administration

Gregorita Pino Estate of

NA 122A/ 619

Includes 4903.8 acre tract as Tract A

1975 9.30/ 308-09

Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez

Matias Sanchez heirs

125/ 462

Survey description 4903.8 acres

1976 11.1/ 310

Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez

Frank and Natividad Chavez

129/ 280

Property described in deed from Josefita Suazo on Feb. 10 1972

1976 5.27/ 311-12

Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez

Natividad Chavez

127/ 625

Survey description 4903.8 acres

47

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1977 3.1/ 313

Quitclaim Deed

Juanita Pino Joe Pino 135/ 468

Survey description partially illegible

1982 11.29/ 314

Quitclaim Deed

Juanita Pino Samuel Sanchez

145/ 161

Survey description 9.172 acres

1984 6.13/ 315

Quitclaim Deed

Steven G. Hughes et al.

Jose Sanchez 149/ 762

Survey description 103.403 acres

1984 7.6/ 316

Quitclaim Deed

Joe Pino Jose Sanchez 149/ 763

Survey description 103.403 acres

1984/ 317 Quitclaim Deed?

Juanita Pino Jose Sanchez 149/ 764

Survey description 103.403 acres

1979 7.25/ 318-322

Special Warranty Deed

Samuel Sanchez et al.

Juanita Pino 136/ 507

Survey description 3.07 acres

1984 /323

Plat Connie Gallegos et al

NA 148A/ 976

D&RG right of way

1984 6.8/ 324

Quitclaim Deed

Natividad Chavez

Jose Sanchez 148/ 640

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 325

Quitclaim Deed

Natividad Chavez

Consuelo Gallegos

148/ 641

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 326

Quitclaim Deed

Samuel Sanchez

Jose Sanchez 148/ 642

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 327

Quitclaim Deed

Samuel Sanchez

Consuelo Gallegos

148/ 643

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 328

Quitclaim Deed

Josefita S. Suazo

Jose Sanchez 148/ 644

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 329

Quitclaim Deed

Josefita Suazo

Consuelo Gallegos

148/ 645

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 330

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gallegos

Jose Sanchez 148/ 783

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.8/ 331

Quitclaim Deed

Jose Sanchez Consuelo Gallegos

148/ 784

Survey description 103.403

1984 6.6/ 332

Quitclaim Deed

Mary Louise Quarles

Natividad Chavez

148/ 784

Survey description 105.997 acres

1985 5.15/ 334-336

Quitclaim Deed

Natividad Chavez

Mary Louise Quarles

151/ 550

Survey description acreage unclear

1985 7.24/ 337-38

Quitclaim Deed

Mary Louise Quarles

Natividad Chavez

151/ 845

Survey description 105.997 acres

1987 1.9/ 339-340

Quitclaim Deed

D&RGW Railroad

Consuelo Gallegos

157/ 167

5.42 acres right of way

48

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1994 6.24/ 341

Quitclaim Deed

Miguelita Maestas

Consuelo Gallegos

179/ 355

No survey description 15.543 acres

1983 12.21/ 342

Quitclaim Deed

Miguelita Maestas

Samuel Sanchez

145/ 156

Survey description 9.172 acres

1994 6.17/ 343-45

Special Warranty Deed

Juanita Pino et al.

179/ 482

Survey description acreage unclear

1994 6.29/ 346-48

Special Warranty Deed

Juanita Pino et al.

Miguelita Maestas

179/ 650

Survey description 3.2 acres to three individuals and 1.6 acres to Roque Sanchez

1994 7.26/ 349

Warranty Deed Oriola Garcia Larry Codling et ux.

179/ 664

No survey description 4.441 acres

1994 8.10/ 350

Special Warranty Deed

Oriola Garcia Juanita and Joe Pino

180/ 285

Survey description 29.61 acres

1997 2.16/ 352

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gallegos

Codling Family Trust

191/ 200

Survey description 103.403 acres

1997 2.16/ 353

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gallegos

Codling Family Trust

191/ 201

Right of way easement

1997 2.16/ 354

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gallegos

Codling Family Trust

191/ 202

Survey description 41.5174 acres

1997 2.16/ 355

Quitclaim Deed

Consuelo Gallegos

Codling Family Trust

191/ 203

Survey description acreage unclear

1998 2.13/ 356

Special Warranty Deed

Juanita and Joe Pino

Juanita and Joe Pino

196/ 328

Survey description – Property in Los Brazos Not Humphries WMA

1992 12.16/ 357-58

Easement Frank and Natividad Chavez

N. M. State Highway & Transportation Department

190-A/ 532

Conveys highway easement for $300.00

1996 4.28/ 359

Deed of Gift Natividad Chavez

Cleo Sanchez, daughter of Grantor

491/ 606-646

No description – conveys a 1/100th interest in the Natividad Chavez Ranch Properties

49

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document (Tract 1)

Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page

Legal Description

1978 7.17/ 360

Warranty Deed Miguelita S. Maestas

N. M. State Game Commission

133/ 359

Survey description conveys 105.5454. Grantor dealing in her separate property joined by Isaac U. Maestas, her husband

1978 7.18/ 361-362

Warranty Deed Oriola S. Garcia

N. M. State Game Commission

133/ 538

Survey description conveys 105.5454 acres. Grantor’s separate property joined by José E. Garcia, her husband

1977 10.18/ 363-64

Warranty Deed Joe and Juanita Pino

N. M. State Game Commission

126-A/ 385

Surveyors description conveys 522.607 acres. Grantors are brother and sister.

1978 7.17/ 365

Warranty Deed Matias Sanchez

N. M. State Game Commission

133/ 540

Survey description conveys 105.5454 acres

366-369 Easement N. M. State Game and Fish

Northern Rio Arriba Electric

151-A/ 533

Transmission line easement for electric lines

50

Tract 3 Known as the Tomas Gonzales tract, consist[ing] of two tracts, the Consuelo Gonzales

tract (4227.08) and the Gonzalo Gonzales tract (980.87), for a total of 5207.95 acres

acquired by the N.M. State Game Commission from Consuelo B. Gonzales and Gonzalo

Gonzales in two separate deeds (pp. 370-399).

Date/ Page of Abstract

Document Grantor(s) Grantee/ Official

Book/ Page

Legal Description

1914 1.14/ 370-73

Warranty Deed

Arlington Land Co.

Tomas Gonzales

19A/ 668

Handwritten - Tomas Gonzales Tract containing 4227.8

1945 9.5/ 374-75

Quitclaim Deed

Heirs of Tomas Gonzales

Miguel A. Gonzales

36/ 293

Survey description typed 4227.8 acres

1951 10.3/ 376

Warranty Deed

Miguel Gonzales

Consuelo Gonzales

40/ 528

Survey description 4227.08 acres

1966 10.10/ 377-78

Warranty Deed

Consuelo B. Gonzales

N. M. State Game Commission

92/ 99

Survey description 4227.08 acres

1978 4.17/ 379

Quitclaim Deed

Thomas Catron III et al.

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 66

Abandoned right of way

1978 4.17/ 380

Quitclaim Deed

Thomas Catron III et al.

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 67

Abandoned right of way

1978 5.2/ 381

Quitclaim Elizabeth Wentwirth

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 78

Abandoned right of way

/ 382

Quitclaim Deed

Marjorie Sherwood

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 79

Abandoned right of way

/383 Quitclaim Deed

Janet Catron Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 80

Abandoned right of way

1978 5.16/ 384

Quitclaim Deed

Thomas Catron IV

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 172

Abandoned right of way

1978/ 5.26/ 385

Quitclaim Deed

Thomas Catron III

Gonzalo Gonzales

133/ 180

Abandoned right of way

1980/ 12.11/ 386-87

Quitclaim Deed

Gonzalo Gonzales

N. M. State Game Commission

133/ 181

Survey description 23.85158 acres

1966 5.18/ 388

Quitclaim Deed

Kathryn Gonzales

Gonzalo Gonzales

193/ 254

Survey description unclear 18,146 acres plus or minus

51

1977 12.28/ 389-92

Quitclaim Deed

Gonzalo Gonzales

N. M. State Game Commission

132/ 120

Survey description 980.86896 acres (color-coded yellow on Appendix H)

1881 12.10/ 393-95

Warranty Deed

Thomas B. Catron

D &RG Railroad

H/ 288

Handwritten deed acreage unclear

1886 1.14/ 396-97

Warranty Deed

Thomas B. Catron

D &RG Railroad

8/ 568

Handwritten deed acreage unclear

1886 1.14/ 398-99

Warranty Deed

Thomas B. Catron

D &RG Railroad

8/ 570

Handwritten deed acreage unclear

52

Appendix B – Tierra Amarilla Hijuelas by Community Location of Hijuela

Date of Document

Name Date Recorded

Book: Page Recorded

Bounded Bounded

Barranco 1863 24 Aug.

Martín, Bernardo Rumaldo

1864 27 May

2: 69-71

Salazar, Carpio/N

Martin, Antonio/S

Barranco 1863 24 Aug.

Serrano, Ventura 1864 23 May

2: 24-26

Suaso, José Miguel/N

Martín, Rumaldo/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Abeita, Ramona 1880 31Dec.

6: 32-34

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Lobato, Pedro 1864 21 May

2: 14-16

Salazar, Sabino/N

Plaza/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Martín, José Antonio 250 x 215 varas

1864 18 May

2: 522-523

vacant/N Montaño, Baltazar/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Montaño, Baltazar 1866 18 Sep.

2: 228-229

Martin, José Antonio/N

Montaño, Melquiades/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Montaño, Melquiades

1866 18 Sep.

2: 151-152

Montaño, Baltazar/N

Montaño, Tomás/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Salazar, Carpio 1864 18 May

2: 518-519

Montaño, Tomás/N

Martín, Bernardo/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Salazar, Sabino 1864 17 May

2: 517-518

Martín, Antonio/N

Lobato, Pedro/S

Barranco 1863 25 Aug.

Suazo, José Miguel 1864 18 May

2: 523-525

Velasquez, Ignacio/N

Serrano, Ventura/S

Barranco 1864 4 Jul.

Velasquez, María Nieves

1887 19 Nov.

9: 287-288

Barranco 1865 6 Jul.

Martín y Sánchez, Juan

1865 8 Dec.

2: 147-148

Valdez, Rumaldo/N

Martín, Carmen/S

Brazos 1860 23 Jul.

Salazar, Ramón 1887 18 Nov.

9: 260-261

Brazos 1863 24 Aug.

Montoya, Francisco

1864 27 May

2: 66-67

García, Pedro/N

Chacón, Francisco/S

Brazos 1863 24 Aug.

Romero, Ignacio 1864 27 May

2: 68-69

Martín, Rumaldo/N

Martín, Antonio/S

Brazos 1863 8 Sep.

Suazo, José Ignacio

1864 27 May

2: 60-62

Salazar, Ramon/N

Trujillo, José Dolores/S

Brazos 1863 9 Sep.

Lopez, Preciliano 1864 27 May

2: 62-63

Suaso, José Ignacio/N

García, Pedro/S

Brazos 1864 4 Jul.

García, Pedro 1866 8 Jul.

3: 351-353

Lopez, Preciliano/N

Montoya, Francisco/S

Brazos 1864 7 Nov.

Sánchez, Bernardo 1865 28 Mar.

2: 132-134

Montoya, Juliana/N

Archuleta, Ignacio/S

53

Brazos 1866 4 Aug.

Montoya, Juliana 1866 18 Sep.

2: 230-231

Morfin, José María/N

Archuleta, Ignacio/W

Brazos and Barranco (2 pieces)

1863 24 Aug.

Martín, Antonio 1864 27 May

2: 71-73

Romero, Ignacio/N Salazar, Sabino/S

Valdez, Salvador/S Martín, Rumaldo/N

Cañones 1863 25 Aug.

Archuleta, Antonio José

1864 19 May

2: 529-530

Sánchez, Manuel/E

Velasquez, Paula/W

Cañones 1863 25 Aug.

Trujillo, Dorotea 1864 18 May

2: 525-526

Velasquez, Paula/E

Serrano, Mauricio/W

Cañones 1863 26 Aug.

Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno

1864 19 May

2: 33-35

Garduño, Ascencion/E

Sandoval, Justo/W

Cañones 1863 26 Aug.

Gallegos, Maríano 1864 27 May

2: 64-65

Valdez, Rumaldo/E

vacant/W

Cañones 1863 26 Aug.

Garduño, (As)cencion

1864 21 May

2: 16-18

vacant/E Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno/W

Cañones 1863 27 Aug.

Naranjo, Diego 1864 21 May

2: 7-8

Velasquez, Paula/E

Valdez, Rumaldo/W

Cañones 1863 27 Aug.

Serrano, Mauricio 1864 20 May

2: 1-2

Trujillo, Dorotea/E

Serrano, Manuel/W

Cañones 1863 29 Sep.

Salazar, Francisco Antonio 375 x 650 varas

1864 20 May

1: 544-545

cuchilla cuchilla

Cañones 1864 6 Jul.

Sandoval, Justo 1873 23 April

3: 347-349

García, Marcelino/N

Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno [Epomoseno]/S

Cañones (2 pieces)

1864 4 Jul.

Velasquez, María Pabla

1874 14 Dec.

4: 240-241

Trujillo, Dorotea/N Naranjo, Diego/N

García, Marcelino/S Archuleta, José Antonio/S

Cañones (2 pieces)

1863 25 Aug.

Valdez, Rumaldo 1864 19 May

2: 530-531

Martín, Juan/E Naranjo, Diego/E

Gallegos, Maríano/W Plaza/W

Encenada 1865 21 Jun.

Valdez, Manuel 1877 3 April

4: 424-425

Valdez, Meliton/N

Trujillo, Juan Ignacio/S

Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.

Alen, Christian Enones

1864 24 May

2: 40-42

Martín, Antonio/N

García, Luz/S

Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.

Delgado, Antonio de Jesús

1864 23 May

2: 32-34

Salazar, don Ramon/N

Martín, Antonio/S

Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.

Martín, Antonio José

1864 24 May

2: 42-44

García, Luz/N Martinez, Francisco/S

54

Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.

Martín, Antonio 1864 23 May

2: 34-36

Delgado, Antonio de Jesús/N

Aleman, Alen/S

Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.

Gallegos, José Antonio

1864 25 May

2: 54-56

Gallegos, Manuel de Jesús/N

Ullibarri [Ribalí], Juan de Dios/S

Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.

Gallegos, Manuel de Jesús

1864 25 May

2: 52-54

Martín, Pedro/N

Gallegos, José Antonio/S

Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.

Jaramillo, Rafael 1864 16 May

2: 505-506

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan de Dios/N

Trujillo, Juan/S

Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.

Valdez, Melitón 1864 23 May

2: 30-32

Valdez, Nepómuceno/N

Vigil, María Francisca/S

Ensenada 1863 8 Sept

Lente, Juan 1864 25 May

2: 46-48

Trujillo, Juan/N

Valdez, Juan Neopmuceno/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Benavidez, Lorenzo 1864 23 May

2: 38-40

Chacón, Roque/N

Montaño, Juan/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Chacón, Roque 1973 24 Dec.

4: 156- 157

Valdez, Carmel/N

Benavidez, Lorenzo/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Gutiérrez, José Manuel

1864 25 May

2: 48-50

Valdez, Manuel/N

Suaso, Geronimo/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Martín, Antonio María

1864 25 May

2: 50-52

Suaso, Geronimo/N

Valdez, José María/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Montaño, Juan 1865 25 Mar.

2: 130-132

Benavides, Lorenzo/N

Valdez, Manuel/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Suazo, Geronimo 1864 20 May

2: 2-4

Gutierrez, José Manuel/N

Martín, Antonio María/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Trujillo, Juan Ignacio

1864 23 May

2: 36-38

Vigil, María Francisca/N

Abeyta, Manuel/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Valdez, José María 1864 24 May

2: 44-46

Martín, Antonio María/N

Salazar, Ramon [cura]/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Valdez, Juan Nepomuceno

1864 21 May

2: 10-12

Juan Lente / N Meliton Valdez/S

Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.

Valdez, Manuel 1877 3April

4: 424/25

Meliton Valdez/N

Juan Ignacio Trujillo/S

La Puente 1863 2 Aug.

Gómez, Felipe 1864 19 May

2: 532-533

Lujan, José María/N

tierras baldiás/S

La Puente 1863 2 Sep.

Ávila, Domingo 1864 21 May

2: 18-20

Lopez, Pedro/N Lujan, Jesús María/S

La Puente 1863 2 Sep.

Lopez, Juan 1864 21 May

2: 13-14

La Plaza/N Lopez, Pedro/S

55

La Puente 1863 2 Sep.

Lujan, José María 1864 17 May

2: 515-516

Avila, Domingo/N

Gomez, Felipe/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug

Gómez, Antonio Nerio

1864 21 May

2: 20-22

Chacón, Serafín/N

Gallego, Julian/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Ávila, Vicente 1864 16 May

2: 503-504

Samora, Encarnación/N

Gallegos, José de Jesús/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Chacón, Serafín 1864 17 May

2: 512-513

Trujillo, Juan/N

Gomez, Antonio Nerio/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Gallegos, José de Jesús

1864 16 May

2: 496-497

Avila, Vicente/N

Gomez, Francisco/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Gallegos, Julian 1864 17 May

2: 510-511

Gomez, Nerio/N

Serrano, Manuel/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Gómez, María Francisca

1864 16 May

2: 498-499

Gallegos, José de Jesús/N

Trujillo, Juan/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Lopez, Pedro 1864 16 May

2: 506-508

Serrano, Juan/N

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Tomás/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Samora, Encarnación

1864 21 May

2: 22-24

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], María Luz/N

Avila, Vicente/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Serrano, Juan 1864 18 May

2: 520-521

Serrano, Manuela/N

Lopez, Pedro/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Trujillo, Francisco Antonio

1864 17 May

2: 513-515

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Tomás/N

Plaza/S

La Puente 1863 27 Aug.

Trujillo, Juan 1864 16 May

2: 508-510

Gomez, Francisca/N

Chacón, Serafin/S

La Puente 1866 22 Aug.

Lucero, Santiago 1886 24 Aug.

8: 832-833

Los Brazos

1863 24 Aug.

Archuleta, Ignacio 1864 23 May

2: 26-28

Sánchez, Bernardo/N

Sánchez, Bernardo/S

Los Ojos 1863 25 Aug.

Martín, Ignacio 1864 18 May

2: 527-528

Martin, Manuel/N

Sánchez, María Josefa/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Luna, Juan de 1864 27 May

2: 75-77

Marquez, Bartolo/N

Trujillo, Francisco/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Márquez, Bartolo 1864 27 May

2: 73-75

Mestas, Francisco/N

Luna, Juan de/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Sánchez, María Josefa

1864 21 May

2: 8-10

Martín, Ignacio/N

Martinez, Desideria/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Trujillo, Francisco 1864 28 May

2: 77-79

Luna, Juan de/N

vacant/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Trujillo, Ramón 1864 28 May

2: 79-80

vacant/N Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Trinidad/S

Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], María Luz

1864 16 May

2: 500-501

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José María/N

Samora, Encarnación/S

56

Los Ojos 1863 29 Aug.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Trinidad

1864 16 May

2: 501-503

Trujillo, Ramón/N

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José María/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Alire, José Rafael 1864 13 Jul.

2: 98-100

Salazar, Pablo/N

Trujillo, Manuel/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Atencio, José Cicilio [Cirilio]

1864 15 Jul.

2: 118-119

Mansanares, Severo/N

Atencio, Juan Gabriel/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Atencio, José Gabriel

1864 14 Jul.

2: 106-107

Atencio, José Cecilio/N

Chavez, José María/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Atencio, Juan Miguel

1864 14 Jul.

2: 110-111

Chavez, José María/N

Cordova, Jesús María/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Chávez, José María

1864 14 Jul.

2: 108-109

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Cordova, Jesús María

1864 13 Jul.

2: 100-102

Atencio, Juan Miguel/N

Ortega, María Rosa/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Madrid, Juan Isidro

1864 12 Jul.

2: 85-86

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Manzanares, Severo

1864 13 Jul.

2: 104-105

Ocaña, Juan Antonio/N

Atencio, José Cecilio/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Martín y Sánchez, Francisco

1864 12 Jul.

2: 81-82

Martinez, Antonio José/N

Martinez, José Manuel/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Martínez, (Juan) Cristóbal

1864 13 Jul.

2: 96-98

Martinez, Francisco/N

Samora, Santos/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Martínez, Antonio José

1864 12 Jul.

2: 89-91

Martínez, Francisco/N

Samora, Santos/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Martínez, Antonio José

1864 12 Jul.

2: 88-89

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Martínez, Desideria 1864 14 Jul.

2: 114-115

Martín, Ignacio/N

Ulibarrí, José Miguel/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Ocaña, Juan Antonio

1864 13 Jul.

2: 94-96

Serrano, Pedro/N

Mansanares, Severo/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Ortega, María Rosa

1864 13 Jul.

2: 92-94

Cordova, Jesús María/N

Valdez, José Gabriel/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Salazar, Pablo 1864 12 Jul.

2: 90-92

Samora, Santos/N

Alire, José Rafael/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Samora, Santos 1864 13 Jul.

2: 102-104

Martín, Cristobal/N

Salazar, Pablo/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Trujillo, Manuel 1864 12 Jul.

2: 83-84

Alire, José Rafael/N

Madrid, Juan Isidro/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Ulibarrí, José Miguel

1864 15 Jul.

2: 116-117

Martín, Desideria/N

Ulibarrí, Candelario/S

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Ulibarrí, Candelario

1864 12 Jul.

2: 87-88

Ulibarrí, José Miguel/N

Mestas, Francisco/S

57

Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.

Valdez, José Gabriel

1864 14 Jul.

2: 112-113

Ortega, María Rosa/N

Martín, Antonio/S

Los Ojos 1865 20 Feb.

Maestas,[Mestas] Francisco

1871 16 May

2: 366-367

Ulibarrí, Candelario/N

Marquez, Bartolo/S

Los Ojos 1871 1 June

Manzanares, Francisco

1871 18 Aug.

2: 390-392

Los Ojos 1871 14 Dec.

Sánchez, Bernardo 1872 16 Jan.

3: 101-102

Los Ojos 2 pieces

1864 2 Jul.

Martínez, Antonio José

1864 12 Jul.

2: 89-91

Martinez, Francisco/N Tierras de los herederos/N

Martinez, Francisco/S Martín y Sánchez, Francisco/S

Nutritas 1861 11 Sep.

Ulibarrí, Jesús 1887 16 Nov.

9: 257

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Espinoza, Juan Nepomuceno

1864 20 May

2: 4-6

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús/E

Valdez, Desideriio/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Martín, Juan Pablo 1864 20 May

1: 540-542

Valdez, Juan Pablo/E

Romero, Manuel/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Martínez, José del Carmel

1864 27 May

2: 58-60

Romero, José Manuel/E

Gallegos, Rafael/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Martínez, Carmel 1864 25 May

2: 56-58

Gallegos, Rafael/E

tierras que divide el bordo/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús

1864 19 May

2: 537-538

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio/E

Espinosa, Nepomuceno/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Ignacio

1864 23 May

2: 28-30

Montaño, Fernando/E

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio

1864 19 May

2: 535-536

Ulibarrí [Ribalí]. José Ignacio/E

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús/W

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Justo

1864 20 May

2: 539-540

Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.

Valdez, Juan Pablo 1864 20 May

1: 542-543

Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Justo/E

Martín, Juan Pablo/W

Nutritas 1863 8 Sep.

Valdez, Juan Nepomuceno

1864 21 May

2: 10-12

Lente, Juan/N Valdez, Meliton/S

Nutritas 1865 3 Jul.

Espinoza, Nepomuceno

1887 16 Nov.

9: 256-257

Nutritas 1865 3 June

Montoya, Fernández [Fernándes]

1872 26 Oct.

3: 187-188

Mercure, don Enriques/E

Ulibarrí, José Ignacio/W

58

Nutritas 1865 9 Dec.

Madrid, Diego 1866 1 Jan.

2: 151-152

Madrid, Felipe/E

Plaza/W

Nutritas 1865 9 Dec.

Madrid, Felipe 1866 1 Jan.

2: 149-150

Casias, Felipe/E

Madrid, Diego/W

Omitted 1861 23 Aug.

Salazar, Carpio 1889 23 May

10: 229

Omitted 1861 23 Aug.

Suazo, Luis Eugenio

1887 23 Dec.

9: 384

59

Appendix C – Catron Exclusions

Deed: Charles Catron to Chama Valley Land Co. 6.12.1909

Chama Townsite 57.93 Chama Valley 508.71 Cañones 1517.4 Plaza de Brazos 811.95 Brazos Valley 1671.53 Park View 2424.27 Ensenada 1511.2 Tierra Amarilla 1173.4 Mesa between Rio Chama and Rito Nutritas 1770.99 Lower Nutritas 706.84 Upper Brazos 135 Rio Nutritas 838.5 El Vado 754.55 Not mentioned 0 Esperanza Mine 41.33 Depot at Chama 91.4 D&RG ROW for pipeline 3.19 D&RG ROW for mainline 300.95 D&RG ROW for lumber branch 104.96 Iron Springs Vega 91.4 Total 14515.5

60

Appendix D – 1920 Chama Census

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Abeyta, Calletano/ 56 Abeyta, Ciria/ 14 Abeyta, Josepha/ 12 Abeyta, Jacinto/ 9

Head Daughter Daughter Son

Cleaner (Round House)

NM NM NM NM

127\133

Alber, Manfred E./ 42 Alber, Perpetas/ 40 Alber, Pearl E./ 14

Head Wife Daughter

Rooming House Manager

Wisconsin NM NM

26\26

Amyx, Dean A./ 31 Amyx, Nellie E./ 24 Amyx, Milton J./ 5 Amyx, Dean A./ 3 Amyx, Helen M./ 1

Head Wife Son Son Daughter

Fireman Kentucky Kansas Colorado Colorado NM

64\64

Archuleta, Amalia/ 14 Sister-in-law NM 103\108

Bailey, Loren U./ 33 Bailey, Carrie/26 Bailey, Hazel M./ 5 Bailey, Thelma L./ 3

Head Wife Daughter Daughter

Fireman

Missouri Colorado Colorado Colorado

84\86

Baters, Adelide J./ 56 Head England 89\91

Bayles, Emma/ 45 Bayles, Bertha/ 20 Bayles, Howard/ 17

Head Son Daughter

Dressmaker Clerk (P.O.) Asst. Machinist

New York Colorado Colorado

124\130

Birkner, Emma/ 32 Birkner, Aileen S./ 13

Head Daughter

Nurse NM Colorado

123\129

Blea, Balerio/ 58 Blea, Hilaria/ 28

Head Wife

Herder NM Colorado

100\104

Borrego, Fidel/ 23 Borrego, Manuela/ 21 Borrego, Eliseo/ 2

Head Wife Son

Hauling Ice NM NM NM

140\147

Boyer, John A./ 65 Boyer, Nancy C./ 55

Head Wife

Pool Hall Manager Virginia Texas

50\50

Brown, Robert/ 65 Brown, Kate/ 42 Brown, Bob/ 18

Head Wife Son

Farmer Laborer

Georgia Colorado Colorado

128\134

Brown, Royce/ 21 Brown, Anna H./ 17

Head Wife

Laborer Colorado Ohio

128\135

61

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Brown, James R./ 35 Brown, Susie A./ 35 Brown, Robert G./ 10 Brown, Paul L./ 7 Brown, Shannon/11 mos. Brown, Leona/ 15 Brown, Gladys/ 12 Brown, Dorothy/ 5

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

Texas Alabama Texas Oklahoma NM Texas Texas Oklahoma

139\146

Bryan, Rebecca/ 50 Bryan, ______/ 24 Bryan, Albert G./ 19 Bryan, Teddy/12 Bryan, Edna/ 16

Head Son Son Son Daughter

Brakeman Repairman

England Colorado Colorado NM NM

78\80

Bustos, Benito/ 67 Bustos, Maria/ 27

Head Wife

Laborer NM NM

144\154

Cantrell, Frank/ 43 Cantrell, Gerdia/ 29 Cantrell, Doris A./ 10 Cantrell, Elmer F./ 8

Head Wife Daughter Son

Inspector Missouri Indiana Colorado Colorado

56\56

Chavez, Adolfo/ 34 Boarder Laborer NM 96\100

Clark, Jack/ 61 Clark, Maggy/ 37 Clark, John/ 22 Clark, Murphy/ 15 Clark, Stafford/ 7 Clark, Irene/ 3 Clark, Eleanor/ 6 mos.

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter

Farm Operator N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina NM NM

133\140

Connor, Emma E./ 33 Connor, James E./ 32 Connor, Luise S./ 17

Head Husband Daughter

Hotel Manager Engineer

Iowa Wisconsin Iowa

14\14

Cooley, Claude M./ 28 Cooley, Aimee A./ 24

Head Wife

Auto Mechanic Colorado Iowa

125\131

Daggett, Aurthur G./ 28 Daggett, Matie C./ 33 Daggett, Billy L./ 2 Daggett, Eleanor M./8 mos.

Head Wife Daughter Daughter

Manager (grocery) Colorado Illinois NM NM

79\81

Daggett, Charles A./ 55 Daggett, Mary E./50 Daggett, Edith M./ 17 Daggett, Margaret E./ 13 Daggett, Dorothy L./ 10 Daggett, Charlotte C./ 8 Daggett, Woodrow W./6

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Son

Farm Operator Illinois NM NM NM Colorado NM NM

61\61

62

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Daggett, Charles A./26 Daggett, Golda/ 28 Daggett, Winfred C.W./ 2 Daggett, Johnie Mae/9 mos.

Head Wife Son Daughter

Colorado Indiana NM NM

19\19

Daggett, Vivian/ 15 Sister-in-Law NM 5\5

Delgado, Antonio/ 65 Delgado, Jesusita/ 53 Delgado, Felix/ 22 Delgado, Crestina/ 19

Head Wife Son Daughter

Laborer Team Driver

NM NM NM NM

70\72

Delgado, Vicente F./ 27 Delgado, Aurora M./ 28 Delgado, Antonio J./ 3

Head Wife Son

Laborer (Round House)

NM NM NM

71\73

DeYapp, Clarence/ 24 DeYapp, Lina/23 DeYapp, Lucio/ 2 DeYapp, Mary E./10 mos.

Head Wife Son Daughter

Assistant Machinist Nebraska NM NM NM

95\99

Dittmer, George A./ 38 Dittmer, Bessie J./ 35 Dittmer, Arlow/ 9 Dittmer, Claude/ 7 Dittmer, Paul/ 3 Dittmer, Ernest/ 2 Dittmer, Ester/ 5

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter

Minister Ohio Iowa Oklahoma Colorado Colorado Colorado Colorado

122\128

Dodds, Thomas E./ 33 Dodds, Margaret M./ 23 Dodds Clara B./ 4 Dodds Harriet G./2

Head Wife Daughter Daughter

Engineer Texas Kansas Colorado Colorado

20\20

Donaldson, Mary/ 53 Donaldson, James A./ 58 Donaldson, Edmund J./ 30 Donaldson, Alice K./ 16

Head Husband Son Daughter

Trapper Trapper

Missouri Wisconsin Nebraska Colorado

24\24

Dunham, James I. Head Doctor Tennessee 46\46

Eagan, Elizabeth/ 57 Mother England 52\52

Evans, William O./ 33 Evans, Mollie/ 32 Evans, William H./ 7 Evans, Martha/ 5 Evans, Amelia/ 5 Evans, Margaret/ 1

Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

Banker Georgia Mississippi NM NM NM NM

136\143

Farmer, Emma L./ 67 Head Illinois 41\41

Flores, Manuel/ 34 Flores, Eusifa/ 29 Flores, Sofio/ 8 Flores, Maximiana/ 5

Head Wife Son Daughter

Laborer (Lumber Camp)

NM NM NM NM

91\94

63

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Gachnauer, Lee/31 Gachnauer, Ida M./21 Gachnauer, Lee R.G./2 Gachnauer, Albert/ 1

Head Wife Son Son

Manager- Pool Hall Penn. NM NM NM

5\5

Gallegos, Abel/ 37 Gallegos, Maria S./ 27 Gallegos, Abel/ 10 Gallegos, Piladelfio/ 8 Gallegos, Rafel/ 6 Gallegos, Buronis/ 1

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter

Salesman NM NM NM NM NM NM

66\66

Gallegos, Aurelia/ 15 Sister-in-law NM 140\147

Gallegos, Fransis Servant Servant NM 25\25

Garcia, Ramon/ 35 Garcia, Eloisa/ 25 Garcia, Concion/ 9 Garcia, Benita/ 6 Garcia, Maria/ 3

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter

Lineman (telephone) NM NM NM NM NM

108\113

Garner, Lenis P./ 22 Garner, Sarah L./ 23 Garner, Florine/ 9 mos.

Head Wife Daughter

Fireman Tennessee Colorado Colorado

17\17

Gililland, Earl/ 25 Gililland Louise/ 20 Gililland, Paul/ 1

Head Wife Son

Cook (Hotel) NM NM NM

135\142

Gililland, James L./ 29 Gililland, Etta D./ 33 Gililland, George D./ 8 Gililland, James L./ 5 Gililland, Clifford F./3 mos. Gililland, Leonora P./ 7 Gililland, Mary E/ 2 Gililland, Carrie E.

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

Machinist Colorado Missouri NM NM NM Kansas NM NM

117\123

Gililland, James M./ 56 Gililland, Carrie L./ 44

Head Wife

Farm Operator Texas Missouri

80\82

Gililland, Lewelon M./ 53 Gililland, Anne/ 57

Head Wife

Carpenter Texas Canada

49\49

Gililland, Medora F/ 59 Sister-in-law Texas 50\50

Gonzales, Esquipula/ 31 Gonzales, Delfino/ 10 Gonzales, Jesusita/ 8 Gonzales, Anabel/ 2

Head Son Daughter Daughter

Laundress NM NM NM NM

106\111

Gonzales, Ramon/ 44 Head 1 Laborer NM 107\112

Grimes, Floye?/29 Boarder H.S. Teacher Tennessee 9\9

Gutierrez, Maximiana/ 38 Gutierrez, Matilde??/ 14

Head Daughter

Laundress NM NM

72\74

64

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Hall, Henry L./ 48 Hall, Margaret B./ 43 Margaret G./ 11 Thomas B./ 9 LeRoy E./ 6

Head Wife Daughter Son Son

General Merch. Illinois NM Colorado NM NM

32\32

Hawkins, Davey/ 59 Sister-in-law Dishwasher N. Carolina 73\75

Hayden John M./ 61 Hayden, Bashti/ 49

Head Wife

Engineer Missouri Kansas

54\54

Heron, Kenneth A./ 34 Heron, Ruth W./ 33 Heron, Kenneth W./ 7 Heron, Robert/ 5 Heron, Ruth /3

Head Wife Son Son Daughter

Civil Engineer D.C. Colorado Montana Colorado Oregon

8\8

Herr, John C./ 43 Herr, Mary V./36 Herr, John S./ 4 Herr, Harriet V./ 1

Head Wife Son Daughter

Manager (Oil Wells) Ohio Colorado Colorado Colorado

25\25

Herrera, Jose L./ 24 Head 1 Laborer NM 144\153

Herrera, Polar/ 46 Herrera, Alfredo/ 11

Head Son

Laborer Colorado Colorado

98\102

Hicks, David P./ 54 Hicks, Mamie/ 42 Hicks, Worley/ 21 Hicks, Harmon/ 19 Hicks, Howard/ 13 Hicks, Edward/ 6 Hicks, Clarence/ 2 Hicks, Emma/ 9

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Son Daughter

Farm Operator Farm Laborer Farm Laborer

N. Carolina N. Carolina Tennessee Tennessee Tennessee NM NM Colorado

73\75

Hicks, Harmon H./ 66 Hicks, Mary N./34 Hicks, Etta/ 14 Hicks, Lillian/ 8 Hicks, Laura/ 3

Head Daughter Grandaughter Grandaughter Grandaughter

Laborer N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina Colorado N. Carolina

146\156

Hicks, John C./ 28 Head Engineer Alabama 77\79

Hilton, Grace W./ 54 Head Illinois 58\58

Holly, Daniel/ 42 Holly, Mamie M./ 30

Head Wife

Engineer Ireland Colorado

53\53

Holmes, Charles P./ 34 Holmes, Grace A./ 24 Holmes, Noel E./ 4 Holmes, Margaret E./ 1

Head Wife Son Daughter

Butcher Missouri NM NM NM

59\59

Holmes, J___/ 12 Step-daughter 79\81

Holmes, Jesse L./ 19 Sister-in-law Oklahoma 30\30

65

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Horick, Mary O./ 62 Horick, Robert R.E.L./ 24 Horick, Edna M./ 22

Head Son Daughter

Fireman Telephone Oper.

Virginia Colorado Colorado

4\4

House, Owen G./ 42 House, Signa/ 35

Head Wife

Engineer Iowa Kansas

85\87

Hunt, Thomas P./ 52 Head Road-master Ireland 3\3

Huntington, Henry O./ 55 Huntington, Lilie R./ 50 Huntington, Parkman R./22 Huntington, Harry/ 20

Head Wife Son Son

Dentist Laborer

Ohio Maryland Kansas Kansas

15\15

Hurley, Edward J./ 39 Hurley Julia A./ 30

Head Wife

Conductor Kansas Colorado

62\62

Jacks, Sanford J./ 62 Jacks, Edith M./ 28

Head Daughter

Engineer Ohio NM

83\85

James, Clyde W./ 29 James, Luisa M. James, Clyde D.

Head Wife Son

Machinist Michigan Louisiana Texas

43\43

Jepson, Hiram S./ 35 Jepson, Eda/ 22 Jepson, Evlyn L./ 4 Jepson, Almon Rex/2 Jepson, Hiram V./ 9 mos.

Head Wife Daughter Son Son

Plumber Kansas Arkansas Kansas Arkansas NM

30\30

Johnson, Frank C./ 44 Johnson, Julia B./ 47

Head Wife

Manager Ohio Rh. Island

44\44

Jones, Baker/ 32 Boarder H.S. Teacher Texas 9\9

Kelly, George A./ 46 Kelly, Lillie A/ 43 Kelly, Pat/ 19 Kelly Mike/ 6

Head Wife Son Son

Conductor Chauffer

Iowa Iowa Colorado Colorado

1\1

Kenney, Levick P./ 36 Kenney, Bertha B./ 34

Head Wife

Fireman Saleswoman

Missouri Colorado

76\78

Kenney, Wade H./ 41 Kenney, Mabel W./ 35 Kenney, Lucia/ 9

Head Wife Daughter

Manager (retail) Missouri Iowa Nevada

131\138

Knee, Joseph L./ 41 Knee, Anna/ 41 Knee, Leona E./ 14 Knee, Margorie L./ 1 Knee, Chester/ 17 Knee, Lurton J./ 10 Knee, Paul E./ 7 Knee, Maurice C./ 5

Head Wife Daughter Son? Son Son Son Son

Fireman Fireman

Kansas Kansas Kansas NM Colorado Kansas Colorado Colorado

35\35

66

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Lasher, John C./ 55 Lasher, Mary E./ 48 Lasher, John A,/ 12

Head Wife Son

Engineer Penn. Kansas Colorado

47\47

Lewis, Georgia/ 47 Lewis, Lylith L./ 18 Lewis, Florence E./ 10 Lewis, George F./ 12

Head Daughter Daughter Son

Manager, restaur. Cook

Texas NM NM NM

119\125

Lewis, Roy D./ 35 Lewis, Mabel M./ 20 Lewis, Julian P./ 2 Lewis, Beria/ 1

Head Wife Son Daughter

Inspector (R.R.) Colorado Colorado NM NM

18\18

Lock, Howard M./ 41 Boarder Boiler Repair Penn. 49\49

Lorimor, Alva A./ 53 Lorimor, Maude T./ 48 Lorimor, Raymon T./ 24 Lorimor, Cecilia I./ 20 Lorimor, Madge E./ 17

Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter

Real Estate Agent Inspector Teacher

Iowa Iowa Iowa Iowa Colorado

23\23

Lovato, Alfredo/ 30 Lovato, Maria I./ 24 Lovato, Silviano A./ 8 Lovato, Jose L./ 4 Lovato, Maria H./ 5

Head Wife Son Son Daughter

Manager (Pool Hall) NM NM NM NM NM

104\109

Lovato, Julian P./ 27 Lovato, Juanita/ 19

Head Wife

Herder NM NM

67\67

Ludrow, Frank A./ 40 Ludrow, Myrtle V./ 19 Ludrow, Letitia M./ 3 mos.

Head Wife Daughter

Dry Goods Store Colorado NM NM

45\45

Lujan, Emilia/ 50 Lujan, Eduardo/ 13

Head Son

Washerwoman NM Colorado

92\95

Madrid, Felicito/ 37 Madrid, Victoria/ 35 Madrid, Elena/ 13 Madrid, Francisco D./ 11

Head Wife Daughter Son

Laborer NM Colorado Colorado Colorado

96\100

Madrid, Sixto/ 45 Madrid, Senaida/ 32 Madrid, Jose D./ 15 Madrid, Adelaido/ 13 Madrid, Jose B./ 5 Madrid, Jose G./ 1

Head 2 Wife Son Son Son Son

Herder NM NM NM NM NM NM

116\122

Maes, Tranquiliano/ 37 Maes, Adela/ 27 Maes, Manuel/ 10 Maes, Berta/ 8 Maes, Margarita/ 7

Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter

Foreman NM Texas Texas Texas Texas

134\141

67

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Maestas, Antonio/ 20 Maestas, Jacinto/ 19 Maestas, Socorrito/ 1

Head Wife Daughter

Night Watchman NM NM NM

129\136

Maestas, Antonio/ 46 Companion Laborer NM 144\153

Maestas, Carlos/ 25 Maestas, Simiana/ 23 Maestas, Carlota/ 5 Maestas, Higinia/ 4 Maestas, Jose R./ 1 Maestas, Fedirico/3 mos

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son

Cleaning Engines NM NM NM NM NM NM

99\103

Maestas, Juan/ 34 Maestas, Erminda/ 24 Maestas, Cidelia/ 6 Maestas, Francisquita/9 mo. Maestas, Juan E./ 5 Maestas, Alvaro/ 3

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son

Laborer NM NM NM NM NM NM

114\119

Malone, James P./ 34 Malone, Lucy O./30

Head Wife

Machinist Missouri Oregon

60\60

Martinez, Cleofas/ 57 Martinez, E__/ 43 Martinez, Enrique/ 16 Martinez, Grabiel/ 11 Martinez, Medardo/ 10 Martinez, Antonio/ 7 Martinez, Anne M./ 13

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter

Herder NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

112\117

Martinez, Esquipula/ 33 Martinez, Anastacia/ 22 Martinez, Cleodovia/ 7 Martinez, Ermelinda/ 2 Martinez, Ramoncita/3 mo.

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter

Laborer NM NM NM NM NM

115\120

Martinez, Felicita/ 22 Martinez, Manuelita/ 3 Martinez, Eulalia/ 1

Head Daughter Daughter

Laundress NM NM NM

92\96

Martinez, Fidel/ 45 Martinez, Jose E./ 20 Martinez, Eufemia/ 14

Head Son Daughter

Farm Operator Laborer

NM NM NM

130\137

Martinez, Jose D./ 47 Martinez, Julian/ 11 Martinez, Geronimo/ 10 Martinez, Rebecca/ 8

Head Son Son Daughter

NM NM NM NM

105\110

Martinez, Joseph/ 22 Martinez, Francis/ 19

Head Wife

Laborer NM Colorado

143\152

Martinez, Juan B./ 52 Head Laborer NM 116\121

68

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Martinez, Juan/ 33 Martinez, Genoveva/ 29 Martinez, Guillermo/ 14 Martinez, Vidal/ 12 Martinez, Manuel/ 9 Martinez, Urban/6 Martinez, Carlota/ 4

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter

Laborer Laundress

NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

113\118

Martinez, Julianita/ 80 Sister-in-law NM 70\70

Martinez, Senaida/ 52 Martinez, Genobeva/ 26 Martinez, Rosita/ 17 Martinez, Luisita/ 15 Martinez, Jose A./19 Martinez, Ramon/ 13 Martinez, Juan B./ 12 Maestas, Lucia/ 5

Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Son Son Son Granddaughter

Laundress Laundress Servant Laborer

NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

65\65

Martinez, Severino/ 39 Martinez, Gavina/ 33 Martinez, Jose H./ 16 Martinez, Silviano/ 12 Martinez, Jose M. L./ 3 Martinez, Elviria/ 14 Martinez, Rosa/ 11 Martinez, Elena/ 6 Martinez, Sirvilia/4 mos.

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter

Manager, groc. store NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

90\93

McFadden, Calvin/ 58 McFadden, Elizabeth F./54

Head Wife

Barber Dressmaker

Kansas Illinois

7\7

McGuire, Ralph O,/ 20 McGuire, Cordilia/ 19 McGuire, Odell/ 2 mos

Head Wife Son

Fireman Nebraska Colorado Colorado

11\11

McWilliams, Joe/ 30 McWilliams, Manuela/ 32 McWilliams, Esquiel/ 10 McWilliams, Alfonso/ 8

Head Wife Son Son

Farmer NM NM NM NM

145\155

Medina, Antonio/ 43 Medina, Leonarda/ 32 Medina, Jose/ 15 Medina, Eugenio/ 11 Medina, Juan/ 8 Medina, Frank/ 4 Medina, Eugenia/ 13 Medina, Nastacia/ 2 Medina, Eufelia/5 mos.

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

Cleaning Engines NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

88\90

69

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Medina, Benigno/ 54 Medina, Fernandita/ 45 Medina, Florentino/ 17 Medina, Benigno/ 15 Medina, Vicente/ 8 Medina, Prudencia/ 10

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter

NM NM NM NM NM NM

142\150

Moore, Charles K./ 45 Moore, Margaret/ 42

Head Wife

Engineer Indiana Indiana

10\10

Moreno, Benjamin/ 22 Moreno, Maria/ 16

Head Wife

Cleaning Engines NM NM

93\97

Murray, Charles P./ 27 Head Machinist Colorado 12\12

Oakley, Harry T./ 33 Head 1 Foreman Indiana 141\148

Odgers, Anne/ 62 Odgers, Fredrick W./ 25

Mother-in-law Brother-in-law

Electrician

Wales Wales

36\36

Odgers, Thomas H./ 31 Head Engineer Wales 81\83

Olsen, Roy/ 27 Olsen, Miyile?/ 23 Olsen, Kenneth L./ 2 Olsen, Dorothy B./ 5 Olsen, Mildred E./ 4

Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter

Machinist Colorado Kansas Colorado Missouri Iowa

13\13

Orell, Percival G./ 34 Orell, Elizabeth E./ 30 Orell, Seth/ 7 Orell, Patricia E./ 5

Head Wife Son Daughter

Sheep Raiser England NM NM NM

82\84

Ortiz, Luis M./ 25 Ortiz, Adelina F./ 26 Ortiz, Eliza/ 2 Ortiz, Jose N./ 1

Head Wife Daughter Son

Repairer, R.R. cars NM Colorado Colorado NM

138\145

Owens, Alla F./ 47 Owens, Bryan J./17 Owens, Clyde F./10 Owens, LeRoy W./4

Head Son Daughter Son

Dressmaker Laborer

Missouri Colorado Colorado Colorado

28\28

Owens, John/ 58 Owens, Mary/ 57 Owens, Lawrence F./25

Head Wife Son

Carpenter Laborer

Wales Wales NM

55\55

Owens, Richard J./ 34 Owens, Mary L./ 32 Owens, Kenneth W./ 14 Owens, LeRoy J./ 11 Owens, Laura M./ 9

Head Wife Son Son Daughter

Laborer, Lumber Mill

Wales Colorado NM NM NM

33\33

70

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Pacheco, Enrique/ 36 Pacheco, Isabelita/ 29 Pacheco. Loeboldo/ 12 Pacheco, Jose M./ 7 Pacheco, Delfina/ 5 Pacheco, Epimenio/4 mos.

Head Wife Son Son Daughter Son

Foreman NM NM NM NM NM NM

143\151

Pacheco, Max/ 21 Pacheco, Rosario/ 20 Pacheco, Manuelita/ 1

Head Wife Daughter

Foreman (R.R.) NM NM Colorado

74\76

Painter, Laura B./ 53 Painter, Florence C./ 24

Head Daughter

Teacher

Missouri Missouri

22\22

Pais, Resauria/ 20 Pais, Eloisa/ 6

Head Daughter

Laundress Colorado Colorado

100\105

Palmer, Hampton H./ 38 Palmer, Elizabeth M./ 42 Palmer, Joseph A./ 26

Head Wife Son

Engineer Lineman

Arkansas England Colorado

42\42

Pippy, John D./24 Pippy, Florence V./22 Pippy, Eva L./ 3 Pippy, Leslie H/ 2

Head Wife Daughter Son

Helper, machine shop

N. Carolina Colorado Colorado Colorado

69\69

Prince, John C./42 Prince, Maude E./ 33

Head Wife

Repairer Sweden NM

89\92

Quintana, Teofilo/ 48 Quintana, Cleotilde/ 28 Quintana, Floripe/ 5 Quintana, Eduardo/ 3 Quintana, Emilio/ 5mos

Head Wife Daughter Son Son

Manager, Pool Hall NM NM NM NM NM

110\115

Rael, Udicilio/ 23 Rael, Trinidad/ 1

Head Son

NM NM

70\71

Ray, Charlie/ 1 Grandson Colorado 6\6

Ray, George E./ 41 Ray, Clara T./ 37 Ray, Myrtle J./ 16 Ray, Clare T./ 12

Head Wife Daughter Daughter

Engineer Scotland Ohio Colorado NM

31\31

Real, Joseph L./ 24 Real, Fanny/ 19 Real, Lillian L./ 3

Head Wife Daughter

Engineer Colorado NM Colorado

29\29

Redingon, John/ 51 Redington, Lida M./ 38

Head Wife

Engineer

Ireland Canada

39\39

Redington, Raymond E./22 Head Farm Operator Canada 40\40

Reeves, Mary E./ 49 Reeves, James T./ 19 Reeves, Louis/ 18

Head Son Son

Waiter Laborer Helper (drugstore)

Alabama Texas Texas

118\124

71

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Rice, William/ 44 Rice, Della/ 43 Rice, Herbert W./ 18 Rice, John K./ 14 Rice, Glenn/ 12 Rice, Gladys/ 10 Rice, Ethyl A./ 9 Rice, Helen E./ 4

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

Manager (Livery) Missouri Minnesota Colorado Colorado Colorado NM NM NM

86\88

Richardson, Saydie E./ 25 Richardson, Childs W./ 6 Richardson, Saydie E./ 4

Head Son Daughter

Clerk (R.R.) Colorado Colorado Colorado

52\52

Rieyblid?, Jose A./ 36 Rieyblid?, Escolastica/ 32 Rieyblid?, Trimelio/ 12

Head Wife Son

Laborer Colorado Colorado Colorado

120\126

Rival, Cornelio/ 27 Rival, Balvinia/ 28

Head Wife

Foreman (R.R. Station)

NM Colorado

121\127

Rivas, Quirino/ 53 Rivas, Maria/ 51 Rivas, Rosa/ 25

Head Wife Daughter

Laborer NM NM NM

94\98

Rivas, Sixto/ 28 Rivas, Borbarita/ 25 Rivas, Maria P./ 7 Rivas, Antonio Q./ 3 Rivas, Sixto/ 1

Head Wife Daughter Son Son

Team Driver NM NM NM Colorado NM

101\106

Romero, Cleofas/ 46 Romero, Maclovia/ 19 Romero, Gregorita/ 17 Romero, Geronima/ 9 Romero, Martin/ 12

Head Daughter Daughter Daughter

Servant Servant

NM NM NM NM NM

107\112

Romero, Emilio/ 22 Hired Hand Laborer NM 61\61

Romero, Eudoro/ 34 Romero, Celina/ 29 Romero, Rienalda/ 12

Head Wife Daughter

Assistant Machinist NM NM NM

75\77

Romero, Julian/ 35 Romero, Ruben/ 31 Romero, Julian/ 15 Romero, Maximo/ 10 Romero, Toribio/ 2 Romero, Guillermo/5 mos. Romero, Rebecca/ 13 Romero, Eufemia/ 7 Romero, Irene/ 4

Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter

NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM

111\116

Romero, Leonor/ 56 Romero, Guillermo/ 23 Romero, Vicente/ 17 Romero, Erminda/15

Head Son Son Daughter

Laborer

NM NM NM NM

97\101

72

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Rushton, Neil R./ 16 Brother-in-law Kansas 13\13

Samora, Brefidia/ 40 Samora, Lupita/ 25 Samora, E___/ 16 Samora, Papilia/ 15 Samora, Carmelita/ 8 Samora, Ramon/ 8

Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Son

Servant Dishwasher

NM NM NM NM NM NM

109\114

Sandoval, Antonio/ 33 Sandoval, Eloisa/ 26

Head Wife

Laborer NM NM

103\108

Sandoval, Eligio/ 28 Sandoval, Pilar/ 25 Sandoval, Isidoro/ 7 Sandoval, Jose/ 5 Sandoval, Frank/ 3

Head Wife Son Son Son

Laborer NM NM NM NM NM

126\132

Scarborough, Earl H./ 24 Scarborough, Mada/ 22 Scarborough, Kathleen/ 1

Head Wife Daughter

Farmer Texas Indiana NM

102\107

Scott, Jessie E./ 7 Granddaughter Arizona 83\85

Sefton, Doris C./ 14 Sefton, Dillard P./ 16

Sister-in-law Brother-in-law

Waiter Laborer

Colorado Colorado

11\11

Smith, Juan/ 37 Smith, Marcia M./ 33 Smith, Nelson/ 11 Smith, Harvey J./ 6 Smith, Gilbert/ 1 Smith, Anita/ 2

Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter

Manager (telephone Co.)

NM NM NM NM NM NM

87\89

Spears, Mildred/ 44 Spears, Dolly M./ 16 Spears, Hazel R./ 5 Spears, Daisy M./ 10 Spears, Robert C./ 13

Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Son

Tennessee Colorado Missouri Kansas Colorado

6\6

Spooner, Franklin D.C./ 29 Spooner, Mabel G./ 21 Spooner, Douglas B./10 mo.

Head Wife Son

Accountant England Wales NM

36\36

Stocks, William H./ 37 Stocks, Gertrude A./ 34 Stocks, Rosa E./ 13 Stocks, Francis/ 12 Stocks, William H./ 9 Stocks, Howard F./ 7

Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son

Farmer Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn.

132\139

Thatcher, Elias W./ 54 Thatcher, Effie C./ 42 Thatcher, Bessie J./ 15 Thatcher, Ide E./ 12

Head Wife Daughter Son

Carpenter Ohio Penn. Iowa Iowa

57\57

73

Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)

Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #

Thatcher, Ralph W./ 22 Thatcher, Helen/ 17

Head Wife

Electrician U.S. Colorado

37\37

Thompson, Ben S./42 Thompson, Cara B./ 27 Thompson, Ralph L./ 13 Thompson, Rolbert W./ 10

Head Wife Son Son

Sheep Raiser Penns. NM NM Colorado

38\38

Thompson, John S./ 51 Thompson, Minnie/ 33

Head Wife

Engineer Missouri 2\2

Velasquez, Octaviana C./72 Head NM 70\70

Vermillion, Glenn B./ 25 Vermillion, Alta B./ 20 Vermillion Glenn A./3 mos.

Head Wife Son

Druggist Indiana Kansas NM

63\63

Vigil, Juan I./ 22 Head 2 Bookkeeper (Bank) NM 141\149

Voigt, Phillip E./ 52 Head Engineer Wisconsin 51\51

Ward, Samuel K./ 46 Ward, Bella C./ 45 Ward, George A./ 18 Ward, Anna. C./ 15 Ward, Leonora J./ 11 Ward, Orra I./ 6 Ward, Shupranie M./ 4 Ward, Jessie W./ 1

Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter

Farm Operator Farm Laborer

Tennessee N. Carolina N. Carolina Tennessee Colorado NM NM NM

48\48

Waters, Strother J./ 49 Head Barber Missouri 27\27

Weisel, George C./ 44 Weisel, May/ 30 Weisel, Deeana B./ 10 Weisel, Sherdan G./ 9 Weisel, Freda M./ 6 Weisel, Elmer P./ 5 Weisel, Ruth D./ 3 Weisel, Walter R./5 mos.

Head Wife Daughter Son Daughter Son Daughter Son

Farm Operator Nebraska Oklahoma Colorado Colorado Colorado NM NM NM

21\21

Werner, Charles A./ 32 Head Fireman Michigan 16\16

Williams, Tempia A./ 70 Mother Texas 119\125

Williams, Thomas K./ 48 Williams, Luella/ 49 Williams, Clifford/ 19

Head Wife Son

Agent (R.R. Depot) Fireman

Wisconsin Iowa Iowa

137\144

Wright, Elmer/ 29 Head Laborer Oklahoma 34\34

Wright, David M./ 49 Wright, Rena B./ 50 Wright, Roy M./20 Wright, David E./ 18 Wright, William T./ 13

Head Wife Son Son Son

Engineer Laborer

Arkansas Penn. NM NM NM

9\9

74

Appendix E – Lumberton Census

75

Appendix F – Chronology

Date

1713 The Ute/Comanche alliance, which began in the early 1700s, was successful in driving the Navajo out of the Rio Chama watershed/Piedra Lumbre area for the next 35 years. The Navajo withdrew to their homeland until 1848.

1724 First grant in the Abiquiú area made by Governor Juan Domingo de Mendoza to Cristóbal Torres (SANM I: 943 and 944).

1726-27 Cristóbal Torres died and his heirs attempt to settle on the grant.

1731 Diego Torres asks Governor Cruzat y Gongora to order settlers to take possession of their tracts of land within the Cristobal Torres grant or forfeit their interests in the grant (SANM I: 950).

1733 Governor Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora notified the heirs of Cristóbal Torres to resettle on the grant; when they do not resettle, the governor declared the grant abandoned and the land became public domain (SANM I: 943).

1735 Jeronimo Martín, owner of a revoked grant, was ordered to stop building his house or pay a 100-peso fine (SANM I: 524).

1735 Six grants in the Abiquiú and El Rito areas made by acting Governor Páez Hurtado during the absence of Governor Cruzat y Góngora were revoked by Cruzat on his return from El Paso. 1) Juan Estévan García de Noriega, SANM I: 320; 2) Manuel García de las Rivas, SANM I: 322; Geronimo and Ignacio Martín, et al., SANM I: 518; Geronimo Martín, SANM I: 524; José Antonio de Torres, SANM I: 955; Antonio Ulibarrí, SANM I: 1022.

1746 October 26

Viceroy Horcasitas orders Governor Codallos y Rabal to put into effect the provisions recommended by the Auditor General of War for dealing with the attacks by the Comanche. The Comanche are a threat because they are so disciplined, numerous, and brave, that they instill fear in the Spaniards. The Comanche are proud of their triumphs over the Spaniards and Pueblos and are willing to lose 100 Comanche in order to kill one Spaniard. The Comanche attack the pueblos as well, though they used to trade with them. The Auditor General recommends that the governor try to make peace with the Comanche through an exchange of captives, but if that does not work, they should be attacked after reading them the Requerimiento, and if necessary, exterminated. The Spaniards need to instill fear in the Comanche to reverse the present situation where the Spaniards consider the Comanche "a most intimidating and feared nation . . . because of [their many] atrocities."

1747 August

The Utes and some Comanches attack Abiquiú taking 23 women and children captive. The Spaniards thought the Ute were responsible so attacked a rancheria of 100 Ute tipis. The Ute struck back at Santa Cruz de la Cañada (Schroeder, Brief History, 59).

1747 October

Codallos y Rabal leads an attack against the Ute and Comanche beyond Abiquiú, killing 107, capturing 206, and taking 1,000 horses.

76

1748 Settlers at Abiquiú, Ojo Caliente, and Cordova seek permission to withdraw from their settlements because of Indian raids. Codallos y Rabal grant permission "for the time being" (SANM I: 28).

1750 February

Governor Vélez Cachupín is ordered by the viceroy to resettle the communities of Abiquiú, Embudo, and other abandoned communities northwest of Abiquiú (SANM I: 1098). Vélez Cachupín orders that Abiquiú be resettled "in order to plant during the coming spring." Settlers are to resettle on their old lands and those who refuse to settle will lose their lands (SANM I: 1100).

1750 Abiquiú is resettled under order by Governor Vélez Cachupín. Alcalde Juan José Lobato brought the settlers together at Santa Rosa de Lima and allotted them house lots around a plaza 135 varas on each side. The genízaros who had already been living at Abiquiú were assigned to Miguel Montoyas's house temporarily.

1751 March

Governor Vélez Cachupín ordered that the Ojo Caliente settlers return to their lands and resettle the community.

1752 January

Governor Vélez Cachupín again ordered that Ojo Caliente be resettled. Those refusing to go were to lose their lands under the governor's decree.

1752 March

Alcalde Juan José Lovato resettled nine heads of family at Ojo Caliente and rendered a formal decree of resettlement.

1820s late

Former enemies, the Capote Ute and Navajo make peace and begin to raid N. M. settlements instead of fighting each other.

1827 & 1829 Navajo raids on Abiquiú region.

1844 Navajo raid on Ojo Caliente.

1844 Governor Mariano Martínez kills a Ute in the Governor's Palace during an official parley and other Utes are attacked; feeling betrayed, the Capote Ute attack N. M. settlements.

1845 José María Chávez is named by Prefect Juan Andrés Archuleta to lead a retaliatory raid against the Utes. Chavez is assigned 812 militia from the Rio Arriba and 118 men from the Rio Abajo, together with about 80 troops from the Santa Fe presido. Captured because the general and his troops managed to drive the Ute north of the Arkansas River, the boundary between the United States and Mexico, and Chavez was not allowed to cross the Arkansas into the U.S.

1850 Ute Agency established at Abiquiú to issue supplies to the Capote Ute and deal with complaints about Ute depredations.

1852 Ute raid on Abiquiú with loss of stock by citizens.

1852 Fort Massachusetts established, later called Fort Garland and moved a few miles north.

1855 Some Ute attacks are caused by unprovoked attacks on them by Hispanos, such as one near Ojo Caliente led by Francisco Gallego and Quirino Maez.

1855 spring

The Utes tell Indian Agent Lorenzo Labadi that they do not want to settle on a reservation and become farmers because occupations other than hunting were "unworthy of them."

77

1856 April 30

Jesús María Velasquez, Juez de Paz at Conejos, reports to Indian Agent Kit Carson that he inspected a trading party headed by Pedro Leon Lujan near the Rio de la Jara and found 69 lbs. of lead bullets, 53 1/2 lbs. of powder, and 27 small boxes of liquor (fermanantes). Other members of the party included Tomás Chacón and Juan de Dios Montoya.

1857 late summer

Indian Agents worry that game such as elk and deer are diminishing and that the Ute can no longer sustain themselves through hunting.

1858 Gold rush in Colorado due to discovery near Denver brings in 100,000 immigrants.

1860-61 Another gold discovery in southwest Colorado brings more immigrants and helps establish settlements in San Luis Valley along the Rio Culebra and in Tierra Amarilla communities.

1861 Indian Agency established at Conejos under Agent Lafayette Head for the Tabequche Ute.

1866 The Wiminuche Ute are said to number 1200, the Paiute about 1500, the Navajo about 800, totaling 3500, have been joined by the Green River Ute driven out of Utah by the Mormons or the troops. It is feared that they will attack the Tierra Amarilla settlements and destroy them. The Capote Ute numbering between 600-700 are at peace with the whites, but are discontented and could also make war on the settlers, as the Jicarilla Apache have been advising them to do.

1866 December

The Ute give as a reason for not moving to a reservation that "they are necessary" to protect the frontier against the Navajo.

1866 January

The Paiutes, Capote Utes, and the Wiminuche hatch a plan with the Hispanic citizens to go to the Rio San Juan in Navajo County and send word to the Navajo at Hopi to come to them in peace, but then the allied Ute and Hispanic citizens would destroy them. The Ute chief, Cabeza Blanca, was against the plan and when a fight broke out in which Cabesa Blanca was killed, the Capote fled to the settlements around TA. With two sons of Cabesa Blanca they attacked the TA settlements, killing three herders, wounding the daughter of Alcalde Martínez, and stealing stock from Henry Mercure, T. D. Burns, Santos Samora, and Jesús Cardura.

1866 January 27

Some of the principal citizens of TA ("quite a flourishing settlement NW of Abiquiú") petition for military protection against the Ute who inhabit the neighboring country.

1866 July 29

Citizens from Tierra Amarilla report that 1200 hungry Utes were committing depredations on their herds and turning their horses in upon crops of the Hispanic citizens. Superintendent of Indian Affairs, A.B. Norten ordered that 200 sheep and 100 lbs. of tobacco be purchased and distributed among the Ute. In addition, they were given ammunition and encouraged to hunt for their own subsistence.

1866 October

As a result of a clash between the Buffalo Soldiers and the Ute, twelve Ute were killed. W.F.M. Arny fears that this will lead to a war with the Utes. The Ute killed were Moache under the leadership of Kaneatche. Col. [José María] Chavez and Arny are going to ride into the mountains to find Kaneatche to talk with him.

1870 A census taken by William F. M. Arny enumerated 365 Capote Ute in New Mexico under the leadership of Sobita.

78

1870 October

T. D. Burns and Jesús María Cordova of Tierra Amarilla submit claims to the U. S. for cattle killed by Capote Ute.

1871 February

Indian Agent J. B. Hanson reports that the residence of the Agent at Abiquiú and an adjacent storehouse and one half acre of land is leased for $200 per year from José Pablo Gallegos of Abiquiú and there is no available agricultural land at Abiquiú for the Ute to farm. Abiquiú is not the best place to establish the Ute permanently for the land for forty miles around Abiquiú is settled and farmed by Hispanos.

1871 January

Indian Agent Wm. F. M. Arny reports that the Navajo interpreter, Thomas Kearns, stated that the Navajo will run out of beef in two days and will steal from the US citizens, or will kill their own sheep and goats before they will starve. Under the peace treaty, they were given 15,000 sheep and goats, "to manufacture blankets and clothing." Their farming during the last season was not completely successful for though "they worked hard and steady . . . late frosts killed their crops, but this will not feed the whole nation."

1872 April

Tomás Chacón pursued a band of Capote and Weemenuche Ute who had stolen and killed Hispanic livestock. When he overtook them, they admitted that they had stolen horses which they would return when they got back from the Green River. When Chacón asked them why they killed cattle and did not use them, the Ute told him to leave without offering him "the hospitalities of the camp."

1872 May

Battle of Tierra Amarilla. Few if any casualties, but was the turning point in the U.S. effort to move the Ute from the Rio Arriba area to their Southern Colorado reservation.

1872 September

Ute Agency moved from Abiquiú to Tierra Amarilla.

1878 June

The last of the Ute at Tierra Amarilla move to the Ute Agency at Los Pinos.

1881 The Jicarilla Apache move from Tierra Amarilla to their reservation at Amargo (near present-day Dulce).

79

Appendix G – Bibliography

Chappell, Gordon S. Logging Along the Denver and Rio Grande. Golden, Colorado: Colorado Railroad Museum, 1971.

Ebright, Malcolm. Land Grants and Lawsuits in Northern New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994; Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies Press, 2008.

__________. The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A History of Chicanery. Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies Press, 1980.

Fratello, Edward M. “Economic Factors in the Early Settlement of the Tierra Amarilla Grant.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.

Kelly, Daniel T. The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest Santa Fe: The Vergara Publishing Company, 1972.

Knowlton, Clark S. “Flood Control and Reclamation Projects: Curse or Blessing to the Rural Spanish-Speaking People of the Middle Rio Grande Valley?” Center for Land Grant Studies Research Paper.

Leithausen, Jennifer. “Lumber Barons and Timber Pirates.” http://www.animasmuseum.org/Lumber%20Barons.html

Northwest New Mexican. Newspaper published in Chama, issues published in 1890s, Amador Collection, Special Collections, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces.

Torrez, Robert J. “El Campo Forgotten Sentinel of the Tierra Amarilla.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.

______________. El Primer Siglo: A Centennial History of San José Parish, 1883-1983. Los Ojos, NM: The San José Parish Council, 1983.

______________. “A History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.

______________. “The Southern Utes’ Last Stand in New Mexico.” Old West (Winter 1996): 16-21.

______________. “A Report: State Owned Lands Within New Mexico’s Community Land Grants,” submitted in fulfillment of Professional Services Contract 06-369-0222-0006, June 30, 2006.

______________. “The Tierra Amarilla Land Grant: A Case Study in the Editing of Land Grant Documents.” Southwest Heritage 13 (Fall 1983 & Winter 1984), 2-4.

______________. “Worthy the Pen and Brush of Poet and Painter: A Chicago Colony in Northern New Mexico.” Center for Land Grant Studies Research Paper.

Westphall, Victor. Thomas Benton Catron and His Era. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1973, 39-46.

Wilson, Chris and David Kammer. Community and Continuity: The History, Architecture and Cultural Landscape of La Tierra Amarilla. Santa Fe: New Mexico Historic Preservation Division, 1989.

Young, John V. The State Parks of New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984.

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Appendix H – Color Coded Map of Humphries Wildlife Area

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