the closing of sugar plantations
TRANSCRIPT
THE CLOSING OF SUGAR PLANTATIONS:
Interviews with Families
of Hamakua and Ka'u, Hawai'i
Volume I
Center for Oral History Social Science Research Institute
University of Hawai'i at Manoa
August 1997
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume I
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v RESEARCH AND PUBLICATION STAFF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii PHOTOGRAPHS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvu
TRANSCRIPTS Daryl Ke ........ . .. ... . ... ... ... . . ..... ... ......... ..... . . .. 1 Jessie Ke .. . .. .... .. ..... ... .................. .. ........... . 31 Wilton Crutchfield . ..... .. . ... .... .. .. ... ...................... 61 Geraldo Guerrero . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Lilac Loo Kaha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Clyde Silva . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Cynthia Juan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Donald and Melanie Lee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Stanley Mendes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 John Mendes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
APPENDIX Glossary .. .. . ... ................ ......... . . ... . ... ....... . . A-1 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B-1
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THE CLOSING OF SUGAR PLANTATIONS:
Interviews with Families
of Hamakua and Ka'u, Hawai'i
Volume II
Center for Oral History Social Science Research Institute
University of Hawai'i at Manoa
August 1997
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Volume II
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ..................... .... ............... .. ..... v RESEARCH AND PUBLICATION STAFF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii PHOTOGRAPHS ...... ................. . ... . . ... .. .... . .. . . .. ...... ix INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
TRANSCRIPTS Lily L. K. Chong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343 George G. Gamayo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401 Estifino Figueroa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423 Mary Fernandez Figueroa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453 Barbara and Patrick Coito . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465 Dardenella Mae Gamayo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 493 Darren Gamayo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523 Victor P. Hauanio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 553
APPENDIX Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A-1 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B-1
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Copyright © 1997 Center for Oral History
Social Science Research Institute University of Hawai'i at Manoa
These are slightly edited transcriptions of interviews conducted by the Center for Oral History, University of Hawai'i at Manoa. The reader should be aware that an oral history document portrays information as recalled by the interviewee. Because of the spontaneous nature of this kind of document, it may contain statements and impressions which are not factual.
People are welcome to utilize, in unpublished works, short excerpts from any of the transcriptions without obtaining permission as long as proper credit is given to the interviewee, interviewer, and the Center for Oral History. Permission must be obtained from the Center for Oral History for published excerpts and extensive use of transcriptions and related materials. Transcripts and cassette tapes may not be duplicated or reproduced by any party without permission from the Center for Oral History, Social Science Research Institute, University of Hawai'i at Manoa, 2424 Maile Way, Porteus 724, Honolulu, Hawai'i 96822.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In addition to the interviewees and their families, the Center for Oral History wishes to thank the following individuals and organizations for their help and support in making this project possible:
University of Hawai'i at Manoa, Center on the Family: Sylvia Yuen, Director Barbara Debaryshe, Associate Specialist lvette Rodriguez-Stern, Project Coordinator Carolyn DeMello, Project Secretary
University of Hawai'i at Manoa, Social Science Research Institute: Michael Hamnett, Director Calvin Fujioka, Administrative Officer
Hawai'i Island residents: Leroy Alip Joseph K. Batalona, Sr. Sherla Bertleman Aloha Dela Rosa Carol Ignacio Noelani Mason Kathleen Mendes George Silva
This project is funded in part by a grant from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.
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University of Hawai'i at Manoa Center for Oral History Social Science Research Institute
Director and Principal Investigator WarrenS . Nishimoto
Research Coordinator Michi Kodama-Nishimoto
Research Associate Holly J. Yamada
Publications Specialist Cynthia A. Oshiro
Transcript Editor and Indexer Karen Matsuda
Student Transcribers Kimberly Dewey Karen Matsuda Joni Miyagi Randall Hironaka
PROJECT STAFF
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INTRODUCTION
Background With the closing of the three remaining sugar plantations on the Big Island of Hawai'i-Hama1rua Sugar Company in 1993, Hilo Coast Processing Company in 1994 and Ka 'ii Agribusiness Company in 1996-residents of surrounding communities face a daunting challenge: coping with a future without the area's major source of employment.
To document these changes, the Center on the Family approached the Center for Oral History (COH) of the Social Science Research Institute about the possibility of conducting life history interviews with displaced workers of Hamakua Sugar Company and Ka'ii Agribusiness Company who were surveyed in an earlier research project assessing the impact of job loss.
In discussions between COH Director Warren Nishimoto, COH Research Coordinator Michi KodamaNishimoto, and the Center on the Family's Sylvia Yuen, Barbara DeBaryshe, and lvette RodriguezStern, it was decided that COH would conduct life history interviews with displaced workers or their spouses who responded to the earlier survey. It was also agreed that older and/or same-age members of the displaced workers' families willing and able to remember and articulate their life experiences would also be included.
Oral history interviews with displaced workers/spouses, documenting life experiences and the lifestyles and values associated with the plantation experience, were seen by both centers as a means of adding depth and perception to the earlier survey. The interviews were also seen as means to have families articulate in their own words their feelings and attitudes toward plantation closures and the end of the sugar industry on their island. The interviews also provide supplementary information on family coping strategies.
An equally important component of this project is the inclusion of life history interviews with family members who recalled plantation lifestyles and experiences dating back to the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.
Interviewees, who range in age from twenty-eight to eighty-eight, were asked about day-to-day life, work on the plantation, and earlier hard times-layoffs, mergers, natural disasters, family crises, strikes, etc. These interviews, by placing values and coping strategies of the past and present in their proper social and historical context, contribute to a better understanding of the present situation.
Methodology Following a series of planning meetings where deadlines were established and funding secured, Nishimoto and Rodriguez-Stern met with Hamakua resident Leroy Alip, a survey project community contact person, to identify potential interviewees. From this meeting, a preliminary list of interviewees was drawn up. COH also enlisted the aid of Sherla Bertleman to help contact interviewees from the Ka 'ii community.
After COH staff conducted background research on the Hamakua and Ka'ii regions and consulted books and documents relating to Hawai'i's sugar industry, they developed a questionnaire based, in part, on previous COH oral history projects relating to sugar plantations. Barbara DeBaryshe of the Center on the Family contributed questions on the theme of family adaptation to occupational loss.
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COH interviewers Warren Nishimoto and Holly Yamada then began contacting the individuals by telephone. While most of the older-generation interviewees were retired and had time to meet with COH interviewers for preliminary and recorded interviews, most of the displaced workers and/or their spouses had found other work and had some difficulty scheduling interviews. Some were rarely at home or not available during the daytime. Having to commute three hours a day , working eight-hour shifts on erratic schedules, and sleeping during daytime hours , made it difficult for some to commit to interviews . These circumstances coupled with COH interviewers' having to fly and drive for hours to and from interviews posed logistical problems and delays .
Untaped preliminary interviews were conducted in-person or over the telephone. The taped interviews were conducted on audio cassettes. Each interview session averaged 90 minutes; in some instances, two persons were interviewed simultaneously. With the exception of one, all the interviews were conducted at the interviewees ' homes in Honoka'a, Haina, Pa'auilo, Laupahoehoe, and Pahala. Although the questionnaire outline was used as a guide, the interviews generally were open-ended and conversational .
The older-generation interviewees were asked about their plantation lifestyles: values, family, camp life, ethnic relations, work, unions, and technological and social changes. They were asked to comment on past difficulties regarding family, work, school, etc. and how they coped. They were asked to compare these past difficulties with the current situation. They were then asked to reflect on their own lives and careers in the sugar industry and the future of the Big Island without sugar plantations.
The displaced workers and/or spouses were asked similar questions and others about: events and discussions leading to layoffs and plantation closings; their job loss ; coping financially, emotionally, and socially; and the future of their families without Big Island sugar.
The recorded interviews were transcribed almost verbatim. The resulting transcripts were reviewed against the tape and edited for clarity and accuracy. After final editing, the transcripts were bound in these volumes and disseminated to libraries statewide. Each interviewee received a copy of his/her own transcript.
A Brief History of Sugar in Hawai'i Sugar was once king in the islands not only because it was once the islands' number one industry, which built the economic foundation on which Hawai'i rests today, but because it also dominated the Islands ' environment, politics, and population. A giant industry which at one time consisted of seventy-three plantations spread among four islands is today reduced to only four , dissolved by an economy driven more by tourism than agriculture . Within the past three years, six sugar plantations ceased operations .
What remains as sugar's legacy is the islands' people. As one writer noted: "If not for sugar you wouldn't have this mix of people today, which is Hawai'i. Hawai ' i is special because it is [among] the most isolated [group of] islands in the world and when immigrants came they could not always afford to leave . .. Because of the plantation they had to live together, work together." Sugar' s insatiable demand for low-wage labor was met by Caucasian sugar barons, known as the Big Five, who recruited immigrants to supplement the dwindling native work force.
Between 1852 and 1946, nearly 400,000 laborers were recruited from such places as China, Japan, Portugal, Korea, Norway, Spain, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. These laborers came to the
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islands seeking livelihoods better than those in their homelands. Upon arrival, the immigrants found work in the fields and mills to be demanding. They worked under supervisors who had little knowledge or understanding of their language and culture.
The sugar companies, in addition to creating many thousands of acres of cropland, irrigation ditches, tunnels, wells, reservoirs and railroads, and building huge factories to process the raw sugarcane, provided modest wages, housing, fuel and other perquisites to the workers. Soon, benevolent, paternalistic "company towns" with schools, churches, businesses, hospitals, and recreational facilities emerged as workers started and raised families on the plantations.
Many factors contributed to the demise of the sugar industry: Cheaper labor and better growing conditions in other countries; beet and corn sweeteners replacing sugarcane on meal tables; and our changing tourism- and urban-based economy which encourages a more profitable use of land other than for agriculture.
The Interviewees Nine families, each including at least one respondent from the Center on the Family's survey project, Family Adaptation to Occupational Loss, were interviewed for this oral history project. In all, twenty individuals were interviewed for approximately thirty hours on audiocassettes between June 1996 and March 1997.
The interviewees represent two generations of sugar workers-one generation retired, the other laid off because of the recent closure of Hamakua Sugar Company and Ka 'u Agribusiness Company. The interviewees talked extensively about what the end of the sugar industry in Hawai'i meant to them and their families-how the closings affected their sense of security and their individual and community identity. Yet at the same time they were able to reflect upon the values they gained on the plantation-values such as hard work, reliance on family and neighbors, respect for the older generation, and concern for future generations . . The displaced sugar workers interviewed for this oral history project are: Wilton Crutchfield, 57 Lilac K. Kaha, 35 Darren Gamayo, 33 Geraldo Guerrero, 42 Victor Hauanio, 60 Daryl Ke, 43 Donald Lee, 45 John A. Mendes, 28 Clyde Silva, 43
Also interviewed were spouses of three displaced workers: Dardenella Mae Gamayo, 28, wife of Darren Gamayo Jessie Ke, 52, wife of Daryl Ke Melanie Lee, 28, wife of Donald Lee
The remaining interviewees are close relatives of the displaced workers: Lily L.K. Chong, 88, grandmother of Darren Gamayo Barbara Coito, 48, mother-in-law of Darren Gamayo Patrick Co ito, Sr., 51, father-in-law of Darren Gamayo
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Estifino Figueroa, 77, grandfather-in-law of Darren Gamayo Mary Figueroa, 72, grandmother-in-law of Darren Gamayo George G. Gamayo, 76, father of Darren Gamayo Cynthia Juan, 46, sister of Clyde Silva Stanley C. Mendes, 64, father of John A. Mendes
Interview Excerpts Stanley C. Mendes is a lifelong resident of the Hamakua Coast. He worked for the Hamakua Sugar Company from 1944 to 1984. His father, John Mendes Jr., worked for Hamakua Mill Company. His son, John A. Mendes, twenty-eight years old, began working for Hamakua Sugar Company during summer vacations from Honoka'a High School as a knapsack sprayer and irrigation helper, and began working for the sugar company full-time in 1987 as a cane-haul truck driver. John Mendes was out of work in 1994, a victim of the closing of Hamakua Sugar Company. Stanley Mendes recalled the close-knit plantation community of his youth, and his feelings about the end of a way of life:
"Before, when we was growing up Pa 'auilo, everybody had love for one another. You do something, you invite the other one, or you make party, you invite these people. In sports, you play together. Work together. There was no more dog-eat-dog kind, you know . . . Before, our community was our community-togetherness was there all the time. You didn't hate one another ... Tell you the truth, even till the last harvest, I think I still had hope for the sugar to come back. That's right. I never believe anybody when they told me sugar was going to go out the door . . . I wanted to go up [to Honoka 'a town to witness the "final harvest" parade]. I had my jeep parked there in the front yard. And I wanted to go up. Prepared myself to go, but as I got out there in the yard, I couldn't go. I didn't have the power to drive up to see the cane trucks. Plus they blowing the horns. Can still hear that horns, you know, it blow. Sad. "
Why was Stanley Mendes sad? He was sad because his son was out of work and needed to look for another job to support his young family. He was sad because the community he grew up and worked in no longer would be producing sugar, an industry which began commercially in Hawai 'i in 1835 and until recent times was Hawai'i's number one industry. But, Stanley Mendes was sad for a number of other reasons, all of which relate to Hawai'i's plantation past and the values attached to that past.
The plantation was not just a paycheck. "Plantation" meant one's heritage, culture, values, sense of community, identity, family, and sense of security about the future.
Clyde Silva grew up in the plantation community of Pahala, where he was born in 1953. His father and grandfather were both sugar workers. He began working for the sugar company during the summers while he was still going to high school. He talked about the security the plantation offered the area's residents, and the fact that the company created a sense of community for him:
"Well, the plantation has been really the only way of life we knew, growing up as children. And at that time, we just assumed that the plantation would be here forever. And growing up in the plantation town, you knew about the company, you were familiar what was going on, you knew who was doing what, and so it was an easy transition for me, coming out of school and needing a job and going to work. Like I had to work, 'cause at that time, the wages were very low. And we had a big family, cause my dad was struggling to take care of us as a big family that we had. And my mom was a housewife raising us children. So I went to work to help out the situation. "
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Since the closure of Ka 'ii Agribusiness Company, Clyde has been working for Mauna Loa Macadamia Nut Corporation in Kea'au:
"And it was hard, you know, to pack up your stuff after working for a company for so long, and to shut the doors . It's such an empty feeling ... Because the only way of life [we] know is plantation, that plantation mentality of there's somebody there taking care of you . . . But for me I accepted the fact, and I knew I'd have to make something else of my life ... But it was still hard to let go. 'Cause it's like a way of life that I had to let go. And although I still work for C. Brewer ffor Mauna Loa Macadamia Nut Corporation], it's not the same. It's a totally different environment. I don 't know the people, it's a new industry for me . . . and the people there are not people from here in the community where !live. Like here [Pahala], I know most all the people, their history. There, I don't know anything about them. . . . The community of the plantation was very stable, solid. There was a foundation. And now without that foundation, the foundation being the plantation, is gone. "
John A. Mendes, Stanley Mendes' youngest son, was laid off in 1994 from Hamakua Sugar Company. At the time of the interview, he worked as a groundskeeper at the Hilton Waikoloa on the Kohala Coast. He talked about the plantation as a place that shaped his identity and defined his existence. Since he no longer worked near his home and was forced to commute a long distance to work, he hardly found time for his family and friends, and felt somewhat divorced from this once close-knit community:
"You don't see your family that often, you know. You come home, and no sooner you get home, it's dark. Then the next thing you know, it's bedtime, and waking up, go to work again, you know. Hardly any chance to see your family . . . My neighbor and I, when we was working on the plantation---we're still buddies, we're still friends, but not like the way we were when we were working for the plantation. I hardly see him, he don't see me ... It sort of takes it away from your friends, that you don 't work for the plantation no more. "
Asked the question, "What would you like your children to know about the plantation?" John responded:
"! want [my children] to remember that the parents, grandparents were part of that company, the [Htimtikua] Sugar Company The parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents, you know, down the line, the older generation. I want [my children] to think about the older generation, what they gone through for make you possible, as a young generation coming up, eh? That the sugar made you a family, too. "
Darren Gamayo was born October 12, 1963. His father, George, was a laborer for Pa'auhau Sugar Company . Darren was laid off in 1994 from Hamakua Sugar Company . For him and others, the plantation lifestyle was bred into him:
"The plantation used to have that sprinklers, right? So we used to go in the [cane] fields, ride our bikes through there and run through there. And then they used to have reservoir ponds . . . was like in the middle of the cane field, above the camp. And we used to go inside there, swimming ... We used to walk down to the old Pti 'auhau Mill. So we used to always watch the cane trucks and the mill run and stuff And that time was not strict. Everybody was kind of close, eh? So the supervisors
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. . . used to take us around, walk around. Go watch how they process the sugar and stuff But we used to always tell, 'Oh, when we grow up, that's what we like do . '"
In March 1982, Darren began working full time for Davies Hamakua Sugar Company. Although only thirty-three at the time of the interview and a sugar industry employee for only twelve years, Darren's plantation upbringing and respect for older generations of workers made the closing even harder for him to accept:
"We cried and stuff Even the time the last cane came up, and stuff Sometimes I look at 'em and put the lump in the throat . .. I used to always hear talk [from the old-timers] like, 'Ah, you young guys, you no care. How come you folks not out looking for job? How come you folks still here? ' kind of questions. So I gotta explain to them, 'You know, I see you guys work thirty, forty years on the plantation ... The way we was brought up, we was brought up through plantation lifestyle. We see plantation right through our lives .. . We always wanted to work for the plantation, you know, drive truck . . . or tractors. So I told 'em, 'For see this [industry] just put away on the side is really hard to accept. Even for us, being the younger generation. "
The interviewees remind us that the closing of the sugar plantations on the Big Island was not just a problem of economics. The closings involved individual and community identity, the sense of security, and values such as hard work, reliance on family and neighbors, respect for older generations, and concern for younger generations . With the loss of the sugar industry, all Hawai ' i grieves, not just Big Island plantation workers and their families. Everyone with roots here in the islands and an appreciation for its heritage, grieves.
The final quote below, by Dardenella Gamayo, summarizes the observations and feelings of many former sugar industry workers and their families. She shared her thoughts on the final harvest day of Hamakua Sugar Company and the beginning of her life without sugar:
"You know, being there for that final harvest, the parade with all the cane trucks going through town. Oh man . . . I cried and I cried, and the eyes all swollen . . . We gathered in Honoka 'a, we waited and waited and waited . . . and the trucks started coming . . . It was so sad, but yet the people were cheering. So glad to see them going through. You now, the pride that everybody had . . . And just sitting there listening to the mill, and then oh, the mill wouldn't work. Kept jamming and jamming. And you listen to the workers, 'Ey, come on, come on. Only little bit more. Talking to the mill, you know. 'You try listen. That's not the way the mill's supposed to sound, like she dying, ' and all that kind of stuff
"And at one point I just sat on the steps, and I just listened to the mill, and then I finally felt what the workers were talking about. Like the mill was tired, like it was time, like it was dying. And I could actually feel all of that: The plantation took care of us. The plantation was everybody's mom over here. They held us. I mean, you had plantation life, and then you get the real world. And we were so sheltered. You know my son, he loved the cane trucks. Every time there's a cane truck, he could hear it coming down the road. No matter what he doing, he would stop, gotta open the screen door for him, and he would be on the porch waving to the truck. And he cannot understand how come no more plantation now . .. The kind of values that we grew up with. Honesty, integrity, feeling proud of your roots; where you come from, your family traditions . Doing the ethnic things, the things my great, great, grandma brought . . . I'm half Puerto Rican, a quarter Filipino, and a quarter Irish. My kids got all of that, plus Chinese, Japanese, Hawaiian, and Filipino from my husband . . .
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"/don't think the hurt ever going go away. It's never going be the same. And we never realized how lucky we was for have the sugar company. We never realize till now. We took for granted what we had. And thinking about all the good times, that takes away the anger and the fear and the uncertainty. 'Ahh, never mind, then. We just going make 'em. ' The determination that we get now. "
Transcript Usage These volumes include a glossary of all non-English and Hawai'i Creole English (HCE) words (which are italicized in the transcripts) and a detailed subject/name index. A biographical summary precedes each interviewee's transcript.
Each transcript is identified by a series of numbers at the beginning of each transcript. This series of numbers includes, in order, a project number, audio cassette number, session number, and year the interview was conducted. For example, 26-13-1-97 identifies project number 26, cassette number 13, recorded interview session 1, and the year, 1997.
All interviewees were encouraged to read their transcripts and make any deletions or additions they considered necessary before releasing their transcripts for publication. The transcripts , published in these volumes , represent the statements which interviewees wish to leave for the public record.
Wherever possible, COH staff have tried to verify statements . But, it must be noted that unverifiable and questionable statements may be found in these transcripts . All users of these volumes are encouraged to corroborate oral historical statements before quoting them as fact. Users may utilize, in unpublished works such as student papers, short excerpts from any of the transcripts without obtaining permission as long as proper credit is given to the interviewee, interviewer, and the Center for Oral History . Written permission must be obtained from the Center for Oral History for use in published excerpts and extensive use of the transcripts and related materials . These transcripts also may not be duplicated in any way without permission.
Transcript Availability These transcripts are the primary documents presently available for research purposes . The audio cassettes are in storage and not available for use, unless written permission is obtained from the Center for Oral History.
The Closing of Sugar Plantations: Interviews with Families of Hamlikua and Ka'a, Hawai'i is available at the following locations:
Hawai'i Hawai'i Public Library (Hilo) University of Hawai'i at Hilo Library Kealakekua Community Library Honoka'a Public Library Laupahoehoe Public/School Library Na'alehu Public Library Pahala Public/School Library
Kaua'i Lihu'e Public Library Kaua' i Community College Library
Uina'i Lana'i Public and School Library
Maui Maui Public Library (Wailuku) Maui Community College Library
Moloka'i Moloka'i Public Library
O'ahu Bishop Museum Library Hawai'i State Library
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O'ahu (continued) Kaimuki Public Library Kane'ohe Public Library Pearl City Public Library
Windward Community College Library University of Hawai'i at Manoa
Hamilton Library Center for Oral History Ethnic Studies Program Honolulu Community College Library
Kapi'olani Community College Library Leeward Community College Library
Hawai 'i State Archives
COH publications include:
Transcript collections Waialua and Hale'iwa: The People Tell Their Story (1977) Life Histories of Native Hawaiians (1978) Remembering Kaka 'ako: 1910-1950 (1978) Waipi 'o : Mano Wai (Source of Life) (1978) The 1924 Filipino Strike on Kaua 'i (1979) Women Workers in Hawai 'i 's Pineapple Industry (1979) Stores and Storekeepers of Pa 'ia and Pu 'unene, Maui (1980) A Social History of Kona ( 1981) Five Life Histories (1983) Kalihi: Place of Transition (1984) Waikz1a~ 1910-1985: Oral Histories (1985) Ka Po'e Kau Lei: An Oral History of Hawai'i's Lei Sellers (1986) Perspectives on Hawai 'i 's Statehood ( 1986) Koloa: An Oral History of a Kaua'i Community (1988) Lana'i Ranch: The People of Ko'ele and Keomuku (1989) Oral Histories of African Americans (1990) The State Foundation on Culture and the Arts: An Oral History (1991) Public Education in Hawai 'i: Oral Histories (1991) 'Ualapu 'e, Moloka'i: Oral Histories from the East End (1991) An Era of Change: Oral Histories of Civilians in World War 11 Hawai 'i (1994) Hawai 'i Political History Documentation Project ( 1996)
Books Uchinanchu: A History of Okinawans in Hawai 'i . Published in cooperation with the United Okinawan Association (1981) Hanahana: An Oral History Anthology of Hawai'i's Working People (1984)
Finding Aids Catalog of Oral History Collections in Hawai 'i ( 1981) Catalog of the ESOHP Collection, 1976-1984 (1984) Master Index to the ESOHP Interviews, 1976-1983 (1984)
Other publications How To Do Oral History (Second Edition, Revised 1989) Oral History Recorder newsletter (1984-.)
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The staff of the Center for Oral History, Social Science Research Institute, University of Hawai'i at Manoa, believes that researching, recording, and disseminating the experiences of Hawai'i's people will stimulate further research and foster a better understanding of our islands' history. COH is responsible for any errors in representing or interpreting the statements of interviewees .
Honolulu, Hawai ' i August 1997