the freeman - 2015 summer (green issue)

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    SUMMER 2015

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    EDITOR Max Borders

    MANAGING EDITOR  B.K. Marc us

    COPY EDITOR  Amy Font ine lle

    POETRY EDITOR  Luk e Han kin s

    CONTRIBUTING EDITOR  Jeff rey A. Tucker

    ART DIRECTOR Sara Seal

    PUBLISHER  Richard N. L ore nc

    DEPUTY PUBLISHER  James Anderson

    FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION

    PRESIDENT 

     Law ren ce W. Reed

    EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR Wayne Olson

    STAFF

     Dan iel Bie r

    Marianna Brashear

     Lau ren Hick s Jaso n Ke lly

    Carrie Leggins

    Sara Morrison

    Carl Oberg

     Ian Osta szews ki

     Rob ert Ram sey

     Jaso n R iddle

    William Smith

     Jus tin St reif f 

     El ise Tho mpson

    BOARD OF TRUSTEES

    CHAIRMAN  Roger Ream

    VICE CHAIRMAN  Harry H. Langenberg

    SECRETARY  Ingrid A. Gregg

    TREASURER Michael S. Yashko

    Sarah Atkins

     Harold (Jay) Bowen III

     Jeff Giesea

     Kris Alan Mauren

     Don Smith

    Chris Talley

     John Westerfield

    VOLUME 65 | NO. 02

    PUBLISHED BY

    FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION

    1718 Peachtree Street NW, Suite 1048

     Atlanta, GA 30309 | United States

     Phone: 800 960 4333 | [email protected]

    www.FEE.org

    RECYCLE THIS PAGE

    This issue o he Freeman is dedicaed o Moher Earh. We operae

    wih he knowledge ha, when i comes o he goals o conservaion

    and proecion, wealhier is healhier. Tha is, when he insiuions,innovaions, and incenives are correc, we will no only be wealhier,

     bu here will be no conradicion beween ree markes and a cleaner

    environmen.

    The global warming debae, such as i is, seems o have been purchased

     by hose wih power. For all he reting abou he influence o oil

    ineress on he debae, public choice heory ells us ha coaliions

    o booleggers and Bapiss will accree around any acions by he

    governmen o save us rom environmenal caasrophe. O course,

    when governmen and indusry collude, ruh becomes a moving arge.

    Hyseria goes on aucion. And he people pay he coss.

    I doesn’ mater who does he wagging, he ail or he dog. Thereare enough rue believers in climae caasrophe o eed an army o

     bureaucras and o line he pockes o a housand special ineress. A

    he ron o his incesuous line sand he expers: he climaologiss are

    having heir day in he sun (no pun). The economiss are able suddenly

    o read he enrails ha ell us wha a warmer uure will bring.

    They receive major grans, ame, and saus rom being on he side

    o he angels. Unorunaely, proven environmenal problems such as

    overfishing ge shor shrif as he grea hyseria nexus keeps everyone

    preoccupied wih he climae.

    Le us go orward wih his summer ediion hinking warm houghs

    abou how he world is geting beter (and greener)—how a creaive,

    enrepreneurial people can be good sewards o he environmen, even

    wihou (especially wihou) cenral energy planning, green dirigisme,

    and he olly o demand-side managemen. There is a long road ahead,

    as he road o caasrophe will be paved wih good inenions.

    — THE EDITORS

    SUBSCRIBE

    T he Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) is a nonpolitical, nonprofit

    educational champion of individual liberty, private property, the free market,

    and constitutionally limited government. FEE has been publishing the

    Freeman since 1956.

    TheFreeman is published quarterly. Views expressed by the authors do not

    necessarily reflect those of FEE’s officers and trustees. To receive a sample

    copy, or to have theFreeman come regularly to your door, call 800 960 4333 ,

    or visit  FEE.org/freeman.

    Copyright © 2015 Foundation for Economic Education, except for graphics

    material licensed under Creative Commons Agreement. Permission granted

    to reprint any article from this issue with appropriate credit, except as noted.

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    IN THIS ISSUE

    ETHICS &

    PERSONAL GROWTH

    OUR PAST &

    OUR FUTURE

    ARTS &

    CULTURE

    FEATURES

    ECONOMICS & POLICY

    21

    02 ARENA

    MANDATORY VACCINATIONS CAN BE

    COMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY

     Randal John Meyer

    04 ARENA

    MANDATORY VACCINATIONS ARE

    INCOMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY

     Robert P. Murphy

    16 THE GREEN ISSUE

    THE CLIMATE-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX

    STRIKES BACK

    Max Borders

    21 THE GREEN ISSUE

    THE COSTS OF HYSTERIA

     Robert P. Murphy

    24 THE GREEN ISSUE

    POLITICAL RAIN DANCE

     Daniel Bier

    10

    FREEDOM OF DISASSOCIATION:

    INDIANA EDITION

     Steven Horwitz

    14

    ADAM SMITH: ZEN MASTER

     Sandy Ikeda

    28

    PICKING PIKETTY APART

    Phillip Magness

    12

    HARRIET TUBMAN

    RISKED LIFE AND

    LIMB FOR LIBERTY

     Lawrence W. Reed

    40

    THE 7 HABITS OF

    HIGHLY EFFECTIVE

    LIBERTARIANS

     Jeffrey A. Tucker

    08

    DECENTRALIZATION:

    WHY DUMB NETWORKS

    ARE BETTER

     Andreas M. Antonopoulos

    32

    ARMED AND BLACK

     B.K. Marcus

    06

    REGULATE THE

    DATING MARKET

     Julian Adorney

    38

    STAY PUT?

     Sarah Skwire

    46

    THE NIGHT THRESHER

     Devin Murphy

    47

    LIFE, LIFE

     Arseny Tarkovsky

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    We can ake comor ha modern science can handle

    inecious diseases. Quesionable sudies such as repors

    linking vaccinaions o auism have been debunked. Despie

    he empirically demonsrable efficacy o vaccines, some

    people have decided o orgo vaccinaions or hemselves or

    or children under heir cusody. Accordingly, liberarians

    have been orced o examine heir own enes o evaluae

    wheher compulsory vaccinaions are compaible wih he

    principles o individual reedom.

    I believe hey are.

    A major piall or liberarians examining his quesion

    is he consideraion o wheher mandaory vaccinaions are

    oo paernalisic. Bu because vaccinaions preven harm oohers wih incidenal paernalisic effecs, I argue ha hey

    are jusified. Because cerain deadly diseases are communi-

    cable rom human-o-human conac, ransmission can be

    prevened by using medically sae vaccines.

    Vaccines do no always and in every case proec indi-

    viduals who receive hem. Baceria and viruses can muae,

    prevening vaccines rom conquering hem. And, over ime,

    a paricular vaccine can become less effecive. Bu when

    given o a large enough populaion and updaed periodically

    o couner muaions, vaccines ac like a compuer firewall,

    proecing he enire populaion. And i a significan enough

    porion o he populaion chooses no o be vaccinaed,

    hen he whole populaion becomes more suscepible o an

    oubreak. Immunizaion o a criical proporion o he pop-

    ulaion in his manner is called “herd immuniy.” Though i

    may seem paradoxical, i becomes imporan o ensure ha

    he vas majoriy o people ge immunized o preven harm.

    Liberarian philosophy holds ha i is jusifiable o

    preven unauhorized harm o one individual agains

    anoher. Accordingly, even liberarians who have adoped

    principles such as he nonaggression axiom or he harm

    principle can see ha vaccinaion is a means o preven-ing harm. Moreover, even liberarians who ollow a sric

    Rohbardian nonaggression principle consider he  prospect 

    o aggression o be indisinguishable rom acual aggres-

    sion. And his is reasonable: prevening imminen harm is

    as good as sopping presen harm.

    Universiy o Arizona proessor Joel Feinberg has argued

    ha “i is always a good reason in suppor o legislaion ha

    i would probably be effecive in prevening (eliminaing or

    reducing) harm o persons oher han he acor and here is

    MANDATORY VACCINATIONS CAN BE

    COMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTYBy Randal John Meyer

     MANDATORY  VACCINES

    ARENA

     Image credit: US Army Corps of Engineers

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    FEATURES | SUMMER 2015

    probably no oher means ha is equally effecive a no

    greaer cos o oher values.”

    John Suar Mill amously noes in On Liberty ha “he

    only purpose or which power can be righully exercisedover any member o a civilized communiy, agains his will,

    is o preven harm o ohers.”

    The quesions o wheher he nonimmunized members

    o a populaion pose a risk o ohers—as well as he effecive-

    ness o vaccinaions in prevening ha harm—urn on acs.

    To address such quesions, le’s ake a look a he disease ha

    has led o mos o his recen conroversy: measles.

    I one imagines a communiy wih an immuniy rae

    o 96–99 percen or measles due o vaccinaion (and mos

    saes all below his rae), i is saisically unlikely ha

    here will be an oubreak o measles in his populaion due

    o herd immuniy. When only 95 percen o he populaion

    is vaccinaed, an oubreak is possible. When he percenagevaccinaed alls below 90 percen, he rae o inecion per

    10,000 children more han doubles.

    I he rae alls low enough, we

    can expec pandemics. “Beore

    mass vaccinaion was inroduced,

    measles used o ollow a cyclic

    patern, wih [epidemics occurring

    each] period o abou 2 years in

    Europe and Norh America,”

    according o research by V.A.A. Jansen and N. Sollenwerk.

    From 1840 hrough 1990, measles killed nearly

    200 million people globally. Bu rom 2000 hrough 2012,

    measles deahs decreased by 78 percen afer he UN

    sponsored immunizaion. During his period, 68 percen o

    he populaions o member counries were immunized o

    herd immuniy levels. In he Unied Saes, he vaccinaion

    rae among inans was 91 percen, considerably below he

    96–99 percen needed or herd immuniy o be mainained.

    In ac, in some enclaves, such as he Orange Couny school

    disric, he immunizaion rae dropped o 50–60 percen

    among kindergareners. This ailure o vaccinae, a leas

    in par due o he exisence o he sae philosophical

    exempion rom vaccinaion, allowed he measles oubreak

    o occur in 2015 in more han a dozen saes.

    No individual has he righ o expose oher individualso ha risk.

    Alernaively, here is a parallel argumen rom he lib-erarian principles regarding common deense. Accordingo David Boaz in his updaed book, The Libertarian Mind,“mos liberarians” believe ha “governmens should exis…[o provide] naional deense agains exernal hreas.”The enire human race is a war wih microbes, such asviruses, and has undergone massive assauls. Examplesinclude he bubonic plague, smallpox, and polio. Each day,

    an individual’s immune sysem desroys numerouspoenial pahogens. Libery-resrain principles allow orcollecivizaion o deense effors agains equally deadly

    oes: our immune sysems are no alone in his. Vaccines areinsrumens o ha ongoing war.

    People should no be compelled o be vaccinaed or non-

    communicable diseases, o course, bu we don’ wan any

    o hese serious pahogens o reemerge. Measles, mumps,

    rubella, and perussis cases are all on he rise in he Unied

    Saes. Polio has reurned in more han 10 counries; he

    World Healh Organizaion believes i consiues a global

    healh emergency. Childhood vaccines save nearly $40 billion

    in direc and indirec coss, in addiion o numerous lives.

    I is imporan o noe, as well, ha compulsory vacci-naion can accomplish herd immuniy by means shor oorced procedures. On one level, he civil law could be used

    o hold nonvaccinaed aduls and he parens o nonvac-cinaed children financially liable wih puniive damages

    or heir role in any public healhemergency. Exclusion romvarious ypes o public space oraciviies could be jusified, yeenorcemen would be difficul,i no impossible, paricularly inurban areas. On a more resric-ive level, he sae could use he

    criminal law o impose fines on parens or declare hasuch acion consiues child neglec. Regardless, moreexreme measures or noncomplian aduls would only beappropriae i more resricive means could no achieveherd immuniy hresholds.

    Thus, i can be argued ha vaccinaion policy approach-

    ing inringemen on individual and parenal choice does no

    pose an issue  per se   wih mainsream liberarian hough,

    given he narrowness o he means o vaccinaion (how litle

    i imposes on he recipien’s libery) and he degree o rela-

    ively cerain harm o ohers ha is hereby prevened.

    The harm o nonvaccinaion or serious communicable

    diseases poses a significan enough risk or ohers o become

    ineced ha i jusifies such small imposiions on personal

    libery. A policy o volunary vaccinaion, or he graning o

    philosophical excepions o he general vaccinaion require-men, causes much more poenial harm han requiring

    people o ge a vaccinaion does.

     Randal John Meyer  is a Young Voices Advocate and a legal

    research fellow living in New York City.

    PREVENTING IMMINENT

    HARM IS AS GOOD AS

    STOPPING  PRESENT HARM.

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    Mandaory vaccinaions are a gross violaion olibery. On some governmen policy issues—includingmandaory quaranines, airpor checkpoins, and NSAemail scanning—here is a leas a coheren allegaion oa rade-off beween individual reedom and public saey.Bu when i comes o mandaory vaccinaions, here is litlescope or plausible debae.

    Mandaory vaccinaions involve a supreme violaion

    o libery, where agens o he sae injec subsances inosomeone’s body agains his or her will. On he oher side

    o he ledger, even in principle, mandaory vaccinaions do

    no offer much benefi in enhanced public welare, relaive

    o a ree sociey. When we hrow in

    he realisic worries o governmen

    incompeence and maleasance,

    he case agains mandaory vacci-

    naions is overwhelming.

    Beore making my case, I will

    explain in basic erms how differen

    groups are likely o rea he propo-

    siion, according o major concepions o he sae’s proper

    role. I do his in order o show ha, even i we’re being charia-

     ble o he mos inclusive concepions o libery as a principle,

    mandaory vaccinaions are sill no jusifiable.

    Firs, among hose who hew sricly o a nonaggressionprinciple and a saeless sociey, mandaory vaccinaions are,o course, a nonsarer. Wheher hey ideniy hemselvesas “sric liberarians,” “volunaryiss,” or “anarchocapial-iss,” his group would obviously never condone he sae’sorcing someone o be vaccinaed, because mos believe hesae is illegiimae.

    Second, or minarchiss, he proper role or he sae is

    ha o a “nigh wachman,” a minimal governmen ha only

    proecs he individual rom domesic criminals and oreignhreas. In a minarchis ramework, i is only legiimae or

    he sae o ake acion agains someone who is violaing

    (or hreaening o violae) he righs o anoher. A person’s

    ailure o become vaccinaed is hardly by itself  a violaion o

    someone else’s righs. Flipping i around, i would sound odd

    o say you have he right o live in a sociey where everyone

    else has had measles shos.

    Third, and mos ineresing, le’s consider a broader

    noion o libery, which balances a presumpion o individual

    auonomy agains he public welare. In his approach,

    here’s no a blanke prohibiion on he sae resricing he

    liberies o individuals—even when hey haven’ ye hur

    anybody else—so long as such resricions impose litle

    harm on he recipiens and possibly preven a vas amoun

    o damage. This is he only concepion o he sae or which

    he mandaory vaccinaion debae is possible.

    Le’s be chariable and assume his more expansive

    definiion, under which, or example, even sel-describedliberarians migh no objec o siff penalies or drunk

    driving or prohibiions on ciizens building aomic bombs in

    heir basemens. How does mandaory vaccinaion are in

    his ramework, where we’re no

    arguing in erms o qualiaive

    principles bu insead perorming

    a quaniaive cos-benefi es?

    Even here, he case or

    mandaory vaccinaions is weak.

    Firs o all, he only realisic

    scenario where he issue would

    even be relevan is where he vas majoriy o he public

    hinks i would be a good idea i everyone go vaccinaed, bu

    (or whaever reason) a small minoriy srongly disagreed. This

    is obvious: i he medical case or a vaccine were so dubious

    ha, say, hal he public didn’ hink i made sense o adminis-

    er i, hen here would hardly be an issue o he governmen

    clamoring o injec hal he populaion agains heir will.

    Now, le’s push our analysis urher. We’re dealing wih

    a scenario in which he vas majoriy o he public hinks

    i would be a good idea or all o he public o become vacci-

    naed. In ha environmen, i vaccines are volunary, hen

    we can be confiden ha jus abou all o hese enhusiass

    would go ahead and become vaccinaed. In oher words, any

    “ree riding” would only ake place a he margin, i mos ohe populaion had goten he vaccine and hus an oubreak

    o he relevan disease was unlikely.

    This is a crucial poin, and i shows why he case or

    mandaory vaccines is so much weaker han, or example, he

    case or mandaory resricions on carbon dioxide emissions

    or mandaory conribuions o he naional miliary.

    When a person ges vaccinaed, he primary beneficiary is

    himself . And his benefi is all he greaer he lower he rae

    o vaccinaion in he populaion a large. In oher words,

    MANDATORY VACCINATIONS ARE

    INCOMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY

    Social conflict can be resolved through the fuller application of private property rights

    By Robert P. Murphy

    ARENA

    MANDATORY VACCINATIONS

    INVOLVE A SUPREME

    VIOLATION OF LIBERTY...

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    among a populaion o people who all believe ha a vaccine

    is effecive, he individual cos-benefi analysis o aking he

    vaccine will only yield a empaion o “ree riding” once a

    sufficien racion o he populaion has become vaccinaed,

    hus ensuring “herd immuniy.”

    Unlike oher examples o huge (alleged) rade-offs

     beween individual and public benefis, wih vaccinaions

    here is no hrea o a mass oubreak in a ree sociey. Wih

    vaccines, we have he happy oucome ha when someone

    chooses o vaccinae him or hersel, so long as he vaccine is

    effecive, hen ha person is largely shielded rom he conse-

    quences o ohers’ decisions regarding vaccinaion.

    However, he proponens o mandaory vaccinaions

    say ha his analysis is oo glib. There are people who can’t

    undergo cerain vaccinaions because o medical condiions,

    including young people (babies) who are no ye old enough

    o receive cerain shos. I is o proec these  vulnerable

    pockes o he populaion ha some wan he sae o orcevaccinaions on hose who are oo ignoran or oo selfish o

    recognize heir duy o living in a communiy.

    Noice he irony and how weak he mandaory vacci-

    naion case has become. We are no longer being old ha

    vaccines are “sae,” and ha anyone who ears medical com-

    plicaions is a conspiracy heoris rusing Jenny McCarhy

    over guys in whie lab coas. On he conrary, he CDC warns

    cerain groups not  o ake popular vaccines because o he

    healh risks. This is no longer a mater o principle—o he

    people on he side o science being pro-vaccine, while he

    inoil-haters are ani-vaccine. Insead i’s a disagreemen

    over which people should be aking he vaccine and which

    people should not ake i because he dangers are oo grea.

    Regarding children, social conflic can be resolved

    hrough he uller applicaion o privae propery righs. I

    all schools, hospials, and daycare ceners were privaely

    operaed and had he legal righ o exclude whichever

    cliens hey wished, hen he owners could decide on vacci-

    naion policies. Any parens who were horrified a he idea

    o litle Jimmy playing wih an unvaccinaed kid could

    choose Jimmy’s school accordingly.

    We have seen ha even assuming he bes o govern-men officials, i is difficul o sae an argumen in avoro mandaory vaccinaions. Ye, he debae ils even morewhen we recall ha hroughou hisory, governmenofficials have made horrible decisions in he name o public

    welare, eiher hrough incompeence or ulerior moives.I should be obvious ha no an o libery can supporinjecing subsances ino an innocen person’s body againshis or her will.

     Robert P. Murphy (FEE.org/Murphy) is the senior economist

    with the Institute for Energy Research.

    Unlike other examples of huge (alleged)

    trade-offs between individual and public

    benefits, with vaccinations there is no threat

    of a mass outbreak in a free society.

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    REGULATE THE DATING MARKET 

    A MODEST PROPOSAL FOR ROMANTIC JUSTICE

    This year’s Valenine’s Day was disasrous—no jusor me, bu or many ex-couples. Bu as I sa here lasFebruary nursing my broken hear, I realized wha’swrong wih romance oday: no enough regulaion.

    The Unied Saes governmen has wisely chosen oregulae mos oher aspecs o lie, rom wha wage youare allowed o work or o wha medicines a paien isallowed o buy over he couner. Volunary ineracions

    are all well and good, bu he botom line is ha peoplehave o be proeced rom hemselves. The rade-off 

     beween libery and securiy exiss no only in privacyand oreign policy: we mus srike a similar balance inhe arena o love.

    I propose he creaion o a new governmen organiza-ion, he Commitee o Assure Romanic Equiy (CARE),o bring an end o he curren Wild Wes o romance.Three powerul ses o regulaions would bring much-needed sabiliy o he chaos o daing.

    1. WHO’S ALLOWED TO DATE?

    Jus as proessionals—rom hair braiders o inerior

    decoraors—mus be licensed, so oo he governmen mus

    sep in o license daers.

    Righ now, he daing marke is overrun wih shoddy

    specimens. Sleazy men buy women drinks and sleep

    wih hem on he firs dae. Immoral women chea on

    heir loving boyriends. Many people lack he discreion

    o choose good parners or hemselves, and heir poor

    decisions can bring ou he wors in people. Never mind

    ha hey someimes have children.

    To remedy his siuaion, any daing hopeul shouldhave o submi an applicaion o CARE. A licensingsysem should be se up whereby applicans pay or

    classes in order o ceriy boh heir good-hearedness andheir abiliy o rea a parner well. In order o enorcehis sysem, CARE agens would inspec couples, finingor jailing any individual engaged in daing wihoua CARE permi.

    This wise sep will remove he riffraff rom he daing

    marke and ensure ha good, kind individuals are never

    lured ino romances hey’ll regre. And i a ew people find

    hemselves orcibly removed rom he daing pool, so wha?

    They probably weren’ grea parners o begin wih.

    2.DATING TICKETS

    I is sel-eviden by now ha ree markes aren’ qualified

    o disribue scarce naural resources. Unregulaed capial-

    ism causes inense inequaliy.

    Today, some men and women have our or five daes per

    week. Ohers may suffer dry spells lasing monhs. Furher,

    hose individuals who go on many daes have an opporu-

    niy o hone heir skills, making hem more atracive and

    ensuring even more daes in he uure, while hose whohaven’ had a dae in monhs simply languish. Their skills

    deeriorae, making hem less and less atracive.

    Such a siuaion is unequal and unair. I highlighs how

    unetered markes creae a rich-ge-richer environmen in

    which a lucky ew rise o he op while he majoriy suffers.

    I proves ha reurns o love capial happen only a he op

    o he disribuion, or as Thomas Pikety migh summarize

    his heory, r > l, where r is he rae o reurn on love capial

    and l is he rae o love growh or he res o us.

    To remedy his siuaion, every man and woman

    should be orced o submi o CARE he number o daes

    he or she has planned each week. I someone has more

    han our, one o hose daes should be randomly reas-

    signed o a person who hasn’ been on a dae in a monh

    or more. This sysem will ensure a more even disribuion

    o daes, in which each man and woman ges a air share.(Apps like Tinder and OKCupid will have o be replaced by

    a single-payer CARE app.)

    3. BREAKUPS

    Some people—no o name names—plan a beauiul

    weekend geaway or Valenine’s Day, only o be dumped

    wihou warning because we’re “oo poliical.” This siuaion

    isn’ jus immoral; i ough o be illegal!

    The governmen already regulaes who can be fired rom

     Julian Adorney writes from Lakewood, Colorado.

     Just as professionals—from hair braiders

    to interior decorators—must be licensed,

    so too the government must step in to

    license daters.

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    SUMMER 2015

    a job and under wha circumsances. We realize, or example,

    he ragic consequences o a woman losing her sole means o

    income, so we ake seps o proec employees.

    Bu is losing love any less raumaic? Hearbreak can

    lead o pain, misery, and even deah. Wih his ac in mind,

    I propose a ew common-sense resricions on breaking up

    wih a significan oher.

    Each man or woman preparing o le a parner go shouldhave o fill ou several orms showing due cause. No one

    should have o ear being dumped or rifling reasons such as

    “oo much” poliical acivism. Wih he guidance o CARE,

    relaionships will be susained ha should be susained—

    even as hose ha have a jusifiable reason o end will be

    allowed o do so.

    Similarly, we as a sociey should no longer olerae

     breakups ha give no warning. A person seeking o break

    up wih a significan oher should have o fill ou a writen

    complain, noiy his or her parner, and wai wo weeks

     beore he breakup. This noice will give he injured pary

    ime o adjus o he new saus quo.

    WHAT ABOUT FREEDOM?

    Some naysayers complain ha his new CARE will limi

    our reedom. Bu reedom is no he only value. We have o

    consider he greaer good.Freedom is olerable when exercised in ways ha

    serve sociey, bu is excesses mus be curbed o prevenis exercise in anisocial ways. Good, decen people needsome securiy in he romance marke. I ha means a litleless independence or everyone else, so be i. Those whodemand unetered reedom are simply apologiss or hehearbreak saus quo.

     Each man or woman preparing to let a

     partner go should have to fill out several forms showing due cause.

     Image credit: Julia Lorenc

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    “Every device employed to bolster

    individual freedom must have as its

    chief purpose the impairment of the

    absoluteness of power.” —Eric Hoffer

    In compuer and communicaions neworks, decenral-

    izaion leads o aser innovaion, greaer openness, and

    lower cos. Decenralizaion creaes he condiions or com-

    peiion and diversiy in he services he nework provides.

    Bu how can you ell i a nework is decenralized, and

    wha makes i more likely o be decenralized?

    Nework “inelligence” is he characerisic

    ha differeniaes cenralized rom decenral-

    ized neworks—bu in a way ha is surprising

    and counerinuiive.

    Some neworks are “smar.” They offer

    sophisicaed services ha can be delivered o

    very simple end-user devices on he “edge” o

    he nework. Oher neworks are “dumb”—hey

    offer only a very basic service and require ha he end-user

    devices are inelligen. Wha’s smar abou dumb neworks

    is ha hey push innovaion o he edge, giving end users

    conrol over he pace and direcion o innovaion. Simpliciy

    a he cener allows or complexiy a he edge, which osers

    he vas decenralizaion o services.

    Surprisingly, hen, “dumb” neworks are he smar choice

    or innovaion and reedom.

    The elephone nework used o be a smar nework sup-poring dumb devices (elephones). All he inelligence in

    he elephone nework and all he services were conained in

    he phone company’s swiching buildings. The elephone on

    he consumer’s kichen able was litle more han a speaker

    and a microphone. Even he mos advanced ouch-one ele-

    phones were sill prety simple devices, depending enirely

    on he nework services hey could “reques” hrough

     beeping he righ ones.

    In a smar nework like ha, here is no room or inno-

    vaion a he edge. Sure, you can make a phone look like a

    cheeseburger or a banana, bu you can’ change he services

    i offers. The services depend enirely on he cenral swiches

    owned by he phone company. Cenralized innovaion means

    slow innovaion. I also means innovaion direced by hegoals o a single company. As a resul, anyhing ha doesn’

    seem o fi he vision o he company ha owns he nework

    is rejeced or even acively ough.

    In ac, unil 1968, AT&T resriced he devices allowed

    on he nework o a handul o approved devices. In 1968, in a

    landmark decision, he FCC ruled in avor o he Carerone,

    an acousic coupler device or connecing wo-way radios o

    elephones, opening he door or any consumer device ha

    didn’ “cause harm o he sysem.”

    Tha ruling paved he way or he answering machine,

    he ax machine, and he modem. Bu even wih he abiliy o

    connec smarer devices o he edge, i wasn’ unil he modem

    ha innovaion really acceleraed. The modem represeneda complee inversion o he archiecure: all he inelligence

    was moved o he edge, and he phone nework was used only

    as an underlying “dumb” nework o carry he daa.

    Did he elecommunicaions companies welcome his

    developmen? O course no! They ough i or nearly a

    decade, using regulaion, lobbying, and legal hreas agains

    he new compeiion. In some counries, modem calls across

    inernaional lines were auomaically dis-

    conneced o preven compeiion in he

    lucraive long-disance marke. In he end,

    he Inerne won. Now, almos he enire

    phone nework runs as an app on op o he

    Inerne.

    The Inerne is a dumb nework, which

    is is defining and mos valuable eaure.

    The Inerne’s proocol (ransmission conrol

    proocol/Inerne proocol, or TCP/IP) doesn’ offer “services.”

    I doesn’ make decisions abou conen. I doesn’ disinguish

     beween phoos and ex, video and audio. I doesn’ have a lis

    o approved applicaions. I doesn’ even disinguish beween

    clien and server, user and hos, or individual versus corpora-

    ion. Every IP address is an equal peer.

    TCP/IP acs as an efficien pipeline, moving daa rom

    one poin o anoher. Over ime, i has had some minor

    adjusmens o offer some differeniaed “qualiy o service”capabiliies, bu oher han ha, i remains, or he mos par,

    a dumb daa pipeline. Almos all he inelligence is on he

    edge—all he services, all he applicaions are creaed on he

    edge-devices. Creaing a new applicaion does no involve

    changing he nework. The Web, voice, video, and social

    media were all creaed as applicaions on he edge wihou

    any need o modiy he Inerne proocol.

    So he dumb nework becomes a plaorm or inde-

    penden innovaion, wihou permission, a he edge. The

    resul is an incredible range o innovaions, carried ou a

    Dumb networks

    are the smart

    choice forinnovation and

    freedom.

    Decentralization:

    Why Dumb

    Networks Are Better

    THE SMART CHOICE IS INNOVATION AT THE EDGE

     Andreas M. Antonopoulos is the author of Masering Bicoin ,a technical book published by O’Reilly Media.

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    OUR PAST & OUR FUTURE | SUMMER 2015

    an even more incredible pace. People ineresed in even he

    inies o niche applicaions can creae hem on he edge.

    Applicaions ha only have wo paricipans only need

    wo devices o suppor hem, and hey can run on he

    Inerne. Conras ha o he elephone nework, where anew “service,” like caller ID, had o be buil and deployed

    on every company swich, incurring mainenance cos or

    every subscriber. So only he mos popular, profiable, and

    widely used services go deployed.

    The financial services indusry is buil on op o many

    highly specialized and service-specific neworks. Mos o

    hese are layered aop he Inerne, bu hey are archieced

    as closed, cenralized, and “smar” neworks wih limied

    inelligence on he edge.

    Take, or example, he Sociey or Worldwide Inerbank

    Financial Telecommunicaion (SWIFT), he inernaional

    wire ranser nework. The consorium behind SWIFT

    has buil a closed nework o member banks ha offersspecific services: secure messages, mosly paymen orders.

    Only banks can be members, and he nework services are

    highly cenralized.

    The SWIFT nework is jus one o dozens o

    single-purpose, ighly conrolled, and closed neworks

    offered o financial services companies such as banks,

     brokerage firms, and exchanges. All hese neworks

    mediae he services by inerposing he service provider

     beween he “users,” and hey allow minimal innova-

    ion or differeniaion a he edge—ha is, hey are smar

    neworks serving mosly dumb devices.

    Bicoin is he Inerne o money. I offers a basic dumb

    nework ha connecs peers rom anywhere in he world.

    The bicoin nework isel does no define any financial

    services or applicaions. I doesn’ require membership

    regisraion or idenificaion. I doesn’ conrol he ypes

    o devices or applicaions ha can live on is edge. Bicoin

    offers one service: securely ime-samped scriped rans-

    acions. Everyhing else is buil on he edge-devices as an

    applicaion. Bicoin allows any applicaion o be developed

    independenly, wihou permission, on he edge o he

    nework. A developer can creae a new applicaion using

    he ransacional service as a plaorm and deploy i on

    any device. Even niche applicaions wih ew users—

    applicaions never envisioned by he bicoin proocolcreaor—can be buil and deployed.

    Almos any nework archiecure can be invered. You

    can build a closed nework on op o an open nework or

    vice versa, alhough i is easier o cenralize han o decen-

    ralize. The modem invered he phone nework, giving us he

    Inerne. The banks have buil closed nework sysems on op

    o he decenralized Inerne. Now bicoin provides an open

    nework plaorm or financial services on op o he open and

    decenralized Inerne. The financial services buil on op o

     bicoin are hemselves open because hey are no “services”

    delivered by he nework; hey are “apps” running on op

    o he nework. This arrangemen opens a marke or applica-

    ions, puting he end user in a posiion o power o choose he

    righ applicaion wihou resricions.

    Wha happens when an indusry ransiions rom using

    one or more “smar” and cenralized neworks o using a

    common, decenralized, open, and dumb nework? A sunamio innovaion ha was pen up or decades is suddenly

    released. All he applicaions ha could never ge permission

    in he closed nework can now be developed and deployed

    wihou permission. A firs, his change involves reinven-

    ing he previously cenralized services wih new and open

    decenralized alernaives. We saw ha wih he Inerne,

    as radiional elecommunicaions services were reinvened

    wih email, insan messaging, and video calls.

    This firs wave is also characerized by disintermediation—

    he removal o enire layers o inermediaries who are no

    longer necessary. Wih he Inerne, his mean replacing

     brokers, classified ads publishers, real esae agens, car sales-

    people, and many ohers wih search engines and online

    direc markes. In he financial indusry, bicoin will creae

    a similar wave o disinermediaion by making clearing-

    houses, exchanges, and wire ranser services obsolee. The

     big difference is ha some o hese disinermediaed layers

    are mulibillion-dollar indusries ha are no longer needed.

    Beyond he firs wave o innovaion, which simply

    replaces exising services, is anoher wave ha begins

    o build he applicaions ha were impossible wih he

    previous cenralized nework. The second wave doesn’

     jus creae applicaions ha compare o exising services;

    i spawns new indusries on he basis o applicaions ha

    were previously oo expensive or oo difficul o scale. Byeliminaing ricion in paymens, bicoin doesn’ jus make

     beter paymens; i inroduces marke mechanisms and

    price discovery o economic aciviies ha were oo small or

    inefficien under he previous cos srucure.

    We used o hink “smar” neworks would deliver he

    mos value, bu making he nework “dumb” enabled a

    massive wave o innovaion. Inelligence a he edge brings

    choice, reedom, and experimenaion wihou permission.

    In neworks, “dumb” is beter.

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    FREEDOM of   DISASSOCIATION:

     Indiana Edition

    Revulsion is not an argument; and some of yesterday’s repugnances are today

    calmly accepted—though, one must add, not always for the better.

    In crucial cases, however, repugnance is the emotional expression of deep wisdom,

    beyond reason’s power fully to articulate it.

     By STEVEN HORWITZ

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    The passage o Indiana’s version o he Religious Freedom

    Resoraion Ac has generaed all kinds o commenary rom

     boh lef and righ, and mos o i is misguided or overwrough.

    I’d like o offer a ew o my own houghs on hesematers, which, I hink, add up o a call or boh olerance and

    reedom o associaion—as well as a rejecion o repugnance

    as he basis or public policy.

    Tolerance lies a he core o he liberarian worldview.

    Living peaceully wih each oher means acceping our differ-

    ences and allowing ohers o engage in behavior ha we migh

    dislike bu ha does no harm hird paries. “Anyhing ha’s

    peaceul” is our lodesar, as Leonard Read ofen reminded us.

    Such olerance does no require ha we associate wih people

    we disagree wih, only ha we leave hem in peace. And his

    idea cus o he core o he debae in Indiana.

    I, like me, you hink ha gays and lesbians are no doing

    anyhing harmul o anyone, and ha hey should be reaed jus like oher human beings, you migh call he behavior

    o hose who reuse o, or example, provide phoography

    services a a same-sex marriage “inoleran.” Perhaps i is, bu

    hose who have such views are no engaged in any atemp o

    preven gays and lesbians rom geting married—or anyhing

    else—by reusing o provide hem wih a service. They are,

    in ac, oleraing hem, bu also reusing o associae wih

    hem. Tolerance does no mandae associaion.

    Any idea o olerance ha mandaes associaion will

    quickly ge us ino rouble. I, or example, you objec o hose

    who reuse o sell heir producs or services o gays and

    lesbians because homosexualiy runs couner o heir deeply

    held belies, would i no be a ar worse orm o inolerance

    o make i illegal or hem o ac on heir religious belies?

    Afer all, your side is willing implicily (or explicily) o back

    is inolerance o religious convicions wih coercion—you

    know, guns, fines, and prisons—while he oher side’s inol-

    erance involves only he simple and peaceul reusal o sell.

    To repea: hose who reuse o sell are no prevening

    people rom behaving peaceully; hose who would make he

    reusal o sell illegal are.

    I, like me, you are bohered by he behavior o hose

    who won’ deal wih gays or lesbians, you shouldn’ make

    maters worse by using sae power o engage in rue inoler-

    ance. Insead, demonsrae how much you really care abouolerance by using persuasion and disassociaion o change

    he behavior you find inoleran.

    To see how real olerance, persuasion, and disassociaion

    in civil sociey can work, consider his sory rom Texas:

    a narrow-minded sore clerk objeced o a mom leting her

    litle girl wear a boy’s sui. Mom’s riends heard he sory and

    hen gave he sore bad reviews online. (And unlike he small,

    Chrisian-owned pizzeria in Indiana, no one hreaened he

    owners or hreaened o burn down he sore, boh o which

    would have crossed he line ha separaes real olerance

    rom coercion.) The sore pulled is Facebook page afer

    people lef criical commens. Mom was no acually “deniedservice,” because she immediaely declared she wouldn’

    paronize he sore due o he clerk’s atiude.

    Wha didn’ happen?

    No one sued, used violence, called he police, or said,

    “There ough o be a law.” People used words, repuaion, and

    he power o exi o persuade ohers o who was righ and who

    was wrong. This is how i should work. We don’ need a law.

    The mom had choices and exercised hem, and he clerk and

    sore paid a price or indulging heir views on gender sereo-

    ypes. This is peaceul conflic resoluion involving he righs

    o expression, exi, and disassociaion—no need o ge he

    sae involved. Tolerance, afer all, does no mean we have o

    like everyhing everyone else does. I only means we can’ andshouldn’ sop hem rom doing anyhing ha’s peaceul.

    Too ofen, we ry o make laws on he basis o our mere

    dislike or ohers’ behavior. As a avorie Inerne meme

    o mine says, “Everyhing I like should be mandaory and

    everyhing I don’ like should be banned.” This sor o

    reacion o our repugnance a he behavior o ohers is a real

    danger o liberal socieies.

    Wheher i involves oulawing peaceul behavior, orced

    associaion, or sae-sponsored discriminaion, using repug-

    nance as he basis or enacing laws is isel repugnan. Wha

    we end up wih, afer all, is poisonous discourse and a social

    order ha is increasingly coarse and uncivil.

    Why were people hreaening he owners o a small pizza

    shop in Indiana who, hypoheically, said hey would peace-

    ully reuse o caer a same-sex wedding? Wha underlies

    such hreas is he belie ha repugnance (in whaever orm

    i akes) jusifies coercion. Tha belie also helps explain why

    ohers are so vehemenly opposed o giving same-sex couples

    legal equaliy. Wheher i’s repugnance a people’s religious

     belies or repugnance a he hough o wo people o he

    same sex being married, such an emoion does no suffice o

    rump undamenal reedoms.

    Sacrificing undamenal consiuional righs and our

    commimen o equaliy beore he law isn’ worh he warm

    glow o an ephemeral “vicory.” The rade-off is simply ooseep—as is he slippery slope i could pu us on.

     Steven Horwitz (FEE.org/Horwitz) is the author of

    Microoundaions and Macroeconomics:

    An Ausrian Perspecive.

    FEATURES | SUMMER 2015

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    When he day arrives ha a woman’s image adorns

    Federal Reserve currency or he firs ime, i migh well be

    ha o Harrie Tubman. She’s reporedly on he shor lis. I

    may, however, be a dubious honor o appear on somehing

    ha declines so regularly in value. Wihou a doub, his

    woman would impar more eseem o he

     bill han he bill would o her. Her value is

    ar more solid and enduring.

    Slavery was once ubiquious in he

    world—and even inellecually respecable.

    Tha began o change in he lae 18h cenury,

    firs in Briain, which ended is slave rade

    in 1807 and liberaed he enslaved hrough-

    ou is jurisdicion in 1834. Beore he 13h

    Amendmen abolished slavery in America

    in 1865, American blacks risked everyhing

    atemping o escape rom heir masers,

    who someimes pursued hem all he way

    o he Canadian border. Tubman, hersel a

    ugiive slave, became he mos renowned

    “conducor” on he Underground Railroad,

    a nework o rails or escapees rom he

    anebellum Souh o he Norh. As many as100,000 slaves risked lie and limb raveling is roues. I was

    he mos dangerous “railroad” in he world.

    Born Aramina Harrie Ross in 1820 in Maryland,

    Tubman survived he brualiies o bondage or 29 years.

    Three o her sisers had been sold o disan planaion

    owners. She hersel carried scars or her enire lie rom

    requen whippings. Once, when she reused o resrain a

    runaway slave, she was bashed in he head wih a wo-pound

    weigh, causing lielong pain, migraines, and “buzzing” in

    her ears. She boled or reedom in 1849, making her way

    o he neighboring ree sae o Pennsylvania and is ciy o

     broherly love, Philadelphia.

    “I had crossed he line o which I had so long been

    dreaming,” she laer wroe.

    I was free; but there was no one to welcome

    me to the land of freedom. I was a stranger

    in a strange land, and my home after all was

    down in the old cabin quarter, with the old

    folks and my brothers and sisters. But to this

    solemn resolution I came: I was free, and they

    should be free also; I would make a home for

    them in the North, and the Lord helping me, I

    would bring them all there. Oh, how I prayed

    then, lying all alone on the cold damp ground!

    ‘Oh, dear Lord’, I said. I haven’t got no friend but

    you. Come to my help Lord, for I’m in trouble! Oh,

    Lord! You’ve been with me in six troubles, don’t

    desert me in the seventh!

    Tubman bravely venured 13 imes

     back ino slave saes o personally escora leas 70 escapees o Norhern saes and o Canada. “I was

    he conducor o he Underground Railroad or eigh years,”

    she amously recouned, “and I can say wha mos conduc-

    ors can’ say: I never ran my rain off he rack and I never

    los a passenger.” Those passengers included her aging

    parens, her hree brohers, heir wives, and many o heir

    children.

    Working or he Union Army as a cook and nurse during

    he Civil War, Tubman morphed quickly ino an armed

    WORKING FOR THE

    UNION ARMY AS A

    COOK AND NURSE

    DURING THE CIVIL

    WAR, TUBMAN

    MORPHED QUICKLY

    INTO AN ARMED

    SCOUT AND SPY.

    r  RISKED LIFE AND LIMB FOR LIBERTY

     By Lawrence W. Reed

     Image credit: H. B. Lindsley, c.1880

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    ETHICS & PERSONAL GROWTH | SUMMER 2015

    scou and spy. She became he war’s firs woman o lead

    an armed expediion when she guided he Combahee River

    Raid, an expediion ha liberaed more han 700 slaves

    in Souh Carolina.For her service o he governmen—ending o newly reed

    slaves, scouing ino enemy erriory, and nursing wounded

    soldiers—she was reaed shameully and shabbily. She was

    denied compensaion and didn’ receive a pension or her war

    duies unil 1899. She ook in boarders and worked long hours

    a odd jobs o make ends mee.

    In an Augus 1868 leter o Tubman, amous aboliionis and

    ormer slave Frederick Douglass paid ribue o her heroism:

    Most that I have done and suffered in the service of our cause

    has been in public, and I have received much encouragement

    at every step of the way. You, on the other hand, have labored

    in a private way. I have wrought in the day—you in the night. I

    have had the applause of the crowd and the satisfaction that

    comes of being approved by the multitude, while the most

    that you have done has been witnessed by a few trembling,

    scarred, and foot-sore bondmen and women, whom you

    have led out of the house of bondage, and whose heartfelt

    “God bless you” has been your only reward. The midnight sky and

    the silent stars have been the witnesses of your devotion tofreedom and of your heroism.

    Tubman spen her las decades caring or ohers,

    especially he sick and aged. She ofen spoke publicly on

     behal o women’s righ o voe. For relie rom ha head

    injury menioned earlier, she endured brain surgery in

    Boson in he lae 1890s. She reused aneshesia, preerring

    insead simply o bie down on a bulle. In her words, he

    surgeon “sawed open my skull, and raised i up, and now i

    eels more comorable.” She died in 1913 a he age o 91—

    a real hero o he very end.

    In 2014, an aseroid was named or Tubman. In my book,

    ha beas a Federal Reserve noe hands down.

     Lawrence W. Reed (FEE.org/Reed) is the president of FEE.

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    According o Eckhar Tolle, he popular auhor o spiriual

     books including The Power of Now, happiness is only possible

    in he presen, he Now. Pas and uure are beyond reach,

    and so “he presen momen is all you ever have.” He wries,

    Nothing ever happened in the past; it happened in the Now. Noth-

    ing will ever happen in the future; it will happen in the Now.

    His message isn’ ha we should orge he pas or

    abandon planning or he uure. Raher, he’s expressing a

    psychological atiude consisen wih many spiriual and

    religious radiions, Easern and Wesern.

    Economiss, Ludwig von Mises and Adam Smih among

    hem, have writen in similar erms abou he meaning and

    significance o he Now.

    THE PRAXEOLOGICAL NOW

    I’s rue ha Mises’s ocus on he Now isn’ o explainhow o achieve happiness. In ac, in he radiion oCarl Menger ha Mises helped o develop, one o herequiremens or human acion is ha we eel uneasyabou our curren siuaion, and uneasiness isn’ consis-en wih mos conceps o happiness. Bu he relevanpoin or Mises is ha human acion only akes place in hepresen. Specifically, “rom he praxeological aspec [ha is,he aspec relevan o economics] here is beween he pasand he uure a real exended presen. Acion is as suchin he real presen because i uilizes he insan and husembodies is realiy,” he wries.

    And he doesn’ quie say, wih Tolle, ha i’s only in he

    presen ha we can ap ino realiy. Bu he does say ha

    he only ime available o us in which o ac—o apply he

    knowledge gained rom he pas o change he uure inaccordance wih our expecaions—is he “real exended

    presen.” The Now exiss beween memory and expecaion.

    Smih also wroe abou he power o Now, and in much

    he same spiri as Tolle.

    A SMITHIAN PERSPECTIVE

    Smih’s Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, is considered

    he firs exended and sysemaic reamen o economics.

    Is lessons are sill relevan, and I highly recommend i o

    anyone who seriously wans o learn abou economic heory

    and economic hisory. Bu i’s no my avorie work by Smih.

    My avorie, because o is subjec mater and especially

    is beauiul wriing, is Smih’s Theory of Moral Sentiments,

    published in 1759. I won’ atemp o summarize i excep

    o say ha i concerns he naure and origins o senimens,

    such as sympahy, and he role hey play in our social

    relaions, similar o wha oday would all under he heading

    o “culural economics.”The very firs chaper, “On Sympahy,” begins,

    How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently

    some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune

    of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though

    he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it. Of

    this kind is pity or compassion, the emotion which we feel for the

    misery of others, when we either see it, or are made to conceive it

    in a very lively manner.

    I you only know Smih rom The Wealth of Nations, wih

    is imporan lesson ha “i is no rom he benevolence o

    he bucher, he brewer, or he baker ha we expec our

    dinner, bu rom heir regard o heir own ineres,” i may

    surprise you o see his opening observaion on compassion.

    Personally, I was surprised by he level o psychological

    analysis conained in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, espe-

    cially he insighs ino human happiness and unhappiness:

    The great source of both the misery and disorders of human

    life, seems to arise from over-rating the difference between

    one permanent situation and another. Avarice over-rates

    the difference between poverty and riches: ambition, that

    between a private and a public station: vain-glory, that

    between obscurity and extensive reputation.

    So avarice and misplaced pride and ambiion are he

    sources o misery o anyone, regardless o saus or saion. And

    he social disincions we make beween people in differen

    proessions aren’ due o differences in naure, a poin Smih

    makes in a amous passage in The Wealth of Nations:

    The difference between the most dissimilar characters, between

    a philosopher and a common street porter, for example, seems

    to arise not so much from nature as from habit, custom, and ed-

    ADAM SMITH: ZEN MASTER

    EAST AND WEST CONVERGE ON THE “POWER OF NOW”

     Sandy Ikeda (FEE.org/Ikeda) is a professor of economics at Purchase College, SUNY.

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    SUMMER 2015

    ucation. When they came into the world, and

    for the first six or eight years of their existence,

    they were, perhaps, very much alike, and neither

    their parents nor playfellows could perceive any

    remarkable difference.

    This passage reflecs Smih’s characeris-

    ically liberal (in he original, classical sense

    o he word) belie ha all persons are creaed

    equal. And ha, in urn, leads me o his wise

    passage in The Theory of Moral Sentiments:

    What the favourite of the king of Epirus said to his master, may be

    applied to men in all the ordinary situations of human life. When the

    King had recounted to him, in their proper order, all the conquests

    which he proposed to make, and had come to the last of them; And

    what does your Majesty propose to do then? said the Favourite.—I

    propose then, said the King, to enjoy myself with my friends, and

    endeavour to be good company over a bottle.—And what hinders

    your Majesty from doing so now? replied the Favourite.

    How wise! Smih goes on o explain,

    In the most glittering and exalted situation that our

    idle fancy can hold out to us, the pleasures from

    which we propose to derive our real happiness, are

    almost always the same with those which, in our

    actual, though humble station, we have at all times at

    hand, and in our power.

    This isn’ merely abou sopping o smell

    he roses. Smih is saying ha i’s always in our

    power o be happy, whoever and wherever and

    whenever we are. Happiness is and can only

     be here and now, and never “jus around he corner.” In hissense, he relenless pursui o happiness is he very source o

    our misery.

    The inscription upon the tomb-stone of the man who had endeav-

    oured to mend a tolerable constitution by taking physic; “I was

    well, I wished to be better; here I am” ; may generally be applied with

    great justness to the distress of disappointed avarice and ambi-

    tion.

    Tolle couldn’ have expressed i beter.

    THE

    RELENTLESS

    PURSUIT OF

    HAPPINESS

    IS THE VERY

    SOURCE OF

    OUR MISERY.

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    SUMMER 2015

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    Climae-change skepic Willie Soon may be an unehical,

    corporae-bough climae-change denier—or he laes casualy

    o he Climae-Indusrial Complex’s immune response.

    The New York Times’ Jusin Gillis and John Schwarz wrie,

    He has accepted more than $1.2 million in money from the fos-

    sil-fuel industry over the last decade while failing to disclose that

    conflict of interest in most of his scientific papers. At least 11

    papers he has published since 2008 omitted such a disclosure,

    and in at least eight of those cases, he appears to have violated

    ethical guidelines of the journals that published his work.

    Somehing’s fishy here. Because all researchers ge money

    rom somewhere, i’s srange ha none o he “eigh” journals

    required Soon o disclose as a condiion o publicaion. Given

    his repuaion as a skepic, didn’ hey even hink o ask? And,

    indeed, i here really is a universal ehical sandard, aren’ he

     journals ha published Soon also in violaion o he ehics?

    To find ou wheher Soon aced inappropriaely and

    ouside o research ehics, we really have o know wheher

    ha disclosure sandard applies across he board. In oher

    words, o he hundreds o journal aricles published over he

    las ew years, how many auhors disclosed heir unding

    sources—public, privae, corporae, or nonprofi?

    I here is indeed a known ehical sandard o disclosure

    o which he vas majoriy o researchers adhere, hen i

    migh be appropriae or he Times  o single ou Soon or a

    ailure o disclose. (The Times offers no such conex, no such

    daa.) However, i a majoriy does no disclose is unding

    sources, hen here is clearly no well-defined ehic o dis-

    closure and he Times is simply invening an impropriey oruin a man’s career as a scienis.

    Now, some migh argue ha people should only  be

    required o publish heir unding sources i hose sources

    are privae or corporae. Afer all, hey’ll argue, governmen

    money is used because governmen granors only wan o

    find he ruh, whereas privae granors only wan o bias

    he process and o obuscae he ruh.

    The idea ha a governmen gran comes wih no agenda

    should be preposerous on is ace. Afer all, who has more

    GREEN ISSUE

    THE CLIMATEINDUSTRIALCOMPLEX STRIKES BACK

    Was he New York Times piece agains Willie Soon a hi job?

     By Max Borders

    01

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    FEATURES | SUMMER 2015

    o gain rom “acion on climae change” han he very people

    providing he research dollars and heir solar-powered

    cronies? The members o he Climae-Indusrial Complex

    have enormous incenives o hide he decline, cook he books,and keep he unds flowing ino heir deparmen coffers

    and crony projecs. And hose wih axing auhoriy—ha

    is, hose who hold he governmen purse srings—have an

    even bigger incenive.

    To pu his ino perspecive, consider he ollowing,

    repored by Climate of Corruption auhor Larry Bell in Forbes:

     

    According to the GAO, annual federal climate spending has

    increased from $4.6 billion in 2003 to $8.8 billion in 2010,

    amounting to $106.7 billion over that period. The money was spent

    in four general categories: technology to reduce greenhouse gas

    emissions, science to understand climate changes, international

    assistance for developing countries, and wildlife adaptation to

    respond to actual or expected changes. Technology spending,

    the largest category, grew from $2.56 billion to $5.5 billion over

    this period, increasingly advancing over others in total share.

    Data compiled by Joanne Nova at the Science and Policy Institute

    indicates that the U.S. Government spent more than $32.5 billion

    on climate studies between 1989 and 2009. This doesn’t count

    about $79 billion more spent for climate change technology

    research, foreign aid and tax breaks for “green energy.”

    These sums are only wha he US governmen is

    spending. Global spending is simply saggering.

      More generally, anyone  who unds anything  is almos

    always looking or a cerain kind o resul. Thereore, any

    sandard o disclosure mus apply o any and all scholars

    equally, no mater he unding source.

    Tha governmen money shouldn’ corrup is jus

    anoher applicaion o he Unicorn Fallacy so common

    among well-meaning greens. Unorunaely, because so

    many people are under he illusion ha “public” money is

    no a corrupive influence in science, i may be ha hosewho receive i are ar more willing o disclose a govern-

    men gran han a privae one—whaever he qualiy o he

    research. Or, i migh be ha journal commitees simply

    don’ require researchers on he governmen dole o disclose.

    (The Times  offers us no such conex in he case o he

     journals Soon conribued o.)

     

    Here is some more eel-like journalism rom he Times:

     

    Charles R. Alcock, director of the Harvard-Smithsonian Center,

    acknowledged on Friday that Dr. Soon had violated the disclosure

    standards of some journals.

     

    “I think that’s inappropriate behavior,” Dr. Alcock said. “This

    frankly becomes a personnel matter, which we have to handle

    with Dr. Soon internally.”

    Noice he weasel phrase “disclosure sandards o some

     journals.” Some? Isn’ his supposed o be a sandard ha

    applies o all? And how should Alcock handle he purpored

    violaions o some o he journals? We don’ know because we

    are only seeing he par o he conversaion he Times wans

    us o see, o iner somehing, ur, uh, “inappropriae.”

    Sill, wha i i is boh rue ha Soon violaed acceped

    norms o disclosure relaive o peers and  ha he did so

     because he was araid ha o disclose his sources would lead

    o accusaions o bias? Then we have o separae quesions

    abou Soon’s inegriy rom quesions abou his research.

    In he ormer case, here is an army o anaical cli-

    mae-change aciviss ready o pounce on anyone who presens

    any evidence ha runs couner o heir apocalypic narraive.

    (Remember, proessional climae-change aciviss have a

    huge sake in he oucome o his debae, oo. Climae-change

    donaions are quie he gravy rain. Those Prius paymens don’

    pay or hemselves.) Indeed, i climae-change hereics like Soon

    can only ge research unding ouside he Climae-Indusrial

    Complex, should we expec researchers wih unpopular

    findings o erec billboards adverising heir sources?For us o ask such quesions is no mean o absolve Soon

    or anyone else o abandoning generally acceped disclosure

    sandards; i is merely o say ha he very climae-change

    aciviss who wroe he Times piece know ull well ha his

    is he sor o incenive hey creae when hey go on wich

    huns or “deniers.” Climae-change science has become

    a hosile environmen or skepics. Science isel becomes

    he casualy o such hosiliy, which brings me o he later

    poin—ha is, he qualiy o Soon’s research.

    Even i we ound evidence ha Soon was he mos avaricious

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    villain and corporae oady he world had ever seen, would any

    purpored wrongdoing invalidae his acual scholarship?

    Anyone who has ever had a course in logic knows he

    unequivocal answer is no. Research is eiher accurae orinaccurae, whaever he source.

    Noice ha a no poin in he Times  aricle did he

    auhors—or anyone quoed by he auhors—acually atack

    Soon’s specific scholarship. Sure, he Times  makes vague

    innuendo, as wih his quoe:

    Many experts in the field say that Dr. Soon uses out-of-date data,

    publishes spurious correlations between solar output and climate

    indicators, and does not take account of the evidence implicating

    emissions from human behavior in climate change.

    Many expers like whom? The only quoe hey provide is

    rom Gavin Schmid o he acivis websie RealClimae.org,who says, “The science ha Willie Soon does is almos

    poinless.” In oher words, this Gavin Schmid:

    • In 2009, “atmospheric scientist Dr. Hendrik Tennekes, a prominent

    scientist from the Netherlands, wrote a scathing denunciation of

    Schmidt in which he said he was ‘appalled’ by Schmidt’s ‘lack of

    knowledge’ and added, ‘Back to graduate school, Gavin!’”

    • Climatologist Roger Pielke Sr. publicly rebuked Schmidt for

    “erroneously communicating the reality of [how the] climate

    system is actually behaving.”

    • Israeli astrophysicist Nir Shaviv has also been critical. “The aim of

    [Schmidt’s] RealClimate.org is not to engage a sincere scientific

    debate. Their aim is to post a reply full of a straw man so their

    supporters can claim that your point ‘has been refuted by real

    scientists at RealClimate.org.’”

    • And there’s much more … including apologetics about the infamous

    Climategate scandal.

    We don’ wan, like he Times, o impor an ad hominem

    allacy. Bu o all he innuendo, why are we being asked o

     believe only ha o he world’s oremos climae aciviss?

    Innuendo is convenien, bu i is no conclusive.

    Maybe Soon’s research is bad or misleading or somehow

     jus wrong. Bu in science, his is where he rubber his

    he road. And he Times  ails o deliver in demonsraingha Soon’s scienific work is incorrec, wherever he go his

    research money. And ha makes his Times  piece jus he

    sor o agiprop we have come o expec rom he Grey Lady.

    Now, wha i Soon is righ, or example, abou he

    relaive effecs o he sun (versus humans) on he climae

    sysem? There are housands o jobs, housands o repua-

    ions, billions in unding, and rillions o uure carbon ax

    revenues a sake. You hink hey’re going o le his flea

    coninue o irriae he hide o Leviahan?

    Bu le us be clear: he poin o he Times  aricle was

    never o find ou wheher Soon’s research was correc. The

    poin is o use innuendo o push a hereical researcher o he

    margins o science—or perhaps ou alogeher—so ha he

    powers behind he Climae-Indusrial Complex can ge oha mulirillion-dollar po a he end o he rainbow.

    The Times  goes on o say: “The documens show ha

    Dr. Soon, in correspondence wih his corporae unders,

    described many o his scienific papers as ‘deliverables’ ha

    he compleed in exchange or heir money. He used he

    same erm o describe esimony he prepared or Congress.”

    The mos apparenly damning evidence ha Soon aced

    inappropriaely and was prepared o bias his research or his

    corporae masers comes in he accusaion ha he reerred o

    his research as a “deliverable,” and ha on anoher occasion,

    he reerred o his congressional esimony as a “deliverable”?

    As everyone knows, deliverables are work producs.

    Someimes deliverables are paid or by companies,

    someimes by governmens, someimes by NGOs. Bu as

    someone who has worked in he nonprofi secor or a long

    ime, I can ell you ha any ime someone gives you a gran,

    hey are expecing you o do some work. And, indeed, hey

    may speciy jus wha sors o work producs you are respon-

    sible or producing as a condiion o receiving he gran. In

    oher words, hey will wan deliverables.

    Now, does ha mean ha he “deliverable” in quesion

    was research ha had packaged ino i a specific, predeer-

    mined resul? O course no. We should be under no illusions,

    however: i Soon’s deliverables suddenly sared conaining

    messages ha did no compor wih wha he granors wan

    o hear, he grans migh very well dry up. Bu his is no less

    rue or scieniss who ail o produce resuls ha jibe wih

    he “consensus” message ha governmen granors and

    climae NGOs are ond o. So why should quesions aboufinancial influence only be applied o skepics?

    We should very well expec ha he Climae-Indusrial

    Complex and is handmaiden, he Grey Lady, will be

    looking or blood wherever hey can find i. And i we wan

    o alk abou bias being bough and paid or by corporae

    masers, one need look no urher han he auhors o he

    Times aricle—whose omissions and double sandards are so

     bald ha Balance, ha air goddess o journalism, weeps.

     Max Borders (FEE.org/Borders) is editor of the Freeman.

    Why should questions about financial influence only be

    applied to skeptics?

    GREEN ISSUE

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    SUMMER 2015

    Suppose he “scienific consensus” on climae change is

    righ. Le’s also sipulae, or he sake o argumen, ha he

    compuer projecions used by he Unied Naions and he

    US governmen are correc, and ha economiss are able o

    ranslae hose daa ino meaningul projecions abou coss

    and benefis o people living in he uure wih climae change.

    Despie wha he public has been led o believe, he

    siuaion is no a crisis a all—and cerainly no somehing

    ha demands drasic governmen acions o aver serious

    damage o he environmen. In ac, implemening he

    wrong policy can cause ar more damage han i can preven.

    I’s undersandable ha he public has no idea o hereal sae o he lieraure on climae change policy, because

    even proessional economiss use uterly misleading rheoric

    in his arena. To show wha I mean, firs, le’s quoe rom a

    recen Noah Smih Bloomberg aricle, which urges lef-liberals

    o suppor he Trans-Pacific Parnership (TPP) rade deal:

    One of the bigger economic issues under debate right now   is the

    Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the multilateral trade deal that

    would include most countries in the Asia-Pacific region as well as

    the US. Many people both here and abroad are suspicious of trade

    deals, while economists usually support them. This time around,

    however, the dynamic is a little bit different—the TPP is getting some

    pushback from left-leaning economists such as Paul Krugman.

    Krugman’s point is that since US trade is already pretty liberalized …

    the effect of further liberalization will be small.… I’m usually more of

    a free-trade skeptic than the average economist.… But in this case,

    I’m strongly on the pro-TPP side. There are just too many good

    arguments in favor.

    University of California-Berkeley economist Brad DeLong does

    some quick back-of-the-envelope calculations, and estimates thatthe TPP would increase the world’s wealth by a total of $3 trillion.

    Though that’s not a big deal in the grand scheme of things, it’s one

    of the best reforms that’s feasible in the current polarized political

    situation. (emphasis added)

    To summarize he flavor o Smih’s discussion, he hinks

    he TPP is “one o he bigger economic issues” oday, and

    ha is poenial windall o humaniy o $3 rillion is “no a

     big deal in he grand scheme o hings” bu cerainly worh

    pursuing i atainable. Krugman disagrees wih Smih’s

    THE COSTS OF HYSTERIAHow economiss are misleading he

    public on climae-change policy

     By Robert P. Murphy

    02

     Image credit: NPS Climate Change Response

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    assessmen, bu heir differences are clearly quibbles over

    numbers and sraegies; i’s no as i Smih hinks Krugman

    is a “Ricardo denier” or accuses Krugman o haing poor

    Asians by opposing he rade deal.We ge a much differen one i insead we look a Smih

    discussing climae-change policy. For example, in June 2014,

    Smih wroe a  Bloomberg piece on five ways o figh global

    warming. In he ineres o breviy, le

    me simply quoe Smih’s concluding

    paragraph:

    If we do these five things, then the

    US can still save the world from global

    warming,  even though we’re no longer

    the main cause of the problem. And

    the short-run cost to our economy will

    be very moderate. Saving the world on

    the cheap sounds like a good idea to me.  

    (emphasis added)

    Clearly, here is a chasm in he

    rheoric beween Smih’s wo  Bloomberg pieces. When dis-

    cussing he TPP, i’s an hones disagreemen beween

    expers over a rade agreemen ha Smih hinks is defi-

    niely worhwhile, bu in he grand scheme is no ha big

    a deal. In conras, governmen policies concerning climae

    change lierally involve he ae o he plane.

    A his poin, mos readers would wonder wha he

    problem is. Afer all, isn’ man-made climae change a global

    crisis? Why shouldn’t  Smih use much sronger rheoric

    when describing i?

    I am making his comparison because according oone o he pioneers in climae-change economics, William

    Nordhaus, even i all governmens around he world imple-

    mened he exbook-perec carbon ax, he ne gain o

    humaniy would be … drumroll please

    … $3 rillion. In oher words, one o

    he world’s expers on he economics

    o climae change esimaes ha he

    difference o humaniy beween (a)

    implemening he perec carbon-ax

    policy soluion and (b) doing absoluely

    nohing was abou he same difference

    as DeLong esimaed when i comes o

    he TPP.To be more specific, he $3 rillion

    Nordhaus esimae comes rom he

    2008 calibraion o his Dynamic

    Inegraed Climae-Economy

    (DICE) model. (The numbers have gone up since hen, bu

    I sudied his 2008 calibraion in grea deail.) Noe ha

    his isn’ some “denier” compuer simulaion, rejeced by

    he serious scieniss. On he conrary, Nordhaus’s DICE

    model was one o only hree chosen by he Obama admin-

    israion when i se up a working group o esimae he

    moneary damages o carbon dioxide emissions. To help

     Despite what the public has beenled to believe, the

    situation is nota crisis at all.

    GREEN ISSUE

    The wrong climate policy can be much,

    much worse than doing nothing.

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    DICE’S RELATIVE BENEFITS OF DIFFERENT CLIMATE POLICIES

    Table 4

    in Trillions of 2005 U.S. $

    CLIMATE POLICY

     Note: PDV = present discounted value. Source: Adapted from Nordhaus 2008, 89.

    No controls baseline

    Optimal tax

    Limit CO2 to 560 ppm

    Kyoto with the United States

    Kyoto without the United States

    Stern Review discount rate

    Limit temp. to 1.5°C

    Limit CO2 to 420 ppm

    Gore’s 90 percent emissions cut

    0.00

    +3.07

    +2.67

    +0.63

    +0.10

    -14.18

    -14.44

    -14.60

    -21.36

    22.55

    17.31

    15.97

    21.38

    22.43

    9.02

    9.95

    9.95

    10.05

    0.04

    2.20

    3.95

    0.58

    0.07

    27.74

    27.08

    27.24

    33.90

    22.59

    19.52

    19.92

    21.96

    22.49

    36.77

    37.03

    37.19

    43.96

    PDV DIFFERENCE

    FROM BASELINE

    PDV OF

    ENVIRONMENTAL

    DAMAGES

    PDV OF

    ABATEMENT COSTS

    SUM OF DAMAGE

    AND COSTS

    he reader undersand he rade-offs humaniy aces

    when i comes o climae change, le me reproduce able 4

    rom my  Independent Review  aricle (“Rolling he DICE:

    William Nordhaus’s Dubious Case or a Carbon Tax,”

    14[2]: 197–217), which criically evaluaed Nordhaus’s model.

      The able above shows Nordhaus’s esimaes (made in

    2008 based on he “consensus” scienific assessmens o he

    ime) o he ne benefis o various possible governmenal

    climae policy approaches. The firs row shows wha happens

    i governmens do nohing. There will be $22.55 rillion (in

    presen value erms, and quoed in 2005 dollars) o environ-

    menal damage, bu virually no economic coss o complying

    wih regulaions, or a oal harm o $22.59 rillion.

    In conras, i governmens around he world imple-

    mened Nordhaus’s recommended “opimal” carbon ax,

    he world would be spared a litle more han $5 rillion

    in uure environmenal damage, while uure economic

    oupu would be $2.2 rillion lower due o complying wih

    he carbon ax. Adding i all up, humaniy would suffer

    oal harms o $19.52 rillion, meaning he world would be

    $3.07 rillion wealhier wih he opimal, global carbon ax

    (because $22.59 − $19.52 = $3.07).Cenral o he economic way o hinking is he concep o

    rade-offs. Every possible policy—including a policy o doing

    nohing—comes wih coss. Bu he public ends o hear abou

    only one se o coss, no he ull array. For example, as he

    earlier able shows, he wrong  climae policy can be much,

    much worse han doing nohing. Nordhaus evaluaed Al Gore’s

    suggesion o cu emissions by 90 percen, and esimaed ha

    i would make humaniy some $21 rillion poorer compared o

    he do-nohing baseline—a ne harm seven imes greaer han

    he ne benefis o he exbook-opimal approach.

    My poin here is no o rumpe Nordhaus’s numbers

    as being gospel. (My  Independent Review aricle was a ull-

     blown critique o his model.) Raher, I am poining ou ha

    even one o he leading models ha underpins he so-called

    consensus on climae-change acivism shows ha his is

    hardly he planeary crisis ha he rheoric o Smih and

    ohers would sugges. The acual numbers are in he same

     ballpark as hose o rade deals—and nobody hinks he ae

    o he plane hangs on he passage o a rade deal.

    More generally, wha even mos economiss have ailed

    o convey o he public is ha climae-change policies a bes

    will affec hings on the margin. Nordhaus’s able beauiully

    illusraes his. The opimal carbon ax doesn’ eliminate 

    he climae-change damage ha his compuer simulaions

    predic. On he conrary, he carbon ax only reduces i rom

    abou $23 rillion down o $17 billion. The reason i doesn’

    make sense o enac a more aggressive carbon ax is ha he

    (marginal) harm o he convenional economy would exceed

    he (marginal) environmenal benefi. There are several

    policies in he able ha reduce environmenal damage

     below he $17 rillion mark, bu hey hur he economy so

    much more ha, on ne, hey are inerior approaches.I is undersandable ha noneconomiss would ail o

    employ marginal analysis and would engage in overblown

    rheoric when discussing somehing as conroversial as

    climae-change policy. However, oo many proessional

    economiss have also allen ino his bad habi, including no

     jus Smih bu also Krugman and many ohers.

     Robert P. Murphy (FEE.org/Murphy) is the senior economist

    with the Institute for Energy Research.

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    24  FEE.org

    Caliornia’s gorgeous weaher has urned agains i as

    he sae’s ourh year o drough drags on. Looming waer

    shorages are leading o calls or raioning and resricions

    on waer use. The sae has one year o waer lef—and

    35-year megadroughs ahead o i. The  New York Times 

     bleas, “Reservoirs are low. Landscapes are parched and

     blighed wih fields o dead or dorman orange rees.”

    Why is here a waer shorage? Almos every news sory

    I’ve read blames he drough.

    This sounds like a reasonable assumpion, bu jus

     because he supply has conraced doesn’ mean ha here

    should be a shorage. In normal markes, when supply

    shrinks, he price rises, and quaniy demanded decreases

    o mee quaniy supplied. People naurally use less whensomehing coss more. They conserve and prioriize.

    Bu i, or some reason, he price can’t rise, usage won’

    change because he price isn’ signaling acs abou under-

    lying scarciy and incenivizing differen behavior. Wha

    made sense o do wih a resource when i was relaively

    abundan—say, 40-minue showers and urning your lawn

    ino a lake—migh no make sense when waer is scarcer.

    When he price is held down while supply and demand are

    changing, you end up wih shorages, raioning, and regula-

    ions on waer use.

    As Alex Tabarrok poins ou a MarginalRevoluion.com,

    Caliornia has pleny o waer. Wha i doesn’t  have areprices—or raher, marke prices. Alhough a lo o well-meaning people insis ha waer is a right, I noice hamy “righ o waer” in no way changes he ac I have opay he governmen monopoly or i ($44.91 las monh).So even i here is a righ o waer, here is no nauralrigh o always pay hal a cen per gallon or i regardlesso supply or demand.

    The price conrols and subsidies or waer use also have

     behavioral consequences, Tabarrok wries:

     

    As David Zetland points out in an excellent interview with

    Russ Roberts, people in San Diego county use around 150 gallonsof water a day. Meanwhile in Sydney, Australia, with a roughly

    comparable climate and standard of living, people use about half

    that amount. Trust me, no one in Sydney is going thirsty.

     

    People in San Diego have lawns and cars and pour ons

    o waer on hem—and why no? I’s cheap. Bu when waer

     becomes scarcer, raher han raise prices o reflec his ac

    and encourage conservaion, Caliornia ciies resor o paer-

    nalisic raioning, issuing edics abou when you can waer

    your lawn and how much and how clean your car can be.

    POLITICAL RAIN DANCE Does Caliornia Need Rain, Raioning, or Prices?

    03 By Daniel Bier

    GREEN ISSUE

     Image credit: Robert Couse-Baker

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     FEE.org 25

    SUMMER 2015

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    “Waer conservaion” (by any means necessary—as long

    as hey don’ involve prices) is also he basis or he myriad

    ludicrous ederal regulaions ha have devasaed our oiles

    and showers.

    Prices aren’ jus a way o avoid shorages and use

    resources efficienly, as Zeland explains in his wonderul,concise book  Living with Water Scarcity. Markes rea

    consumers like ree and responsible aduls whose choices

    acually mater, raher han dicaing o hem wha’s

    “imporan” or “essenial” or heir own lives. He wries,

    Prices generate revenues and reduce demand, but they also give

    customers choices. A regulation on outdoor watering may annoy a

    granny with flowers. A desalination plant may annoy environmen-

    talists. An education campaign is condescending to some and a

    waste of breath on others. A campaign to install low-flow toilets

    may install sparkling receptacles in unused second bathrooms.

    Prices send a direct signal at the same time as they accommodate

    many responses. Customers can choose their own mix of tech-

    nologies and techniques. Some will take shorter showers. Others

    will install drip irrigation. Some will shower at work. Others will

     just pay more. A higher price for water, like a higher price for

    any commodity, allows people to choose how much water to

    use. Choice is a pleasant option compared to water shortages or

    tickets from water cops.

    Markes can solve he shorage in Caliornia even i hey

    can’ make i rain, while waer raioning won’ do anyhing

    o alleviae he real problem because i exemps he bigges

    consumers. The use resricions are all a disracion—you couldeliminae all car washes, showers, and lawns and no make a

    den, because urban consumers accoun or jus a racion o

    Caliornia’s waer consumpion. The Economist noes,

    The first rule for staying alive in a desert is not to pour the

    contents of your water flask into the sand. Yet that, bizarrely,

    is what the government has encouraged farmers to do in the

    drought-afflicted south-west.  Agriculture accounts for 80%

    of water consumption in California, for example, but only 2% of

    economic activity. Farmers flood the land to grow rice, alfalfa and

    other thirsty crops. (emphasis added)

    And while i may be sad ha some o Caliornia’s armsare sruggling, here is no good reason why he res o he

    sae needs o suffer o subsidize crops (and inefficien irriga-

    ion echniques) ha wouldn’ make economic sense i he

    armers had o pay markes raes or waer.

    Tabarrok calculaes ha i arms used jus 12.5 percen less

    waer, Caliornians could heoreically increase he amoun

    available or all indusrial and residenial uses by half.

    Does ha arrangemen make sense? Probably no, bu

    no planner or regulaor could possibly decide how o weigh

    he demands o millions o people or waer or any scarce

    resource. All we know is ha we do no have enough waer

    o saisy every possible use or i.

    Only he price sysem is able o coordinae hosecounless acors, acors, plans, ineress, and indusries.

    Maybe when Caliornia regulaors urn on he ap and find

    i empy hey’ll realize his.

    Originally appearing on FEE.org’s new idea marketplace,

     Anything Peaceful, this article was republished in Newsweek. 

     Daniel Bier  (FEE.org/Bier) is FEE’s blog editor.

    When water becomes scarcer,rather than raise prices to

    reflect this fact and encourageconservation, California citiesresort to paternalistic rationing.

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    Thomas Pikety, he “rock sar” French economis who

    dominaed he news in lae 2014, is rying o backpedal on

    he claims ha made him amous. While he sicks wih his

    core argumens abou he naure o inequaliy, his recen

    aricle in he  American Economic Review  (“Abou Capial

    in he Tweny-Firs Cenury,”  American Economic Review:

     Papers & Proceedings 2015, 105[5]: 1–6) has been widely iner-

    preed as a empering o he bold