the freeman - 2015 summer (green issue)
TRANSCRIPT
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SUMMER 2015
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EDITOR Max Borders
MANAGING EDITOR B.K. Marc us
COPY EDITOR Amy Font ine lle
POETRY EDITOR Luk e Han kin s
CONTRIBUTING EDITOR Jeff rey A. Tucker
ART DIRECTOR Sara Seal
PUBLISHER Richard N. L ore nc
DEPUTY PUBLISHER James Anderson
FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION
PRESIDENT
Law ren ce W. Reed
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR Wayne Olson
STAFF
Dan iel Bie r
Marianna Brashear
Lau ren Hick s Jaso n Ke lly
Carrie Leggins
Sara Morrison
Carl Oberg
Ian Osta szews ki
Rob ert Ram sey
Jaso n R iddle
William Smith
Jus tin St reif f
El ise Tho mpson
BOARD OF TRUSTEES
CHAIRMAN Roger Ream
VICE CHAIRMAN Harry H. Langenberg
SECRETARY Ingrid A. Gregg
TREASURER Michael S. Yashko
Sarah Atkins
Harold (Jay) Bowen III
Jeff Giesea
Kris Alan Mauren
Don Smith
Chris Talley
John Westerfield
VOLUME 65 | NO. 02
PUBLISHED BY
FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION
1718 Peachtree Street NW, Suite 1048
Atlanta, GA 30309 | United States
Phone: 800 960 4333 | [email protected]
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RECYCLE THIS PAGE
This issue o he Freeman is dedicaed o Moher Earh. We operae
wih he knowledge ha, when i comes o he goals o conservaion
and proecion, wealhier is healhier. Tha is, when he insiuions,innovaions, and incenives are correc, we will no only be wealhier,
bu here will be no conradicion beween ree markes and a cleaner
environmen.
The global warming debae, such as i is, seems o have been purchased
by hose wih power. For all he reting abou he influence o oil
ineress on he debae, public choice heory ells us ha coaliions
o booleggers and Bapiss will accree around any acions by he
governmen o save us rom environmenal caasrophe. O course,
when governmen and indusry collude, ruh becomes a moving arge.
Hyseria goes on aucion. And he people pay he coss.
I doesn’ mater who does he wagging, he ail or he dog. Thereare enough rue believers in climae caasrophe o eed an army o
bureaucras and o line he pockes o a housand special ineress. A
he ron o his incesuous line sand he expers: he climaologiss are
having heir day in he sun (no pun). The economiss are able suddenly
o read he enrails ha ell us wha a warmer uure will bring.
They receive major grans, ame, and saus rom being on he side
o he angels. Unorunaely, proven environmenal problems such as
overfishing ge shor shrif as he grea hyseria nexus keeps everyone
preoccupied wih he climae.
Le us go orward wih his summer ediion hinking warm houghs
abou how he world is geting beter (and greener)—how a creaive,
enrepreneurial people can be good sewards o he environmen, even
wihou (especially wihou) cenral energy planning, green dirigisme,
and he olly o demand-side managemen. There is a long road ahead,
as he road o caasrophe will be paved wih good inenions.
— THE EDITORS
SUBSCRIBE
T he Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) is a nonpolitical, nonprofit
educational champion of individual liberty, private property, the free market,
and constitutionally limited government. FEE has been publishing the
Freeman since 1956.
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IN THIS ISSUE
ETHICS &
PERSONAL GROWTH
OUR PAST &
OUR FUTURE
ARTS &
CULTURE
FEATURES
ECONOMICS & POLICY
21
02 ARENA
MANDATORY VACCINATIONS CAN BE
COMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY
Randal John Meyer
04 ARENA
MANDATORY VACCINATIONS ARE
INCOMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY
Robert P. Murphy
16 THE GREEN ISSUE
THE CLIMATE-INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX
STRIKES BACK
Max Borders
21 THE GREEN ISSUE
THE COSTS OF HYSTERIA
Robert P. Murphy
24 THE GREEN ISSUE
POLITICAL RAIN DANCE
Daniel Bier
10
FREEDOM OF DISASSOCIATION:
INDIANA EDITION
Steven Horwitz
14
ADAM SMITH: ZEN MASTER
Sandy Ikeda
28
PICKING PIKETTY APART
Phillip Magness
12
HARRIET TUBMAN
RISKED LIFE AND
LIMB FOR LIBERTY
Lawrence W. Reed
40
THE 7 HABITS OF
HIGHLY EFFECTIVE
LIBERTARIANS
Jeffrey A. Tucker
08
DECENTRALIZATION:
WHY DUMB NETWORKS
ARE BETTER
Andreas M. Antonopoulos
32
ARMED AND BLACK
B.K. Marcus
06
REGULATE THE
DATING MARKET
Julian Adorney
38
STAY PUT?
Sarah Skwire
46
THE NIGHT THRESHER
Devin Murphy
47
LIFE, LIFE
Arseny Tarkovsky
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We can ake comor ha modern science can handle
inecious diseases. Quesionable sudies such as repors
linking vaccinaions o auism have been debunked. Despie
he empirically demonsrable efficacy o vaccines, some
people have decided o orgo vaccinaions or hemselves or
or children under heir cusody. Accordingly, liberarians
have been orced o examine heir own enes o evaluae
wheher compulsory vaccinaions are compaible wih he
principles o individual reedom.
I believe hey are.
A major piall or liberarians examining his quesion
is he consideraion o wheher mandaory vaccinaions are
oo paernalisic. Bu because vaccinaions preven harm oohers wih incidenal paernalisic effecs, I argue ha hey
are jusified. Because cerain deadly diseases are communi-
cable rom human-o-human conac, ransmission can be
prevened by using medically sae vaccines.
Vaccines do no always and in every case proec indi-
viduals who receive hem. Baceria and viruses can muae,
prevening vaccines rom conquering hem. And, over ime,
a paricular vaccine can become less effecive. Bu when
given o a large enough populaion and updaed periodically
o couner muaions, vaccines ac like a compuer firewall,
proecing he enire populaion. And i a significan enough
porion o he populaion chooses no o be vaccinaed,
hen he whole populaion becomes more suscepible o an
oubreak. Immunizaion o a criical proporion o he pop-
ulaion in his manner is called “herd immuniy.” Though i
may seem paradoxical, i becomes imporan o ensure ha
he vas majoriy o people ge immunized o preven harm.
Liberarian philosophy holds ha i is jusifiable o
preven unauhorized harm o one individual agains
anoher. Accordingly, even liberarians who have adoped
principles such as he nonaggression axiom or he harm
principle can see ha vaccinaion is a means o preven-ing harm. Moreover, even liberarians who ollow a sric
Rohbardian nonaggression principle consider he prospect
o aggression o be indisinguishable rom acual aggres-
sion. And his is reasonable: prevening imminen harm is
as good as sopping presen harm.
Universiy o Arizona proessor Joel Feinberg has argued
ha “i is always a good reason in suppor o legislaion ha
i would probably be effecive in prevening (eliminaing or
reducing) harm o persons oher han he acor and here is
MANDATORY VACCINATIONS CAN BE
COMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTYBy Randal John Meyer
MANDATORY VACCINES
ARENA
Image credit: US Army Corps of Engineers
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FEATURES | SUMMER 2015
probably no oher means ha is equally effecive a no
greaer cos o oher values.”
John Suar Mill amously noes in On Liberty ha “he
only purpose or which power can be righully exercisedover any member o a civilized communiy, agains his will,
is o preven harm o ohers.”
The quesions o wheher he nonimmunized members
o a populaion pose a risk o ohers—as well as he effecive-
ness o vaccinaions in prevening ha harm—urn on acs.
To address such quesions, le’s ake a look a he disease ha
has led o mos o his recen conroversy: measles.
I one imagines a communiy wih an immuniy rae
o 96–99 percen or measles due o vaccinaion (and mos
saes all below his rae), i is saisically unlikely ha
here will be an oubreak o measles in his populaion due
o herd immuniy. When only 95 percen o he populaion
is vaccinaed, an oubreak is possible. When he percenagevaccinaed alls below 90 percen, he rae o inecion per
10,000 children more han doubles.
I he rae alls low enough, we
can expec pandemics. “Beore
mass vaccinaion was inroduced,
measles used o ollow a cyclic
patern, wih [epidemics occurring
each] period o abou 2 years in
Europe and Norh America,”
according o research by V.A.A. Jansen and N. Sollenwerk.
From 1840 hrough 1990, measles killed nearly
200 million people globally. Bu rom 2000 hrough 2012,
measles deahs decreased by 78 percen afer he UN
sponsored immunizaion. During his period, 68 percen o
he populaions o member counries were immunized o
herd immuniy levels. In he Unied Saes, he vaccinaion
rae among inans was 91 percen, considerably below he
96–99 percen needed or herd immuniy o be mainained.
In ac, in some enclaves, such as he Orange Couny school
disric, he immunizaion rae dropped o 50–60 percen
among kindergareners. This ailure o vaccinae, a leas
in par due o he exisence o he sae philosophical
exempion rom vaccinaion, allowed he measles oubreak
o occur in 2015 in more han a dozen saes.
No individual has he righ o expose oher individualso ha risk.
Alernaively, here is a parallel argumen rom he lib-erarian principles regarding common deense. Accordingo David Boaz in his updaed book, The Libertarian Mind,“mos liberarians” believe ha “governmens should exis…[o provide] naional deense agains exernal hreas.”The enire human race is a war wih microbes, such asviruses, and has undergone massive assauls. Examplesinclude he bubonic plague, smallpox, and polio. Each day,
an individual’s immune sysem desroys numerouspoenial pahogens. Libery-resrain principles allow orcollecivizaion o deense effors agains equally deadly
oes: our immune sysems are no alone in his. Vaccines areinsrumens o ha ongoing war.
People should no be compelled o be vaccinaed or non-
communicable diseases, o course, bu we don’ wan any
o hese serious pahogens o reemerge. Measles, mumps,
rubella, and perussis cases are all on he rise in he Unied
Saes. Polio has reurned in more han 10 counries; he
World Healh Organizaion believes i consiues a global
healh emergency. Childhood vaccines save nearly $40 billion
in direc and indirec coss, in addiion o numerous lives.
I is imporan o noe, as well, ha compulsory vacci-naion can accomplish herd immuniy by means shor oorced procedures. On one level, he civil law could be used
o hold nonvaccinaed aduls and he parens o nonvac-cinaed children financially liable wih puniive damages
or heir role in any public healhemergency. Exclusion romvarious ypes o public space oraciviies could be jusified, yeenorcemen would be difficul,i no impossible, paricularly inurban areas. On a more resric-ive level, he sae could use he
criminal law o impose fines on parens or declare hasuch acion consiues child neglec. Regardless, moreexreme measures or noncomplian aduls would only beappropriae i more resricive means could no achieveherd immuniy hresholds.
Thus, i can be argued ha vaccinaion policy approach-
ing inringemen on individual and parenal choice does no
pose an issue per se wih mainsream liberarian hough,
given he narrowness o he means o vaccinaion (how litle
i imposes on he recipien’s libery) and he degree o rela-
ively cerain harm o ohers ha is hereby prevened.
The harm o nonvaccinaion or serious communicable
diseases poses a significan enough risk or ohers o become
ineced ha i jusifies such small imposiions on personal
libery. A policy o volunary vaccinaion, or he graning o
philosophical excepions o he general vaccinaion require-men, causes much more poenial harm han requiring
people o ge a vaccinaion does.
Randal John Meyer is a Young Voices Advocate and a legal
research fellow living in New York City.
PREVENTING IMMINENT
HARM IS AS GOOD AS
STOPPING PRESENT HARM.
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Mandaory vaccinaions are a gross violaion olibery. On some governmen policy issues—includingmandaory quaranines, airpor checkpoins, and NSAemail scanning—here is a leas a coheren allegaion oa rade-off beween individual reedom and public saey.Bu when i comes o mandaory vaccinaions, here is litlescope or plausible debae.
Mandaory vaccinaions involve a supreme violaion
o libery, where agens o he sae injec subsances inosomeone’s body agains his or her will. On he oher side
o he ledger, even in principle, mandaory vaccinaions do
no offer much benefi in enhanced public welare, relaive
o a ree sociey. When we hrow in
he realisic worries o governmen
incompeence and maleasance,
he case agains mandaory vacci-
naions is overwhelming.
Beore making my case, I will
explain in basic erms how differen
groups are likely o rea he propo-
siion, according o major concepions o he sae’s proper
role. I do his in order o show ha, even i we’re being charia-
ble o he mos inclusive concepions o libery as a principle,
mandaory vaccinaions are sill no jusifiable.
Firs, among hose who hew sricly o a nonaggressionprinciple and a saeless sociey, mandaory vaccinaions are,o course, a nonsarer. Wheher hey ideniy hemselvesas “sric liberarians,” “volunaryiss,” or “anarchocapial-iss,” his group would obviously never condone he sae’sorcing someone o be vaccinaed, because mos believe hesae is illegiimae.
Second, or minarchiss, he proper role or he sae is
ha o a “nigh wachman,” a minimal governmen ha only
proecs he individual rom domesic criminals and oreignhreas. In a minarchis ramework, i is only legiimae or
he sae o ake acion agains someone who is violaing
(or hreaening o violae) he righs o anoher. A person’s
ailure o become vaccinaed is hardly by itself a violaion o
someone else’s righs. Flipping i around, i would sound odd
o say you have he right o live in a sociey where everyone
else has had measles shos.
Third, and mos ineresing, le’s consider a broader
noion o libery, which balances a presumpion o individual
auonomy agains he public welare. In his approach,
here’s no a blanke prohibiion on he sae resricing he
liberies o individuals—even when hey haven’ ye hur
anybody else—so long as such resricions impose litle
harm on he recipiens and possibly preven a vas amoun
o damage. This is he only concepion o he sae or which
he mandaory vaccinaion debae is possible.
Le’s be chariable and assume his more expansive
definiion, under which, or example, even sel-describedliberarians migh no objec o siff penalies or drunk
driving or prohibiions on ciizens building aomic bombs in
heir basemens. How does mandaory vaccinaion are in
his ramework, where we’re no
arguing in erms o qualiaive
principles bu insead perorming
a quaniaive cos-benefi es?
Even here, he case or
mandaory vaccinaions is weak.
Firs o all, he only realisic
scenario where he issue would
even be relevan is where he vas majoriy o he public
hinks i would be a good idea i everyone go vaccinaed, bu
(or whaever reason) a small minoriy srongly disagreed. This
is obvious: i he medical case or a vaccine were so dubious
ha, say, hal he public didn’ hink i made sense o adminis-
er i, hen here would hardly be an issue o he governmen
clamoring o injec hal he populaion agains heir will.
Now, le’s push our analysis urher. We’re dealing wih
a scenario in which he vas majoriy o he public hinks
i would be a good idea or all o he public o become vacci-
naed. In ha environmen, i vaccines are volunary, hen
we can be confiden ha jus abou all o hese enhusiass
would go ahead and become vaccinaed. In oher words, any
“ree riding” would only ake place a he margin, i mos ohe populaion had goten he vaccine and hus an oubreak
o he relevan disease was unlikely.
This is a crucial poin, and i shows why he case or
mandaory vaccines is so much weaker han, or example, he
case or mandaory resricions on carbon dioxide emissions
or mandaory conribuions o he naional miliary.
When a person ges vaccinaed, he primary beneficiary is
himself . And his benefi is all he greaer he lower he rae
o vaccinaion in he populaion a large. In oher words,
MANDATORY VACCINATIONS ARE
INCOMPATIBLE WITH LIBERTY
Social conflict can be resolved through the fuller application of private property rights
By Robert P. Murphy
ARENA
MANDATORY VACCINATIONS
INVOLVE A SUPREME
VIOLATION OF LIBERTY...
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among a populaion o people who all believe ha a vaccine
is effecive, he individual cos-benefi analysis o aking he
vaccine will only yield a empaion o “ree riding” once a
sufficien racion o he populaion has become vaccinaed,
hus ensuring “herd immuniy.”
Unlike oher examples o huge (alleged) rade-offs
beween individual and public benefis, wih vaccinaions
here is no hrea o a mass oubreak in a ree sociey. Wih
vaccines, we have he happy oucome ha when someone
chooses o vaccinae him or hersel, so long as he vaccine is
effecive, hen ha person is largely shielded rom he conse-
quences o ohers’ decisions regarding vaccinaion.
However, he proponens o mandaory vaccinaions
say ha his analysis is oo glib. There are people who can’t
undergo cerain vaccinaions because o medical condiions,
including young people (babies) who are no ye old enough
o receive cerain shos. I is o proec these vulnerable
pockes o he populaion ha some wan he sae o orcevaccinaions on hose who are oo ignoran or oo selfish o
recognize heir duy o living in a communiy.
Noice he irony and how weak he mandaory vacci-
naion case has become. We are no longer being old ha
vaccines are “sae,” and ha anyone who ears medical com-
plicaions is a conspiracy heoris rusing Jenny McCarhy
over guys in whie lab coas. On he conrary, he CDC warns
cerain groups not o ake popular vaccines because o he
healh risks. This is no longer a mater o principle—o he
people on he side o science being pro-vaccine, while he
inoil-haters are ani-vaccine. Insead i’s a disagreemen
over which people should be aking he vaccine and which
people should not ake i because he dangers are oo grea.
Regarding children, social conflic can be resolved
hrough he uller applicaion o privae propery righs. I
all schools, hospials, and daycare ceners were privaely
operaed and had he legal righ o exclude whichever
cliens hey wished, hen he owners could decide on vacci-
naion policies. Any parens who were horrified a he idea
o litle Jimmy playing wih an unvaccinaed kid could
choose Jimmy’s school accordingly.
We have seen ha even assuming he bes o govern-men officials, i is difficul o sae an argumen in avoro mandaory vaccinaions. Ye, he debae ils even morewhen we recall ha hroughou hisory, governmenofficials have made horrible decisions in he name o public
welare, eiher hrough incompeence or ulerior moives.I should be obvious ha no an o libery can supporinjecing subsances ino an innocen person’s body againshis or her will.
Robert P. Murphy (FEE.org/Murphy) is the senior economist
with the Institute for Energy Research.
Unlike other examples of huge (alleged)
trade-offs between individual and public
benefits, with vaccinations there is no threat
of a mass outbreak in a free society.
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REGULATE THE DATING MARKET
A MODEST PROPOSAL FOR ROMANTIC JUSTICE
This year’s Valenine’s Day was disasrous—no jusor me, bu or many ex-couples. Bu as I sa here lasFebruary nursing my broken hear, I realized wha’swrong wih romance oday: no enough regulaion.
The Unied Saes governmen has wisely chosen oregulae mos oher aspecs o lie, rom wha wage youare allowed o work or o wha medicines a paien isallowed o buy over he couner. Volunary ineracions
are all well and good, bu he botom line is ha peoplehave o be proeced rom hemselves. The rade-off
beween libery and securiy exiss no only in privacyand oreign policy: we mus srike a similar balance inhe arena o love.
I propose he creaion o a new governmen organiza-ion, he Commitee o Assure Romanic Equiy (CARE),o bring an end o he curren Wild Wes o romance.Three powerul ses o regulaions would bring much-needed sabiliy o he chaos o daing.
1. WHO’S ALLOWED TO DATE?
Jus as proessionals—rom hair braiders o inerior
decoraors—mus be licensed, so oo he governmen mus
sep in o license daers.
Righ now, he daing marke is overrun wih shoddy
specimens. Sleazy men buy women drinks and sleep
wih hem on he firs dae. Immoral women chea on
heir loving boyriends. Many people lack he discreion
o choose good parners or hemselves, and heir poor
decisions can bring ou he wors in people. Never mind
ha hey someimes have children.
To remedy his siuaion, any daing hopeul shouldhave o submi an applicaion o CARE. A licensingsysem should be se up whereby applicans pay or
classes in order o ceriy boh heir good-hearedness andheir abiliy o rea a parner well. In order o enorcehis sysem, CARE agens would inspec couples, finingor jailing any individual engaged in daing wihoua CARE permi.
This wise sep will remove he riffraff rom he daing
marke and ensure ha good, kind individuals are never
lured ino romances hey’ll regre. And i a ew people find
hemselves orcibly removed rom he daing pool, so wha?
They probably weren’ grea parners o begin wih.
2.DATING TICKETS
I is sel-eviden by now ha ree markes aren’ qualified
o disribue scarce naural resources. Unregulaed capial-
ism causes inense inequaliy.
Today, some men and women have our or five daes per
week. Ohers may suffer dry spells lasing monhs. Furher,
hose individuals who go on many daes have an opporu-
niy o hone heir skills, making hem more atracive and
ensuring even more daes in he uure, while hose whohaven’ had a dae in monhs simply languish. Their skills
deeriorae, making hem less and less atracive.
Such a siuaion is unequal and unair. I highlighs how
unetered markes creae a rich-ge-richer environmen in
which a lucky ew rise o he op while he majoriy suffers.
I proves ha reurns o love capial happen only a he op
o he disribuion, or as Thomas Pikety migh summarize
his heory, r > l, where r is he rae o reurn on love capial
and l is he rae o love growh or he res o us.
To remedy his siuaion, every man and woman
should be orced o submi o CARE he number o daes
he or she has planned each week. I someone has more
han our, one o hose daes should be randomly reas-
signed o a person who hasn’ been on a dae in a monh
or more. This sysem will ensure a more even disribuion
o daes, in which each man and woman ges a air share.(Apps like Tinder and OKCupid will have o be replaced by
a single-payer CARE app.)
3. BREAKUPS
Some people—no o name names—plan a beauiul
weekend geaway or Valenine’s Day, only o be dumped
wihou warning because we’re “oo poliical.” This siuaion
isn’ jus immoral; i ough o be illegal!
The governmen already regulaes who can be fired rom
Julian Adorney writes from Lakewood, Colorado.
Just as professionals—from hair braiders
to interior decorators—must be licensed,
so too the government must step in to
license daters.
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SUMMER 2015
a job and under wha circumsances. We realize, or example,
he ragic consequences o a woman losing her sole means o
income, so we ake seps o proec employees.
Bu is losing love any less raumaic? Hearbreak can
lead o pain, misery, and even deah. Wih his ac in mind,
I propose a ew common-sense resricions on breaking up
wih a significan oher.
Each man or woman preparing o le a parner go shouldhave o fill ou several orms showing due cause. No one
should have o ear being dumped or rifling reasons such as
“oo much” poliical acivism. Wih he guidance o CARE,
relaionships will be susained ha should be susained—
even as hose ha have a jusifiable reason o end will be
allowed o do so.
Similarly, we as a sociey should no longer olerae
breakups ha give no warning. A person seeking o break
up wih a significan oher should have o fill ou a writen
complain, noiy his or her parner, and wai wo weeks
beore he breakup. This noice will give he injured pary
ime o adjus o he new saus quo.
WHAT ABOUT FREEDOM?
Some naysayers complain ha his new CARE will limi
our reedom. Bu reedom is no he only value. We have o
consider he greaer good.Freedom is olerable when exercised in ways ha
serve sociey, bu is excesses mus be curbed o prevenis exercise in anisocial ways. Good, decen people needsome securiy in he romance marke. I ha means a litleless independence or everyone else, so be i. Those whodemand unetered reedom are simply apologiss or hehearbreak saus quo.
Each man or woman preparing to let a
partner go should have to fill out several forms showing due cause.
Image credit: Julia Lorenc
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“Every device employed to bolster
individual freedom must have as its
chief purpose the impairment of the
absoluteness of power.” —Eric Hoffer
In compuer and communicaions neworks, decenral-
izaion leads o aser innovaion, greaer openness, and
lower cos. Decenralizaion creaes he condiions or com-
peiion and diversiy in he services he nework provides.
Bu how can you ell i a nework is decenralized, and
wha makes i more likely o be decenralized?
Nework “inelligence” is he characerisic
ha differeniaes cenralized rom decenral-
ized neworks—bu in a way ha is surprising
and counerinuiive.
Some neworks are “smar.” They offer
sophisicaed services ha can be delivered o
very simple end-user devices on he “edge” o
he nework. Oher neworks are “dumb”—hey
offer only a very basic service and require ha he end-user
devices are inelligen. Wha’s smar abou dumb neworks
is ha hey push innovaion o he edge, giving end users
conrol over he pace and direcion o innovaion. Simpliciy
a he cener allows or complexiy a he edge, which osers
he vas decenralizaion o services.
Surprisingly, hen, “dumb” neworks are he smar choice
or innovaion and reedom.
The elephone nework used o be a smar nework sup-poring dumb devices (elephones). All he inelligence in
he elephone nework and all he services were conained in
he phone company’s swiching buildings. The elephone on
he consumer’s kichen able was litle more han a speaker
and a microphone. Even he mos advanced ouch-one ele-
phones were sill prety simple devices, depending enirely
on he nework services hey could “reques” hrough
beeping he righ ones.
In a smar nework like ha, here is no room or inno-
vaion a he edge. Sure, you can make a phone look like a
cheeseburger or a banana, bu you can’ change he services
i offers. The services depend enirely on he cenral swiches
owned by he phone company. Cenralized innovaion means
slow innovaion. I also means innovaion direced by hegoals o a single company. As a resul, anyhing ha doesn’
seem o fi he vision o he company ha owns he nework
is rejeced or even acively ough.
In ac, unil 1968, AT&T resriced he devices allowed
on he nework o a handul o approved devices. In 1968, in a
landmark decision, he FCC ruled in avor o he Carerone,
an acousic coupler device or connecing wo-way radios o
elephones, opening he door or any consumer device ha
didn’ “cause harm o he sysem.”
Tha ruling paved he way or he answering machine,
he ax machine, and he modem. Bu even wih he abiliy o
connec smarer devices o he edge, i wasn’ unil he modem
ha innovaion really acceleraed. The modem represeneda complee inversion o he archiecure: all he inelligence
was moved o he edge, and he phone nework was used only
as an underlying “dumb” nework o carry he daa.
Did he elecommunicaions companies welcome his
developmen? O course no! They ough i or nearly a
decade, using regulaion, lobbying, and legal hreas agains
he new compeiion. In some counries, modem calls across
inernaional lines were auomaically dis-
conneced o preven compeiion in he
lucraive long-disance marke. In he end,
he Inerne won. Now, almos he enire
phone nework runs as an app on op o he
Inerne.
The Inerne is a dumb nework, which
is is defining and mos valuable eaure.
The Inerne’s proocol (ransmission conrol
proocol/Inerne proocol, or TCP/IP) doesn’ offer “services.”
I doesn’ make decisions abou conen. I doesn’ disinguish
beween phoos and ex, video and audio. I doesn’ have a lis
o approved applicaions. I doesn’ even disinguish beween
clien and server, user and hos, or individual versus corpora-
ion. Every IP address is an equal peer.
TCP/IP acs as an efficien pipeline, moving daa rom
one poin o anoher. Over ime, i has had some minor
adjusmens o offer some differeniaed “qualiy o service”capabiliies, bu oher han ha, i remains, or he mos par,
a dumb daa pipeline. Almos all he inelligence is on he
edge—all he services, all he applicaions are creaed on he
edge-devices. Creaing a new applicaion does no involve
changing he nework. The Web, voice, video, and social
media were all creaed as applicaions on he edge wihou
any need o modiy he Inerne proocol.
So he dumb nework becomes a plaorm or inde-
penden innovaion, wihou permission, a he edge. The
resul is an incredible range o innovaions, carried ou a
Dumb networks
are the smart
choice forinnovation and
freedom.
Decentralization:
Why Dumb
Networks Are Better
THE SMART CHOICE IS INNOVATION AT THE EDGE
Andreas M. Antonopoulos is the author of Masering Bicoin ,a technical book published by O’Reilly Media.
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OUR PAST & OUR FUTURE | SUMMER 2015
an even more incredible pace. People ineresed in even he
inies o niche applicaions can creae hem on he edge.
Applicaions ha only have wo paricipans only need
wo devices o suppor hem, and hey can run on he
Inerne. Conras ha o he elephone nework, where anew “service,” like caller ID, had o be buil and deployed
on every company swich, incurring mainenance cos or
every subscriber. So only he mos popular, profiable, and
widely used services go deployed.
The financial services indusry is buil on op o many
highly specialized and service-specific neworks. Mos o
hese are layered aop he Inerne, bu hey are archieced
as closed, cenralized, and “smar” neworks wih limied
inelligence on he edge.
Take, or example, he Sociey or Worldwide Inerbank
Financial Telecommunicaion (SWIFT), he inernaional
wire ranser nework. The consorium behind SWIFT
has buil a closed nework o member banks ha offersspecific services: secure messages, mosly paymen orders.
Only banks can be members, and he nework services are
highly cenralized.
The SWIFT nework is jus one o dozens o
single-purpose, ighly conrolled, and closed neworks
offered o financial services companies such as banks,
brokerage firms, and exchanges. All hese neworks
mediae he services by inerposing he service provider
beween he “users,” and hey allow minimal innova-
ion or differeniaion a he edge—ha is, hey are smar
neworks serving mosly dumb devices.
Bicoin is he Inerne o money. I offers a basic dumb
nework ha connecs peers rom anywhere in he world.
The bicoin nework isel does no define any financial
services or applicaions. I doesn’ require membership
regisraion or idenificaion. I doesn’ conrol he ypes
o devices or applicaions ha can live on is edge. Bicoin
offers one service: securely ime-samped scriped rans-
acions. Everyhing else is buil on he edge-devices as an
applicaion. Bicoin allows any applicaion o be developed
independenly, wihou permission, on he edge o he
nework. A developer can creae a new applicaion using
he ransacional service as a plaorm and deploy i on
any device. Even niche applicaions wih ew users—
applicaions never envisioned by he bicoin proocolcreaor—can be buil and deployed.
Almos any nework archiecure can be invered. You
can build a closed nework on op o an open nework or
vice versa, alhough i is easier o cenralize han o decen-
ralize. The modem invered he phone nework, giving us he
Inerne. The banks have buil closed nework sysems on op
o he decenralized Inerne. Now bicoin provides an open
nework plaorm or financial services on op o he open and
decenralized Inerne. The financial services buil on op o
bicoin are hemselves open because hey are no “services”
delivered by he nework; hey are “apps” running on op
o he nework. This arrangemen opens a marke or applica-
ions, puting he end user in a posiion o power o choose he
righ applicaion wihou resricions.
Wha happens when an indusry ransiions rom using
one or more “smar” and cenralized neworks o using a
common, decenralized, open, and dumb nework? A sunamio innovaion ha was pen up or decades is suddenly
released. All he applicaions ha could never ge permission
in he closed nework can now be developed and deployed
wihou permission. A firs, his change involves reinven-
ing he previously cenralized services wih new and open
decenralized alernaives. We saw ha wih he Inerne,
as radiional elecommunicaions services were reinvened
wih email, insan messaging, and video calls.
This firs wave is also characerized by disintermediation—
he removal o enire layers o inermediaries who are no
longer necessary. Wih he Inerne, his mean replacing
brokers, classified ads publishers, real esae agens, car sales-
people, and many ohers wih search engines and online
direc markes. In he financial indusry, bicoin will creae
a similar wave o disinermediaion by making clearing-
houses, exchanges, and wire ranser services obsolee. The
big difference is ha some o hese disinermediaed layers
are mulibillion-dollar indusries ha are no longer needed.
Beyond he firs wave o innovaion, which simply
replaces exising services, is anoher wave ha begins
o build he applicaions ha were impossible wih he
previous cenralized nework. The second wave doesn’
jus creae applicaions ha compare o exising services;
i spawns new indusries on he basis o applicaions ha
were previously oo expensive or oo difficul o scale. Byeliminaing ricion in paymens, bicoin doesn’ jus make
beter paymens; i inroduces marke mechanisms and
price discovery o economic aciviies ha were oo small or
inefficien under he previous cos srucure.
We used o hink “smar” neworks would deliver he
mos value, bu making he nework “dumb” enabled a
massive wave o innovaion. Inelligence a he edge brings
choice, reedom, and experimenaion wihou permission.
In neworks, “dumb” is beter.
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FREEDOM of DISASSOCIATION:
Indiana Edition
Revulsion is not an argument; and some of yesterday’s repugnances are today
calmly accepted—though, one must add, not always for the better.
In crucial cases, however, repugnance is the emotional expression of deep wisdom,
beyond reason’s power fully to articulate it.
By STEVEN HORWITZ
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The passage o Indiana’s version o he Religious Freedom
Resoraion Ac has generaed all kinds o commenary rom
boh lef and righ, and mos o i is misguided or overwrough.
I’d like o offer a ew o my own houghs on hesematers, which, I hink, add up o a call or boh olerance and
reedom o associaion—as well as a rejecion o repugnance
as he basis or public policy.
Tolerance lies a he core o he liberarian worldview.
Living peaceully wih each oher means acceping our differ-
ences and allowing ohers o engage in behavior ha we migh
dislike bu ha does no harm hird paries. “Anyhing ha’s
peaceul” is our lodesar, as Leonard Read ofen reminded us.
Such olerance does no require ha we associate wih people
we disagree wih, only ha we leave hem in peace. And his
idea cus o he core o he debae in Indiana.
I, like me, you hink ha gays and lesbians are no doing
anyhing harmul o anyone, and ha hey should be reaed jus like oher human beings, you migh call he behavior
o hose who reuse o, or example, provide phoography
services a a same-sex marriage “inoleran.” Perhaps i is, bu
hose who have such views are no engaged in any atemp o
preven gays and lesbians rom geting married—or anyhing
else—by reusing o provide hem wih a service. They are,
in ac, oleraing hem, bu also reusing o associae wih
hem. Tolerance does no mandae associaion.
Any idea o olerance ha mandaes associaion will
quickly ge us ino rouble. I, or example, you objec o hose
who reuse o sell heir producs or services o gays and
lesbians because homosexualiy runs couner o heir deeply
held belies, would i no be a ar worse orm o inolerance
o make i illegal or hem o ac on heir religious belies?
Afer all, your side is willing implicily (or explicily) o back
is inolerance o religious convicions wih coercion—you
know, guns, fines, and prisons—while he oher side’s inol-
erance involves only he simple and peaceul reusal o sell.
To repea: hose who reuse o sell are no prevening
people rom behaving peaceully; hose who would make he
reusal o sell illegal are.
I, like me, you are bohered by he behavior o hose
who won’ deal wih gays or lesbians, you shouldn’ make
maters worse by using sae power o engage in rue inoler-
ance. Insead, demonsrae how much you really care abouolerance by using persuasion and disassociaion o change
he behavior you find inoleran.
To see how real olerance, persuasion, and disassociaion
in civil sociey can work, consider his sory rom Texas:
a narrow-minded sore clerk objeced o a mom leting her
litle girl wear a boy’s sui. Mom’s riends heard he sory and
hen gave he sore bad reviews online. (And unlike he small,
Chrisian-owned pizzeria in Indiana, no one hreaened he
owners or hreaened o burn down he sore, boh o which
would have crossed he line ha separaes real olerance
rom coercion.) The sore pulled is Facebook page afer
people lef criical commens. Mom was no acually “deniedservice,” because she immediaely declared she wouldn’
paronize he sore due o he clerk’s atiude.
Wha didn’ happen?
No one sued, used violence, called he police, or said,
“There ough o be a law.” People used words, repuaion, and
he power o exi o persuade ohers o who was righ and who
was wrong. This is how i should work. We don’ need a law.
The mom had choices and exercised hem, and he clerk and
sore paid a price or indulging heir views on gender sereo-
ypes. This is peaceul conflic resoluion involving he righs
o expression, exi, and disassociaion—no need o ge he
sae involved. Tolerance, afer all, does no mean we have o
like everyhing everyone else does. I only means we can’ andshouldn’ sop hem rom doing anyhing ha’s peaceul.
Too ofen, we ry o make laws on he basis o our mere
dislike or ohers’ behavior. As a avorie Inerne meme
o mine says, “Everyhing I like should be mandaory and
everyhing I don’ like should be banned.” This sor o
reacion o our repugnance a he behavior o ohers is a real
danger o liberal socieies.
Wheher i involves oulawing peaceul behavior, orced
associaion, or sae-sponsored discriminaion, using repug-
nance as he basis or enacing laws is isel repugnan. Wha
we end up wih, afer all, is poisonous discourse and a social
order ha is increasingly coarse and uncivil.
Why were people hreaening he owners o a small pizza
shop in Indiana who, hypoheically, said hey would peace-
ully reuse o caer a same-sex wedding? Wha underlies
such hreas is he belie ha repugnance (in whaever orm
i akes) jusifies coercion. Tha belie also helps explain why
ohers are so vehemenly opposed o giving same-sex couples
legal equaliy. Wheher i’s repugnance a people’s religious
belies or repugnance a he hough o wo people o he
same sex being married, such an emoion does no suffice o
rump undamenal reedoms.
Sacrificing undamenal consiuional righs and our
commimen o equaliy beore he law isn’ worh he warm
glow o an ephemeral “vicory.” The rade-off is simply ooseep—as is he slippery slope i could pu us on.
Steven Horwitz (FEE.org/Horwitz) is the author of
Microoundaions and Macroeconomics:
An Ausrian Perspecive.
FEATURES | SUMMER 2015
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When he day arrives ha a woman’s image adorns
Federal Reserve currency or he firs ime, i migh well be
ha o Harrie Tubman. She’s reporedly on he shor lis. I
may, however, be a dubious honor o appear on somehing
ha declines so regularly in value. Wihou a doub, his
woman would impar more eseem o he
bill han he bill would o her. Her value is
ar more solid and enduring.
Slavery was once ubiquious in he
world—and even inellecually respecable.
Tha began o change in he lae 18h cenury,
firs in Briain, which ended is slave rade
in 1807 and liberaed he enslaved hrough-
ou is jurisdicion in 1834. Beore he 13h
Amendmen abolished slavery in America
in 1865, American blacks risked everyhing
atemping o escape rom heir masers,
who someimes pursued hem all he way
o he Canadian border. Tubman, hersel a
ugiive slave, became he mos renowned
“conducor” on he Underground Railroad,
a nework o rails or escapees rom he
anebellum Souh o he Norh. As many as100,000 slaves risked lie and limb raveling is roues. I was
he mos dangerous “railroad” in he world.
Born Aramina Harrie Ross in 1820 in Maryland,
Tubman survived he brualiies o bondage or 29 years.
Three o her sisers had been sold o disan planaion
owners. She hersel carried scars or her enire lie rom
requen whippings. Once, when she reused o resrain a
runaway slave, she was bashed in he head wih a wo-pound
weigh, causing lielong pain, migraines, and “buzzing” in
her ears. She boled or reedom in 1849, making her way
o he neighboring ree sae o Pennsylvania and is ciy o
broherly love, Philadelphia.
“I had crossed he line o which I had so long been
dreaming,” she laer wroe.
I was free; but there was no one to welcome
me to the land of freedom. I was a stranger
in a strange land, and my home after all was
down in the old cabin quarter, with the old
folks and my brothers and sisters. But to this
solemn resolution I came: I was free, and they
should be free also; I would make a home for
them in the North, and the Lord helping me, I
would bring them all there. Oh, how I prayed
then, lying all alone on the cold damp ground!
‘Oh, dear Lord’, I said. I haven’t got no friend but
you. Come to my help Lord, for I’m in trouble! Oh,
Lord! You’ve been with me in six troubles, don’t
desert me in the seventh!
Tubman bravely venured 13 imes
back ino slave saes o personally escora leas 70 escapees o Norhern saes and o Canada. “I was
he conducor o he Underground Railroad or eigh years,”
she amously recouned, “and I can say wha mos conduc-
ors can’ say: I never ran my rain off he rack and I never
los a passenger.” Those passengers included her aging
parens, her hree brohers, heir wives, and many o heir
children.
Working or he Union Army as a cook and nurse during
he Civil War, Tubman morphed quickly ino an armed
WORKING FOR THE
UNION ARMY AS A
COOK AND NURSE
DURING THE CIVIL
WAR, TUBMAN
MORPHED QUICKLY
INTO AN ARMED
SCOUT AND SPY.
r RISKED LIFE AND LIMB FOR LIBERTY
By Lawrence W. Reed
Image credit: H. B. Lindsley, c.1880
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ETHICS & PERSONAL GROWTH | SUMMER 2015
scou and spy. She became he war’s firs woman o lead
an armed expediion when she guided he Combahee River
Raid, an expediion ha liberaed more han 700 slaves
in Souh Carolina.For her service o he governmen—ending o newly reed
slaves, scouing ino enemy erriory, and nursing wounded
soldiers—she was reaed shameully and shabbily. She was
denied compensaion and didn’ receive a pension or her war
duies unil 1899. She ook in boarders and worked long hours
a odd jobs o make ends mee.
In an Augus 1868 leter o Tubman, amous aboliionis and
ormer slave Frederick Douglass paid ribue o her heroism:
Most that I have done and suffered in the service of our cause
has been in public, and I have received much encouragement
at every step of the way. You, on the other hand, have labored
in a private way. I have wrought in the day—you in the night. I
have had the applause of the crowd and the satisfaction that
comes of being approved by the multitude, while the most
that you have done has been witnessed by a few trembling,
scarred, and foot-sore bondmen and women, whom you
have led out of the house of bondage, and whose heartfelt
“God bless you” has been your only reward. The midnight sky and
the silent stars have been the witnesses of your devotion tofreedom and of your heroism.
Tubman spen her las decades caring or ohers,
especially he sick and aged. She ofen spoke publicly on
behal o women’s righ o voe. For relie rom ha head
injury menioned earlier, she endured brain surgery in
Boson in he lae 1890s. She reused aneshesia, preerring
insead simply o bie down on a bulle. In her words, he
surgeon “sawed open my skull, and raised i up, and now i
eels more comorable.” She died in 1913 a he age o 91—
a real hero o he very end.
In 2014, an aseroid was named or Tubman. In my book,
ha beas a Federal Reserve noe hands down.
Lawrence W. Reed (FEE.org/Reed) is the president of FEE.
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According o Eckhar Tolle, he popular auhor o spiriual
books including The Power of Now, happiness is only possible
in he presen, he Now. Pas and uure are beyond reach,
and so “he presen momen is all you ever have.” He wries,
Nothing ever happened in the past; it happened in the Now. Noth-
ing will ever happen in the future; it will happen in the Now.
His message isn’ ha we should orge he pas or
abandon planning or he uure. Raher, he’s expressing a
psychological atiude consisen wih many spiriual and
religious radiions, Easern and Wesern.
Economiss, Ludwig von Mises and Adam Smih among
hem, have writen in similar erms abou he meaning and
significance o he Now.
THE PRAXEOLOGICAL NOW
I’s rue ha Mises’s ocus on he Now isn’ o explainhow o achieve happiness. In ac, in he radiion oCarl Menger ha Mises helped o develop, one o herequiremens or human acion is ha we eel uneasyabou our curren siuaion, and uneasiness isn’ consis-en wih mos conceps o happiness. Bu he relevanpoin or Mises is ha human acion only akes place in hepresen. Specifically, “rom he praxeological aspec [ha is,he aspec relevan o economics] here is beween he pasand he uure a real exended presen. Acion is as suchin he real presen because i uilizes he insan and husembodies is realiy,” he wries.
And he doesn’ quie say, wih Tolle, ha i’s only in he
presen ha we can ap ino realiy. Bu he does say ha
he only ime available o us in which o ac—o apply he
knowledge gained rom he pas o change he uure inaccordance wih our expecaions—is he “real exended
presen.” The Now exiss beween memory and expecaion.
Smih also wroe abou he power o Now, and in much
he same spiri as Tolle.
A SMITHIAN PERSPECTIVE
Smih’s Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, is considered
he firs exended and sysemaic reamen o economics.
Is lessons are sill relevan, and I highly recommend i o
anyone who seriously wans o learn abou economic heory
and economic hisory. Bu i’s no my avorie work by Smih.
My avorie, because o is subjec mater and especially
is beauiul wriing, is Smih’s Theory of Moral Sentiments,
published in 1759. I won’ atemp o summarize i excep
o say ha i concerns he naure and origins o senimens,
such as sympahy, and he role hey play in our social
relaions, similar o wha oday would all under he heading
o “culural economics.”The very firs chaper, “On Sympahy,” begins,
How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently
some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune
of others, and render their happiness necessary to him, though
he derives nothing from it except the pleasure of seeing it. Of
this kind is pity or compassion, the emotion which we feel for the
misery of others, when we either see it, or are made to conceive it
in a very lively manner.
I you only know Smih rom The Wealth of Nations, wih
is imporan lesson ha “i is no rom he benevolence o
he bucher, he brewer, or he baker ha we expec our
dinner, bu rom heir regard o heir own ineres,” i may
surprise you o see his opening observaion on compassion.
Personally, I was surprised by he level o psychological
analysis conained in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, espe-
cially he insighs ino human happiness and unhappiness:
The great source of both the misery and disorders of human
life, seems to arise from over-rating the difference between
one permanent situation and another. Avarice over-rates
the difference between poverty and riches: ambition, that
between a private and a public station: vain-glory, that
between obscurity and extensive reputation.
So avarice and misplaced pride and ambiion are he
sources o misery o anyone, regardless o saus or saion. And
he social disincions we make beween people in differen
proessions aren’ due o differences in naure, a poin Smih
makes in a amous passage in The Wealth of Nations:
The difference between the most dissimilar characters, between
a philosopher and a common street porter, for example, seems
to arise not so much from nature as from habit, custom, and ed-
ADAM SMITH: ZEN MASTER
EAST AND WEST CONVERGE ON THE “POWER OF NOW”
Sandy Ikeda (FEE.org/Ikeda) is a professor of economics at Purchase College, SUNY.
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SUMMER 2015
ucation. When they came into the world, and
for the first six or eight years of their existence,
they were, perhaps, very much alike, and neither
their parents nor playfellows could perceive any
remarkable difference.
This passage reflecs Smih’s characeris-
ically liberal (in he original, classical sense
o he word) belie ha all persons are creaed
equal. And ha, in urn, leads me o his wise
passage in The Theory of Moral Sentiments:
What the favourite of the king of Epirus said to his master, may be
applied to men in all the ordinary situations of human life. When the
King had recounted to him, in their proper order, all the conquests
which he proposed to make, and had come to the last of them; And
what does your Majesty propose to do then? said the Favourite.—I
propose then, said the King, to enjoy myself with my friends, and
endeavour to be good company over a bottle.—And what hinders
your Majesty from doing so now? replied the Favourite.
How wise! Smih goes on o explain,
In the most glittering and exalted situation that our
idle fancy can hold out to us, the pleasures from
which we propose to derive our real happiness, are
almost always the same with those which, in our
actual, though humble station, we have at all times at
hand, and in our power.
This isn’ merely abou sopping o smell
he roses. Smih is saying ha i’s always in our
power o be happy, whoever and wherever and
whenever we are. Happiness is and can only
be here and now, and never “jus around he corner.” In hissense, he relenless pursui o happiness is he very source o
our misery.
The inscription upon the tomb-stone of the man who had endeav-
oured to mend a tolerable constitution by taking physic; “I was
well, I wished to be better; here I am” ; may generally be applied with
great justness to the distress of disappointed avarice and ambi-
tion.
Tolle couldn’ have expressed i beter.
THE
RELENTLESS
PURSUIT OF
HAPPINESS
IS THE VERY
SOURCE OF
OUR MISERY.
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SUMMER 2015
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Climae-change skepic Willie Soon may be an unehical,
corporae-bough climae-change denier—or he laes casualy
o he Climae-Indusrial Complex’s immune response.
The New York Times’ Jusin Gillis and John Schwarz wrie,
He has accepted more than $1.2 million in money from the fos-
sil-fuel industry over the last decade while failing to disclose that
conflict of interest in most of his scientific papers. At least 11
papers he has published since 2008 omitted such a disclosure,
and in at least eight of those cases, he appears to have violated
ethical guidelines of the journals that published his work.
Somehing’s fishy here. Because all researchers ge money
rom somewhere, i’s srange ha none o he “eigh” journals
required Soon o disclose as a condiion o publicaion. Given
his repuaion as a skepic, didn’ hey even hink o ask? And,
indeed, i here really is a universal ehical sandard, aren’ he
journals ha published Soon also in violaion o he ehics?
To find ou wheher Soon aced inappropriaely and
ouside o research ehics, we really have o know wheher
ha disclosure sandard applies across he board. In oher
words, o he hundreds o journal aricles published over he
las ew years, how many auhors disclosed heir unding
sources—public, privae, corporae, or nonprofi?
I here is indeed a known ehical sandard o disclosure
o which he vas majoriy o researchers adhere, hen i
migh be appropriae or he Times o single ou Soon or a
ailure o disclose. (The Times offers no such conex, no such
daa.) However, i a majoriy does no disclose is unding
sources, hen here is clearly no well-defined ehic o dis-
closure and he Times is simply invening an impropriey oruin a man’s career as a scienis.
Now, some migh argue ha people should only be
required o publish heir unding sources i hose sources
are privae or corporae. Afer all, hey’ll argue, governmen
money is used because governmen granors only wan o
find he ruh, whereas privae granors only wan o bias
he process and o obuscae he ruh.
The idea ha a governmen gran comes wih no agenda
should be preposerous on is ace. Afer all, who has more
GREEN ISSUE
THE CLIMATEINDUSTRIALCOMPLEX STRIKES BACK
Was he New York Times piece agains Willie Soon a hi job?
By Max Borders
01
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FEATURES | SUMMER 2015
o gain rom “acion on climae change” han he very people
providing he research dollars and heir solar-powered
cronies? The members o he Climae-Indusrial Complex
have enormous incenives o hide he decline, cook he books,and keep he unds flowing ino heir deparmen coffers
and crony projecs. And hose wih axing auhoriy—ha
is, hose who hold he governmen purse srings—have an
even bigger incenive.
To pu his ino perspecive, consider he ollowing,
repored by Climate of Corruption auhor Larry Bell in Forbes:
According to the GAO, annual federal climate spending has
increased from $4.6 billion in 2003 to $8.8 billion in 2010,
amounting to $106.7 billion over that period. The money was spent
in four general categories: technology to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions, science to understand climate changes, international
assistance for developing countries, and wildlife adaptation to
respond to actual or expected changes. Technology spending,
the largest category, grew from $2.56 billion to $5.5 billion over
this period, increasingly advancing over others in total share.
Data compiled by Joanne Nova at the Science and Policy Institute
indicates that the U.S. Government spent more than $32.5 billion
on climate studies between 1989 and 2009. This doesn’t count
about $79 billion more spent for climate change technology
research, foreign aid and tax breaks for “green energy.”
These sums are only wha he US governmen is
spending. Global spending is simply saggering.
More generally, anyone who unds anything is almos
always looking or a cerain kind o resul. Thereore, any
sandard o disclosure mus apply o any and all scholars
equally, no mater he unding source.
Tha governmen money shouldn’ corrup is jus
anoher applicaion o he Unicorn Fallacy so common
among well-meaning greens. Unorunaely, because so
many people are under he illusion ha “public” money is
no a corrupive influence in science, i may be ha hosewho receive i are ar more willing o disclose a govern-
men gran han a privae one—whaever he qualiy o he
research. Or, i migh be ha journal commitees simply
don’ require researchers on he governmen dole o disclose.
(The Times offers us no such conex in he case o he
journals Soon conribued o.)
Here is some more eel-like journalism rom he Times:
Charles R. Alcock, director of the Harvard-Smithsonian Center,
acknowledged on Friday that Dr. Soon had violated the disclosure
standards of some journals.
“I think that’s inappropriate behavior,” Dr. Alcock said. “This
frankly becomes a personnel matter, which we have to handle
with Dr. Soon internally.”
Noice he weasel phrase “disclosure sandards o some
journals.” Some? Isn’ his supposed o be a sandard ha
applies o all? And how should Alcock handle he purpored
violaions o some o he journals? We don’ know because we
are only seeing he par o he conversaion he Times wans
us o see, o iner somehing, ur, uh, “inappropriae.”
Sill, wha i i is boh rue ha Soon violaed acceped
norms o disclosure relaive o peers and ha he did so
because he was araid ha o disclose his sources would lead
o accusaions o bias? Then we have o separae quesions
abou Soon’s inegriy rom quesions abou his research.
In he ormer case, here is an army o anaical cli-
mae-change aciviss ready o pounce on anyone who presens
any evidence ha runs couner o heir apocalypic narraive.
(Remember, proessional climae-change aciviss have a
huge sake in he oucome o his debae, oo. Climae-change
donaions are quie he gravy rain. Those Prius paymens don’
pay or hemselves.) Indeed, i climae-change hereics like Soon
can only ge research unding ouside he Climae-Indusrial
Complex, should we expec researchers wih unpopular
findings o erec billboards adverising heir sources?For us o ask such quesions is no mean o absolve Soon
or anyone else o abandoning generally acceped disclosure
sandards; i is merely o say ha he very climae-change
aciviss who wroe he Times piece know ull well ha his
is he sor o incenive hey creae when hey go on wich
huns or “deniers.” Climae-change science has become
a hosile environmen or skepics. Science isel becomes
he casualy o such hosiliy, which brings me o he later
poin—ha is, he qualiy o Soon’s research.
Even i we ound evidence ha Soon was he mos avaricious
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villain and corporae oady he world had ever seen, would any
purpored wrongdoing invalidae his acual scholarship?
Anyone who has ever had a course in logic knows he
unequivocal answer is no. Research is eiher accurae orinaccurae, whaever he source.
Noice ha a no poin in he Times aricle did he
auhors—or anyone quoed by he auhors—acually atack
Soon’s specific scholarship. Sure, he Times makes vague
innuendo, as wih his quoe:
Many experts in the field say that Dr. Soon uses out-of-date data,
publishes spurious correlations between solar output and climate
indicators, and does not take account of the evidence implicating
emissions from human behavior in climate change.
Many expers like whom? The only quoe hey provide is
rom Gavin Schmid o he acivis websie RealClimae.org,who says, “The science ha Willie Soon does is almos
poinless.” In oher words, this Gavin Schmid:
• In 2009, “atmospheric scientist Dr. Hendrik Tennekes, a prominent
scientist from the Netherlands, wrote a scathing denunciation of
Schmidt in which he said he was ‘appalled’ by Schmidt’s ‘lack of
knowledge’ and added, ‘Back to graduate school, Gavin!’”
• Climatologist Roger Pielke Sr. publicly rebuked Schmidt for
“erroneously communicating the reality of [how the] climate
system is actually behaving.”
• Israeli astrophysicist Nir Shaviv has also been critical. “The aim of
[Schmidt’s] RealClimate.org is not to engage a sincere scientific
debate. Their aim is to post a reply full of a straw man so their
supporters can claim that your point ‘has been refuted by real
scientists at RealClimate.org.’”
• And there’s much more … including apologetics about the infamous
Climategate scandal.
We don’ wan, like he Times, o impor an ad hominem
allacy. Bu o all he innuendo, why are we being asked o
believe only ha o he world’s oremos climae aciviss?
Innuendo is convenien, bu i is no conclusive.
Maybe Soon’s research is bad or misleading or somehow
jus wrong. Bu in science, his is where he rubber his
he road. And he Times ails o deliver in demonsraingha Soon’s scienific work is incorrec, wherever he go his
research money. And ha makes his Times piece jus he
sor o agiprop we have come o expec rom he Grey Lady.
Now, wha i Soon is righ, or example, abou he
relaive effecs o he sun (versus humans) on he climae
sysem? There are housands o jobs, housands o repua-
ions, billions in unding, and rillions o uure carbon ax
revenues a sake. You hink hey’re going o le his flea
coninue o irriae he hide o Leviahan?
Bu le us be clear: he poin o he Times aricle was
never o find ou wheher Soon’s research was correc. The
poin is o use innuendo o push a hereical researcher o he
margins o science—or perhaps ou alogeher—so ha he
powers behind he Climae-Indusrial Complex can ge oha mulirillion-dollar po a he end o he rainbow.
The Times goes on o say: “The documens show ha
Dr. Soon, in correspondence wih his corporae unders,
described many o his scienific papers as ‘deliverables’ ha
he compleed in exchange or heir money. He used he
same erm o describe esimony he prepared or Congress.”
The mos apparenly damning evidence ha Soon aced
inappropriaely and was prepared o bias his research or his
corporae masers comes in he accusaion ha he reerred o
his research as a “deliverable,” and ha on anoher occasion,
he reerred o his congressional esimony as a “deliverable”?
As everyone knows, deliverables are work producs.
Someimes deliverables are paid or by companies,
someimes by governmens, someimes by NGOs. Bu as
someone who has worked in he nonprofi secor or a long
ime, I can ell you ha any ime someone gives you a gran,
hey are expecing you o do some work. And, indeed, hey
may speciy jus wha sors o work producs you are respon-
sible or producing as a condiion o receiving he gran. In
oher words, hey will wan deliverables.
Now, does ha mean ha he “deliverable” in quesion
was research ha had packaged ino i a specific, predeer-
mined resul? O course no. We should be under no illusions,
however: i Soon’s deliverables suddenly sared conaining
messages ha did no compor wih wha he granors wan
o hear, he grans migh very well dry up. Bu his is no less
rue or scieniss who ail o produce resuls ha jibe wih
he “consensus” message ha governmen granors and
climae NGOs are ond o. So why should quesions aboufinancial influence only be applied o skepics?
We should very well expec ha he Climae-Indusrial
Complex and is handmaiden, he Grey Lady, will be
looking or blood wherever hey can find i. And i we wan
o alk abou bias being bough and paid or by corporae
masers, one need look no urher han he auhors o he
Times aricle—whose omissions and double sandards are so
bald ha Balance, ha air goddess o journalism, weeps.
Max Borders (FEE.org/Borders) is editor of the Freeman.
Why should questions about financial influence only be
applied to skeptics?
GREEN ISSUE
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SUMMER 2015
Suppose he “scienific consensus” on climae change is
righ. Le’s also sipulae, or he sake o argumen, ha he
compuer projecions used by he Unied Naions and he
US governmen are correc, and ha economiss are able o
ranslae hose daa ino meaningul projecions abou coss
and benefis o people living in he uure wih climae change.
Despie wha he public has been led o believe, he
siuaion is no a crisis a all—and cerainly no somehing
ha demands drasic governmen acions o aver serious
damage o he environmen. In ac, implemening he
wrong policy can cause ar more damage han i can preven.
I’s undersandable ha he public has no idea o hereal sae o he lieraure on climae change policy, because
even proessional economiss use uterly misleading rheoric
in his arena. To show wha I mean, firs, le’s quoe rom a
recen Noah Smih Bloomberg aricle, which urges lef-liberals
o suppor he Trans-Pacific Parnership (TPP) rade deal:
One of the bigger economic issues under debate right now is the
Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the multilateral trade deal that
would include most countries in the Asia-Pacific region as well as
the US. Many people both here and abroad are suspicious of trade
deals, while economists usually support them. This time around,
however, the dynamic is a little bit different—the TPP is getting some
pushback from left-leaning economists such as Paul Krugman.
Krugman’s point is that since US trade is already pretty liberalized …
the effect of further liberalization will be small.… I’m usually more of
a free-trade skeptic than the average economist.… But in this case,
I’m strongly on the pro-TPP side. There are just too many good
arguments in favor.
University of California-Berkeley economist Brad DeLong does
some quick back-of-the-envelope calculations, and estimates thatthe TPP would increase the world’s wealth by a total of $3 trillion.
Though that’s not a big deal in the grand scheme of things, it’s one
of the best reforms that’s feasible in the current polarized political
situation. (emphasis added)
To summarize he flavor o Smih’s discussion, he hinks
he TPP is “one o he bigger economic issues” oday, and
ha is poenial windall o humaniy o $3 rillion is “no a
big deal in he grand scheme o hings” bu cerainly worh
pursuing i atainable. Krugman disagrees wih Smih’s
THE COSTS OF HYSTERIAHow economiss are misleading he
public on climae-change policy
By Robert P. Murphy
02
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assessmen, bu heir differences are clearly quibbles over
numbers and sraegies; i’s no as i Smih hinks Krugman
is a “Ricardo denier” or accuses Krugman o haing poor
Asians by opposing he rade deal.We ge a much differen one i insead we look a Smih
discussing climae-change policy. For example, in June 2014,
Smih wroe a Bloomberg piece on five ways o figh global
warming. In he ineres o breviy, le
me simply quoe Smih’s concluding
paragraph:
If we do these five things, then the
US can still save the world from global
warming, even though we’re no longer
the main cause of the problem. And
the short-run cost to our economy will
be very moderate. Saving the world on
the cheap sounds like a good idea to me.
(emphasis added)
Clearly, here is a chasm in he
rheoric beween Smih’s wo Bloomberg pieces. When dis-
cussing he TPP, i’s an hones disagreemen beween
expers over a rade agreemen ha Smih hinks is defi-
niely worhwhile, bu in he grand scheme is no ha big
a deal. In conras, governmen policies concerning climae
change lierally involve he ae o he plane.
A his poin, mos readers would wonder wha he
problem is. Afer all, isn’ man-made climae change a global
crisis? Why shouldn’t Smih use much sronger rheoric
when describing i?
I am making his comparison because according oone o he pioneers in climae-change economics, William
Nordhaus, even i all governmens around he world imple-
mened he exbook-perec carbon ax, he ne gain o
humaniy would be … drumroll please
… $3 rillion. In oher words, one o
he world’s expers on he economics
o climae change esimaes ha he
difference o humaniy beween (a)
implemening he perec carbon-ax
policy soluion and (b) doing absoluely
nohing was abou he same difference
as DeLong esimaed when i comes o
he TPP.To be more specific, he $3 rillion
Nordhaus esimae comes rom he
2008 calibraion o his Dynamic
Inegraed Climae-Economy
(DICE) model. (The numbers have gone up since hen, bu
I sudied his 2008 calibraion in grea deail.) Noe ha
his isn’ some “denier” compuer simulaion, rejeced by
he serious scieniss. On he conrary, Nordhaus’s DICE
model was one o only hree chosen by he Obama admin-
israion when i se up a working group o esimae he
moneary damages o carbon dioxide emissions. To help
Despite what the public has beenled to believe, the
situation is nota crisis at all.
GREEN ISSUE
The wrong climate policy can be much,
much worse than doing nothing.
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DICE’S RELATIVE BENEFITS OF DIFFERENT CLIMATE POLICIES
Table 4
in Trillions of 2005 U.S. $
CLIMATE POLICY
Note: PDV = present discounted value. Source: Adapted from Nordhaus 2008, 89.
No controls baseline
Optimal tax
Limit CO2 to 560 ppm
Kyoto with the United States
Kyoto without the United States
Stern Review discount rate
Limit temp. to 1.5°C
Limit CO2 to 420 ppm
Gore’s 90 percent emissions cut
0.00
+3.07
+2.67
+0.63
+0.10
-14.18
-14.44
-14.60
-21.36
22.55
17.31
15.97
21.38
22.43
9.02
9.95
9.95
10.05
0.04
2.20
3.95
0.58
0.07
27.74
27.08
27.24
33.90
22.59
19.52
19.92
21.96
22.49
36.77
37.03
37.19
43.96
PDV DIFFERENCE
FROM BASELINE
PDV OF
ENVIRONMENTAL
DAMAGES
PDV OF
ABATEMENT COSTS
SUM OF DAMAGE
AND COSTS
he reader undersand he rade-offs humaniy aces
when i comes o climae change, le me reproduce able 4
rom my Independent Review aricle (“Rolling he DICE:
William Nordhaus’s Dubious Case or a Carbon Tax,”
14[2]: 197–217), which criically evaluaed Nordhaus’s model.
The able above shows Nordhaus’s esimaes (made in
2008 based on he “consensus” scienific assessmens o he
ime) o he ne benefis o various possible governmenal
climae policy approaches. The firs row shows wha happens
i governmens do nohing. There will be $22.55 rillion (in
presen value erms, and quoed in 2005 dollars) o environ-
menal damage, bu virually no economic coss o complying
wih regulaions, or a oal harm o $22.59 rillion.
In conras, i governmens around he world imple-
mened Nordhaus’s recommended “opimal” carbon ax,
he world would be spared a litle more han $5 rillion
in uure environmenal damage, while uure economic
oupu would be $2.2 rillion lower due o complying wih
he carbon ax. Adding i all up, humaniy would suffer
oal harms o $19.52 rillion, meaning he world would be
$3.07 rillion wealhier wih he opimal, global carbon ax
(because $22.59 − $19.52 = $3.07).Cenral o he economic way o hinking is he concep o
rade-offs. Every possible policy—including a policy o doing
nohing—comes wih coss. Bu he public ends o hear abou
only one se o coss, no he ull array. For example, as he
earlier able shows, he wrong climae policy can be much,
much worse han doing nohing. Nordhaus evaluaed Al Gore’s
suggesion o cu emissions by 90 percen, and esimaed ha
i would make humaniy some $21 rillion poorer compared o
he do-nohing baseline—a ne harm seven imes greaer han
he ne benefis o he exbook-opimal approach.
My poin here is no o rumpe Nordhaus’s numbers
as being gospel. (My Independent Review aricle was a ull-
blown critique o his model.) Raher, I am poining ou ha
even one o he leading models ha underpins he so-called
consensus on climae-change acivism shows ha his is
hardly he planeary crisis ha he rheoric o Smih and
ohers would sugges. The acual numbers are in he same
ballpark as hose o rade deals—and nobody hinks he ae
o he plane hangs on he passage o a rade deal.
More generally, wha even mos economiss have ailed
o convey o he public is ha climae-change policies a bes
will affec hings on the margin. Nordhaus’s able beauiully
illusraes his. The opimal carbon ax doesn’ eliminate
he climae-change damage ha his compuer simulaions
predic. On he conrary, he carbon ax only reduces i rom
abou $23 rillion down o $17 billion. The reason i doesn’
make sense o enac a more aggressive carbon ax is ha he
(marginal) harm o he convenional economy would exceed
he (marginal) environmenal benefi. There are several
policies in he able ha reduce environmenal damage
below he $17 rillion mark, bu hey hur he economy so
much more ha, on ne, hey are inerior approaches.I is undersandable ha noneconomiss would ail o
employ marginal analysis and would engage in overblown
rheoric when discussing somehing as conroversial as
climae-change policy. However, oo many proessional
economiss have also allen ino his bad habi, including no
jus Smih bu also Krugman and many ohers.
Robert P. Murphy (FEE.org/Murphy) is the senior economist
with the Institute for Energy Research.
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Caliornia’s gorgeous weaher has urned agains i as
he sae’s ourh year o drough drags on. Looming waer
shorages are leading o calls or raioning and resricions
on waer use. The sae has one year o waer lef—and
35-year megadroughs ahead o i. The New York Times
bleas, “Reservoirs are low. Landscapes are parched and
blighed wih fields o dead or dorman orange rees.”
Why is here a waer shorage? Almos every news sory
I’ve read blames he drough.
This sounds like a reasonable assumpion, bu jus
because he supply has conraced doesn’ mean ha here
should be a shorage. In normal markes, when supply
shrinks, he price rises, and quaniy demanded decreases
o mee quaniy supplied. People naurally use less whensomehing coss more. They conserve and prioriize.
Bu i, or some reason, he price can’t rise, usage won’
change because he price isn’ signaling acs abou under-
lying scarciy and incenivizing differen behavior. Wha
made sense o do wih a resource when i was relaively
abundan—say, 40-minue showers and urning your lawn
ino a lake—migh no make sense when waer is scarcer.
When he price is held down while supply and demand are
changing, you end up wih shorages, raioning, and regula-
ions on waer use.
As Alex Tabarrok poins ou a MarginalRevoluion.com,
Caliornia has pleny o waer. Wha i doesn’t have areprices—or raher, marke prices. Alhough a lo o well-meaning people insis ha waer is a right, I noice hamy “righ o waer” in no way changes he ac I have opay he governmen monopoly or i ($44.91 las monh).So even i here is a righ o waer, here is no nauralrigh o always pay hal a cen per gallon or i regardlesso supply or demand.
The price conrols and subsidies or waer use also have
behavioral consequences, Tabarrok wries:
As David Zetland points out in an excellent interview with
Russ Roberts, people in San Diego county use around 150 gallonsof water a day. Meanwhile in Sydney, Australia, with a roughly
comparable climate and standard of living, people use about half
that amount. Trust me, no one in Sydney is going thirsty.
People in San Diego have lawns and cars and pour ons
o waer on hem—and why no? I’s cheap. Bu when waer
becomes scarcer, raher han raise prices o reflec his ac
and encourage conservaion, Caliornia ciies resor o paer-
nalisic raioning, issuing edics abou when you can waer
your lawn and how much and how clean your car can be.
POLITICAL RAIN DANCE Does Caliornia Need Rain, Raioning, or Prices?
03 By Daniel Bier
GREEN ISSUE
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“Waer conservaion” (by any means necessary—as long
as hey don’ involve prices) is also he basis or he myriad
ludicrous ederal regulaions ha have devasaed our oiles
and showers.
Prices aren’ jus a way o avoid shorages and use
resources efficienly, as Zeland explains in his wonderul,concise book Living with Water Scarcity. Markes rea
consumers like ree and responsible aduls whose choices
acually mater, raher han dicaing o hem wha’s
“imporan” or “essenial” or heir own lives. He wries,
Prices generate revenues and reduce demand, but they also give
customers choices. A regulation on outdoor watering may annoy a
granny with flowers. A desalination plant may annoy environmen-
talists. An education campaign is condescending to some and a
waste of breath on others. A campaign to install low-flow toilets
may install sparkling receptacles in unused second bathrooms.
Prices send a direct signal at the same time as they accommodate
many responses. Customers can choose their own mix of tech-
nologies and techniques. Some will take shorter showers. Others
will install drip irrigation. Some will shower at work. Others will
just pay more. A higher price for water, like a higher price for
any commodity, allows people to choose how much water to
use. Choice is a pleasant option compared to water shortages or
tickets from water cops.
Markes can solve he shorage in Caliornia even i hey
can’ make i rain, while waer raioning won’ do anyhing
o alleviae he real problem because i exemps he bigges
consumers. The use resricions are all a disracion—you couldeliminae all car washes, showers, and lawns and no make a
den, because urban consumers accoun or jus a racion o
Caliornia’s waer consumpion. The Economist noes,
The first rule for staying alive in a desert is not to pour the
contents of your water flask into the sand. Yet that, bizarrely,
is what the government has encouraged farmers to do in the
drought-afflicted south-west. Agriculture accounts for 80%
of water consumption in California, for example, but only 2% of
economic activity. Farmers flood the land to grow rice, alfalfa and
other thirsty crops. (emphasis added)
And while i may be sad ha some o Caliornia’s armsare sruggling, here is no good reason why he res o he
sae needs o suffer o subsidize crops (and inefficien irriga-
ion echniques) ha wouldn’ make economic sense i he
armers had o pay markes raes or waer.
Tabarrok calculaes ha i arms used jus 12.5 percen less
waer, Caliornians could heoreically increase he amoun
available or all indusrial and residenial uses by half.
Does ha arrangemen make sense? Probably no, bu
no planner or regulaor could possibly decide how o weigh
he demands o millions o people or waer or any scarce
resource. All we know is ha we do no have enough waer
o saisy every possible use or i.
Only he price sysem is able o coordinae hosecounless acors, acors, plans, ineress, and indusries.
Maybe when Caliornia regulaors urn on he ap and find
i empy hey’ll realize his.
Originally appearing on FEE.org’s new idea marketplace,
Anything Peaceful, this article was republished in Newsweek.
Daniel Bier (FEE.org/Bier) is FEE’s blog editor.
When water becomes scarcer,rather than raise prices to
reflect this fact and encourageconservation, California citiesresort to paternalistic rationing.
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28 FEE.org
Thomas Pikety, he “rock sar” French economis who
dominaed he news in lae 2014, is rying o backpedal on
he claims ha made him amous. While he sicks wih his
core argumens abou he naure o inequaliy, his recen
aricle in he American Economic Review (“Abou Capial
in he Tweny-Firs Cenury,” American Economic Review:
Papers & Proceedings 2015, 105[5]: 1–6) has been widely iner-
preed as a empering o he bold