the hirundo archaeological project - an interdisciplinary approach to central maine prehistory

THE HIRUNDO ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT - AN INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH TO CENTRAL MAINE PREHISTORY*

David Sanger,? $ Ronald B. Davis, 5 $ Robert G. MacKay,? and Harold W. Borns, Jr.V$

TDepartment o f Anthropology $Institute for Quaternary Studies

§Department o f Botany and Plant Pathology VDepartment o f Geology

University o f Maine Orono, Maine 04473

INTRODUCTION

The Hirundo Archaeological project is designed to examine the interrelation- ships between prehistoric man and his environment in central Maine in an inland setting. The project involves, but is not restricted to, members of the Institute for Quaternary Studies at the University of Maine, Orono. Although much of the fieldwork is completed, there remains a great deal of analysis before any final statements can be made. The authors have been involved since the inception of the project in 197 1. Robert G . MacKay and David Sanger have supervised the excavation and site analysis; Harold W. Borns, Jr. has directed the geological studies, and Ronald B. Davis has supervised the paleoecological aspects. The project has been coordinated by Sanger.

Financial support has come from the National Geographic Society, the Hazel Smith Fund, and the University of Maine, Orono. Radiocarbon dates have been provided by the Smithsonian Institution through the efforts of Robert Stucken- rath. We would also like to acknowledge the cooperation of the landowners, Mr. J. Oliver Larouche of the Hirundo site, and Mr. K. Young of the Young site.

With few exceptions, research in Maine has been dominated by the search and interpretation of the red ochre burials (the so-called “Red Paint” people), and the excavation of coastal sites, usually shell middens occupied during the winter. To provide some balance, we decided in the fall of 1971 to develop an inland project in the hopes of learning more about a neglected part of the seasonal activities, and at the same time focus on habitation components related to the mortuary complex termed the “Moorehead burial tradition.”’ Scientists capable of reconstructing the terrestrial paleoenvironments were invited to participate in order to provide a necessary background against which prehistoric man can be examined.

The Hirundo site and locality is situated in central Maine in the Pushaw Lake region, which is drained by Pushaw Stream to the Penobscot River ( F I G U R E 1). The site was discovered by MacKay in 1971 following a tip from an amateur. Limited to a few days at the end of the field season, MacKay’s crew tested the site, putting down pits between trees in the heavily wooded area. Those initial pits indicated a multicomponent site suffering little or no man-inflicted damage.

* A contribution of the Institute for Quaternary Studies, the University of Maine, Orono 0447 3.

457

458 Annals New York Academy of Sciences

(The site is on a game reserve of the same name.) Upon receiving assurances from the owner, Mr. Larouche, that we would have unlimited and exclusive access to the site, we began planning a long-range program. In 1972, six weeks were spent in excavation. Borns supervised students in background surficial geology stud.ies, and Davis took a sediment core from Holland Pond, about 6 miles from the Hirundo site. During the winter of 1973, Mud Pond was cored to gather data on local bog development. Excavation continued during the summers of 1973 and 1974 as funding permitted. In 1975, Sanger and MacKay directed a 25-person

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Sanger e l al.: Hirundo Site 459

crew for 6 weeks in the major excavation of the Hirundo site and during this time doubled the previously excavated area. Meantime, the geological and paleobotanical studies continued, once again as time and funding for technical assistance permitted. During the 1975 field season, we also tested rather thoroughly the Young site, directly across the stream from the Hirundo site. By piecing together the evidence from both sites, we appear to have approximately 7,000 years of prehistory represented.

As usual, we have created more problems than we have solved. Our research has generated some new attitudes toward local prehistory and, just as valuable, some experience with interdisciplinary research.

GEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND

Following approximately 15,300 4C-years ago, the late Wisconsin Lauren- tide ice margin receded across the Gulf of Maine, reached the present Maine coast by approximately 13,400 years ago, and continued inland across central Maine accompanied by a marine tran~gression.*9~ The ice finally separated and dissipated over the mountainous area of the State at least by 12,000 years ago.4 As the rate of crustal rebound exceeded that of eustatic sea level rise following deglaciation of central Maine, the sea regressed, falling to the present position of the Maine coast by approximately 12,000 years ago. Thereafter, sea level continued to fall relatively to approximately -60 m by 10,000 years ago.5 It has since risen eustatically to its present position.

Glacial erosion and deposition, followed by the deposition of glaciomarine silt/clay in central Maine, produced a landscape that, upon emergence from the sea, was characterized by shallow lake basins and poorly integrated drainage.6 In time, the drainage system became progressively more integrated and in response to continuing crustal rebound became a degradational regime. The initial superposed rivers and streams downcut through the glaciomarine and glacial sediments and at various elevations encountered bedrock highs beneath, pro- ducing rapids or waterfalls of varying magnitudes. These have acted as temporary baselevels that have retarded further significant valley degradation.

The location of the Hirundo site at a present elevation of approximately 36 m, emerged from the late-glacial sea approximately 12,400 ' 4C-years ago.3 At that time most of central Maine was nearly at sea level. Subsequently, the land surface continued to rise in response to glacial unloading until crustal stability was achieved about 10,000 years ago. The uplift was differential and ultimately resulted in a regional slope down towards the southeast.

The progressive uplift resulted in steepening river gradients, as reflected by the postglacial history preserved, for example, in the valleys of the Kennebec and Penobscot Rivers.' Until now, little effort has been directed towards the development of a more detailed postglacial geological history of the landscape.

In a more detailed sense, the Hirundo site is situated on a river terrace 1-2 m above a bedrock rapids on Pushaw Stream. Pushaw Stream developed following an emergence approximately 12,400 years ago, on a clay surface now standing at an elevation of approximately 36 m. Subsequently, it downcut through 1-3 m of glaciomarine silt/clay and 1-3 m of till until it reached the underlying bedrock high, which presently comprises the rapids at the site. The terrace, upon which the site rests, has had a complex depositional and erosional history that is not clearly understood at present.


PALEOECOLOGY

The Hirundo site is located in a region of northern hardwoods - spruce forest,* and spruce-fir and maple-beech-birch forest types.9 The area within 50 km is about 90 percent forested. In low and moist terrain, forests are dominated by balsam fir, spruce species, red maple, and arbor vitae. On higher, better drained terrain, along with these taxa (except for black spruce), white pine, beech, yellow birch, ash, and hemlock are also common. At sites recovering from relatively recent disturbance, paper birch, trembling aspen, and alder are abundant.

Within 10 km of the Hirundo site, about 40 percent of the land is nearly flat and poorly drained, being underlain by the deposit of glaciomarine silts and clays. Extensive peats bogs (muskeg) now occur on this substrate. These bogs extend to, and form portions of, the shore of Pushaw Lake and of smaller bodies of water like Holland Pond (site of pollen core). The bogs are of the Sphagnum-heath (especially leather leaf)-black spruce type, and tamarack is also common. Recent paleoecological studies’ indicate that the bog area was once occupied by an extensive shallow lake. These studies are continuing, because the succession and chronology of the wetland communities in postglacial time would have been important in altering the resource base available to the Hirundo occupants.

Palynologic evidence relevant to the Hirundo site and bearing on late- and postglacial vegetational history of central Maine may be found in articles by Potzger and Friesner,’ Graham,12 Deevey,13 Davis,14*l Davis et a1.,16 Bradstreet and Davis,’ and Davis.18 Bradstreet and Davis17 summarize the palynologic literature on all on New England for the mid-postglacial. Pollen diagrams for nearby New Hampshire,’ southwestern New Brunswick,20 and western Massachusetts2 prepared their article.

The six diagrams by Potzger and Friesner, the one by Graham, and the two in central Maine by Deevey are undated. Furthermore, the coring sites in all these cases are in areas of late-glacial marine submergence. Only Deevey, at Gould Pond in Kennebec County, was able to obtain enough pollen from the marine sediment to make analyses. Potzger and Friesner, and Graham, included only arboreal pollen.

Much work remains to be done in the central Maine area before the vegetational sequence is known in any detail. Especially, there is a need for thoroughly dated diagrams with influx data. At this point, only general patterns emerge. In describing these, we indicate the plant taxa thought t o be dominant in the vegetation. That is, starting with what is known of over- and underrepre- sentation of pollen in the sediments relative to the plants in the vegeta- t i ~ n ? * - ~ ~ and the relationships of pollen assemblages to vegetation types, we make vegetational interpretations of the pollen diagram^.^ These interpretations do not always agree with those of the original authors.

The vegetational history may be divided into four major periods (FIGURE 2), starting with the oldest: In Period I, the vegetation was an herb-shrub tundra, with spruce “woodland” in the most recent portion. The tundra had many similarities t o presentday tundra in eastern North America but was not exactly the same.16 In the “woodland” stage, fir, larch, birch, alder, and Myricaceae were important, in addition to spruce, and poplar appears to have been abundant in some areas. The true pattern of the vegetation (woodland, parkland, etc.) is

have become available since Bradstreet and Davis’

Sanger et al.: Hirundo Site 461

unknown. A subsequent closed boreal forest period was either brief, local, or nonexistent.

The vegetation in Period I1 was a conifer-hardwood forest. In the earliest portion (IIa), white pine, birch, and oak dominated a forest of low diversity. Although this is sometimes called the "pine period," pine was not over- whelmingly dominant in the vegetation of this area. These forests were probably somewhat open, or had a patchwork of openings, and were successional in

MIRROR HOLLANO MOULTON LAKE, N.H. POND. MAINE POND, MAINE

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FIGURE 2. Correlation diagram for late- and postglacial vegetation. In the four major columns the dominant forms and taxa in the vegetation are given.

character. It has been suggested that fires and/or relatively dry conditions (climatic and/or edaphic) may have existed.16 Based on what is known of the ecology of birch tree species, the birch in this period was probably paper birch, but it has not been possible to distinguish its pollen from yellow birch.

In the second portion of this period (IIb), hemlock became strongly dominant, but birch and white pine remained important, and beech and other


northern hardwoods* became significant components of the vegetation. Unlike central and southern New England, white pine continues to remain important at this time and for the rest of the postglacial period.“ At Moulton Pond, the representation of dominant taxa in the IIb pollen assemblages was more similar to that now occurring in central New England and the area just east of Lake Huron than to that now occurring in central Maine.16 By the end of Period 11, diversity had increased greatly, and nearly the full complement of arboreal taxa present in the modern vegetation had arrived in central Maine.

Period 111 vegetation is best characterized as a hard-conifer forest. The advent of the period is marked by an abrupt decrease in hemlock, which may have resulted from a pathogen.’g The forests were closed, although it is safe to assume that as in modern forests of similar composition, disturbances opened sites from time to time, and the vegetation was a shifting mosaic with patches at different successional stages. The forests were mostly dominated by northern hardwoods with beech prominent, hemlock after an early period of recovery, birch, and lesser amounts of white pine. In the early part of Period 111 at Moulton Pond, the pollen assemblages continue to be more similar t o modern assemblages from central New England and the area just east of Lake Huron than to those in central Maine today.

In the final quarter of the period (IIIb), spruce started to increase, sometimes accompanied by fir and alder, and hemlock and beech decrease. These trends may be climatically induced, but a separate or concomitant edaphic cause is also possible.’ 6*1 ’ In Period IV, during which European settlement modified the landscape, the trends started in IIIb mostly continue, but superimposed is the increase in nonarboreal components and anthropogenic successional sequences.

The chronology of these periods is set forth in FIGURE 2, where information from the radiocarbondated diagrams is presented. Because of the small number of welldated diagrams in central Maine, we include sites at about the same latitude in central New Hampshire and southwestern New Brunswick. The tundra-woodland period started shortly after deglaciation and ended about 9,500 4C-years ago. The duration of the woodland period was relatively short (less than 1,000 years) at Moulton Pond but may have been longer elsewhere. The white pine-birch-oak forest period (Ha) ended about 7,100 14C-years ago. The ensuing hemlockdominated period (IIb) ended about 4,800 14C-years ago. In the hardwood-conifer period (III), the increase in spruce and associated changes (IIIb) started 1,000 to 1,400 14C-years ago. The European Period encompasses the most recent 200 years.

ARCHAEOLOGY

The Hirundo site (73-9 in the Maine designation system) stretches for approximately 250 m along the right (south) bank of Pushaw Stream. On the opposite side of the stream is the Young site (73-lo), which measures 75 m. Both sites are relatively narrow. The widest portion of the Hirundo site is less

* The term “northern hardwoods” here refers to beech, maple, ash, and elm. Birch is kept in a separate category because it has not been possible to distinguish the northern hardwood, yellow birch, from the boreal paper birch.

Sanger et af.: Hirundo Site 463

than 50 m. The site locality coincides closely with a stretch of rapids, the only such feature on the stream. I t would appear, therefore, that the sites were situated for t h e purpose of exploiting t h e rapids for fishing, especially anadromous species.

In spite of its length, the Hirundo site ( F I G U R E 3) is approached as a single site tied into a connected and continuous grid system. For ease of reference, the site is divided into three areas: A, B, and C. Area A is the upstream end. Alsotfor convenience, we recognize three alluvial depositional units known as zones 1-111. The lowest, Zone IV, is a preoccupation till deposit, and it represents the basement of t h e site. Zone 111 is a light-colored, sandy clay unit; grading into this is Zone 11, a tan-colored, sandy silt. Zone 1 is made up of black topsoil. These zones vary in depth, and Zone I11 is absent in places. Zone I contains a very high density of fire-cracked rocks and may represent a water-deflated erosional surface. Large boulders, presumed to be remnants of an eroded till, are noted throughout Zones I1 and 111. Early, postglacial marine clays have all been eroded. At the Young site, the soil is basically similar, but the site is at a slightly higher elevation and the upper zone does not appear to have been so actively washed, resulting in a less extensive pavement of fire-cracked rocks. The depth of the three upper zones varies from area in both sites; in a few places it is as much as 1 m.

As there are no clearly recognizable boundaries between zones, the sites are

FIGURE 3. Excavation at the Hirundo site.


excavated by trowel in 5 cm levels within 50 cm squares. All material is screened through one-quarter inch mesh. Soil tests for ph and phosphorus are regularly taken according to the 5 cm excavation units. With the exception of one area in the Hirundo site, ph values range from 4.7 t o 5.9. On the last two days of the 1975 season, an area with bone preservation and ph values of 7.6 was located.

Features are few at both sites. They consist largely of pits, apparently hearths full of fire-cracked rocks. Two hearths originating in Zone I1 in Area A are dated

FIGURE 4. Assemblage 1, Hirundo site.

at 4,295 k 95 (SI 1249) and 4,325 It: 100 (SI 1655) 14C-years ago. Other hearths appear to be of Zone I origin. No dwellings are recognized.

At present, we identify six assemblages, although more analysis may change the picture. Assemblage 1 is found resting on the till surface (Zone IV) and extending into Zone 111. It consists of many felsite cores and large flakes, plus three bifaces and many quartz scrapers (FIGURE 4). The bifaces include a


stemmed specimen reminiscent of Neville Points at the Neville site in Man- Chester, N.H.,26127 an unfinished serrated biface, and a small, stemmed biface. On the basis of comparative typology, Assemblage 1 could be as old as 7,000 B.P.

Assemblage 2 is confined to Zone I1 and Zone I. It consists of a ground-stone industry featuring Celts, gouges, slate points and knives, abrasive stones (both perforated and rods), atlatl weights, and plummets (FIGURES 5 , 6). An

FIGURE 5. Assemblage 2, Hirundo site, ground stone industry.

extensive chipped-stone industry consists of large, side-notched, felsite bifaces with ground notches and bases, quartz scrapers, and many cores, spherical hammerstones, and flakes. Assemblage 2 is very reminiscent of the Vergennes phase of the Laurentian Tradition in Vermont.28 The radiocarbon dates of about 4,300 B.P. probably apply to the final centuries of Assemblage 2.

Assemblage 3 is a Susquehanna-related component with stemmed bifaces,


drills, and Celts (FIGURE 7). It is found in Zone I at the Hirundo site and in levels 1 5 cm below the surface at the Young site.

More recent are one late aceramic component and two ceramic assemblages, one with pottery similar t o Vinette I.

To date, 278 square meters have been excavated at the Hirundo site and 26 square meters at the Young site. Parts of the Hirundo site require further excavation. The Young site deserves considerably more attention because of the relatively little disturbed upper levels. Badly needed are features from Assem- blages 1 and 3 with datable charcoal. Laboratory analysis is directed at defining assemblages and compiling attribute descriptions of specimens, identifying technologic as well as morphologic attributes. In this endeavor, we are being assisted by Robson Bonnichsen, who is experimenting with replication of the various production systems represented in the chipped stone industry.

In conclusion, Hirundo and Young are probably representative of once common archaeological sites in inland Maine above the head of tide. Damage to the major rivers has been so extensive due to damming that it is only on the

FIGURE 6. Assemblage 2, Hirundo site, side-notched bifaces.

Sanger er aL: Hirundo Site 467

FIGURE 7. Assemblage 3, Hirundo site, bifaces and drills.

smaller tributaries that we can reasonably expect to find similar situations. If our estimate of t h e chronology and site function is accurate, man was exploiting spring and summer fish runs off and o n for nearly 7,000 years.

DISCUSSION

Among the reasons for the Hirundo project is the hope of finding components yielding data on non-mortuary aspects of t h e “Red Paint People.” Sanger has suggested that t h e red-ochre burials of the Moorehead burial tradition crosscut quite distinctive ecological zones and, therefore, specific adaptive culture types from Maine t o northern Labrador.’ In order to test this hypothesis it is necessary t o obtain data from non-cemetery sites located within the geographical range covered by the Moorehead burial tradition. Assemblage 2 a t Hirundo bears the closest similarity t o nearby Penobscot River cemeteries such as those at P a s ~ a d u m k e a g , ~ ~ Old Town and Bradley,30 in the general suite of


artifacts present. However, the typical greenstone gouges and Celts of the cemeteries are not represented at Hirundo, whereas the full-lengthgrooved gouges at Hirundo have no counterparts in the known grave lots. Similarly, the wide-bladed, side-notched bifaces at Hirundo are not usually found in the burials, which are typically short of chipped forms. Thus, although Assemblage 2 is obviously related, specific assemblage comparisons are lacking. This may be a function of the age of the cemeteries, which Sanger’ and Bourque30 have suggested may be a few centuries either side of 4,000 B.P. Snow,29 however, presents radiocarbon dates of about 5,000 B.P. from the Hathaway site, and this dating should make the Moorehead burial tradition contemporaneous with Hirundo. As usual, better chronological controls are needed.

In Maine, major research efforts are being conducted at two locations in the Penobscot River system. At the Turner Farm site, Bourque has described a series of components beginning prior to 5,000 B.P.3 Occupation 2, dated to approximately 4,500 B.P., is in many ways similar t o Assemblage 2 at Hirundo, as might be anticipated given the geographical proximity of less than 100 km (by river). The two sites are, however, in quite different environments, and the utilization of shellfish at Turner Farm has resulted in preservation of faunal remains and of organic artifacts. Lacking organic remains at Hirundo, we compared lithic artifacts and found some substantial differences at both the class and at the attribute level. Most striking is the total absence of slate implements at Turner Farm. Hirundo, on the other hand, has numerous examples. This is an artifact class whose absence can scarcely be attributed to marine environment, as several other culturally related maritime sites have slate pieces. Gouges, full-grooved and deeply grooved at Hirundo, have shallow, hemi-conical bits at Turner Farm, whereas the stone rods and holed abrasives of Hirundo are lacking at Turner Farm. Finally, stemmed points are found at Turner Farm, and side-notched prevail at Hirundo.

There appears to be no simple explanation of the differences between Turner Farm and Hirundo, especially when seasonal variation can apparently be ruled out. Perhaps the ages of the components do not overlap within 1 u as suggested, and there is a problem with associating dates with artifacts. However, the current, best interpretation of the evidence points t o similarities and differences between two roughly contemporaneous sites within a few day’s canoe travel. How we view the significance of these comparisons is a feature of theoretical perspective. In the past, researchers have been concerned with explaining the similarities through the technique of erecting wide-ranging taxonomic terms, such as “Boreal Archaic”32 and “Maritime Archaic t r a d i t i ~ n . ” ~ These expan- sive taxa gloss over the rather substantial differences and select a few “diag- nostic” traits t o support the construct. Thus, red-ochre burials with gouges and ground slate become a complete cultural tradition, with very little regard for nonmortuary aspects of culture or even rather substantial variation within classes of artifacts. Such large and inclusive taxa gain us very little in the way of understanding how culture works, although they are handy devices for pigeon- holing sites and collections when making areal syntheses. Perhaps the time has come in the far northeast to concentrate on explaining the differences between the various synchronous components. Undoubtedly, it will entail a much greater effort than that previously expended on analysis, but the end product holds so much more promise for the anthropologist.

Part of the rationale for the Hirundo project is the examination of the ways in which man has adapted to the environments of central Maine. Our paleo- environmental data have come from several lines of investigation, including bog


analysis, pollen analysis, and sea-level changes. Preliminary data on the history of Pushaw Lake and the nearby bog suggest that the lake was once considerably larger, extending almost to the Hirundo site. Although the chronology for the transformation of the lake into bog is still in progress, it is clear from our Mud Pond research34 that the process was continuing into recent times and, thus, encompassing the tenure of man in the area. The shift from a lake to a bog environment could have an effect on man, as each environment supports different flora and fauna.

The vegetation, as suggested by the Holland Pond diagram, when taken in conjunction with Moulton Pond, fluctuated during man's occupation of the area. Period IIIa, with northern hardwoods, provided a different set of conditions for man the hunter than the previous Periods 1Ia and IIb. As one of us has suggested e l~ewhere ,~ the arrival of a Laurentian-related culture in central Maine contemporaneous with the advent of Period IIIa may be more than a casual coincidence. A Period IIIa forest is far better suited to deer and moose than a Period 1Ia type forest and, perhaps, to other potential human needs as well. In addition to a record of vegetational history, the pollen analytic data provide the basis for quantitative estimates of paleoclimates.

As our research progresses, it becomes clear that a coastal-inland dichotomy represents an oversimplification of the situation. Although the marine environment and tidal estuaries contain some unique fauna, such as intertidal bivalves, there is really very little in the interior that is not available within a few kilometers of the salt-water zone. Paradoxical as it may seem, at certain times of year it is probably more productive to exploit marine-based faunas in interior sites where the anadromous fish may be readily caught with simple technology. This fact probably explains the widespread distribution of sites in Maine along many of the rivers and lakes in the interior. The Hirundo site locality is one of many such stations. What is undetermined is whether or not people moved from coast to interior on a regular seasonal basis, especially in the period 7,000 to 3,000 years B.P. Regardless of how this will be eventually resolved, the research at Hirundo has contributed towards the elaboration of a theoretical model that sees the interior as an extension of the coastal zone in that the carrying capacity of the inland areas for hominids is largely a function of fish originating in the marine environment. This suggests further that it was fish, and not vegetable or mammal resources, that scheduled human activities in prehistoric Maine. This model is rather different from the traditional picture as seen in Speck's36 ethnography of the Penobscot River people.

If the anadromous fish did play a critical role in determining aboriginal settlement patterns in Maine, then it becomes important to understand the ecology of these fish. In Maine, the rivers running to the sea reached an equilibrium with sea level, resulting in a series of bedrock-controlled thresholds varying in size from rapids to waterfalls. By historic times anadromous species, such as salmon, shad, alewife, and others, were capable of negotiating these natural barriers in search of upstream spawning beds. It is important to consider, however, that sea levels in the Gulf of Maine (where all Maine rivers drain) have been rising rapidly during Holocene times from a low of -60 m about 10,000 years ago. Those rivers draining the interior lakes and bogs plunged over the bedrock thresholds, creating large drops in the lower reaches, perhaps effectively reducing access of anadromous fish to the interior, especially the weaker species, such as alewives. As our geological studies develop, we hope to be able to assess the effects of sea-level rise on the topography of the river valleys and, thus, infer the availability of the interior spawning beds to fish. It seems quite evident that


substantial changes in river-valley characteristics could have a significant impact upon man.

One of the most beneficial aspects of the Hirundo project has been the evolution of an attitude towards interdisciplinary research. Focused interdisciplinary work means certain accommodations to other disciplines, and we find a symbiotic type of relationship developing. The various disciplines provide basic data to each other and offer new points of view and challenges to be met. Thus, the archaeologist may ask the botanist a question for which the geologist must produce some data before any work can be completed. Tying this together is the common denominator of chronology. In order t o get the answers, the geologists and biologists may need to work several kilometers away from the archaeologist’s sites. These separate projects can only be tied together if contemporary events are demonstrated by an independent dating technique, such as radiocarbon. We see that the researchers must proceed together if the full potential of interdisciplinary work is t o be realized, because the results of one line of investigation may well influence the direction of another. For example, data on past lakeshores, now bogs, may direct a search for sites in areas ordinarily considered uninhabitable for prehistoric man when judged by modern environments. In the final analysis, the success of any interdisciplinary effort is dependent upon the ability of the participating scientists t o make their individual efforts relevant to the entire team.

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