THE IMPACT OF POPULAR TV-DRAMA SHOWS ON POLITICAL INFORMATION ACQUISITION AND CIVIC IQ Tereza Capelos, University of Surrey (t.capelos@surrey.ac.uk) Doris Graber, University of Illinois, Chicago (dgraber@uic.edu)

Paper prepared for the ECPR Joint Workshop Sessions, 14-18 April 2009, Lisbon Portugal

ABSTRACT In this paper, we investigate the impact of popular TV-drama shows on political information acquisition and civic IQ. The study of civic IQ is one of the major puzzles of democratic governance, and is directly related to the ways and degree by which citizens participate in politics and shape the decisions of political elites. We focus on the role of entertainment television in promoting political learning challenging the dominant expectation that political information is mainly disseminated via traditional news broadcasts. In our project, we conducted 170 semi-structured interviews with regular viewers of eight American TV-dramas in the USA, the Netherlands, and Greece and explore how these entertainment programs affect their understanding of political phenomena, events and issues, as well as their civic habits. Our findings suggest that political learning occurs in more dimensions than one, and often outside the mainstream channels of political information. We find that exposure to TV-dramas leads to acquisition of political insights and practical information and affects viewers’ discussion patterns. In addition we show that the content of the shows informs viewers' political opinions and allows them to draw parallels between their own life and the political realities in other countries. These findings show that TV-dramas must be considered an alternative source for explaining how citizens enhance their understanding of the political world, how they formulate their opinions and how they perform their civic tasks.

* We would like to thank prof. Nicolas Demertzis at the Department and Communication and Mass Media at the University of Athens, for his generous support and assistance with the data collection of the Greek part of this study.

CIVIC IQ AND TV-DRAMAS

The impact of entertainment shows on political information acquisition is often

overlooked, in comparison to news broadcasts, which are considered the main source

of political information in modern nations. This paper reports findings from

complementary empirical tests of the role of popular TV-dramas in promoting civic

IQ in the United States, Greece, and the Netherlands. We focus on the reasons for

watching the shows ranging from entertainment to indirect educational functions, the

types of information citizens acquire by watching TV-dramas, and the degree to

which this information affects their understanding of politics. The main themes we

want to address is (a) to what extent viewers of American TV-dramas in the three

countries receive valuable political information from these non-news shows, and (b)

whether “imported” political content stimulates political learning in the same fashion

as “home-made” shows promote the audience’s ability to understand political life.

We start with a short review of the meaning of the term ‘civic IQ’. We then

discuss the role of television in political learning, and the characteristics of TV-

dramas that facilitate the often overlooked connotative learning and learning through

stories. Next, we briefly discuss the characteristics of the three cultural contexts under

investigation and how they might impact the reception of information via TV-dramas.

We then turn to the empirical part of our work presenting the analysis of the

interviews with US, Greek, and Dutch viewers of the shows. We conclude with the

main implications of this work for the education potential of entertainment television.

CIVIC IQ, POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE, POLITICAL SOPHISTICATION, AND POLITICAL

EFFICACY

The study of civic IQ is one of the major puzzles of democratic governance, and is

directly related to the ways and degree by which citizens participate in politics and

shape the decisions of political elites. The concept of civic IQ is associated with the

related concepts of political knowledge, political sophistication, and political efficacy.

At the core of civic IQ is intelligence, which involves competencies such as learning,

problem solving, or comprehension. Civic IQ is linked to parallel terms such as social

intelligence, the ability to understand and manage others (Thorndike 1920);

interpersonal intelligence which refers to the ability to comprehend the intentions,

motives, and desires of others; intrapersonal intelligence, which according to Gardner

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(1975) captures the ability to understand oneself, and to appreciate personal emotions,

fears, or motives; and emotional intelligence, which denotes the ability to gauge how

emotions determine one's own and others' thinking and actions (Salovey and Mayer

1990).

In a way similar to how social intelligence requires the understanding of social

relations, and emotional intelligence is based on the understanding of emotions, civic

IQ is based on the understanding of the political world. This understanding is not

solely a cognitive function. It is a state of mind that involves the ability of citizens to

understand things political, to incorporate political terms in how they think and

describe their environment, and to use politics in order to satisfy their needs. Civic IQ

is, in other words, the understanding of politics, the ability to recognize political

relations in every day life, and also the utilization of this understanding for the

satisfaction of specific needs. At the opposite end of civic IQ is the lack of

understanding, the inability to process political information or describe political

phenomena, and the incapacity to utilize the political world.

Let’s briefly look at the related terms of political knowledge, political

sophistication, and political efficacy. Political knowledge is a component of civic IQ

and refers to the outcome of political learning. The degree of one’s political

knowledge denotes the information an individual holds about political and public

matters. As we will discuss below, this includes connotative and denotative

information. Political sophistication denotes the number, complexity and structure of

a person’s cognitive capacities that are related to politics (Luskin 2004). It is a

function of how much, how, and what a person thinks about political objects. As such,

a political sophisticate has high levels of civic IQ, but as we will see, civic IQ is not

only a function of cognitive complexity. Political efficacy, according to Campbell,

Gurin and Miller (1954) is the feeling or sense that one’s own political action has or

can have an effect in the political process. For Almond and Verba (1965), it is

combined with the individual tendency to shape the processes of decision making, and

a citizen’s self-perception as able to influence the political system. As we argue

below, civic IQ can be associated with a heightened sense of political efficacy.

IDENTIFYING AND MEASURING CIVIC IQ AMONG CITIZENS

To recap, the essence of civic IQ is understanding politics. This brings us to

the debate about (a) what citizens need to know to perform their citizenship duties and

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(b) how much factual detail is essential for their adequate political functioning.

Popkin and Dimock (1999) suggest that “political knowledge of a particular kind –

knowledge about how government works – affects how citizens use cues and evaluate

politics” (p.118). They put forth the idea of a "low informational rationality”, the

ability of people to use minimal information, like general knowledge about the main

differences between political parties, to make rational political choices about

particular policies that are important to them. This may be rational behavior, since

acquisition of detailed information may be unduly costly. In this sense, knowledge

needs vary depending on individual concerns and there is no set amount of the right

‘dosage’ of political understanding.

In addition, understanding is not directly related to the retention of factual

details. Learning theories suggest that most people forget factual details even when

they retain the general meaning of a message. Cognitive science research highlights

the importance of connotative, rather than denotative learning for extracting meaning

from information. Interestingly, messages contain both denotative and connotative

information. Denotative learning involves the simple recording of the information.

Connotative learning, on the other hand, requires “the assignment of meanings to the

observed events” (Graber, 2001 pp. 21). After the meaning has been extracted, the

message details may be discarded. Meanings vary because they are merged with the

information that individuals have already stored in their memories. Messages that

contain ready-made connotations can assist people who lack well-developed political

schemas to understand the meaning of complex political issues.

This debate has measurement implications. Civic IQ is often equated with

political knowledge, which in turn is measured with factual knowledge

questionnaires. Characteristic examples are the studies by Delli Carpini and Keeter

(1996), Zaller (1992), and Conover and Feldman (1986) who use factual knowledge

instruments based on closed-ended recall questions and show that citizens are poorly

informed about politics. On the other side of this debate, Popkin and Dimock (1999)

and Graber (2001) argue that the measures employed by these studies provide only

partial evidence of citizens’ civic IQ, in other words what individuals understand

about political issues. Although fact-based knowledge tests assess citizens’ ability to

memorize facts quite effectively, they are not the most appropriate measures of how

much citizens know about politics because they miss out on the ‘less formal’

knowledge content that citizens hold.

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In line with this argument, tests of factual knowledge, although useful in

survey settings, are mere approximations of what citizens know and cannot

adequately reveal the citizens’ ability to understand politics and cope with their civic

responsibilities. At the upper end of the political awareness (highly knowledgeable

citizens) sophistication and civic IQ concur, but at the lower end (for those citizens

with limited knowledge of facts) civic IQ can be based on more relaxed forms of

political understanding. Precisely because these citizens with low or average

knowledge are likely to turn to television for their political information (Neuman et al.

1992), we consider the role of entertainment television as an alternative source of

understanding of the political world, and argue that TV-dramas are an alternative

source of political learning (Graber 2006).

UNDERSTANDING THROUGH STORIES: THE DRAMATIZATION OF EXPERIENCES

The main hypothesis of our paper is that people’s understanding of politics “is

often conveyed through stories not concerned explicitly with politics” (Graber, 2006,

p 3). We argue that much learning occurs unintentionally when they watch TV-

dramas because the storyline is embedded in situations that closely resemble the

current political environment (Graber, 2006b).

Learning from TV-dramas has interesting qualities. TV-dramas use typical

audio-visual story-telling techniques which sustain suspense and facilitate learning

but this learning is passive, rather than active because it is unintended and often

unnoticed. In addition, the learning is effortless. Each episode reaches millions of

viewers around the globe who watch it because they find it pleasant, entertaining and

relaxing1. Moreover, the material is easily digestible because viewers self-select to

watch the shows that are compatible with their tastes and avoid information that

contradicts their beliefs2. The processing and storage of information available via TV-

dramas is comparatively simple because the information is communicated visually

and auditorily3. Furthermore, viewers are repeatedly exposed to the characters and

1 According to uses and gratifications theories, individuals are inclined to pay attention to stories that they find useful or pleasant and pay less attention or ignore the rest (Blumler & Katz 1974, McQuail 1987). 2 Selective exposure theories suggest that people avoid information that they find disturbing or contradicting to their beliefs, feelings and opinions, thus limiting their intake of information (Lazarsfeld Berelson and Gaudet 1944, Iyengar and Kinder 1987, Sears and Freedman 1967). 3 Processing visual and auditory stimuli begins at the very early years of life in an instinctive way and is the richest source of schema development. Evidence indicates that vivid audiovisual messages increase the possibility that the message will be processed and enhances memory.

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events in the stories because they are developed serially through weekly broadcasts.

In addition, learning is enhanced with interpersonal communication as events from the

shows are often discussed in conversations with friends or in the news (Graber,

2006b). These facts, combined with the familiar characters in the shows and also the

simple language used, make information processing and retrieval easier. In TV-

dramas, viewers get familiar with the concepts and context of the story, and as

learning theories suggest, individuals find it easier to process and recall information

which is repeated frequently and for which they have well-developed schemas.

TV-dramas are also memorable because they generate emotional reactions.

Cognitive science suggests that fictional works, such as novels, dramas and films

elicit a variety of emotions. For example according to Tokosumi (1999) viewers often

experience the same or similar emotions as the fictional character in the show. Until

recently, political science research has ignored the importance of emotions, under the

assumption that emotions generate thinking that is poor in rationality and high-order

reasoning. However, recent research in neuro-psychology reveals that emotional

arousal involves high-order reasoning and that emotions not only do not prevent

rational thinking but, on the contrary, they are essential for the ability to make

rational decisions4 (Marcus et al. 2005).

Facts in Fiction: the content of TV-dramas

The first question that emerges regarding the potential of TV-dramas to raise the

viewers’ civic IQ is whether they contain political information that is likely to be

relevant to the audience. Graber’s recent work (2006b) identified four types of

politically relevant information that may occur in TV-dramas. They are process

information, factual information, context information and insights. Process

information refers to the explicit and realistic presentation of events on the screen.

Such information facilitates understanding of the ways politics and other complex

human relations function5, and it is easy to process. Factual information involves

names, figures, rules and other similar information and as learning theories suggest it

4 Emotional arousal has an amplifying effect on information processing because it “induces the human body to release stimulants into the bloodstream that sensitize perceptions and speed reactions” (Graber 2001, p. 35). 5 As Graber argues “being an eye witness of what is happening, when it is designed for easy understanding, is the simplest way to comprehend complex situations” (Graber, 2006b p. 11).

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is the most difficult to retrieve from memory6. Context information involves an

unobtrusive depiction of the political and social conditions under which the story

unfolds7. Finally, insights are pieces of information that viewers can use as behavioral

models in future real-life situations8.

The second question is whether viewers of TV-dramas consider information

from the shows seriously, or discard it because the show is fictional. This relationship

between fiction and fact adds an interesting twist to political learning from TV-

dramas. On one hand, information from TV-dramas may be discounted as fictional.

On the other, the borders between fiction and reality can often become blurred in such

ways that fiction and non-fiction can be confused. Willing (2004) reports that jurors

who are frequent viewers of CSI crime dramas often have unrealistic expectations of

what forensic science can deliver. This affects action in US courts, a phenomenon

now known as the “CSI effect”. Similar empirical evidence comes from studies of the

West Wing’s impact on viewers’ evaluations of the US presidency9 (Holbert et al,

2003). Green et al. (2004) show that emotional arousal produced by fictional shows

leads viewers to accept the information as real, since they react emotionally as they do

in real-life situations.

In line with Graber’s argument that much learning occurs unintentionally

(2006b), we expect that learning from TV-dramas is not curtailed by the knowledge

that the information is fictional. In the US, for example, some public organizations

sponsor episodes of soap operas, sitcoms, or reality shows, to increase awareness

about violence against women, HIV/AIDS, teen pregnancy, smoking, cancer,

diabetes, alcohol abuse, and many other health and social issues. Awareness-

promoting story lines are incorporated in the entertainment content of a show as a new

way of informing the public. Hollywood is already working closely with the CDC

(Center for Disease Control), generating tip-sheets for TV writers and producers,

organizing expert panel discussions to examine the implications of dramatization for

health information, and conducting research on audience effects and needs. A recent

6 Even when viewers can not recall the factual details of the message, they manage to comprehend and remember its substance. 7 This type of information is usually ignored by the viewers although it is possible that they learn that information unintentionally or unconsciously. 8 That type of information is very easy to remember, however it rarely stored. Only individuals that can associate insights to real-life situations manage to store and retrieve them successfully. This argument is in conformity with uses and gratifications theories suggesting that information found to be useful or enjoyable is more likely to be processed. 9 Evidence suggests that watching “The West Wing” produces positive images of the US Presidency.

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example is ABC’s airing of an episode of the TV-drama “Private Practice” in

February 2009 with a storyline on post-partum depression that generated significant

press coverage.

With the above in mind, we do not expect learning from fiction to be ineffective,

at least not in comparison to televised newscasts. News broadcasts have been

criticized for not being “user friendly” for political understanding because they offer

more information than individuals can handle, or information that is often not

interesting for the viewers (Graber 2006). Viewers generally recall less than 10

percent of the stories of a 30 minute broadcast because they find them neither useful

nor gratifying (Graber, 2001). News stories often use complex language to present

information that can be complicated and hard to understand, while background

information that facilitates message understanding is rarely provided. These factors

can deter the learning function of televised news broadcasts10.

TV-dramas and exported meaning: the cultural aspect of learning

We are also interested in the effect of specific cultural factors on the reception

of the information available through entertainment television. On one hand TV-

dramas provide individuals with common frames of reference because of their

potential to reach millions around the globe (Sacheleben andYeneral, 2004). On the

other hand, the meaning people extract from a stimulus is affected by cultural factors

because the assignment of meaning requires blending the perceived information with

preexisting information. Since schema development reflects past experiences we

should naturally expect that meanings also reflect cultural differences.

This phenomenon was investigated in the context of the TV-show “Dallas”, in

Israel, among Arabs, Russian Jews, Moroccan settlers and members of Kibbutzim

(typically second-generation Israelis), and also in Los Angeles, among second-

generation Americans, and in Japan (Liebes and Katz, 1990). Liebes and Katz found

that culturally diverse people watching the show in Israel, USA, and Japan

emphasized different aspects of the show, while people belonging to the same cultural

groups paid attention to information of similar content. For example, viewers in the

USA focused on the soap-opera characters of the show, while the Japanese did not

10 As Graber argues “ the political world depicted by news media, which are the public main sources of current information, often lucks sufficient details to allow audiences to capture the messages’ connotations” (Graber, 2001 pp.22).

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take the information from the show seriously. Moroccan viewers in Israel were

especially concerned with moral issues and found the show insulting to their values.

Finally, Russian viewers seemed to be particularly attracted to political information

(Liebes and Katz, 1990). In our paper we examine the reception of TV-dramas in

three different contexts: its native USA environment, and two European countries, the

Netherlands and Greece. The two ‘receiving’ countries share certain similarities but

are also marked by significant political and cultural differences.

The Netherlands, a small and highly developed Northern European country, has

robust scores on civic literacy, high levels of newspaper readership, high quality news

programming of public television, and a high quality educational system. In addition,

the bottom end of the scale of civic literacy is minimal and significantly smaller than

most European countries. Its early colonial empire history and immigrants from the

colonies added to the pragmatic, flexible, open, and multicultural nature of Dutch

society. Interestingly, while the legitimacy of the state is high and government

structure is accepted, the public is not involved in day-to-day politics and public

debate levels are low. In addition, the voters have reservations about the political

world and party membership is low (van den Wusten and Roessingh 1997).

Turning to its media environment, in the Netherlands there is a strong public

television tradition (Brants 2004). Until the late 1980s, the airways were controlled by

public television and while cable penetration is broad, the public networks retain their

high ratings (Aarts and Semetko 2003). De Vreese and Boomgaarden (2006) show

that in the context of European Union politics, interpersonal communication plays a

large role in knowledge gains and appears to be in center of democratic citizenship

(Schudson 1998).

Greece is also a small European country but its southern Mediterranean

character sets it apart from the Netherlands. It is characterized by strong patronage

and a cliantelistic political culture, a large public sector, the personification of

political institutions and agencies, underdeveloped multiculturalism and the absence

of a strong civil society (Mouzelis 1980, 1995; Demertzis 1997). A very interesting

phenomenon is that of Greek over-politicization. The level of interest in politics is

consistently high and since the early 1990s very close to the Netherlands (although in

contrast with the Netherlands, in Greece the bottom group of uninformed citizens is

much larger according to Gronlund and Milner, 2006)

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Greeks also like to discuss politics a great deal, especially with their friends and

family, but this is coupled with low level of political efficacy and trust, and rising

political cynicism. The level of satisfaction with the way in which democracy works

puts Greeks at the low ends of the scale in comparison to other European countries

(Demertzis, 1997). Characteristic is also the Greek traditional ambivalence towards

the west, expressed as attraction and repulsion. Particularly towards the United States,

Greeks show levels of trust which are the lowest among Europeans (Geokas, 2002).

Turning to the media system, Greece shared the strong public television

tradition of the Netherlands but as the state monopoly of the airwaves was deregulated

in the late 1980s, the viewership of the public service broadcasting declined sharply,

and private commercial television channels with entertainment-dominated programs

quickly proliferated. Cable use is limited but pay-per-view television was launched in

1994 and satellite television started in 1998. Greeks depend mainly on television news

for their political information and the high levels of literacy in the population are

paired with low newspaper readership (Papathanasopoulos 2004).

The comparison between the two receptor countries is very interesting given the

particularities of their political orientations and their cultural and institutional

differences. Our aim here is to see whether they also differ in the way viewers

perceive and learn from shows that are created for US audiences.

Overview

To recap, here we are interested in how much, how, and what types of political

information citizens learn from TV-dramas. Although the main reason for watching

TV-dramas is entertainment, we expect that besides their entertainment value, the

scenarios depicted in TV-dramas contribute to viewers’ understanding of politics. We

anticipate that viewers acquire information unintentionally about political and other

issues, and that this information enhances their ability to understand patterns of

political life and the functioning of institutions. While it is likely that most of the

messages embedded in these shows will be excluded from long-term memory, we

anticipate viewers to make references to general political considerations after viewing

the shows. We also anticipate these references to be integrated in their own particular

political culture.

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METHODOLOGY

We explore the impact of TV-dramas on political learning with semi-structured

interviews of viewers of American TV-dramas in Greece, the Netherlands, and

compare the findings with similar interviews in the USA. We focus on eight shows:

The Simpsons, Family Guy, CSI, Sopranos, Greys' Anatomy, E.R., Lost, and Twenty-

Four (24). The shows were available to viewers in the three countries and their

content was examined in earlier research conducted by Graber (2006). Cold-calling

telephone interviews were conducted with 170 participants, 69 in Greece, 51 in the

Netherlands, and 50 in the USA, between January 2007 and February 2008. The

participants were regular viewers of the shows, selected via a snowball sample11.

Each interview took about twenty minutes and was recorded by telephone recording

equipment, with the consent of the participants. Interviews were then transcribed for

analysis. During each interview, the respondents answered questions related to only

one show in particular. The interviews included general questions for all shows, and

also specific questions for each show. Table 1 contains a description of our sample

per country and show.

Table 1: List of Shows and Participants per Country

Greece Netherlands USA

24 13% (9) 0% (0) 18% (9)

CSI 18.8% (13) 21.2% (11) 0% (0)

ER 20.3% (14) 5.8% (3) 22% (11)

Lost 26.1% (3) 3.8% (2) 8% (4)

Simpsons 13% (9) 17.3% (9) 26% (10)

Greys Anatomy 7.2% (5) 44.2% (23) 20% (10)

Sopranos 1.4% (1) 5.8% (3) 0% (0)

Family Guy 0 % (0) 0% (0) 6% (3)

N 69 51 50

Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses.

11 By cold-calling we mean that the respondents were not contacted prior to the interview. To generate the snowball sample, we started interviews with a few viewers of each show and then asked the respondents to refer others for participation in the study, who in turn referred still others. In this way the sample rolls, like a snow ball picking up people as it goes on.

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Questionnaire

The questionnaire contains items that tap into viewers' reasons for watching TV-

dramas, how much they learn, and how they use the political information available in

the shows. A set of questions focuses on the particular information viewers learn from

watching the shows, exploring whether the information they acquire enhances their

ability to understand how politics and institutions function. To measure the impact of

the shows on viewers’ civic IQ, respondents were asked whether the show promoted

their participation in political discussions and other political activities. Respondents

were also asked to apply what they had learned to real life situations and also to apply

the knowledge they had acquired to hypothetical situations. In addition, participants

were asked to compare the fictional situations depicted in the show to real-life as

experienced in their own country12. While the content of each show is the same across

countries, we expected different results on the basis of the particularities of each

political culture which are highlighted below.

More analytically, we asked respondents to explain why they liked to watch the

particular show, and what they got out of it13. Here our expectation is that the

dominant answer will be pointing to the entertainment value of the shows, and did not

anticipate cultural differences. We also asked viewers to explain what the show

represented for them, and to identify the things that came into their minds

spontaneously, when they thought of the show14. We also asked questions about what

viewers remembered and why, whether they thought they learned anything from the

show that they could use in their own lives, whether they found the information from

the show believable and whether the show helped them understand how politics and

institutions function. Knowledge of the show content was measured by open-ended

recall questions about the show episodes. Specific questions followed in order to

investigate the reasons for recalling particular pieces of information and viewers’ trust

of the information they draw from the shows. Respondents were also asked why they

thought they remembered the particular information15. We recoded the answers

12 Please contact the authors for a copy of the questionnaire. 13 Their responses were then categorized in the following 6 categories: excitement and entertainment; artistic features, scenario, and format; practical information; insights and understanding; relaxation; and something else. 14 Their responses were also classified on the basis of the following categories: information; insights and understanding; relaxation and entertainment; interesting and exciting show; and something else. 15 Their responses were categorized as: recent; emotions; interesting, impressive or unexpected; information and insights; progress of story; entertaining; and something else.

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regarding what respondents mentioned as usable in their own lives on the basis of the

type of learning that occurs through watching, and also the content of the learning16.

We also asked respondents if they found information from TV-dramas less believable

in comparison to news stories. Here we expected differentiations on the basis of the

news culture of each country, with Dutch voters allocating lower credibility to TV-

dramas than the Greeks. Therefore we recorded the degree of believability of the

shows and the justifications given17.

To examine whether the viewers’ civic performance is affected by the

information they gain from the show, the interview included exploratory questions

about political discussion and participation. Here we expected Greeks to discuss the

shows more, but to be stimulated in participation equally rarely as the Dutch. We also

asked whether anything the respondents learned from the show changed their political

behaviour, for example, whether the show inspired viewers to donate money to a

hospital or another organization, initiated a discussion about a topic of interest, or

stimulated taking action concerning a problem. Apart from the positive or negative

response, answers were coded based on the type of change in behaviour18. We also

asked respondents questions about the conditions under which they watched the show,

if they were alone or with others, and what else they did while watching. We also

asked respondents to specify what they usually discussed in reference to the show19.

To examine how viewers used what they learn, we asked respondents to link

information from the show to hypothetical situations. To see if viewers drew parallels

with their own lives, we asked whether they thought the show is about real people and

to describe how the show was similar or different to real life20. We also asked

respondents if they knew any people like the characters of the show. Here we

16 What respondents remember is categorized similarly to Graber (2006) as: add major facts; add minor facts; new slants on facts; new slants of relationships; add experiential insights; add evaluations; refresh fading memories. The content of learning is coded as: practical information; insights on human relations and behaviour; institutions and procedures; something else. 17 Responses fit in the following categories: information from show is not real or accurate; show has an artistic and dramatic format; show is fictional or exaggerates; can not cross-reference the information from the show; cooperation with scientists in writing the script; news is not serious or exaggerated; something else. 18 The categories mentioned were: political change; personal change; potential for change; desire for change. 19 The responses were coded as: plot and action; characters and relations; artistic features and format; information and insights; something else. 20 Responses that pointed to similarities with reality were classified as: behaviour and reactions; character, personality and values; habits and lifestyle; problems and worries; weaknesses and virtues; profession and roles; and something else. Differences were classified into: exaggerating and unrealistic; idealized

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expected the parallels to be stronger in the case of the USA viewers rather than the

viewers of the two European countries. To examine the extent to which our

respondents drew parallels between reality and fiction, we asked them whether the

specific show presented a realistic picture of life in the USA and why21. Respondents

were also asked which elements of the show they would like or dislike to see applied

in their own country22. Their responses show whether they use information from the

show to inform their opinions and preferences and here is where we expected the

largest differences between the Greek and Dutch viewers23.

RESULTS

Reasons for watching TV-Dramas: the power of entertainment

We expected that viewers watch TV-dramas mainly for entertainment, and thus,

learning from TV-dramas is not intentional, but concealed under the entertainment

value of the shows. We asked participants an open-ended question regarding the

reasons for watching the particular show, in order to capture their subjective

assessment of the value of the shows. Table 2 contains their answers by country and

categorized in thematic groups.

Table 2: Reason for Watching the Show

Greece Netherlands USA

Excitement/ Entertainment/ Relaxation 47.6% (30) 66.7% (32) 96% (48)

Artistic Features/ Scenario/ Format 28.6% (18) 16.7% (8) 4% (2)

Acquire practical information 12.7% (8) 6.3% (3) 0% (0)

Gain insights / understanding 4.8% (3) 10.4% (5) 0% (0)

Other 6.3% (4) 0% (0) 0 % (0)

N 63 48 50

Note:Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses.

21 Responses were: exaggerating or unrealistic; specialized; idealized; not in the US; something else. 22 Responses were recoded as: nothing; the show; culture or behaviour; functioning of institutions; conditions in society. 23 Answers were categorized as: technology and infrastructure; functioning of institutions or services; values or behaviour; a similar show; something else

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The open-ended answers point consistently across the three countries to

entertainment, excitement and relaxation as the most prominent reasons for watching

TV-dramas. More analytically, at least half or more participants in each country make

an entertainment-related reference. In Greece about 48% of the participants mention

entertainment, while their number rises in the Netherlands to 67% and tops to 96% in

the USA. The artistic features of the show are a weak second, with 29% in Greece,

17% in the Netherlands, and only 4% in the USA24. The informational value of the

show, either in the form of practical information or as insights, is recognized only by

small numbers in Greece and the Netherlands while it is completely missed among

USA participants. The strong presence of entertainment is in line with our

expectations. People often have stock answers about why they engage in certain

behaviors, or why they make particular choices. When it comes to TV-dramas, it is

not surprising that ‘entertainment’ is the first answer that comes to mind. This gives

us reason to probe further to uncover the potential educational value of TV-dramas

beyond the quick first response from viewers.

To assess the significance of each of the potential reasons for watching a show,

we asked viewers four closed-ended questions. Each question referred to a particular

reason, and viewers were asked to specify the extent to which it applied to them

personally. In Tables 3 through 6 we present the ratings of the closed-ended questions

across viewers in the three countries. Across the board, the highest mean scores were

in the closed-ended question referring to relaxation and entertainment (Table 3),

which ranges from 7.87 in the case of Greece to 9.73 for USA participants. The value

of entertainment is high, with 54% of Greeks, 88% of Dutch and 94% of Americans

reporting that they watch shows for relaxation and entertainment a great deal. And

although respondents from all three countries score high on the entertainment value of

the shows, Greek responses are significantly lower compared to the other two

countries.

Table 3: Watch the show for relaxation and entertainment (closed-ended)

Greece Netherlands USA

Not at all 4.3% (3) 0% (0) 0% (0)

24 Artistic features were direction, photography, scenario and acting as well as the friendly format of the shows

15

A Little 8.7% (6) 0% (0) 2% (1) Somewhat 33.3% (23) 12.2%(6) 4.1% (2) A Great Deal 53.6% (37) 87.8% (43) 93.9% (46) N 69 49 49 Mean (Std Dev) 7.87 a (2.74) 9.60 b (1.10) 9.73 b (1.15) Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses. Next to the mean, the value in parenthesis reports standard deviation. Common superscripts (a, b) indicate non-significant mean differences at the .05 level. The range of the variable is on a 0-10 scale where 0 represents not at all and 10 a great deal

To understand this trend among Greek viewers, we turned to other reasons for

watching the show. Overall, socialization is the second most prominent reason

according to the closed-ended responses (Table 4). Here USA average scores reach as

high as 7.13 points, high-lighting the ‘social capital’ of the shows. Connecting with

family and friends is also an important function of the shows in Greece where the

mean score is 4.02 points, while it is not as important in the Netherlands where the

average score is as low as 2.81 points. Characteristically, about 47% of the American

participants find the socialization value of the show to be of great importance. On the

other hand, about 45% of the Dutch participants do not see any socialization value in

their TV-drama watching. These interesting differences among the countries suggest

that there are cultural variations in the reception of television dramas. In the Dutch

case, one alternative explanation is the high concentration of the medical drama

Grey’s Anatomy viewers in the sample (44 percent). In the U.S. and Greece, viewers

were more dispersed among shows.

Table 4: Watch the show to connect with family and friends (closed-ended)

Greece Netherlands USA

Not at all 20.6% (14) 45.1% (23) 14.0% (6) A Little 48.5% (33) 33.3% (17) 4.7% (2) Somewhat 20.6% (14) 13.7%(7) 34.9% (15) A Great Deal 10.3% (7) 7.8% (4) 46.5% (20) N 69 51 43 Mean (Std Dev) 4.02 a (2.97) 2.81 b (3.15) 7.13 c (3.46) Note:Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses. Next to the mean, the value in parenthesis reports standard deviation. Common superscripts (a, b) indicate non-significant mean differences at the .05 level. The range of the variable is on a 0-10 scale where 0 represents not at all and 10 a great deal

Information related reasons such as practical information and insights, ranked

lower. Greek viewers appear more aware of the educational value of the shows, and

16

provide mean scores of 3.43 points for practical matters (in Table 5) and 3.77 points

for insights (in Table 6).

Table 5: Watch the show for advice or opinions for practical matters (closed-ended)

Greece Netherlands USA

Not at all 34.8% (24) 58.8% (30) 63.9% (23) A Little 34.8% (24) 29.4% (15) 16.7% (6) Somewhat 23.2% (16) 11.8%(6) 19.4% (7) A Great Deal 7.2% (5) 0% (0) 0% (0) N 69 51 36 Mean (Std Dev) 3.43 a (3.13) 1.77 b (2.34) 1.85 b (2.89) Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses. Next to the mean, the value in parenthesis reports standard deviation. Common superscripts (a, b) indicate non-significant mean differences at the .05 level. The range of the variable is on a 0-10 scale where 0 represents not at all and 10 a great deal

Dutch respondents trail behind with 1.77 points on average for both types of

information, while USA participants recognize some value of insights (2.92) but do

not pay much attention to practical advice. It is interesting that when asked directly,

close to 59% of Dutch participants and 64% of USA participants see absolutely no

practical value for TV-dramas. The responses are similar for insights, with 55% in the

Netherlands and 53% in the USA answering ‘not at all’. It is also important to keep in

mind that answers to general questions often are in line with stereotypes even when

the respondent gives counter-stereotypical answers in response to specific questions.

Table 6: Watch the show for insights (closed-ended)

Greece Netherlands USA

Not at all 29.0% (20) 55.1% (27) 53.1% (17) A Little 36.2% (25) 36.7% (18) 12.5% (4) Somewhat 27.5%(19) 8.2%(4) 28.1% (9) A Great Deal 7.2% (5) 0% (0) 6.3% (2) N 69 49 32 Mean (Std Dev) 3.77 a (3.07) 1.77 b (2.16) 2.92 ab (3.46) Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses. Next to the mean, the value in parenthesis reports standard deviation. Common superscripts (a, b) indicate non-significant mean differences at the .05 level. The range of the variable is on a 0-10 scale where 0 represents not at all and 10 a great deal

To explore that issue further, we asked several open-ended questions that tap

into the information recalled from the shows. We asked respondents to use their own

words to elaborate on what they remembered from the shows, giving us an

17

opportunity to identify what grabs their attention and what types of information they

deemed important.

Learning from TV-Dramas

First, we asked participants to explain briefly what happened in the last

episode they watched. Despite the variation in the types of information they

remembered, all participants had good knowledge of the content of the shows. This

knowledge, for the majority, focuses on the action and the plot of the show, and the

relationships among the characters. For example, interviewed about Lost, one of our

respondents recalled: “I remember the plane crash and the meeting of culturally

different people”. A few of our participants focused on the information and insights

drawn from the show. One of them remembered “what to do in case someone is hurt

or bleeding or in a surgical operation” and another recalled that “everyone is being

watched, everything is known. The system works perfectly”.

We then asked one more direct learning question: whether they had learned

anything from the show that they could use in their own lives. As we see in Table 7,

again the answers we received were mainly negative. About 55% of the Dutch

respondents and 50% of the USA respondents were not able to identify anything that

they learned from the show. Greek viewers were slightly less negative, with just 39%

giving a negative answer.

Table 7: Is there anything you have learned from the show that you can use in your life?

Greece Netherlands USA

Nothing 39.1% (25) 54.8% (23) 50% (25) Insights on human relations/ Behaviour 29.7% (19) 26.2% (11) 12% (6) Practical information 21.9% (14) 11.9% (5) 24% (12) Institutions & Procedures 4.7% (3) 4.8% (2) 4% (2) Other 3.1% (2) 2.4% (1) 10% (5) Not sure/ can't remember 1.6% (1) 0% (0) 0% (0) N 64 42 50 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

Among those who could recall learning particular information, about 30% of the

Greek and 26% of the Dutch respondents focused on insights regarding human

18

relations and behavior. This number was much lower among USA participants (12%),

who have a preference for practical information (24%). In addition a few participants

in each country (4-5%) made references to information regarding institutions and

procedures. Evidently, at least some participants recall learning useful information

from watching TV-dramas, even though unwilling to admit it.

Naturally we were particularly interested in the specific information

participants learned. We coded the open-ended references of our participants on the

basis of the character of the information they presented, including: minor or major

facts, evaluations, new slants on facts or relationships, experiential insights and

refreshing fading memories. Table 8 reveals some interesting patterns. First, we note

that learning occurs more often as enrichment of existing knowledge, while learning

something completely new is less frequent. This is a familiar pattern for adults

because they use their established mental schemas as guides for acquiring compatible

information. Specifically, 39% of Greek respondents reported having learned

additional minor facts, and 46% of their American counterparts thought that they had

learned additional major facts about a familiar issue. The difference between Greeks

and Americans may not be as sharp as it appears because the boundary between

'major facts' and 'minor facts' is imprecise. New slants on facts and relationships

received lower ratings for both groups who also seem to be learning about evaluations

(17%) and insights. On the other hand the Dutch recalled information regarding

relationships more readily (42%) and paid secondary attention to facts (26%).

Table 8: Usage of Learning Categories

Greece Netherlands USA Add Minor Facts 38.9% (14) 5.3% (1) 8.3% (2) New Slants on Facts 19.4% (7) 5.3% (1) 0% (0) Add evaluations 16.7% (6) 5.3% (1) 16.7% (4) New Slants on Relationships 8.3% (3) 42.1% (8) 4.2% (1) Add experiential insights 8.3% (3) 15.8% (3) 25% (6) Add Major facts 5.6% (2) 26.3% (5) 45.8% (11) Refresh fading memories 2.8% (1) 0% (0) 0% (0) N 36 19 24 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

While participants seem to be acquiring particular information from the

shows, to what extent does this information become real knowledge? One obstacle

19

could be the fictional character of the shows. Are viewers comfortable with the idea

that they acquire information from TV-dramas? In general the answer is affirmative

although some are more comfortable than others. Greeks are significantly more

comfortable with a score of 8.84 on a 0 to 10 scale. Dutch follow with 7.38, while

Americans retain some reservations, scoring at 6.26 points.

Our next question was how well TV-dramas performed in comparison to the

traditional source of political information, the news broadcasts. In Table 9 we see that

although the majority in all three countries finds information originating from TV-

dramas less believable than the news, about 46% of Greek and USA participants do

not see things as black and white. Influenced by the highly commercialized format of

private television news broadcasts, a good number of them thought that under certain

conditions information from TV-dramas can be as believable as the news. The Dutch

remain grounded on the hard reality of news broadcasts, in line with the strong and

high quality public broadcasting tradition of their country.

Table 9: Information from TV-Dramas is less believable from the news?

Greece Netherlands USA Less believable than the news 54.0% (34) 73.5% (36) 53.3% (23) As believable as the news 19.0% (12) 8.2% (4) 32.6% (14) It depends 27.0% (17) 18.4% (9) 14.0% (6) N 63 49 43 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

If the acquisition of political information from TV-dramas constitutes passive

learning, and its believability is conditional to the media culture of the country, are

viewers able to identify changes in their political awareness after watching the shows?

Again, not surprisingly, the answer is no. All in all, the majority of our participants

(85% in Greece, 70% in the Netherlands, and 69% in the USA) find no difference in

their political awareness after watching TV-dramas. However, a minority that ranges

from 15% in Greece, to 26% in the Netherlands and 31% in the USA say they are

more aware of political issues. While the numbers are small, they are large in the

context of learning from the flood of messages to which average people are normally

exposed. When most of these messages are quickly discarded from short-term

memory, we view impact scores of 15 to 31 percent as substantial.

20

Socialization, mobilization and TV Dramas

Civic IQ does not entirely depend on knowledge. As we discussed earlier, it

involves the integration of political information into citizens’ lives and the use of this

information in every day routines and behaviors. To examine the extent to which TV-

dramas enhance viewers’ civic IQ, we asked our respondents questions about their

political mobilization and political discussion practices inspired by the shows.

Similar to the small numbers of those who confirm that they have gained useful

information from watching the shows (14.5% in Greece, 23.4% in the Netherlands,

and 16% in the USA), only a minority of viewers report behavioural changes. The

large majority of European respondents (94% in Greece and 95% in the Netherlands)

alleged that their political behaviour was not affected at all by the show. In the USA

however, where the role of certain government organizations such as the CDC is

larger in the design and sponsoring of episodes, the effects of TV-dramas are more

substantial. About 26% of the American participants report that they have learned

something that effectively changed their political behavior.

While overt political action is rare, engaging in political discussion is more

common. We have already noted that entertainment television is a social phenomenon

for many, particularly the American viewers who like to discuss the show with others.

As we see in Table 10, when asked about the conditions under which they usually

watch the show, about 56% of the American viewers report being with friends, and

another 22% watches with family members, while only 19% watch the show alone.

This number increases in the Netherlands to 34%, and tops at 55% in Greece.

Table 10: Do you watch the show alone or with other people? Who? Greece Netherlands USA

Alone 54.7% (35) 34% (17) 18.8% (6) With friends 14.1% (9) 12% (6) 56.3% (18) Sometimes Alone or with friends 14.1% (9) 24% (12) 3.1% (1) Sometimes Alone or with family 9.4% (6) 4% (2) 0% (0) With family 7.8% (5) 26% (13) 21.9% (7) N 64 50 32 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

Watching a TV-show with friends or relatives increases the social interactions of

audience members. But discussions are not limited to the time spent in front of the

television. We expected that viewers would find themselves discussing the show

21

outside watching times. In Table 11, we find support for the increased ‘social capital’

created by TV-dramas in the USA. About 63% of respondents report discussing the

episode after every showing. In the Netherlands regular discussions drop to about half

of that (35%), while in Greece, where most viewers watch the show alone, discussions

are mostly occasional (63%) rather than routine.

Table 11: How often do you discuss things that happen in the show? Greece Netherlands USA

Occasionally 63.2% (43) 41.2% (21) 31.3% (15) Regularly, after every show 29.4% (20) 35.3% (18) 62.5% (30) Never 7.4% (5) 23.5% (12) 6.3% (3) N 68 51 48 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

When discussions take place, information is exchanged. How common is this

transmission of information among viewers throughout their social network? About

57% of the respondents in Greece, 41% in the Netherlands, and 43% in the USA say

that they indeed pass information they have learned from the show to other people. In

addition, there is no obvious hesitation in admitting the origin of the information.

About 95% of our respondents in Greece and the USA and 78% in the Netherlands

are very comfortable to reveal that they got the information from a TV drama show.

Turning to the types of information running through the social networks of

viewers, we find a consistent focus in Greece (69.5%) and the USA (57%) on the plot

and the action. Characters and relationships on the other hand are the strong favorite

in the Netherlands (32%) where earlier we found increased learning in the relationship

category. As we see in Table 12, sharing practical information and insights is

secondary in discussions, limited to around 8% in Greece and the Netherlands and

12% in the USA.

Table 12: What kind of things do you usually discuss? Greece Netherlands USA

Plot/ Action 69.5% (41) 27% (10) 57.1% (24) Characters/ Relations 10.2% (6) 32.4% (12) 16.7% (7) Information/ Insights 8.5% (5) 8.1% (3) 11.9% (5) Other 8.5% (5) 32.4% (12) 11.9% (5) Artistic features/ Format 3.4% (2) 0% (0) 2.4% (1) N 59 37 42 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

22

Using information from TV Dramas

As we discussed earlier, the use of political information is as important for the

development of civic IQ as is its acquisition. We consider here several types of

information use, from the passive perception of others in the social environment, to

the active engagement in political activities such as participation in rallies or

expression of issue preferences.

In every-day situations citizens often need to interpret the behavior of others.

TV-dramas frequently assist in these interpretations providing reference points.

Viewers compare the characters on the show to real people and very often find them

similar. In fact, about 56% of the respondents in Greece and the USA, and 49% in the

Netherlands consider the characters similar to real people. The Dutch, who are most

skeptical about the realism of TV-dramas, are best able to point to differences

between show characters and real people (30%). The number of viewers that see show

characters as clearly different from regular people stands at 30 percent for the Dutch

and drops to 25% for Americans and 12.5% for Greeks. When similarities are

observed, they most frequently refer to the personality and values of the characters, as

well as their behaviors and reactions. In Table 13 we also see references to

professions and roles, problems and worries, character weaknesses and virtues, as

well as habits and lifestyle.

Table 13: How are the “show people” similar to real people?

Greece Netherlands USA Character/ Personality/ Values 27.1% (13) 20% (5) 33.3% (8) Behavior/ Reactions 18.8% (9) 24% (6) 29.2% (7) Profession/ Role 16.7% (8) 12% (3) 4.2% (1) Problems/ worries 10.4% (5) 16% (4) 12.5% (3) Weaknesses/ Virtues 6.3% (3) 12% (3) 4.2% (1) Habits/ Lifestyle 6.3% (3) 12% (3) 16.7% (4) Other 14.6% (7) 4% (1) 0% (0) 48 25 24 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

References to show characters become all the more relevant when people can find

parallels in their immediate environment. When we asked our respondents whether

they knew people similar to the characters in the show, many gave positive answers.

23

About 60% in Greece gave a positive answer, but the numbers were lower in the

Netherlands (45%) and the USA (36%).

Political Culture via the TV-drama screen

Learning takes place in the form of identifying particular social and political

qualities in individuals, but also in evaluating and interpreting the political context.

We see evidence of such learning when we asked respondents to compare the life

presented in the shows with real living conditions in the US. Table 14 shows that

about 49% of American respondents find that the show presents a realistic picture of

life in their country. From the perspective of the external viewers, 31% of Greek

respondents find the shows realistic. Dutch viewers are more skeptical (21.6%), which

is not surprising given their overall more critical approach.

Table 14: Does the show present a realistic picture of life in the US? Greece Netherlands USA

No 39.1% (25) 54.9% (28) 34.7% (17) Yes 31.3% (20) 21.6% (11) 49% (24) It depends/ To some extent 18.8% (12) 15.7% (8) 12.2% (6) Not sure 10.9% (7) 7.8% (4) 4.1% (2) 64 51 49 Note: Number of responses: 64. Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

Comparing the political world as reflected in the show with one’s own political

reality is also an exercise of civic IQ. With this in mind, we asked our European

participants if there were any elements of the show that they would like to see applied

in their country. We expected significant differences in the answers of Dutch and

Greek respondents given the socio-economic and institutional-organizational

differences of the two countries. As we see in Table 15, Greek viewers are

particularly sensitive to the functioning of institutions (21.3%) and the further

development of technology and infrastructure (19.7%), while 18% mention values and

behavior. On the other hand, Dutch viewers have no strong desires for change.

Table 15: Which elements of the show, that are not part in your society would you like to see applied?

Greece Netherlands

24

Functioning of institutions/ Services 21.3% (13) 10.9% (5)

Nothing 19.7% (12) 50% (23) Technology/ Infrastructure 19.7% (12) 2.2% (1) Values/Behaviors 18.0% (11) 10.9% (5) Other 8.2% (5) 0% (0) Don't Know 8.2% (5) 26.1% (12) A similar show 4.9% (3) 0% (0) Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses

The Greek respondents' answers are particularly interesting when viewed in

concert with the political concerns of Greek viewers and their critical assessment of

the institutions in their country. Looking briefly at ratings of trust towards political

personalities and institutions in Table 16, the dissatisfaction and skepticism of the

Greek majority is evident. The Dutch on the other hand score consistently and

significantly higher in most indicators, while dissatisfaction is shared regarding the

European Parliament. Our research suggests that citizens are able to draw parallels

between their actual political reality and the examples of institutional, organizational,

technological and other progress evident in other societies, and reflected in TV-

dramas. When conditions in the native country are unsatisfactory, examples of

political life in TV-dramas can color perceptions and serve as desired models.

Table 16: Trust in political institutions

Greece Netherlands

Politicians 4.03 a (1.77) 6.55 b (1.10)

Parliament 4.70 a (1.83) 6.55 b (1.36) Legal system 5.42 a (1.86) 7.40 b (1.11) Police 4.87 a (2.02) 6.94 b (1.41) EU Parliament 5.90 a (1.94) 5.84 a (1.47) United Nations 4.25 a (2.58) 6.17 b (1.66) N 69 51 Note: Values are percentages, frequencies in parentheses. Common superscripts (a, b) indicate non-significant mean differences at the .05 level across rows.

Overview of Findings

Our analysis sheds more light on how TV-dramas can promote political learning

and enhance the civic IQ. The fact that viewers stress entertainment and relaxation as

25

the most important reasons for watching TV-dramas often initially masks their

educational value. But the story does not end there. The user-friendly and dramatic

format of TV-dramas makes them attractive to millions of viewers across the world,

and along with the entertainment comes passive learning.

Only a small number of our respondents mentioned gaining insights and

acquiring information as the most important reason for watching TV-dramas.

Nonetheless, we see evidence of political learning in their description of the content

of the shows. Viewers do not only remember details about the story line, but can

recall practical information and insights. They can easily remember information that

was impressive, unexpected or emotionally arousing, as learning theories suggest. In

addition, a few recalled details from the show because it contained practical

information.

Learning for the three audiences studied here involved mainly the enrichment of

existing knowledge, rather than acquisition of new information. This demonstrates

that similar cultural experiences in the modern world allow audiences to share

knowledge across geographical boundaries. Although information from TV-dramas is

not as believable as the news, it retains its informational value, allowing viewers to

share experiences and exchange ideas about the political world. Even though TV-

dramas do not directly mobilize their viewers or change their political behavior, we

see their impact in the form of social networking and exchange of ideas. Viewers in

the USA and Greece regularly discuss the information they acquire and transmit to

others, without hesitating to reveal that it is drawn from a fiction show. We also see

evidence of learning in the ability of viewers to draw evaluative parallels between

situations and characters from the show and real world social and political conditions.

When evaluations of the home country are unfavorable, TV-dramas can offer

examples of coveted institutional, organizational and technological experiences.

CONCLUSION

In this paper we examined the impact of TV-dramas on viewers' understanding

of the political world. We provided evidence that viewers of TV-dramas acquire

significant information from the content of the shows which then informs their views

about politics and allows them to draw parallels between their own and other political

realities. The consistently low acknowledgment of the informational value of TV-

26

dramas points to the indirect nature of their educational function: most viewers

acquire information from the shows often without fully realizing it.

The significance of this research is multiple. First, for researchers of public

opinion and political communication, it provides an example of alternative routes to

the acquisition of political learning and a demonstration of the importance of

entertainment offerings in enhancing the civic IQ. Our findings suggest that political

learning occurs in more dimensions than one. Television dramas offer a modest but

not trivial diet of political information that enhances understanding of politics. This is

particularly useful to citizens who lack political sophistication and has clear

implications for the measurement and theorizing on civic IQ. It demonstrates that

measures which capture only the recall of political facts do not do justice to these

citizens who understand the complexity of the political world without recalling

specific data.

These findings are also important for public policies. Because citizens learn

from entertainment shows, public organizations and governments can use TV-dramas

to educate them about political issues that would otherwise not attract their attention.

Utilized in this fashion, TV-dramas can trigger learning and political discussion about

particular issues among the least politically interested citizens. This practice is widely

adopted in the USA, but it is at its infancy in the two European countries.

Our study shows that the development of civic IQ can be promoted via

discussions related to the content of TV-dramas. Research on social networks

suggests that political engagement increases via discussion in informal social groups,

as information is communicated from one individual to the other (McClurg 2003;

Huckfeld, 1979). In the three countries we studied, and particularly in the USA, we

found evidence that TV-dramas become the subject, and often the reason for social

conversation, which carries some political content. TV-dramas bring average citizens

together in a way that news broadcasts often fail to do, by providing the basis for

informal and seemingly non-political conversations. Talking about TV-dramas and

their content in a social setting can lead to the development of better informed

citizens.

In our paper, we also focused on the cultural particularities that interact with

show content in how audiences perceive information from TV-dramas. The data from

Greece, the Netherlands and USA show that the educational value of TV-dramas does

not have national borders. Viewers in the three countries acquire some insights and

27

practical advice, while their perceptions are simultaneously coloured by their cultural

and political home environment. Characteristically, while among our Greek

participants we identified the welcoming of changes in Greek society, the notion of

political change was met with resistance by their Dutch counterparts.

In closing, our paper focuses on the potential of entertainment television to

enhance citizens’ civic IQ. The findings point to modest but interesting effects of TV-

dramas on viewers’ political understanding and discussion patterns. Political scientists

have only recently started to explore the educational potential of TV-dramas and their

systematic study is a promising field. Our findings show that this line of work can

uncover the complexities of political learning while recognizing the power of popular

entertainment in shaping the way citizens see and experience the political world.

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