thinking about fear: findings from the ‘experience and expression in the fear of crime’ project...
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Trends over time We often read that fear of crime is increasing But is this true? If we have a commitment to evidence, what evidence might we draw upon? For more than 2 decades, the British Crime Survey has asked respondents: ‘How worried are you about becoming a victim of... burglary/mugging/car crime?’TRANSCRIPT
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Thinking about fear:Findings from the ‘Experience and Expression in the Fear of Crime’ project
Talk given at Manning Gottlieb OMD, March 2007
Dr Jonathan Jackson (LSE), Dr Stephen Farrall (University of Keele), Ms Emily Gray (University of Keele)
Funded by UK Economic & Social Research Council Award No. RES000231108
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Outline Basic issues in the fear of crime
Trends over time Functional fear Everyday experience & generalised anxiety
Drivers of fear Risk perception Mass media and interpersonal communication Perceptions of social order, cohesion and people Personal experience Feedback
Findings from the Experience and Expression project
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Trends over time
We often read that fear of crime is increasingBut is this true?
If we have a commitment to evidence, what evidence might we draw upon?
For more than 2 decades, the British Crime Survey has asked respondents:
• ‘How worried are you about becoming a victim of . . . burglary/mugging/car crime?’
![Page 4: Thinking about fear: Findings from the ‘Experience and Expression in the Fear of Crime’ project Talk given at Manning Gottlieb OMD, March 2007 Dr Jonathan](https://reader036.vdocuments.net/reader036/viewer/2022062317/5a4d1b327f8b9ab05999baa3/html5/thumbnails/4.jpg)
Trends over time: Evidence from the BCS
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Trends over time: Evidence from the BCS
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‘Functional fear’
Psychologists have long recognised that worry can be a problem-solving activity as well as a chronic and unhelpful activity.
A study has found that 25% of those who reported being ‘very worried’ about falling victim of crime, also did not feel that fear of crime or their precautions against crime affected their quality of life.
Many of these individuals took precautions and felt better because of taking these precautions;
Being ‘worried’ meant being careful. Is this adaptational?
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‘Functional fear’
That was a small-scale study Consider data from the 05/06 British Crime
Survey:How worried are you about being a victim of crime * quality of life affected by fear of
crime subgroups Crosstabulation
% within How worried are you about being a victim of crime
46.2% 35.6% 18.2% 100.0%55.8% 37.4% 6.8% 100.0%82.5% 15.9% 1.5% 100.0%91.5% 6.7% 1.8% 100.0%
100.0% 100.0%73.4% 22.3% 4.3% 100.0%
Very worriedFairly worriedNot very worriedNot at all worriedRefusal, No answer
How worriedare you aboutbeing a victimof crime
Total
Minimal Moderate Great
quality of life affected by fear of crimesubgroups
Total
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The everyday experience of worry about crime
Moreover, 35% of the 03/04 British Crime Survey reported being ‘fairly’ or ‘very’ worried about being mugged or robbed
Leaving aside the issue of ‘functional fear’, how should we interpret this finding?Does one-third of the population go about their
day regularly feeling worried?
Analysis of the same dataset showed that 60% of those who said they were ‘very worried’ had not actually worried once over the past year
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Let us leave aside conceptual issues
Let us look at the evidence on the drivers of fear:
Risk perception
Mass media and interpersonal communication
Perceptions of social order, cohesion and people
Personal experience
Feedback
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Drivers of fear: Risk perception
People worry about an event when they have formed particular representations of that event (although we need more research on these issues): It is likely (the most important) One can imagine it happening (the second most
important) It has consequences and resonance It is uncontrollable
Perhaps people are attuned to risks of a peculiarly social nature: The ‘how dare they’ factor Strikes at the heart of social organisation
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Drivers of fear: Media & communication
Very difficult to research . . .
however, people must to a certain degree get their sense of the crime problem and images of criminal victimization from the mass media and interpersonal communication
Evidence is mixed, perhaps partly because of the difficulty of teasing out media consumption, how people interact with media messages, and the direction of causation
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Drivers of fear: Media & communication A plural set of media may amplify or attenuate risks if
they resonate with public feelings and mood – if the symbols and representations deployed capture existing public concerns and frames of reference
Issues are more likely to receive media attention if they can be easily integrated into a narrative that motivates interlinked processes:
• Connecting: links are made between new events and already familiar instances and narratives, providing a readily available frame in which to understand novel phenomena.
• Contextualising: links are made to more abstract but still resonant contemporary issues.
• Anchoring: the imagery and connotations of an event are placed within popular anxieties and fears.
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Drivers of fear: Media & communication
Circulating images of crime Scapegoating: how media talk about a social problem and present a
social group as an embodiment of that problem
Individuals may also pick up from media and interpersonal communication circulating images of the event, the perpetrators, victims and motive – namely, particular images of the risk event
• ‘Stimulus similarity’ (Winkel and Vrij, 1990): if the reader of a newspaper, for example, identifies with the described victim, or feels that their own neighbourhood bears resemblance to the one described, then the image of risk may be taken up and personalised
• Stapel et al. (1994) found subjects who received car crash information and who shared social identity with the victims provided elevates estimates of risk compared to those who had no basis for assumed similarity
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Drivers of fear: Social perception
Risk perceptions are shaped by the presence of signifiers of crime in the environment: individuals, incivilities, community conditions
Perceptions of social cohesion, trust and informal social control
‘Broken windows’ and incivility
Interpretations of the values, norms and morals of the people who make up the community
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Drivers of fear: Personal experience
Mixed results on effect of direct experience
However, the BCS only asks about the last yearVictimisation is more strongly related to the
frequency of fear rather than standard indicators
Stronger effects of indirect experience
Again, may depend on ‘atimulus similarity’
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Drivers of fear: Personal experience
One can also compare risk rates to relative fear levels
-1-.5
0.5
Leve
l of w
orry
20 40 60 80 100Age
Men: Women:Personal crime Personal crimeBurglary BurglaryCar crime Car crime
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Drivers of fear: Feedback
Emotion can influence risk perception Worriers can be:
• preoccupied with negative information and future unpleasant outcomes,
• hyper-vigilant in scanning for salient material relating to threat, • see ambiguous events as threatening, • and over-estimate risk
Emotion can influence environmental perception
High levels of anxiety can lead individuals to attend to threat-related stimuli in the environment, increase the tendency to regard ambiguous stimuli as threatening, and retrieve threat-related information from memory more readily
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Our ESRC project
Finding that there are two ‘streams of fear’: Everyday worry (more strongly related to victimisation
and crime levels) More generalised anxiety (people say they are worried,
but have not actually worried recently, so they rarely find themselves in threatening situations)
Therefore, fear of crime is not reducible to concrete mental events
It also involves mental states (diffuse anxiety) and condenses a range of social concerns
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Distribution of anxiety
The people who are anxious but do not actually worry appear to be …
… amongst the better off in society, home-owners, living in areas with high rates of professional employees, living in ethnically ‘white’ neighbourhoods, living in areas with low levels of disorder and low levels of deprivation.
… more victimised than the UNWORRIED, but less victimised than the WORRIED.
… a socially and criminologically ‘middling sort’?
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Some Possible Explanations?
Middle class ‘fear of falling’? (Ehrenreich, 1989, Taylor & Jamison, 1999).
Anxiety about wider social change? (Girling et al, 2000).
The creation of ‘fearing subjects’? (Lee, 2001).
Intrusion of crime into middle class life? (Garland, 2001).
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The next step: modelling the processes
Perceived likelihood of
mugging
11%
Knowing victim of mugging
Perception of social
cohesion and control
Perception of disorder
.05*
Experential fear:
mugging
13%
.26*
IMD: crime levels
ACORN: changes in
area
12%
8%
.24*
.25*
.09*
.17*
.07*
Victim of mugging
Expressive fear:
mugging
16%
.27*
.21*
.10*
.07*.28*
.06*.06* .13*
.09* .05*
01% 00%
.02
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Modelling the processes: early results
Levels of crime and broader social changes predict public perceptions of disorder and social cohesion/collective efficacy
Signs of disorder signal to observers a danger to social cohesion
Both disorder and cohesion shapes perceived risk
Both types of ‘fear of crime’ are shaped by perceived risk and concerns about order/cohesion
However, the frequency of fear is also correlated with victimisation and knowing a victim
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Modelling the processes: early results
Therefore, both types of fear express how people make sense of their local environment Both types of fear are ‘lay seismographs of social
cohesion and moral consensus’
In expressive fear, worry about crime is a way of expressing a generalised sense of risk and concern about community breakdown
In experential fear, worry about crime is the same, but it also manifests in everyday ‘spikes’ of emotion, partly because these people live at the ‘sharp end of life’