thomspon, the moral economy of the english crowd in the eighteenth century

8/13/2019 Thomspon, The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century

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The ast and resent Society

The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth CenturyAuthor(s): E. P. ThompsonSource: Past & Present, No. 50 (Feb., 1971), pp. 76-136Published by: Oxford University Presson behalf of The Past and Present Society

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THE MORAL ECONOMY OF THE ENGLISHCROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY*He thatwithholdethorn, hePeopleshall cursehim: butBlessing hallbe upontheHeadof him hat elletht. Proverbsi. 26.

IWE HAVEBEENWARNED N RECENTYEARS,BY GEORGERUDEAND OTHERS,against he loose employmentf the term mob". I wish n thisarticle o extend hewarningotheterm riot", specially here hefoodriot n eighteenth-centuryngland s concerned.This simplefour-letter ord can concealwhatmaybe describedas a spasmodic iewofpopularhistory.Accordingothisviewthecommon eoplecan scarcely e taken s historicalgents efore heFrenchRevolution. Beforehisperiod heyntrude ccasionallyndspasmodicallyponthehistoricalanvas,nperiods f sudden ocialdisturbance. These intrusions re compulsive, ather han self-conscious r self-activating:hey resimpleresponses o economicstimuli. It is sufficiento mention bad harvest r a down-turnntrade, nd allrequirementsf historicalxplanationresatisfied.Unfortunately,venamong hosefewBritish istorians ho haveadded to ourknowledge f suchpopularactions, everalhave lentsupportto the spasmodicview. They have reflectedn only acursoryway upon the materialswhichtheythemselves isclose.Thus Beloff omments n the foodriotsof the early eighteenthcentury: this resentment, hen unemploymentnd high pricescombined o make conditions nendurable, ented tself n attacksupon corn-dealers nd millers, ttackswhich oftenmust havedegeneratedntomere xcuses or rime".' But we searchhispagesin vain forevidence as to the frequencyf this "degeneration".Wearmouth,nhis useful hroniclefdisturbance,llowshimself ne* This articlereportsresearch commenced in 1963 and somewhat retardedin thepast fiveyears bytheexigencies nd alarumsof work n a newuniversity.An earlierversion was presented t a conference rganized by theDepartmentofHistory t the StateUniversity f New York at Buffalon April 1966. I havealso tothank he Nuffield oundationfor morerecentgrant naid ofresearch;and to thankMr. Malcolm Thomas, Miss J.Neeson and Mr. E. E. Dodd forassistance. The originalpaper has been revisedand extendedat a numberofpoints.

1 M. Beloff,Public Order and Popular Disturbances,r660-.7.4 (Oxford,1938),P. 75.

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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 77explanatoryategory:distress".2 Ashton,n hisstudy ffoodriotsamong the colliers,bringsthe supportof the paternalist: theturbulencefthe collierss,ofcourse, o be accounted orbysome-thingmore lementaryhanpolitics: t was the nstinctiveeactionfvirilityo hunger".3 The riotswere "rebellions f thebelly",andthere s a suggestionhat his s somehow comfortingxplanation.The line of analysisruns: elementary instinctive hunger.CharlesWilsoncontinues he tradition: Spasmodicrises n foodpricesprovoked eelmen n theTyneto riot n 1709,tin miners oplundergranaries t Falmouth n 1727". One spasm led on toanother: he outcomewas"plunder".4For decades systematicocial history as lagged n the rear ofeconomichistory,ntilthepresent ay,when qualificationntheseconddisciplines assumed o confer,utomatically,roficiencynthefirst. One cannot hereforeomplainhat ecent cholarshipastended osophisticatendquantifyvidencewhichsonly mperfectlyunderstood. The deanof thespasmodic chool s of courseRostow,whosecrude"social tension hart"was first utforwardn I948.5Accordingothis,weneedonlybring ogethern index funemploy-ment nd one ofhighfoodprices o be able to chart he courseofsocial disturbance.This contains a self-evidentruth (peopleprotestwhen hey rehungry):ndin much he samewaya "sexualtension hart"wouldshow that he onsetof sexualmaturityanbecorrelated ith greaterrequencyf exual ctivity.The objectionis that uch a chart,fusedunwisely,mayconclude nvestigationtthe exactpoint t which tbecomes f serious ociological rculturalinterest: einghungryor being exy),whatdo peopledo? How is

2 R. F. Wearmouth,Methodism nd the CommonPeople of theEighteenthCenturyLondon, 1945), esp. chaps. I and 2.3T. S. Ashton and J. Sykes, The Coal Industry f theEighteenth entury(Manchester, 1929), p. 131.4Charles Wilson, England's Apprenticeship, 603-1763 (London, 1965),p. 345. It is true that the Falmouth magistratesreportedto the duke ofNewcastle (i6 Nov. 1727) that "the unruly inners"had "brokeopen and plun-dered several cellars and granariesof corn". Their reportconcludes with acomment which suggests that they were no more able than some modernhistorians o understandthe rationaleof the directaction of the tinners:"theoccasion of theseoutrageswas pretendedby the rioters o be a scarcity f cornin the county,but this suggestionis probably false, as most of those whocarriedoff he corn gave it away or sold it at quarter price". Public RecordOfficehereafter .R.O.), S.P., 36/4/22.1W. W. Rostow,BritishEconomyn theNineteenth entury Oxford, 1948),esp. pp. 122-5. Among the more interesting tudieswhich correlateprices,harvests, nd popular disturbance re: E. J.Hobsbawm, "Economic Fluctuat-ions and Some Social Movements", in LabouringMen (London, 1964) andT. S. Ashton,EconomicFluctuations n England,1700-i8oo (Oxford, 1959).



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78 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50theirbehaviourmodified y custom,culture, nd reason? And(havinggranted hattheprimarytimulus f "distress" s present)doestheir ehaviourontributeowardsnymore omplex, ulturally-mediatedfunction, hich annotbe reduced however ong t isstewedoverthe fires fstatisticalnalysis backto stimulus nceagain?Too many f ourgrowth istoriansreguilty f a crass conomicreductionism,bliteratinghecomplexitiesfmotive, ehaviour,ndfunction, hich,f hey oted t n thework f heirmarxistnalogues,would makethemprotest. The weaknesswhich heseexplanationsshare s an abbreviated iewof economicman. What s perhaps noccasion for surprise s the schizoid intellectual limate,whichpermitshis uantitativeistoriographyo co-existinthe ameplacesand sometimesn the sameminds)with socialanthropologyhichderives rom urkheim,Weber, rMalinowski. Weknow ll aboutthedelicate issue f ocialnormsndreciprocitieshich egulateshelifeofTrobriandslanders,nd thepsychic nergiesnvolvedn thecargocults ofMelanesia;but at somepoint his nfinitely-complexsocial creature,Melanesianman, becomes (in our histories) heeighteenth-centurynglish ollierwhoclapshishandspasmodicallyuponhisstomach,ndresponds oelementaryconomictimuli.To thespasmodic willoppose myown view.6 It is possible odetect in almost every eighteenth-centuryrowd action somelegitimizingotion. Bythe notion flegitimationmeanthatthemen and women n the crowdwere nformedythe belief hat heyweredefendingraditionalightsrcustoms; nd, ngeneral,hat heywere supported y the wider consensusof the community.Onoccasion hispopularconsensuswas endorsed y some measure flicence ffordedythe authorities. Morecommonly,he consensuswassostronghat t overrodemotives ffear rdeference.The foodriot neighteenth-centurynglandwas a highly-complexform fdirectpopular ction,disciplinednd withclear bjectives.How far heseobjectiveswereachieved that s, howfar he foodriotwasa "successful" orm faction is too ntricate question otacklewithin he imits f an article; utthequestion anat leastbeposed ratherhan, s iscustomary,eingdismissed nexamined itha negative),ndthis annot e doneuntil he crowd's wnobjectivesare identified. t is of coursetruethatriotsweretriggeredff ysoaringprices,by malpracticesmongdealers, r by hunger. But6 I have found mosthelpful hepioneering tudybyR. B. Rose, "EighteenthCenturyPrice Riots and Public Policy in England", InternationalReview ofSocial History, i (1961); and G. Rud6, TheCrowd nHistoryNew York, 1964).



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 79thesegrievancesperatedwithin popular onsensuss towhatwerelegitimatend whatwere llegitimateracticesnmarketing, illing,baking,etc. This in its turnwas groundedupon a consistenttraditionaliew f ocialnorms ndobligations,f heproper conomicfunctions f severalpartieswithin he community, hich,takentogether,an be said to constitutehe moraleconomy fthepoor.An outrage o these moralassumptions, uite as muchas actualdeprivation,as theusualoccasion ordirect ction.Whilethis moraleconomy annotbe described s "political" nany dvanced ense,neverthelesstcannot e describeds unpoliticaleither,ince tsupposeddefinite,ndpassionatelyeld,notions fthecommonweal- notionswhich, ndeed,found omesupportn thepaternalistradition f the authorities; otionswhich the peoplere-echoed o loudlyn their urn hatthe authorities ere, n somemeasure, heprisoners f thepeople. Hence thismoraleconomyimpinged erygenerally pon eighteenth-centuryovernmentndthought,nd didnotonly ntrude tmomentsfdisturbance. Theword riot" s too small oencompassllthis.

IIAswespeakof he ash-nexus hichmerged hroughhe industrialrevolution,otheres a sense nwhichwe canspeak f heeighteenth-centuryread-nexus. The conflict etween hecountrysidendthetown was mediatedby the priceof bread. The conflict etweentraditionalismnd the new political economyturned upon theCornLaws. Economic lass-conflictnnineteenth-centurynglandfound its characteristicxpression n the matter of wages; ineighteenth-centurynglandtheworking eoplewere mostquicklyinflamedo actionbyrising rices.This highly-sensitiveonsumer-consciousnesso-existedwiththegreat ge ofagriculturalmprovement,n thecorn belt of theEastand South. Thoseyearswhich rought nglish gricultureo a newpitchofexcellencewerepunctuated y theriots or,as contem-poraries ften escribedhem, he "insurrections"r "risings fthepoor"- of 1709, 1740,1756-7,1766-7,1773,1782,and, aboveall,1795and I8OO-I. This buoyant apitalistndustryloated ponanirasciblemarketwhichmight t anytimedissolve ntomaraudingbands,who scoured hecountryside ithbludgeons, r rose in themarket-placeo "set the price"of provisionst thepopular evel.The fortunesfthosemostvigorous apitalist lassesrested,n thefinal nalysis, ponthe sale ofcereals,meat,wool; andthefirstwo



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80o PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50mustbe sold,with ittlentermediaryrocessing,othemillionswhowere heconsumers. Hencethefrictionfthemarket-placeakes sinto central reaof henation's ife.The labouring eople in the eighteenthentury id not live bybread lone,but as thebudgets ollected yEdenandDavid Daviesshow)many f hem ivedveryargelyn bread. This breadwasnotaltogether heaten, lthoughwheaten readgainedground teadilyover othervarieties ntil the early1790s. In the 1760s CharlesSmith stimatedhat f supposed opulationf bout ix millionsnEnglandand Wales,3,750,000werewheat-eaters,88,oooate rye,739,000 tebarley,nd 623,000oats.7 By 1790we may udgethatat east wo-thirdsfthepopulation ere atingwheat., The patternof onsumptioneflected,npart, omparativeegreesfpoverty,nd,in part, cological onditions. Districtswithpoorsoils and uplanddistrictslikethe Pennines)wherewheatwill not ripen,werethestrongholdsf other ereals. Still, n the 790s,the Cornish innerssubsistedargely n barley read. Muchoatmealwas consumed nLancashire nd Yorkshire andnotonlybythepoor.9 AccountsfromNorthumberlandonflict,ut t would eem hatNewcastlendmany fthesurroundingit villages adbythengoneover owheat,whilethecountrysidend smaller owns ubsisted n oatmeal, yebread,maslin,x0 ra mixture fbarley nd"graypease".1'Through hecentury,gain,whitebreadwasgaining pondarkerwholemeal arieties. This waspartly matterf tatus-values hichbecame attached owhitebread,butbyno meanswholly o. Theproblemsmost omplex, ut everalspectsmay ebriefly entioned.It wasto theadvantagefbakers nd of millersosellwhite readorfineflour, ince the profitwhichmight e gainedfrom uch saleswas, ngeneral,arger. (Ironically,hiswas npart consequence fpaternalist onsumer-protection,ince the Assize of Bread wasintendedopreventhebakers romakingheir rofitrom hebread

7C. Smith,ThreeTracts n theCorn-Trade ndCorn-Laws, nd edn. (London,1766), pp. 14o, 182-5.8 See Fitzjohn Brand, A Determinationf theAverageDepressionof Wheatin War belowthatofthePreceding eace etc. London, 18oo), pp. 62-3, 96.1These generalizations re supportedby "replies fromtowns as to bread inuse", returned o thePrivyCouncil in 1796in P.R.O., P.C.I/33/A.87 and A.88.10For maslin (a mixed bread of several cereals) see Sir William Ashley,The Bread ofourForefathersOxford, 1928), pp. 16-19.11See C. Smith, op. cit., p. 194 (for 1765). But the mayorof Newcastlereported 4 May 1796) thatryebread was "much used by the workmenem-ployed in the Coal Trade", and a reporterfrom Hexham Abbey said thatbarley,barleyand graypease, or beans, "is the only bread of the labouringpoor and farmers' ervants nd even of manyfarmers",withryeor maslin inthe towns: P.R.O., P.C.I/33/A.88.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 8Iof thepoor; hence t was in thebaker's nterest o make as little"household"bread s possible, nd that ittle asty.12) In thecities,whichwere lert o thedangersf dulteration,ark readwassuspectas offeringasy concealment or noxious additives. In the lastdecadesof the centurymanymillers daptedtheirmachineryndbolting-cloths,o that heywerenot nfact bletodress heflour orthe ntermediaryhousehold" oaf,producing nly he finerualitiesfor hewhite oaf nd the"offal" or brown oafwhich ne observerfound so musty,riping,ndperniciouss toendangerheconstitu-tion".13 The attempts f the authorities,n times of scarcity,oimpose he manufacturef coarser rades or,as in 1795, hegeneraluse ofthe"household" oaf),were ttended ymanydifficulties,ndoften esistanceybothmillersndbakers.14By the end of the century eelings f statuswere profoundlyinvolvedwherever heaten readprevailed,ndwas threatenedya coarsermixture. There s a suggestionhat abourersccustomedtowheaten read ctually ould notwork sufferedromweakness,indigestion,r nausea- if forced o change o roughermixtures.16Even in the face of theoutrageous ricesof 1795and 18OO-I, heresistance fmany ftheworking eoplewas impermeable.16TheGuild Stewards of Calne informed he PrivyCouncil in 1796that "creditable"peoplewereusingthe barley-and-wheatixture

12 Nathaniel Forster,An Enquiry nto the Cause of theHigh Price ofProv-isions London, 1767), PP. 144-7.13 J. S. Girdler,Observations n thePerniciousConsequences f Forestalling,Regrating nd IngrossingLondon, I8oo), p. 88.14The problemwas discussed lucidly n [Governor]Pownall,Considerationson the Scarcityand High Prices ofBread-cornand Bread (Cambridge, 1795),esp. pp. 25-7. See also Lord John Sheffield,Remarks on the Deficiency fGrain occasionedby thebad Harvest of 1799 (London, 18oo), esp. pp. 105-6for the evidence that (1795) "there is no household bread made in London".A Honitoncorrespondentn 1766 described household bread as "a base mixtureoffermented ran grounddown and bolted,to which is added theworstkindof meal not rang'd": Hist. MSS. Comm.,City of Exeter,series xxiii,p. 255.On this very complex question see further . and B. Webb, "The Assize ofBread", EconomicJi., xiv (1904), esp. pp. 203-6.11See e.g. Lord Hawkesbury to the duke of Portland, I9 May 1797, inP.R.O., H.O. 42/34.16See R. N. Salaman, The History nd Social Influence f thePotato (Cam-bridge, 1949), esp. pp. 493-517. Resistance extendedfrom the wheat-eatingsouth andmidlandsto theoatmeal-eating orth; correspondent rom tockportin 1795 noted that "a veryliberal subscriptionhas been entered nto forthepurpose of distributing atmeal & otherprovisions mong thepoor at reducedprices- This measure, am sorry o say,gives ittle atisfaction o thecommonpeople, who are still clamorous & insiston havingwheaten bread": P.R.O.,W.O. I/Io94. See also J.L. and B. Hammond, TheVillageLabourer London,1966 edn.), pp. II9-23.



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82 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50required yauthority,nd that hemanufacturingnd abouringoorwith argefamilieshave in generalused barleybread alone. The rest,making perhaps some-thingabout one-thirdof the poor manufacturers nd others,with smallerfamilies sayingtheycould get nothingbutbread)have, as before hescarcity,eat nothingbut baker's bread,made of wheatmeal called seconds.17The Bailiff fReigate eportedn similar erms:... as to the poor labourerswho have scarce any sustenance but bread, &fromthe custom of the neighbourhoodhave always eaten bread made ofwheat only; amongst these I have neitherurged nor wished a mixtureofbread, leastthey houldnot be nourished ufficientlyo supporttheir abour.Those few abourerswho had trieda mixture found themselvesfeeble, ot,& unableto labourwith nydegree fvigor".18When,in December18oo, the governmentntroduced n Act (popularlyknown s theBrownBreadAct or "PoisonAct")whichprohibitedmillers rommakingnyother hanwholemeal lour,heresponse fthepeoplewas immediate.At Horsham Sussex),A number of women ... proceeded to Gosden wind-mill,where, abusingthemiller forhavingservedthem with brownflour, heyseized on the clothwithwhichhe was thendressingmealaccordingo the directionsftheBread Act, and cut it into a thousandpieces; threatening t the same timeto serve all similarutensilshe might n future ttemptto use in the samemanner. The amazonian leader of this petticoated cavalcade afterwardsregaled her associates with a guinea's worth of liquor at the Crab Treepublic-house.As a resultof such actions, he Act was repealed n less than twomonths. 9Whenpriceswerehigh,more han ne-half f heweekly udget fa labourer'sfamilymightbe spenton bread.20 How did thesecerealspass,from hecropsgrowingn thefield, o thelabourers'homes? At first ight t appearssimple. There is thecorn: it isharvested,hreshed,aken omarket, round tthemill,baked, nd'7 P.R.O., P.C.I/33/A.88. Compare the return fromJ. Boucher, vicar ofEpsom, 8 Nov. 18oo, in H.O. 42/54: "Our Poor live not only on the finestwheatenbread, but almoston bread alone"."8P.R.O., P.C.I/33/A.88.19P.R.O., P.C.I/33/A.88; Reading Mercury,16 Feb. ISoi. Hostilitytothese changesin milling,which were imposed by an Act of I8oo (41 Geo. III,c.I6) was especially strongin Surrey and Sussex. Complainants producedsamplesofthenew bread to a SurreyJ.P.: "They representedt as disagreeableto the taste (as indeed it was), as utterlyncompetent o supportthemundertheir daily labour, & as productiveof bowelly complaints to them and totheir children n particular": Thomas Turton to Portland,7 Feb. 18oi01,.O.42/61. The Act was repealed in ISOI: 41 Geo. III, c.2.20 See especially hebudgets n D. Davies, The Case ofLabourers nHusbandry(Bath, 1795); and in Sir FrederickEden, The State ofthePoor (London, 1797).Also D. J.V. Jones,"The Corn Riots in Wales, 1793-18o1", WelshHist. Rev.,ii (4)(1965), App. I, p. 347.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 83eaten. But at everypointwithin hisprocessthere re radiatingcomplexities,pportunitiesorextortion,lash-pointsroundwhichriots could arise. And it is scarcelypossibleto proceedfurtherwithoutketchingut, n a schematicway, hepaternalist odelofthemarketingndmanufacturingrocess the traditionallatonicideal appealed to in Statute,pamphlet, r protestmovementagainstwhichthe awkward ealities f commercendconsumptionwere n friction.The paternalist odel xistedn an erodedbodyof Statuteaw,aswell s commonaw andcustom. It was themodelwhich, ery ften,informedheactions fGovernmentntimes femergencyntil he1770s; and to whichmany ocal magistratesontinued o appeal.In thismodel,marketinghouldbe,so far s possible, irect,rom hefarmerothe onsumer. The farmershould ringheir ornn bulkto the ocalpitchingmarket;hey houldnot ell t while tandingnthefield,norshouldtheywithholdt in thehope ofrisingprices.The marketshouldbe controlled; o sales shouldbe madebeforestatedtimes,when a bell would ring; the poor should have theopportunityo buygrain, lour, rmealfirst,n smallparcels,withduly-supervisedeightsndmeasures. At a certain our,when heirneedsweresatisfied, secondbell wouldring, nd largerdealers(duly icensed)mightmake theirpurchases. Dealers werehedgedaroundwithmany estrictions,nscribed ponthemusty archmentsof the awsagainst orestalling,egratingnd engrossing,odifiednthereign f EdwardVI. Theymustnotbuy andfarmers ustnotsell) by sample. Theymustnotbuystandingrops,normightheypurchase o sellagain within hreemonths)nthe same market t aprofit,r in neighbouring arkets,nd so on. Indeed,formostoftheeighteenthenturyhemiddlemanemainedegally uspect, ndhisoperationswere, n theory,everely estricted.21Frommarket-supervisionepasstoconsumer-protection.illersand- to a greater egree bakerswere onsidereds servantsf hecommunity, orking otfor profitut for fair llowance. Many

21 The best general study of eighteenth-centuryorn marketingremainsR. B. Westerfield,Middlemen n English Business,1660-1760 (New Haven,1915), ch. 2. Also see N. S. B. Gras, TheEvolution ftheEnglishCorn MarketfromtheTwelfth o theEighteenth enturyCambridge, Mass., 1915); D. G.Barnes,A History ftheEnglishCornLaws (London, 1930); C. R. Fay, The CornLaws and Social England (Cambridge, 1932); E. Lipson, EconomicHistoryofEngland,6th edn. (London, 1956), ii, pp. 419-48; L. W. Moffitt, ngland onthe Eve of the ndustrialRevolutionLondon, 1925), ch. 3; G. E. Fussell andC. Goodmen, "Traffic in Farm Produce in EighteenthCentury England",AgriculturalHistory,xii (2)(1938); JanetBlackman, "The Food Supply of anIndustrialTown (Sheffield)",BusinessHistoryv (1963).



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84 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50ofthepoorwouldbuytheir rain irectnthemarketorobtain tassupplementowagesor ngleaning); heywould ake t tothemill obe ground,where he millermight xact customaryoll, nd thenwouldbake heir wnbread. In London ndthose arge ownswherethishad ongceased o be therule, hebaker's llowance rprofit ascalculated trictlyccordingo theAssize ofBread,whereby ithertheprice rtheweightfthe oafwasorderednrelationo therulingpriceofwheat.22This model, of course,parts companyat manypointswitheighteenth-centuryealities. What smore urprisings tonotehowfarpartsof it were stilloperative. Thus Aikin n 1795 is able todescribe heorderly egulationfPrestonmarket:The weeklymarkets .. are extremelywell regulatedto preventforestallingand regrating. None but the town's-people are permittedto buy duringthe firsthour, which is fromeightto nine in the morning:at nine othersmay purchase: but nothingunsold must be withdrawn rom he markettillone o'clock, fish xcepted ... 23In the ameyearn theSouth-Westanotherreanoted or radition-alism)thecity uthoritiest Exeter ttemptedo controlhucksters,higlers,nd retailers" yexcludinghemfrom hemarket etween8 a.m. andnoon, twhichhours heGuildhall ellwouldbe rung.24The Assize of Breadwas stilleffectivehroughouthe eighteenthcenturynLondon nd nmanymarketowns.25 Ifwefollowhroughthe case ofsale by samplewe mayobservehowdangeroust is toassumeprematurelyhedissolutionfthecustomaryestrictions.It is oftenupposed hat aleof cornbysamplewasgeneral ythe

22 S. and B. Webb, "The Assize ofBread", Economic i., xiv, (1904).28 J.Aikin,A Description ftheCountryrom hirtyofortyMiles roundMan-chesterLondon, 1795), p. 286. One of the best surviving ecordsof a well-regulatedmanorial market in the eighteenth entury s that of Manchester.Here marketlookers for fish and flech,for corn weights and measures, forwhitemeats, forthe Assize of Bread, aletasters, nd officers o prevent"en-grossing,forestallingnd regretting"were appointed throughout he century,and finesfor shortweight nd measure,unmarketablemeat,etc. werefrequentuntil the 1750s; supervision thereafterwas somewhat more perfunctory(although continuing)with a revival of vigilance in the 1790s. Fines wereimposed for selling loads of grain before the market bell in 1734, 1737, and1748 (when WilliamWyatwas fined20os forsellingbefore the Bell runganddeclaringhe would sell at anyTime of the Day in Spite of eitherLord of theMannor or any person else"), and again in 1766. The CourtLeet Recordsofthe Manor ofManchester, d. J. P. Earwaker (Manchester, 1888/9),vols. vii,viii and ix,passim. For the regulationof forestallingt Manchester,see note64 below.24 Proclamationby Exeter Town Clerk, 28 March 1795, in P.R.O., H.O.42/34.25 See S. and B. Webb, op. cit.,passim;and J. Burnett, The Baking ndustryin the NineteenthCentury",BusinessHistory, (1963), PP. 98-9.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 85middle f the seventeenthentury, henBest describes hepracticein East Yorkshire,26 nd certainlyy 1725,when Defoe gave hisfamous ccount f thecorntrade.27 But,whilemany argefarmerswerenodoubt elling y samplenmost ounties ythisdate, heoldpitchingmarkets ere till ommon,ndeven urvivedn the nvironsof London. In 1718a pamphleteerescribedhedecline fcountrymarketss having aken laceonly n recent ears:One can see little else besides toy-shops nd stalls forbawbles and knick-knacks ... The tolls are sunk to nothing;and where, n the memoryofmany nhabitants, hereus'd to come to townupon a day,one, two,perhapsthree, nd in some boroughs,fourhundred oads of corn,now grass growsin themarket-place.The farmershe complained) ad come to shun the marketnd todeal with obbersand other"interlopers"t their doors. Otherfarmerstillbrought o market single oad "to makea showofa market,ndto havea Price et",butthemainbusinesswas done n"parcels f corn n a bagorhandkerchiefhich recalled amples"."8This was, ndeed, hedrift fthings. Butmany maller armerscontinued o pitch heirgrain n the markets before; nd the oldmodelremainedn men'sminds s a sourceofresentment.Againand againthenewmarketingrocedureswere contested. In 1710a petition n behalf fthepoorpeopleof StonyStratfordBucks.)complains hat he farmersnd dealerswere"buying nd sellingnthe farmyardsnd att theirBarneDoores soo thatnow the poorInhabitantsannothave a Grist t reasonable atesforourmoneywhich s a GreatCalamity".29In 1733several oroughs etitionedthe house of commons gainstthe practice:Haslemere Surrey)complained f millers nd mealmen ngrossinghe trade- they"secretly ought reat uantitiesfcornbysmall amples, efusingobuy such as hathbeen pitch'd n open market".30There is asuggestionfsomethingnderhandn thepractice,nd ofa lossoftransparencyn themarketingrocedure.As thecenturydvances hecomplaintso not diedown, lthoughthey end o movenorthwardsnd westwards. In thedearthf1756the PrivyCouncil, n addition o settingn motion he old laws

26 Rural Economy n Yorkshiren 1641 (Surtees Society,xxxiii, 1857), pP.99-105.27 The Complete nglishTradesmanLondon, 1727), ii, part2.28 Anon., An Essay toprovethatRegrators, ngrossers,orestallers, awkers,

and Jobbersof Corn, Cattle, and other Marketable Goods are DestructiveofTrade,Oppressorso thePoor,and a CommonNuisanceto theKingdomn General(London, 1718), pp. 13, 18-20.29 Bucks. Rec. Off.,Q.Sessions, Michaelmas.30 Commons ournals, March 1733.



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86 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50against forestalling,ssued a proclamationnjoining all farmers,under everepenalties,o bring heir ornto openmarket,nd notto sellbysample t their wndwellings".31But the authoritiesidnot iketobe pressed n thepoint ooclosely: n 1766 another earof scarcity) he Surreymagistratesnquiredwhether uyingbysample nfact emained punishable ffence,nd received porten-tously vasive eply H.M.'s Secretarys notbyhis office ntitledtogive nterpretationotheLaws.32Two letters ive some insightnto the spreadof new practicestowards heWest. A correspondent ritingo Lord Shelburne n1766 ccused hedealers nd millerstChippenhamf confederacy":

He himselfentto market or quarter fwheat, nd though hereweremany oadsthere,nd itwas soonafterhe market ellrang,wherever isagent pplied, heanswerwas " 'Tis sold". So that, hough.. to avoidthepenalty f thelaw,theybring t to market, etthebargains madebefore, nd the market s but a farce ... 3(Such practices ouldbe theactualoccasionof riot: nJune1757 twasreportedhat thepopulationose t Oxford nd n a fewminutesseized and divided load of corn thatwas suspected o havebeenboughtbysample, nd onlybroughto the marketo save appear-ances".34) The second etter,rom correspondentnDorchestern1772,describes differentractice fmarket-fixing:e claimed hatthegreat armersottogethero fix hepricebeforehemarket,andmany fthesemenwon't ell ess thanfortyushels,which hepoorcan't purchase. Thereforethemiller,who is no enemyto thefarmer, ivesthepricehe asks and thepoor must come to his terms.Paternalistsnd thepoorcontinued ocomplainttheextensionfmarket ractices hichwe, ooking ack, end o assume s inevitableand"natural".36 Butwhatmaynowappear s inevitable asnot, ntheeighteenthentury, ecessarilymatteror pproval. A charac-teristicamphletof1768)exclaimedndignantlygainsthe upposedlibertyfevery armerodoas he likeswithhis own. This wouldbea "natural",not a "civil" liberty:It cannotthenbe said to be theliberty fa citizen,or of one who livesundertheprotection fanycommunity; t s rather he iberty fa savage; thereforehe who avails himselfthereof,deserves not that protection, he power ofSocietyffords.31P.R.O., P.C. 1/6/63.32 CalendarofHome Ofice Papers (London, 1879), 1766,pp. 92-4.33 Ibid., pp. 91-2.34Gentleman'sMagazine, xxvii 1757), p. 286.

35 Anonymous etter n P.R.O., S.P. 37/9.36 Examples, froman abundant literature,will be found in: Gentleman'sMagazine, xxvi (1756), p. 534; Anon. [Ralph Courteville], The Cries of thePublic (London, 1758), p. 25; Anon. ["C.L."], A Letterto a Member fParlia-mentproposingAmendmentso the Laws against Forestallers, ngrossers, ndRegratersLondon, 1757), PP. 5-8; Museum Rusticum tCommerciale,v (1765),p. 199; Forster,op. cit.,p. 97.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 87Attendancefthefarmert markets "a material art f hisduty;heshouldnotbesufferedosecret rtodispose fhisgoods lsewhere"."7But afterhe176osthepitchingmarkets erformedo little unctionin mostparts f theSouth and the Midlands hat, nthesedistricts,the complaintgainst ample-sales less oftenheard, lthough hecomplainthat hepoorcannot uy nsmallparcelssstill eingmadeat theend ofthecentury.8 In parts fthe North t wasa differentmatter. A petition f Leeds labourersn 1795 complains f the"corn factors nd the millers nd a set of peopulwhich we callhuckstersnd mealmenwhohavegotthe corn ntotharehandsthattheymayhold tup and sell it at thare wnepriceortheywillnotsell it". "The farmersarry o corn o markit utwhat hey arrein tharepockit or hare ample.. . which ause thepooretogroaneverymuch".39 So long t took for process,which s often atedfrom tleastonehundred ears arlier,o work tswayout.This examplehas been followed o illustrate he density ndparticularityfthedetail, hediversityf ocalpractices,nd thewayin whichpopularresentmentould arise as old market racticeschanged. The samedensity,he samediversity,xists hroughoutthescarcely-chartedreaofmarketing.The paternalist odelwas,of course,breaking own at manyotherpoints. The Assize ofBread,although ffectiven checkingheprofitsf bakers, implyreflected he rulingpriceofwheator flour, nd could in no wayinfluencehese. The millerswerenow,in Hertfordshirend theThamesValley, eryubstantialntrepreneurs,ndsometimes ealersin grainor malt as well as large-scalemanufacturersf flour.40Outside hemain orn-growingistricts,rbanmarketsimply ouldnot be suppliedwithout he operation f factorswhose activitieswould have been nullifiedf egislation gainst orestallersad beenstrictlynforced.How fardidtheauthoritiesecognizehat heirmodelwasdriftingapartfrom eality? The answermustchangewiththe authorities

37 Anon., An Enquiry nto the Price of Wheat,Malt, etc. (London, 1768),pp. 119-23.31See e.g. Davies (below p. Ioi). It was reportedfrom Cornwall in 1795that"manyfarmers efuse o sell [barley] n small quantities o thepoor,whichcauses a great murmuring":P.R.O., H.O. 42/34; and fromEssex in ISoo that"in some places no sale takes place exceptingat the ordinaries,where buyersand sellers (chieflyMillers and Factors) dine together .. the benefitof theMarket is almost lost to the neighbourhood"; such practices are mentioned"withgreat ndignationby the lower orders": P.R.O., H.O. 42/54.39 P.R.O., H.O. 42/35.40 See F. J. Fisher, "The Development of the London Food Market, 1540-1640", Econ. Hist. Review,v (1934-5).



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88 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50concerned nd with the advance of the century.But a generalanswer an be offered:hepaternalistsid, n theirnormal ractice,recognizemuchofthechange, utthey eferred acktothis modelwhenevermergencyrose. In this heywere npart heprisonersof thepeople,who adopted partsof the model as theirright ndheritage. There is even an impressionhat mbiguity as actuallywelcomed. It gave magistratesn disturbed istricts,n time ofdearth, ome room formanoeuvre,nd some endorsemento theirattempts o reduceprices by suasion. When the PrivyCouncilauthorized (as it did in 1709, 1740, 1756 and 1766) the postingofproclamationsn unreadableGothictypethreateningirepenaltiesagainstforestallers,adgers, aders,broggers,hucksters, tc., ithelpedthemagistrateso putthe fear fGod into ocal millers nddealers. It istrue hat he egislationgainst orestallersasrepealedin1772;but herepealing ctwasnotwelldrawn,ndduringhenextmajor carcityf1795Lord Kenyon, he chiefustice, ook tuponhimselfo announce hatforestallingemainedn indictable ffenceat commonaw: "though heact of EdwardVI be repealed whetherwisely runwisely takenotuponme tosay) yet t stillremains noffence t commonaw,co-evalwiththe constitution...".4 Thetrickle fprosecutionshich an be observedhroughouthecentury- usually or ettyffencesndonlynyears f carcity didnotdryup: indeed, herewereprobablymore n1795and18oo-ithan tanytime n theprevious wenty-fiveears.42 But it is clearthattheyweredesigned or ymbolicffect,s demonstrationsothepoorthatthe authorities ereacting igilantlyn theirnterests.Hence the paternalistmodel had an ideal existence,nd also afragmentaryeal existence. In years fgoodharvests nd moderateprices, heauthoritiesapsedintoforgetfulness. ut ifpricesroseand thepoorbecameturbulent,t wasrevived,t leastfor ymboliceffect.

41 Lord Kenyon's charge to the Grand Jury t ShropshireAssizes, Annalsof Agriculture, xv (1795), PP. IIO-II. But he was not proclaiminga newview of the law: the 1780 editionof Burn's Justice, i, pp. 213-4 had alreadystressed that (despite the Acts of 1663 and 1772) "at the common law, allendeavours whatsoever o enhance the commonprice of any merchandize ..whetherbyspreadingfalserumours,or by buyingthings n a market eforetheaccustomed hour, or by buyingand sellingagain the same thing n the samemarket"remained offences.42 Girdler, p. cit.,pp. 212-60, lists numberofconvictions n 1795and 18oo.Private ssociationswere established n severalcounties o prosecuteforestallers:see the Rev. J. Malham, The Scarcity of Grain Considered Salisbury, 18oo),pp. 35-44. Forestallingetc. remained offences t common law until 1844:W. Holdsworth,Historyof EnglishLaw (London, 1938 edn.), xi, p. 472. Seealso below,note64.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 89IIIFew intellectualictories avebeen moreoverwhelminghan hatwhich heproponentsfthenewpolitical conomywon n thematteroftheregulationf the nternal orn rade. Indeed, o absolutehasthevictoryeemed o some historianshat hey an scarcelyoncealtheir mpatience ith hedefeated arty.43The model of the newpolitical conomymay,with onvenience,e taken s thatofAdamSmith, lthoughThe Wealth fNationsmaybe seen notonlyas apoint fdepartureutalsoas a grand entral erminusowhichmanyimportantinesof discussionnthe middle ftheeighteenthentury

(someofthem, ike CharlesSmith's ucid Tracts n theCorn Trade(1758-9), specificallyoncernedto demolish the old paternalistmarket egulation) ll run. The debate between1767 and 1772whichculminated n the repeal of legislationgainstforestalling,signalled victory,n thisarea, for aisser-faireouryearsbeforeAdam Smith'sworkwaspublished.This signifiedess a new modelthanan anti-model a directnegative o thedisintegratingudor policiesof"provision". "Letevery ct that egardshecorn awsbe repealed",wroteArbuthnotn1773; "Let cornflowikewater,nd itwill find ts level".44 The"unlimited, nrestrainedreedom f the corn trade"was also thedemand of Adam Smith.45 The new economyentailed a de-moralizingf he heoryf rade ndconsumptiono essfar-reachingthan hemorewidely-debatedissolutionfrestrictionsponusury.46By"de-moralizing"t is notsuggestedhatSmith nd hiscolleagueswere mmoral47r wereunconcerned orthepublic good.48 It is43 See e.g. Gras, op. cit., p. 241 (".. . as Adam Smith has shown ...");M. Olson, Economicsof the WartimeShortage North Carolina, 1963), P. 53

("People were quick to find scapegoat").44 J. Arbuthnot "A Farmer"), An Inquiry nto the Connection etween hePresentPrice ofProvisions nd theSize ofFarms (London, 1773), p. 88.4 Adam Smith's "digressionconcerningthe Corn Trade and Corn Laws"is in Book Iv, chapter 5 of The WealthofNations.46 R. H. Tawney takes n the questionin Religionand theRise ofCapitalism(London, 1926), but it is not centralto his argument.47The suggestion was made, however, by some of Smith's opponents.One pamphleteer,who claimed to have known him well, alleged that AdamSmith had said to himthat"the ChristianReligiondebased the humanmind",and that"Sodomy was a thing n itself ndifferent". No wonderthat he heldheartlessviews on the corn trade: Anon., Thoughts fan Old Man of Indepen-dentMind though ependent ortune n thePresentHighPricesofCorn London,I8oo), p. 4.48 On the level of intention see no reason to disagreewith ProfessorA. W.Coats, "The Classical Economists and the Labourer", in Land, Labour andPopulation, d. E. L. Jonesand G. E. Mingay (London, 1967). But intentionis a bad measureof ideological interest nd of historical onsequences.



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90 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50meant,rather, hat the new political conomywas disinfestedfintrusivemoral mperatives.The old pamphleteers ere moralistsfirstnd economistsecond. In the neweconomicheoryuestionsas tothemoralpolity fmarketingo notenter, nless s preambleandperoration.In practicalerms,henewmodelworkednthisway. The naturaloperation fsupply nddemand nthe freemarketwould maximizethesatisfactionf all parties nd establish he common ood. Themarketwas neverbetter egulatedhanwhen t was left o regulateitself. In thecourse f a normal ear, heprice fcornwould djustitself hroughhemarketmechanism. Soon after arvesthe smallfarmers,nd all thosewithharvestwagesand Michaelmas ents opay,would thresh ut their ornand bring t to market,r releasewhat hey adpre-contractedo sell. FromSeptembero Christmaslow pricesmight e expected. The middling armers ould holdtheir orn,n thehopeof risingmarket,ntil heearly pring;whilethemostopulentfarmers nd farming entrywould hold some oftheirs ntil till ater fromMay to August in expectationfcatchinghemarkett the op. In thisway henation's orn eserveswereconvenientlyationed, ythepricemechanism,verfifty-twoweeks,withoutny nterventionythe State. Insofar smiddlemenintervenednd contractedor the farmers' rops n advance,theyperformedhis service frationingven moreefficiently.n yearsofdearth hepriceofgrainmightdvance o uncomfortableeights;butthiswasprovidential,ince apartfrom rovidingn incentiveothe importer)t was againan effectiveorm frationing, ithoutwhich ll stockswouldbe consumed n the first ine months f theyear,nd n the emaininghreemonths earth ould eexchangedoractualfamine.

The only way n which hisself-adjustingconomymight reakdownwas throughhemeddlesomenterferencef the State and ofpopularprejudice.49Corn mustbe left o flow reely rom reas ofsurplusoareas f carcity. Hence hemiddlemanlayed necessary,productive,nd laudabler61e. The prejudices gainstforestallersSmith dismissed urtly s superstitionsn a level withwitchcraft.Interference ith the naturalpattern f trademight nduce localfaminesor discouragefarmers rom ncreasing heiroutput. Ifprematurealeswereforced,rpricesrestrainedn times fdearth,49 Smith saw the two as going together: "The laws concerningcorn mayeverywherebe compared to the laws concerningreligion. The people feelthemselves o much interestedn what relates either o their ubsistence n thislife,or to theirhappinessin a lifeto come, thatgovernmentmustyieldto theirprejudices. .".



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 91excessive tocksmight e consumed. Iffarmersid holdbacktheirgrain oo ong, heywouldbe likely o suffer henpricesbroke. Asfor he other opular ulprits millers,mealmen, ealers, akersmuch the same logicapplied. Their tradeswerecompetitive.Atthe most hey ouldonlydistort ricesfromheirnatural evel overshort eriods,nd often otheir ltimate iscomfiture.Whenpricesbegan o soar t theend ofthecentury,heremedywasseen not nareturn o theregulationftrade,but in moreenclosure, illageofwaste ands, mprovement.It shouldnotbe necessaryoargue hat hemodelofa natural ndself-adjustingconomy, orking rovidentiallyorthe bestgoodofall, is as much a superstitions the notionswhich upheld thepaternalistmodel- although, uriously,t is a superstition hichsome economichistorians ave been thelastto abandon. In somerespectsmith'smodel onformed ore losely oeighteenth-centuryrealities han did the paternalist;nd in symmetrynd scope ofintellectualonstructiont was superior. But one shouldnotover-lookthespecious irofempirical alidationwhich hemodelcarries.Whereas he firstppealsto a moralnorm whatoughto be men'sreciprocaluties the econd ppears osay:"this s theway hingswork, rwouldworkf theStatedidnot nterfere".Andyet f oneconsiders hese ections fThe Wealth fNations hey mpressessasanessay nempiricalnquiryhan s a superb, elf-validatingssay nlogic.Whenweconsider he ctual rganizationf he ighteenth-centurycorn rade, mpirical erificationfneithermodel s tohand. Therehas been ittle etailednvestigationfmarketing;5nomajor tudy fthatkey igure,hemiller.51 EventhefirstetterfSmith's lphabet- the ssumptionhathighpriceswere n effectiveorm frationingremainsno morethan an assertion. It is notorious hat thedemand or orn, rbread, shighlynelastic. Whenbread s costly,thepoor as onehighly-placedbserver as oncereminded) o notgoover to cake. In the view of some observers,whenpricesroselabourersmightatthe amequantityfbread, utcutoutother temsin theirbudgets; heymight ven eatmore readto compensateorthe loss of other tems. Out ofone shilling,n a normalyear,6d.

50See, however,A. Everitt,"The Marketingof AgriculturalProduce", inThe Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. iv, 500oo-640, ed. JoanThirsk (Cambridge, 1967) and D. Baker, "The Marketingof Corn in thefirsthalf of the Eighteenth Century: North-eastKent", Agric. Hist. Rev.,xviii, 1970).51 There is some useful informationn R. Bennett and J. Elton, HistoryofCornMilling Liverpool, 1898), 4 vols.



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92 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50might oonbread,6d. on "coarsemeat ndplenty fgarden tuff";but na high-priceear hewhole hilling ouldgoonbread.52In anyevent,t is well known hatthepricemovementsfgraincannot be accounted for by simple supply-and-demandricemechanisms;nd thebounty aidtoencourageorn xports istortedmatters urther. Nextto air andwater, ornwas a primenecessityof life, bnormallyensitive o anydeficiencyn supply. In 1796Arthur oungcalculatedhat heoverall ropdeficiencyn wheatwaslessthan 5 percent;but heprice dvancewas 81percent:givingbyhiscalculation) profitothe griculturalommunityf?20 millionsovera normalyear.53 Traditionalist riters omplained hatthefarmersnd dealersacted from hestrengthf "monopoly";theywere rebuttedn pamphlet fterpamphlet, s "too absurdto beseriously treated: what more than two hundred thousandpeople... ".54 The point t issue,however, as notwhetherhisfarmer r thatdealercould act as a "monopolist", utwhetherhe

52 Emanuel Collins,LyingDetected Bristol,1758), pp. 66-7. This seems tobe confirmed y the budgets of Davies and Eden (see note 20 above), and ofnineteenth-centurybservers: see The UnknownMayhew,ed. E. P. Thompsonand E. Yeo (London, 1971), App. II. E. H. Phelps Brownand S. V. Hopkins,"Seven Centuries of the Prices of Consumables compared with Builders'Wage rates", Economica,xxii (1956), pp. 297-8 allow only 20% of the totalhousehold budget on farinaceousfood,althoughthebudgets of Davies and ofEden (taken n highpriceyears)showan averageof53%. This again suggeststhat in such years bread consumptionremainedstable, but other itemswerecut out altogether. In London theremay alreadyhave been a greaterdiversi-fication f diet by the 1790s. P. Colquhoun wrote to Portland,9 July 1795,that there was abundance of vegetables at Spitalfieldsmarket, expeciallypotatoes, "that great substitute for Bread", carrots and turnips: P.R.O.,P.C.I/27/A.54.53AnnalsofAgriculture,xvi 1796), pp. 470, 473. Davenant had estimatedin 1699 thata deficiencyn the harvestof one-tenth aised the price by three-tenths: Sir C. Whitworth,The Political and CommercialWorksof CharlesDavenant (London, 1771), ii, p. 224. The problem is discussed in W. M.Stemrn,The Bread Crisis in Britain,1795-6", Economica,new ser.,xxxi 1964),and J. D. Gould, "AgriculturalFluctuationsand the English Economy in theEighteenthCentury",Jl. Econ. Hist., xxii (1962). Dr. Gould puts weightona point oftenmentioned in contemporary pologetics for high prices (e.g.Farmer'sMagazine, ii, I8Ol, p. 81) that the small growers,n a yearofscarcity,required their entirecrop for seed and for theirown consumption: in suchfactors s thishe finds he"chieftheoretical xplanation f the extreme olatilityofgrain prices in the earlymodem period". One would requiremore invest-igation of the actual operationof the market before such explanationscarryconviction.54 Anon., ["A CountryFarmer"], Three Lettersto a Memberof theHouse

of Commons.. concerninghe PricesofProvisionsLondon, 1766), pp. 18-19.For other examples see Lord John Sheffield,Observations n the Corn Bill(London, 1791), P. 43; Anon., Inquiry ntothe Causes and Remedies f the ateand present carcityand highPrice ofProvisions London, 18oo), p. 33; J. S.Fry,Letters n the Corn-Trade Bristol,1816), pp. Io-II.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 93producingnd tradingnterestss a wholewereable,with long-continuingrainof favourable ircumstances,o takeadvantage ftheir ommand f a primenecessityf ife nd to enhance hepricetotheconsumer,n much he ameway sthe dvancedndustrializednations odayhave been able to enhance hepriceofcertainmanu-facturedoodsto the essadvancednations.As thecenturydvancedmarketingroceduresecame ess trans-parent, s the cornpassed through he hands of a morecomplexnetwork f intermediaries. armerswereselling,not in an opencompetitive arketwhich,n a local andregionalense,was theaimof thepaternalistather hanthe aisser-faireodel),but to dealersormillerswhowere n a better osition o holdstocks ndkeepthemarket igh. In the astdecadesof thecentury,s population ose,so consumption ressed continually pon production, nd theproducersouldmore enerallyommand seller'smarket. Wartimeconditions, hile not in fact nhibiting reatlyheimport fgrainduring onditions fscarcity,everthelessccentuated sychologicaltensions n suchyears.55Whatmatteredn settinghepost-harvestprice,wastheexpectationftheharvest ield:and there s evidencein the ast decadesof thecenturyf thegrowthfa farmingobby,wellaware f thepsychologicalactorsnvolvednpost-harvestricelevels, assiduously fosteringan expectation of shortage.56Notoriously,n yearsofdearth hefarmers' aceswerewreathednsmiles,5' while in years of abundant harvest Dame Nature'sinconsiderate ounty alled forth griculturalries of "distress".Andno matter owbountifulheyieldmightppear o theeyeofthetownsman,very arvestwasaccompanied ytalkofmildew, loods,blightedarswhich rumbledopowderwhen hreshingommenced.The free marketmodel supposesa sequenceof small to largefarmers,ringingheir orn o marketver heyear;butat theendofthecentury,s high-price earsucceededupon high-price ear, omore mallfarmers ere able to hold backsupplyuntil hemarketroseto their atisfaction. It was,afterll,for hemnota matter froutinemarketingut of intense, onsumingnterest: heirprofitfor heyearmight ependvery argely ponthepricewhich hree r

55See Olson, Economics f theWartimeShortage, h. 3; W. F. Galpin, TheGrain SupplyofEnglandduring heNapoleonicPeriod New York, 1925).56 See e.g. Anon., ["A West Country Maltster"], Considerations n thepresent ighPricesofProvisions,nd theNecessities fLife London, 1764),p. Io.57 "I hope", a Yorkshire land-ownerwrote in 1708, "the dearth of cornwhich is likely o continue forseveralyearsto come will make husbandryveryprofitable o us, in breakingup and improvingall our new land": cited byBeloff, p. cit.,p. 57.



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94 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50four orn-stacks ight etch). If rents ad to be paid,thegrowthncountry ankingmade it easier for the farmer o be accommo-dated.58 The September r October iotwas often recipitatedythefailure fpricesto fall after seemingly lentiful arvest,ndindicated conscious onfrontationetween eluctantroducer ndangry onsumer.These commentsreoffered,ot n refutationfAdamSmith, utsimplyoindicate laceswhere aution houldbe exercised ntil urknowledges greater. We need only sayof thelaisser-faireodelthat t is empiricallynproven; nherentlynlikely;ndthat here ssome evidence n the other ide. We haverecentlyeenremindedthat"merchantsmademoney n theeighteenthentury",nd thatgrainmerchantsmayhave made it "by operatinghe market".59Suchoperationsreoccasionallyecorded,lthough arelys franklyas wasnotedbya WhittlesfordCambs.)farmer ndcornmerchantin his diary n 1802:I bought eythisTime TwelveMonth t50oser Qr. I couldhave old t122s per Qr. The poor had theirflower,good rey, for 2s 6d per peck.Parishpaid the differenceome,whichwas Is 9d per peck. It was a Blessingto thePoorandgoodtome. I bought 20 Quarters.60The profitn thistransaction as above?1,ooo.

IVIf one canreconstructlear lternative odelsbehind hepoliciesoftraditionalistsnd ofpolitical conomists,an one constructhesame for hemoral conomyf thecrowd? This is lesseasy. Oneis confrontedy a complexof rationalanalysis,prejudice, ndtraditionalatternsfresponse o dearth. Nor is itpossible, t anygivenmoment, learly o identifyhe groupswhichendorsed hetheories f he rowd. Theycompriserticulatend narticulate,ndinclude men of education nd address. After1750 each yearofscarcity as accompanied ya spateofpamphletsnd letterso thepress, of unequal value. It was a commoncomplaintof the

58The point s notednAnon.,A Lettero theRt.Hon.Williamitt .. ontheCausesoftheHighPriceofProvisionsHereford, 795),p. 9; Anon., "ASocietyfPracticalarmers"], Letter o he t.Hon.Lord omervilleLondon,18OO), . 49. Cf.L. S. Pressnell,ountryankingnthendustrialevolution(Oxford, 956),pp. 346-8.59C. W. J.Graingernd C. M. Elliott,A FreshLook at Wheat rices ndMarketsn theEighteenth entury",con.Hist.Rev.,2ndser.,xx, 1967),p.262.60 E. M. Hampson, The Treatment fPoverty n Cambridgeshire,597-1834(Cambridge,934),P. 211.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 95protagonistsf free raden corn hatmisguided entrydded fuel otheflamesfmob discontent.

There struthnthis. The crowd erived ts enseof egitimation,in fact, rom hepaternalistmodel. Many gentlementillresentedthemiddleman s an interloper.Where ordsofthe manor etainedmarket ights heyresented he loss (throughample-sales tc.) oftheirmarket olls. If theywerelandlord-farmers,ho witnessedmeat or flourbeingmarketedt pricesdisproportionatelyigh nrelation o theirown receipts rom hedealers, heyresented heprofitsf these ommon radesmenhemore. The essayist f1718has a titlewhich s a precisof his matter:An EssaytoprovethatRegrators, ngrossers,orestallers, awkers and Jobbers f Corn,Cattle,and otherMarketableGoods... are Destructivef Trade,Oppressorso thePoor,and a Common uisance o theKingdomnGeneral. All dealers (unless simple droversor carters,movingprovisionsfromone point to the next) appeared to this notunobservant riter s a "vile andperniciouset ofmen"; and, ntheclassic termsof reproval doptedby men of settled stateto thebourgeois,theyare a vagabond sort of people .... They carrytheir all about them,and their .. stock s no more than a plain ridinghabit,a good horse,a listof the fairs and markets, nd a prodigious quantityof impudence. Theyhave the mark of Cain, and likehim wander fromplace to place, driving ninterloping radebetween the fairdealer and thehonestconsumer.6eThis hostilityo the dealerexistedeven amongmanycountrymagistrates,ome ofwhomwerenotedto be inactivewhenpopulardisturbanceswept hroughhe reasunder heirurisdiction.Theywerenotdispleased yattacks n dissentingrQuaker ornfactors.ABristol amphleteer,ho sclearly corn actor,omplaineditterlyin 1758to theJ.P.sof"your aw-givingmob",whichprevented,nthe previousyear,the exportof corn from he Severnand Wyevalleys,ndof"manyfruitlesspplicationso severalJusticesfthePeace".62 Indeed, the conviction rowsthata popular hubbub61 Adam Smithnoted nearly sixty years later that the "popular odium ...which attendsthecorn trade n yearsofscarcity, heonly years nwhich t canbe very profitable, enderspeople of character nd fortune verse to enter ntoit. It is abandoned to an inferior et of dealers". Twenty-fiveyears lateragain Earl Fitzwilliamwas writing: Dealers in cornarewithdrawing rom hetrade, afraid to traffic n an article traffickingn which had render'd themliable to so much obloquy& calumny, nd to be runat byan ignorantpopulace,without onfidence nprotection rom hose whooughttobe moreenlighten'd":Fitzwilliam oPortland,3 Sept. I8oo, P.R.O., H.O. 42/51. But an examinationof the fortunes f such families s the Howards, Frys and Gurneys mightcallin questionsuch literary vidence.62 Emanuel Collins, op. cit., pp. 67-74. In 1756 several Quaker meeting-houseswereattackedduringfoodriots n theMidlands: Gentleman'sMagazine,xxvi (1756), p. 4o8.



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96 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50againstforestallers as not unwelcome o some in authority. tdistracted ttention romthe farmers nd rentiers;while vagueQuarter essional hreatsgainst orestallersave o thepoor notionthat heauthorities ereattendingo their nterests.The old lawsagainst orestallers,dealer omplainedn 1766,are printed n everynewspaper,and stuckup in everycorner,by order ofthe justices,to intimidate he engrossers, gainstwhom many murmuringsare propagated. The common people are taughtto entertain veryhighopinionand reverenceforthese aws ....Indeed, he accused the justicesof encouragingthe extraordinarypretence,hat hepower ndspirit fthemob snecessaryoenforcethelaws".63 But if the aws were ctuallyet n motion,heyweredirected lmost without xception gainstpettyculprits localwide-boys r market-men, ho pocketed mall profits n trivialtransactions while he argedealers nd millerswereunaffected.64

S3 Anon.,Reflectionsn the resent ighPriceofProvisions,nd theComplaintsand Disturbancesrising herefromLondon, 1766), pp. 26-7, 31.64 Contrary o the common assumption,the forestallingegislationhad notfallen nto desuetude in thefirsthalf of the eighteenth entury. Prosecutionswere infrequent, ut sufficientlyvident to suggestthattheyhad some effectupon regulatingpettydealing in the open market. At Manchester (see note23 above) fines for forestalling r regrating ook place sometimesannually,sometimeseverytwo or threeyears,from1731 to 1759 (seven fines). Com-modities involved included butter,cheese, milk, oysters,fish, meat, carrots,pease, potatoes, turnips, cucumbers, apples, beans, gooseberries, currants,cherries, igeons,fowls,butveryrarely ats and wheat. Fines are less frequentafter1760 but include 1766 (wheat and butter), 1780 (oats and eels), 1785(meat), and 1796, 1797 and 1799 (all potatoes). Symbolically, he Court Leetofficers o preventforestallingumped from3 or 4 appointed annually 1730-1795) to 7 in 1795, 15 in 1796, I6 in 1797. In addition offenderswereprose-cuted on occasion (as in 1757) at Quarter Sessions. See Earwaker, CourtLeet Records citednote23 above), vols. vii, viii,and ix and Constables'Accounts(note 68 below), ii, p. 94. For otherexamples of offences, ee Essex QuarterSessions, indictments, Sept. 1709, 9 July17II (engrossing oats), and also171 for cases involving forestalling f fish,wheat, rye, butter, and, again,13 Jan. 1729/30: Essex Rec. Off., Calendar and Indictments, Q/SR 541,Q/SR 548, Q/SPb 3/7, Q/SPb b 3; Constables' presentments orforestallinghogs,Oct. 1735 and Oct. 1746: BurySt. Edmunds and West SuffolkRec. Off.,DB/I/8 (5); ditto forforestallingfbutter,Nottingham, Jan. 1745/6,Recordsof theBoroughofNottingham Nottingham, 1914), vi, p. 209; conviction forforestallingf fowls fine13s. 4d.) at AtherstoneCourt Leet and Court Baron,18 Oct. 1748: Warwicks. Rec. Off.,L2/24 23; cautionsagainstthe forestallingof butteretc., Woodbridge market,30 Aug. 1756: Ipswich and East SuffolkRec. Off.,V 5/9/6-3. In most Quarter-Sessional or market records theodd prosecution is to be found, before 1757. The author of Reflections(cited note 63 above), writing n 1766, says these "almost-forgottennd dis-regarded statutes"were employed for the prosecutionof "some submissivehucksters nd indigentor terrifiedobbers", and implies that the "principalfactors" have despised "these menaces", believingthemto be bad law (p. 37).For 1795 and I8oo see note 42 above: the mostimportant ases ofthe prose-cution of large dealers, were those of Rusby, for regrating ats (1799): seeBarnes, op. cit., pp. 81-3; and of Waddington,convictedof forestalling opsat WorcesterAssizes: see Times,4 Aug. I8oo and (for convictionupheld onappeal) I East 143 in EnglishLaw Reports London, 190Io), vol. cii,pp. 56-68.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 97Thus,to take late xample,n old-fashionedndcrustyMiddlesexJ.P., J. S. Girdler,nstituted generalcampaign f prosecutionsagainstsuch offendersn 1796 and 18oo, with handbillsofferingrewards or nformation,etters o thepress, tc. Convictions ereupheldat severalQuarter essions,but theamountgainedby thespeculatorsmounted nly oten orfifteenhillings. We canguessatthekind foffender homhisprosecutionsouched ythe iterarystyle f an anonymousetterwhichhe received:We noyou reanenemyoFarmers,Millers,Mealmen ndBakers ndourTrade f thadnotbeneforme andanother ouyou on ofa bitch ouwoldhavebenemurdurdong go byofferingour lasted ewardsndpersecutingOur Trade God damyouandblastyouyoushallnever iveto see anotherharvest.P 65CompassionateraditionalistsikeGirdlerwereoinedbytownsmenof various anks. Most Londonersuspected veryone hohadanypart nhandlingrain, lour rbreadofevery ind fextortion. Theurban obbywas,ofcourse, specially owerfuln themiddleyears fthe century, ressing oran end to the exportbounty, r for theprohibitionf all exportsn timeofdearth. But Londonand thelarger owns harbourednexhaustible eserves f resentment,ndsome of the wildest ccusations amefrom hismilieu. A certainDr. Manning, n the 1750s, published llegations hat bread wasadulteratedotonlywith lum, halk,whitingndbeanmeal, ut lsowithslaked imeand white ead. Most sensationalwas his claimthat millers urned ntotheirflour sacks of old groundbones":"the charnel ouses fthedead areraked, oaddfilthinessothefoodofthe iving", r,as another amphleteerommented,thepresentage [is]making eartymealsonthebonesofthe ast".Manning's ccusationswentfarbeyond heboundsofcredibility.(A critic omputed hat f limewas beingused on thescale of hisallegations,more wouldbe consumed n the London baking hanbuildingndustry).66Apartfrom lum,whichwas widelyused towhiten read, hecommonest orm fadulterationas probablyheadmixture f old, spoiledflourwith new flour.67But the urbanpopulationwas quickto believe hatfarmorenoxious dulterationswere practised, nd such beliefcontributedo the "Shude-hillFight"at Manchestern 1757,where ne ofthemills ttackedwasbelieved o mix"Accorns, eans,Bones,Whiting, hoptStraw, nd6" Girdler,op. cit.,pp. 295-6." Emanuel Collins, op. cit., pp. 16-37; P. Markham, Syhoroc (London,1758), i, pp. 11-31; Poison Detected: or Frightful ruths .. in a TreatiseonBread (London, 1757), esp. pp. 16-38.67 See e.g. John Smith,An ImpartialRelationofFacts ConcerningheMale-practices fBakers (London, n.d., 1740?).



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98 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50even driedHorse Dung" with ts flour,while at anothermill thepresence fsuspicious dulterantsear thehoppers discovered ythe rowd)ed to theburningfboltersndsieves,nd thedestructionofmill-stonesnd wheels."6Therewereother, qually ensitive,reaswhere hecomplaintsfthe crowdwerefedbythecomplaintsftraditionalistsrbythose furban professional eople. Indeed, one may suggest hat if therioting r price-settingrowd acted according o any consistenttheoreticalmodel, henthis model was a selective econstructionfthe paternalistne, takingfrom t all those featureswhichmostfavouredhepoorand whichoffered prospect fcheapcorn. Itwas,however,ess generalizedhan the outlook fthepaternalists.The records fthepoor howmoreparticularity:t sthismiller,hisdealer, hosefarmers oarding rain,who provoke ndignationndaction. Thisparticularityas,however,nformedygeneral otionsof rightswhich disclose themselvesmostclearly nlywhen oneexamines hecrowdn action. For nonerespecthemoral conomyof the crowdbrokedecisivelywith hatofthepaternalists:orthepopularethic sanctioned irect ctionby the crowd,whereas hevaluesoforderunderpinninghepaternalist odelemphaticallyidnot.The economy f thepoorwas still ocal and regional, erivativefroma subsistence-economy.orn should be consumed n theregionn which t wasgrown, speciallyn timesofscarcity.Pro-foundfeelingwas aroused, nd overseveral enturies,yexportntimesofdearth. Of an export iot n Suffolkn 1631a magistratewrote: to seetheir read hus aken romhem nd sent ostrangershas turnedthe impatience f the poor into licentious ury nddesperation".69 n a graphic ccountof a riot n the samecountyseventy-eightears ater 1709),a dealerdescribed ow "the Mobbrose,hethinks everal undreds,nd said that hecorn houldnotbecarryedutof own":"of theMobbsomehadhalberds,omequarterstaffs,ndsomeclubbs . .". When ravellingoNorwich,t severalplacesontheway:the Mobb hearinghathe was to goe through ith orn, oldhimthat tshould otgo throughheTowne, or hat e was a Rogue, ndCorn-Jobber,and somecry'd ut Stonehim, ome Pull himoffhishorse, ome Knockhimdown, ndbe sureyoustrikeure;thathe ... questionedhemwhat

6sSee J. P. Earwaker, The Constables'Accounts f the Manor ofManchester(Manchester,891), iii, pp. 359-61; F. Nicholsonnd E. Axon, The HatfieldFamily of Manchester,and the Food Riots of 1757 and 1812", Trans. Lancs.and Chesh.Antiq. Soc., xxviii(1910/II), pp. 83-90.69 Calendar State Papers,Domestic, 631, p. 545.



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THE ENGLISHCROWD N THE EIGHTEENTH ENTURY 99madethem ise n suchan inhumanmanner o theprejudice f themselvesand thecountrey,ut that hey tillcryed ut thathe wasa Rogue& wasgoing ocarryhecorn ntoFrance .. o70Except n Westminster,n themountains,r in thegreat heep-grazing istricts, enwerenever arfrom he ight f corn. Manu-facturingndustry asdispersedn thecountryside:he collierswentto their abourbytheside ofcornfields;omesticworkerseft heirlooms ndworkshopsor heharvest. Sensitivityas notconfinedooverseas xport. Marginal xportingreaswere speciallyensitive,where ittle ornwas exportedn normalyears, utwhere,n timesof scarcity, ealerscould hope fora windfallprice in London,thereby ggravatingocal dearth.7"The colliers Kingswood,heForest fDean, Shropshire,heNorthEast- were specially roneto action at such times. Notoriouslyhe Cornish inners ad anirascibleconsumer-consciousness,nd a readiness o turn out inforce. "We had the deviland all of a riotat Padstow",wroteBodmingentlemann 1773,with carcely-concealeddmiration:Some of thepeoplehaverunto toogreat engthsnexportingfcorn ...Seven reight undred inners ent hither,hofirstfferedhe ornfactorsseventeenhillingsor 4 gallons fwheat;butbeing oldthey houldhavenone, heymmediatelyroke penthecellar oors, nd took way ll intheplacewithoutmoney rprice.72The worstresentment as provokedn themiddleyearsof thecentury, y foreign xportsupon whichbountywas paid. Theforeigneras seen as receivingorn tprices ometimes elowthoseof theEnglishmarket, ith heaid of a bounty aid out ofEnglishtaxes. Hence the extreme itterness ometimes isitedupon theexporter, howas seen as a manseeking rivate,nddishonourable,gainat theexpenseof his ownpeople. A NorthYorkshireactor,whowas given duckingn the river n 1740,was told thathewas"no better han a rebel".73 In 1783 a notice was affixedo themarket-crossnCarlisle, ommencing:PeterClemeseson Moses Luthart his s to giveyou WarninghatyoumustQuit yourunlawfullealingorDie and be Damed yourbuyingheCornto starve hePoor Inhabitantsf theCity nd Soborbs fCarlisle osend to France ndgettheBountyGivenbytheLaw for akinghe Cornout of theCountryutbytheLordGodAmighty e willgiveyou Bountyat theExpence fyour ivesyouDamedRoagues ..."And ifEanyPublickHouse in Carlisle thenotice ontinued] etsyouorLuthart ut up... Corn at theirHousesthey hall uffer orit".74 This feeling evived n the astyears f thecentury, otably70P.R.O., P.C.I/2/I65.71 See D. G. D. Isaac,"A Study fPopular isturbancenBritain,714-54"(Edinburgh niv.Ph.D. thesis,953),ch. I.72CalendarofHome Office apers, 1773, P. 30.7 P.R.O., S.P. 36/50.74 LondonGazette,March 1783,no. 12422.



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I00 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50in 1795,whenrumours lew round hecountrys to secret xportsto France. Moreover,1795 and I8oo saw the efflorescencef aregional onsciousness ncemore, s vividas thatof one hundredyearsbefore. Roads were blockaded o prevent xportfrom heparish. Waggonswere intercepted nd unloaded in the townsthroughwhichtheypassed. The movement f grainbynight-convoy ssumed heproportionsf a militaryperation:Deep groan hewaggons ith heir ond'rousoads,As their ark ourse hey end long heroads;Wheelfollowingheel,ndreadprocessionlow,Withhalf harvest,o their oints hey o ..The secret xpedition,ike henight

Thatcovers ts ntents,till huns he ight..While hepoorploughman,henheleaveshisbed,Sees thehugebarn s emptys hisshed.7"Threatsweremadeto destroyhecanals.7" Shipswere tormedtthe ports. The miners at Nook Collierynear Haverfordwestthreatenedo close theestuaryt a narrow oint. Even lightersntheSevern ndWyewerenot mmune romttack.77Indignationmightlso be inflamedgainst dealerwhose ommit-ment o an outsidemarket isruptedhecustomaryuppliesofthelocalcommunity.A substantialarmerndpublicannearTivertoncomplainedto the War Office n 1795 of riotous assemblies"threateningopulldownorfire ishousebecausehe takesnButterof the neighbouringarmers& Dairymen, o forward t by thecommon oadwaggon,hatpassesbyhisdoor o .. London".7" InChudleigh Devon) in the same year the crowd destroyed hemachineryfa millerwho had ceasedtosupply he ocalcommunitywith lour incehewas under ontractotheVictuallingepartmentof theNavyforship's biscuits:thishad givenrise (he says in arevealing hrase)"to an Idea that ve done much infimyo theCommunity".79Thirtyyearsbefore group fLondon merchantshad foundtnecessaryo seektheprotectionfthemilitaryor heircheese-warehouseslong heriver rent:The warehouses.. indanger rom heriotous olliers renot hepropertyofanymonopolizers,ut ofa numerousody fcheesemongers,nd absol-

75S. J. Pratt, Sympathy nd OtherPoems London, 1807), pp. 222-3.76Some yearsbeforeWedgwoodhad heard it "threatened .. to destroy urcanals nd etoutthewater", ecause rovisionsere assing hroughtafford-shire o Manchester rom ast Anglia:J.Wedgwood, ddress o theYoungInhabitants fthePotteryNewcastle, 1783).77P.R.O., P.C.1/27/A.54; A.55-7; H.O. 42/34; 42/35; 42/36; 42/37; seealso Stern,op. cit., and E. P. Thompson, TheMaking of theEnglishWorkingClass (Penguin edn., 1968), pp. 70-3.78 P.R.O., W.O. i/io82, JohnAshley,24 June1795.7 P.R.O., H.O. 42/34.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY IOIutelynecessaryforthe receptionof theircheese, forthe conveyance o Hull,there to be ship'd forLondon.s0Thesegrievancesre related o thecomplaint,lready oted, fthewithdrawalfgoodsfrom heopenmarket. As the dealersmovedfurther romLondon and attendedmorefrequentlyt provincialmarkets,o theywere bletoofferrices ndbuy nquantities hichmadethe farmersmpatiento servethesmallorders f thepoor."Now it s outof thecourse fbusiness",wrote avies in 1795, forthefarmero retail ornbythebushel o this rthat oorman;exceptinsomeparticular laces, s a matterffavour,o hisown abourers".And where hepoorshifted heirdemandfromgrain o flour, hestorywasmuch he same:Neither the miller nor the mealman will sell the labourer a less quantitythana sack of flourunder he retailpriceat shops; and thepoorman's pocketwill seldom allow of his buyinga whole sack at once.81Hence the labourerwas driven o the petty etail hop,at whichpriceswereenhanced.82The old markets eclined, r,where heywerekept p,they hanged heir unctions.If a customerttemptedtobuya single heeseor halfflitchfbacon,Girdlerwrote n 18oo,"he is sure o be answered yan insult,nd heis toldthat he wholelot has beenbought p bysome Londoncontractor".83We maytake as expressive f thesegrievances, hich ometimesoccasioned iot, n anonymousetter roppedn 1795bythedooroftheMayorofSalisbury:Gentlemen of the Corperation pray you put a stop to thatpracticewhichis made use of in our Markits by Rook and other carriers n your givingthem the Libertyto Scower theMarketof everything o as the Inhabitancecannotbuya singelArtickelwithoutgoingto the Dealers for t and PaywhatExtortionatprice theythinkproperand even Domineer over the Peopel asthowtheywas not Whorthy o Look on them. But theirtimewill soon beat an End as soon as the Solders ear gon out oftown.The Corporations asked o order arriers ut ofthemarketntil hetownspeoplehave been served, and stop all the Butchersfromsendinghemeat waybya Carces t a timeBut make hem ut tupin the Markit nd sarve the Town first". The letter nforms heMayor hatupwards f threehundred itizens ave"posetivelyworto be trow o each other or he Distruction fthe Carriers".8480P.R.O., W.O. 1/986fo.69.8"Davies, op. cit.,pp. 33-4.82 "The first rinciple aid down by a baker,when he comes into a parish,is, to get all thepoor in his debt; he then makes theirbread ofwhatweightorgoodnesshe pleases .. .": Gentleman'sMagazine, xxvi (1756), p. 557.83 Girdler,op. cit.,p. 147.84P.R.O.,H.O. 42/34.



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102 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50Wherethe working eople could buy cereals n small parcelsintensefeeling ould arise over weights nd measures. We areexhortednLuke: "Give,and tshallbegiven ntoyou,goodmeasurepresseddown, ndshaken ogether,ndrunningver, hallmengiveuntoyour osom". This wasnot, las,thepracticef ll farmersnddealersnprotestantngland. An enactmentfCharles I hadevengiven hepoor herightoshake hemeasure,o valuablewas thepoorman'scorn hat looseness n themeasuremightmake hedifferenceto himofa daywithout loaf. The same Act hadattempted, ithtotal ackof uccess, o enforceheWinchester easure sthenationalstandard. A greatvarietyfmeasures, aryingven within ountyboundariesfrom one market-towno the next, gave abundantopportunitiesor etty rofiteering. he oldmeasures ere enerallylarger - sometimes very much larger - than the Winchester;sometimesheywerefavouredyfarmersrdealers,more ftenheywerefavoured ythe customers. One observer emarkedhat thelowerorders fpeopledetest t [theWinchestermeasure], rom hesmallness f tscontents,ndthedealers .. instigatehem othis,tbeing theirinterest o retaineveryuncertaintyn weights ndmeasures".85Attempts o changethe measureoftenencountered esistance,occasionally iot. A letter rom Clee Hill (Salop.) minerto a"Brother ufferer"eclared:The Parliamentor ur relief ohelptoClem starve] s Thayaregoing olessonourMeasureand Wait [weight]o theLowerStandard. We areaboutTen Thousand worn ndready tany imeAnd wewou'd haveyougetArms ndCutlassesndswear ne anotherobetrue ... We havebutone Life to Loose and we willnot clem .... 88Letters o farmersn NorthiamSussex)warned:Gentlemenll ie hope youwhill ake his s a wharningoyouall foryoutoputthe ittle ushels ie andtake heoald meashermeasure]gainfor fyoudonttherewhillbe a large ompanyhat hall borne burn] he ittlemeasherwhenyouareall abade andasleep ndyour ornehousesnd corn-stacksand you alongwiththem ....87A Hampshire ontributoro the AnnalsofAgriculturexplainedn1795that hepoor"haveerroneouslyonceivedn idea that hepriceofgrainsincreased ythe ate lterationrom nine-gallonushel o"5 AnnalsofAgriculture,xvi 1796), p. 327; MuseumRusticumtCommerciale,iv (1765), p. 198. The differencen bushels could be very considerable: asagainst heWinchesterushel f 8 gallons, he Stamford ad 16 gallons, he

Carlisle 24, and the Chester32: see J.Houghton,A Collection orImprovementofHusbandry nd Trade (London, 1727), no. xlvi,23 June1693.86 LondonGazette,March 1767,no. 10710.8 November 1793, in P.R.O., H.O. 42/27. The measures concernedwereformalt.



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THE ENGLISH CROWD IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY I03theWinchester,romtshappening o takeplace at a moment f arisingmarket,ywhich, he samemoneywaspaidfor ight s usedto bepaidforninegallons". "I confess", econtinues,I havea decidedpredelictionorthenine-gallonmeasure, orthereasonthat t is the measurewhichnearest ields bushelofflour;whence, hepoorman s enabled o udgeof whatheought opayfor bushel fflour,which,n thepresentmeasure, equiresmore rithmetichan omes o hisshare oascertain.88Evenso, thearithmeticalotions f thepoor maynothave been soerroneous. Changes n measures,ikechanges o decimal urrency,tendbysomemagic odisadvantageheconsumer.If ess cornwasbeingboughtatthe ndof hecentury)n theopenmarket ythepoor, his lso indicatedhe risetogreatermportanceofthemiller. The miller ccupies place npopular olk-lore,vermanycenturies,which s bothenviableand unenviable. On onehandhewas noted s a fabulouslyuccessfulecher,whoseprowesssstill perhaps perpetuatedn a vernacularmeaningof the word"grinding". Perhapsthe convenience f the villagemill,tuckedaround secluded orner fthe tream,owhich hevillagewives ndmaidens roughtheir ornforgrinding; erhaps lsohiscommandover hemeansof ife;perhapshis statusnthevillage,whichmadehiman eligiblematch allmayhavecontributedothe egend:A brisk oungassso briskndgayShewent nto hemilloneday ..There's peckofcorn llfor ogrindI canbutstay little ime.Come sityoudownmy weet rettyearI cannot rind our orn fearMy stones s high ndmywater owI cannot rind or hemillwon'tgo.Thenshe satdown ll ona sack

Theytalked fthis ndthey alked fthatTheytalked f ove,of oveproved indShe soonfound ut themillwouldgrind...89On theother and, hemiller's eputewas essenviable. "Loving ",exclaimsNellieDean in Wutheringeights:Loving Did anybodyeverhear he ike? I mightswell alk f ovinghemillerwhocomesoncea year obuyourcorn". Ifwe aretobelieve ll thatwaswritten88 Annals of Agriculture,xiv 1795), PP. 51-2.89 JamesReeves, The IdiomofthePeople (London, 1958), p. 156. See alsoBritishMuseum, laceMSS., Add.MS. 27825for A prettymaid he tothemillerwouldgo",verse :Then themiller e laidher gainsthemillhopperMerry soul sowantonlyHe pulleduphercloaths,nd heput n the topperForsays he 'll havemy orngroundmall nd free.



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104 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 50about him n theseyears, he miller's tory ad changed ittle inceChaucer's Reeve's Tale. But wherethe smallcountrymillerwasaccusedofquaintlymedieval ustoms over-size olldishes, lourconcealed n the asing f he tones,tc. his argerounterpartasaccusedofaddingnew, ndgreatlymore nterprising,eculations:For ther-biforne stalbutcurteisly,But nowhe was a thief utrageously.At one extremewe stillhavethe ittle ountrymill,exactingollaccording o its own custom. The toll mightbe taken n flour(always rom the bestofthe meal andfrom he finer lour hat s inthe centre f thehopper"); and since theproportionemained hesamewithwhateverluctuationnprice,twastothemiller'sdvan-tage fpriceswerehigh. Around he mall oll-millsevenwhere ollhad beencommutedormoney ayments)rievancesmultiplied,ndtherewere fitfulttemptst theirregulation."9Since the millersenteredncreasinglyntodealing,nd ntogrindingorn n their wnaccountfor hebakers, heyhad little imefor hepetty ustomers(with sackortwoofgleaned orn);hence ndless elay;hence lso,when heflourwasreturnedtmight e theproduct fother,nferior,grain. (It wascomplainedhat omemillers urchasedthalf-pricedamaged corn which theythen mixed with the corn of theircustomers.91)As thecentury oreon,thetranslationfmanymillsto industrial urposes aveto thesurviving etty orn-mills moreadvantageous osition. In 1796 thesegrievancesweresufficientlyfeltto enable Sir FrancisBassett o carry he Miller'sToll Bill,intended o regulate heirpractices,weights nd measures,morestrictly.92But these pettymillerswere,of course,the small fryof theeighteenthentury. The greatmillers fthe ThamesValley ndofthe arge ownswerea differentrder fentrepreneurs,ho tradedextensivelyn flour nd malt. Millerswerequiteoutside heAssizeof Bread,and theycould immediatelyass on anyincrease n theprice of corn to the consumer. England also had its unsungbanalitdsn the eighteenthentury,ncluding hose extraordinarysurvivals,he oke-mills, hich xercisedn absolutemonopolyf hegrindingfgrain andthesaleofflour)n substantialmanufacturing

90 See P. Markham, Syhoroc London, 1758), ii,p. 15; Bennettand Elton,op. cit., ii,pp. 150-65; informationfJohnSpyry gainsttheMiller ofMillbrigMill, I1740,for taking sometimes *th., sometimes 4th., and sometimesithpartas mulcture: West Riding Sessions papers,CountyHall, Wakefield.91See e.g. Girdler,op. cit.,pp. 102-6, 212.92 AnnalsofAgriculture,xiii 1795), PP. 179-91; Bennett nd Elton, op. cit.,iii,p. 166;36 Geo. III, c. 85.


thomspon, the moral economy of the english crowd in the eighteenth century

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