training teachers for a small island system: short-term and long-term outcomes

Int. J. of Educational Development 19 (1999) 167–179

Training teachers for a small island system: short-term andlong-term outcomes1

Colin Laceya,*, Angela Jacklina, Andre Lesteb

a University of Sussex Institute of Education, Education Development Building, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9RG, UKb The Seychelles Ministry of Education, Seychelles

Abstract

Ten years ago the Seychelles Polytechnic initiated a joint teacher-training scheme with Sussex University and infive years trained 100 new Seychellois teachers for the secondary school system. This scheme achieved a numericalbalance in favour of Seychellois teachers for the first time. The influx of Seychellois teachers produced a number ofimmediate advantages: there was a saving in the salary budget, the new teachers were able to supplement their lessonsconducted in English with explanations in Kreol, and they also used a wider variety of teaching methods. They weremore committed to teaching and were much preferred by the secondary school students. This paper presents findingsfrom evaluations of the scheme. It describes the situation produced by the returnees, and follows this up with ananalysis of the major developments since the scheme came to an end and since the four-year government bondingperiod for teachers ended. The final section of the paper discusses in more general terms the sustainability of educationdevelopment projects and the implications for the progressive improvement of schemes. 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd.All rights reserved.

Keywords:International education; Development; Evaluation; Sustainability; Educational policy

1. Introduction

Training teachers for small education systemsinevitably poses severe and intractable problems,especially at the secondary level. If the system isset up in-country there are problems of ensuringthe quality of tuition in a wide range of subjects.There are often problems associated with ensuringstudent recruitment for a course which may have

* Corresponding author.1 This paper was first presented at the International Confer-

ence on Human Resources and Future Generations in Islandsand Small States at the Foundation for International Studies,Malta, 6–8 November 1997.

0738-0593/99/$ - see front matter 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.PII: S0738 -0593(98 )00060-1

low status and there are attendant problems ofteacher recruitment, low levels of educational stan-dards in schools and poor morale. If, on the otherhand, the education system depends on sendingstudents abroad for their training, a new set of fac-tors impinges on the process. It is comparativelyvery expensive. Secondary systems often dependon specialised subject degrees which are thentopped up by specialist training in education (firstdegree plus Post Graduate Certificate in Educationin the UK). This produces a graduate with a widerange of career options. They are qualified to teachin a number of different countries and for a widerange of jobs. The wastage rate for this arrange-ment is typically high, giving rise to even greater

168 C. Lacey et al. / Int. J. of Educational Development 19 (1999) 167–179

expense. The likely outcome is therefore an under-production of teachers, with teaching viewed as theleast prestigious career outcome for graduates. Acontinuing scenario of an education system incrisis, recruiting expatriate teachers on short-termcontracts and sustaining low levels of educationalachievement, emerges.

A number of schemes have now been developedthat attempt a blend of these options (e.g., Burke,1996). The early training is done in-country andthen topped up by a specialised BEd abroad. A pat-tern of two years in-country plus two years abroadproduces a manageable mix which ensures thatcosts are reduced. The resulting graduate is oftenqualified in-country but would need additionaltraining to teach abroad, and the level of initialqualification (a major barrier in recruiting suf-ficient students) for overseas universities is solvedby recognising the two years spent on the in-coun-try course as part of the qualification for entry tothe overseas university.

Despite these advantages, there are a number ofpotential problems and alternative arrangements.Are the educational standards of the graduates suf-ficient for the job? Are those standards recognisedinternally and do they have legitimacy? Does thecourse recruit well? Should the course be organisedwith a single overseas university or widely dis-persed between many? These and other issues areexamined in a case study of the Sussex–SeychellesBEd which ran between 1986 and 1994 (see Laceyand Haffenden, 1985; Lacey, 1991). During thistime it trained five cohorts of students, and a totalof 99 students were recruited to teach a wide rangeof secondary subjects. Before the course wasinitiated, less than a quarter of secondary teacherswere Seychellois2; by the time it finished themajority of teachers, in an expanded secondarysystem, were Seychellois. This reduced the depen-dence on expatriate, short-contract teachers and theadditional expenses involved in these contracts(housing subsidies, air fares and sometimes higherrates of pay). Despite these undeniable gains, thecourse was subject to public criticism and privategossip in the Seychelles, which eventually under-

2 ‘Seychellois’ refers to persons born in the Seychelles.

mined the confidence of those running it, damagedrecruitment and meant that the overseas contractwas not renewed.

We shall examine some of the sources andreasons for this opposition and contrast the criti-cism with the outcomes of an evaluation. However,in setting up an evaluation of the long-term effectsof the course (four years after it finished), we havebeen struck by the dearth of literature on long-termoutcomes and/or the sustainability of overseas pro-jects of this kind. We have therefore added a criti-cal strand to our argument. It would appear thatfunding agencies, donor governments and theevaluation profession have failed to provide evi-dence that the providers of new schemes can takeinto account in designing their courses.

We argue that the minimum requirements for thecyclical improvement of the design and provisionof educational schemes (including teacher trainingschemes) are as follows:

1. The setting up of schemes based on the bestevidence from past experience, adapted to thenew context and the new circumstances thatprevail.

2. The rigorous evaluation of the scheme, duringand after its existence (formative and summ-ative evaluation).

3. The evaluation of the long-term effects of thescheme: a test of the sustainability of any suc-cess that has been achieved and an analysis ofthe reasons for any deterioration.

4. The setting up of new schemes based on thebest evidence (etc.)

Despite many decades of designing and fundingeducation projects, it would appear that we are stillunable to benefit from the virtuous spiral ofimprovement implied within the points 1 to 4above. Our searches with respect to teacher train-ing would seem to indicate that point 2—rigorousevaluation—is rare and point 3—a test of sus-tainability—is almost non-existent. If this is thecase, we argue that it is essential to improve evalu-ation and develop a new consciousness and con-cern for understanding sustainability. By focusingon the concept of ‘sustainability’ in relation to edu-cational schemes and projects, we aim to drawattention to the importance of considering the

169C. Lacey et al. / Int. J. of Educational Development 19 (1999) 167–179

longer term; i.e., thesustained and sustainingeffects of projects. We argue that the concern ofproject developers and funders should be to movebeyond the immediate effects of an innovationidentified through end-of-scheme evaluations, andto focus on the longer-term effects of projects.Within this paper, the term ‘sustainability’ is usedto refer to these longer-term effects.

2. Searches for sustainability

Searches for ‘sustainability’ revealed an almosttotal lack of references in both the internationalsystems we consulted3. These searches initiallytook us into the environmental arena.

Research on sustaining developments in theenvironmental sense has identified as a key factor

3 Two main databases were used: (1) BIDS and (2) IDSDB.(i) BIDS ISI includes the citation indexes published by the

Institute for Scientific Information, Inc. An initial keywordsearch of the Social Sciences Citation Index, using theterms sustainability, education and development, identifiedseven articles. Only one of these articles related to school-ing, and in that sustainability had only a very minor men-tion, the paper mainly focusing on initial project evaluation.Further searches used possible alternatives terms for ‘sus-tainability’, such as maintenance and continuing support,in combination with the terms education and development.Rather than being of help, these terms took the search intoother fields, notably social services, health and specialneeds. Certainly, no keyword or combination of keywordsidentified work specifically related to sustainability ofdevelopments in education.

(ii) IDSDB is the on-line catalogue and journal articles datab-ase of the British Library for Development Studies (BLDS),at the University of Sussex. It is the main bibliographicdatabase of BLDS and focuses on current social sciencematerial relating to development and developing countrieswhich is of research/academic interest. The keyword andtitle searches using IDSDB started with the terms sus-tainable development and education, but all references wereconcerned with education for development in relation tosustainability in the environment. A search of the IDSDBthesaurus threw up further possibly useful and relevantterms: development aid, aid evaluation, development pro-jects, project appraisal, project evaluation, cost–benefitanalysis, educational innovations, educational projects,educational reforms. These were used singly and in combi-nation as appropriate, with the connectors AND, OR, NOT.Five possibly relevant matches were identified.

the need to empower people through education andtraining, rather than providing ‘remedial’approaches (e.g., Hall, 1996) or creating depen-dency cultures (e.g., Maclure, 1995; Kochhar,1997). To be effective, Downes (1995) has arguedthat key educational issues need to be incorporatedinto the learning processes of successive gener-ations and, second, that the education systemshould provide the skills, training and knowledgenecessary to enable the society to meet the specificobjective of sustainable development. Althoughnecessary, these factors are not sufficient. As John-ston (1992) has noted, motivation and commitmentare also important. He discussed how an educationprogramme that aimed to sustain developments infertility awareness and management was found tobe failing in subsequent evaluation. The ineffec-tiveness of the programme was due not only topoor planning, organisation and implementation,but also, crucially, it failed to generate a sense ofcommitment both amongst those implementing itand those intended to benefit. “While they may cre-ate awareness at some level, they fail in the lastanalysis to address the mainsprings of motivationor generate behavioural change” (p. 225).

Despite the fact that sustainability is dealt within the general literature (e.g., Havelock, 1970; Ful-lan, 1982), when we looked for specific referenceswithin education and development, the number ofstudies was small (within the range from five to10). It is interesting to note that with these studies,the factors identified were similar to those ident-ified in relation to sustainability in the environmen-tal sense. Leach (1991), for example, found thatlocal staff and expatriate workers believed thatwhere there was what amounted to an artificialinjection of funding, administration and expertise,there would be a limited chance of the innovation’ssustainability after the external support was with-drawn. Both local and expatriate workers saw sus-tainability being more dependent on both humanresource development and the improvement of theinstitutional infrastructure.

Although increasing emphasis has been placedon evaluation of aid for education programmesover the last 20–30 years (King, 1991), this hasbeen neither consistent nor uniform (Hopkin,1994). However, through an analysis of aid, edu-


cation and development in Botswana, Hopkin(1994) has highlighted three key factors which heargues have contributed to effective and continuingdevelopment within this small state. The first twoare as Leach found, a focus on the system’s infra-structure and human resource development. Histhird factor was, crucially, research/evaluation ofthe education programmes. Dyer (1996) identifiessimilar key factors, but also points to the impor-tance of allowing teachers an element of ownershipof policy and innovation. She argues that teachersneed to be able to make critical professional judge-ments but that “…the system [in Gujarat State]does not treat a teacher as a professional educatorwith his or her own initiative, but as a governmentemployee who teaches” (Dyer, 1996, p. 37). Theseare particularly pertinent issues for the Seychelles’experience. The innovation focused on humanresource development and empowering teachers, itwas also accompanied by a substantial evaluation.However, even these inputs could not ensure itscontinuity.

Not only is it essential at a general level to con-sider project sustainability, it is especially relevantfor small states who have, of necessity, as Bacchusand Brock (1987) point out, often to rely heavilyon external aid for pump-priming and setting upviable systems. But as Watson (1997) has argued,the context can make or break reforms and smallstates can meet particular challenges in relation tointernational aid. Bray (1991) identified some ofthese challenges which are not only administrative,but which also arise simply because aid agenciesonly rarely seem to work co-operatively together.The size of aid projects and especially how someagencies, notably the World Bank, tend to preferlarger projects, can compound this, not only interms of management, but also because they candistort development plans by redirecting humanresources away from other developments (Brayand Packer, 1993). Bray (1991) also argued for theimportance of taking a critical view of aid offeredand ensuring it is both contributing to planneddevelopment and specifically adapted to the smallstate. Additionally, we would argue as Jones(1992) has done, for the importance of post-projectevaluation of sustainability. Jones (1992) is verycritical of the World Bank for its lack of post-pro-

ject monitoring and evaluation, which he believesis due partly to lack of interest in the effectivenessof the projects after completion as well as to adesire on the part of loan officers to get disburse-ments moving. He argues that donors should givemuch more regard to ensure that projects surviveafter they withdraw.

This review analysis points to factors withindonor and receiver government bureaucracies. Inaddition, the lack of an empirical literature describ-ing and analysing the long-term effects of projectsmust, in part, point to a lack of funding in thesefields from donor agencies as well as to a lack ofan effective policy with respect to long-term sus-tainability of education projects. This conclusion isconfirmed by almost all the general sources weconsulted.

3. The Sussex–Seychelles BEd

The initiative to train increased numbers of sec-ondary teachers in the Seychelles emerged from asection within the Seychelles government that hadbeen concerned with the development and adminis-tration of the National Youth Service (NYS)4.However, the scheme emerged at time when theNYS itself was under increasing criticism andpressure to revert from a holistic residential pro-gramme to a more recognisably selective schoolenvironment to prepare for externally validatedexaminations (GCSE). The BEd therefore startedwithin the context of a power struggle within Sey-chelles society in which the institution for whichthe teachers were being prepared was itself underattack. Much of the criticism that the BEd attractedcan therefore be seen as part of the wider debateabout the appropriate philosophy and shape of sec-ondary education in the Seychelles. In fact, before

4 The NYS was set up in 1981, some four years after inde-pendence in 1977. It was free, residential education based invillages open to all 15–17 yr olds, based on a radical ideologyencapsulated in the emotive phrase “seed of a new society”(Lebrun and Murray, 1980). By the late 1980s very little hadbeen done to train teachers for the NYS. It was highly depen-dent on expatriate teachers (70–80%), who knew little ornothing about the origins and ideals of the NYS.


the first cohort of teachers trained under thescheme returned to the Seychelles, the NYS hadbeen reduced from two years to one year (fromfour villages to two villages) and the curriculumhad changed to prepare students for GCSE. Mostof the teachers trained were destined to return toteach in secondary schools, not the NYS.

The BEd itself was carefully negotiated by Sus-sex University and the Seychelles Ministry of Edu-cation. The course was unusual in some respectsbecause it was designed to help fulfil the aims ofan education system that had written and formallyagreed objectives. These can be presented in a con-densed form as follows:

1. To unite theory and practice in an innovatoryway.

2. To develop skills that will enrich the lives ofindividuals and learn to use them in a co-operat-ive way.

3. To learn how to be self-reliant and creative inapproaching problems (not just the learning offacts).

4. To develop the capacities of all and overcomethe division between intellectual and manuallabour.

The curriculum for the BEd that emerged fromthese discussions therefore had a number of newingredients that made it an interesting mix of tra-dition and innovation. There was a strong compo-nent of subject upgrading. There was an educationstrand based on a wide spectrum of modern edu-cation practice and it included experience in Britishand Seychelles schools. The course ended with along teaching practice in the Seychelles. The finalsection of the course, called the Third Area, wasbased on the social sciences. This part of the coursecame closest to being a modern expression of theoriginal intentions of the NYS. It involved under-taking a number of research projects aimed atbroadening students’ understanding of researchmethodology and education. It included, forexample, an enquiry into the diet and eating habitsof English school children and the organisation andpractice of residential schools (from specialschools to public schools). The results of theenquiries were shared in conferences in which eachindividual or team gave a presentation. The aim of

the whole course was to produce an effectiveteacher who was also an extended professional,capable of research, reflection, collaboration andself-improvement.

4. The criticisms of the BEd

Criticisms of the BEd emerged most powerfullyfrom those sections of society, including parts ofthe ruling party and government, that were mostopposed to the NYS. They argued for a return toselection, the abolition of NYS, the return of gram-mar schools and externally validated examinations.In addition, however, there were also non-elitist,traditional sections of society and the teaching pro-fession who saw the return of a large body of theBEd teachers, trained abroad, as a threat to theirpositions and careers. These newly trained teachersmight be better qualified, pushy and collectivelydifficult to work with. This complex mix of criti-cisms did not form a consistent critique. Each ver-sion depended on the person articulating it and thesituation in which it was expressed. Nevertheless,the critics included senior ministers and criticismswere made in public settings which includedspeeches and articles in the official newspaper,TheNation5. However, when approaches were made toelicit the evidence for these criticisms the sourcealmost always appeared to be unsubstantiated gos-sip6.

The major criticisms were as follows:

1. The BEd was not a proper degree. It was sub-standard and the returnees would not be prop-erly qualified.

2. The students were more interested in a tripabroad than working for a degree or preparingthemselves for hard work in schools.

3. They would go abroad and not return.4. They would return filled with grandiose theor-

etical ideas not suitable for education in theSeychelles.

5 The government-sponsored national newspaper.6 Gossip networks are extremely influential in the Seychelles

at all levels.


5. Finally, there was a danger that they could gettogether and dominate things or cause trouble.

Clearly there are a number of contradictoryelements in the list. If they returned and did notdo well, then the standards were low and they werenot motivated. If they returned and did do well,they were too pushy and concerned only for them-selves. We shall be concerned mainly with criti-cisms 1–3 but where possible we will throw lighton criticisms 4 and 5.

5. The research

As well as funding some of the administrativeand academic support for the BEd, the UK govern-ment also funded a research project designed tomonitor the effects of the scheme7. The evaluationof the impact of the returnees on which we report,was conducted by a small joint team: Mrs Mah-rookh Pardiwalla from the Seychelles Ministry ofEducation and Professor Colin Lacey from SussexUniversity. Later they were joined by Dr Andre´Leste from the Seychelles Ministry of Educationand Dr Angela Jacklin from Sussex University.The research on which we report here was conduc-ted in three unequally resourced periods ofresearch: a period of six weeks in Spring 1990,before any students had returned; a period of sixweeks in the early Summer of 1992, after the firsttwo BEd cohorts had returned; and finally a periodof collaboration in 1997–8, four years after thescheme had ended in 1994 and at a time when theperiod of bonding for almost all ex-students of theBEd was over. This period of collaboration ispresently continuing and developing but has notyet received any funding.

The purpose of the research was to collect dataon the impact of the BEd. The first period collecteddata on the state of classroom teaching and thelearning context within the NYS for studentsbefore any BEd graduates returned. The second

7 The Monitoring, Information and Research project (MIR)was a broadly based project designed to feed back to the Seych-elles and Sussex teams and provide an evaluation of the impactof the returnees.

period replicated the initial research on compara-tive samples of teachers (BEd and non-BEd).Within the third period we are attempting to gatherdata at a distance via a collaborative arrangement.This process is not yet complete.

In the first two research periods we were ableto employ intensive fieldwork techniques—inter-viewing, systematic observation of classrooms andsome participant observation. In the final period weare dependent on official statistics and a postalquestionnaire although more intensive work isplanned.

5.1. Phase 1 (Spring 1990)

5.1.1. Teaching styles in Seychelles secondaryschools before BEds returned

The first stage of the research was designed tocollect information on the teaching styles andclassroom management strategies of a sample ofNYS teachers. The sample of 29 teachers waschosen from two NYS villages and was stratifiedby subject but was not random. It was weightedin favour of Heads of Department and Seychelloisteachers and therefore gave a ‘best practice’ pictureof teaching within the NYS. The selected teacherswere interviewed and observed teaching two les-sons (where appropriate, one upper band and onelow band). Other data were collected from inter-views with pupils and educational administrators.

The research focused on a major contradictionwithin the NYS and the problem this posed for tea-chers. On the one hand there was the expectationthat teachers would actively develop the ‘new edu-cation’ consistent with the aims of the NYS withintheir professional practice. On the other hand, tea-chers were expected simply to buckle down andteach, without complaining, in whatever conditionsand under whatever shortages and constraints thesystem imposed.

5.2. Phase 2 (Spring 1992)

5.2.1. Teaching styles and commitment ofreturning BEd teachers

The sample of returning BEd teachers was selec-ted to reflect the major dimensions of the previousNYS sample with respect to subject disciplines, but


it also sought to reflect the BEd group in its genderbalance and provide a cross-section of academicand teaching ability. The major procedures of theprevious research were replicated and, wherechanges were made, care was taken not to affectcomparability.

6. Results: a summary and selection of resultsfrom Phases 1 and 2

A major characteristic of the 1990 sample of tea-chers was frustration with the academic standardsand motivation of their pupils. No teacher from thisfirst sample was prepared to say that the pupilscame up to the standards they expected. This wasmost frequently given as the reason for expatriateteachers not seeking to renew their contract. Ittherefore gave rise to a low level of commitmentto their teaching.

The first striking difference that emerges fromthe second survey is the extremely high level ofcommitment of the returning BEds; 76% see them-selves as ‘very committed’ and 92% as havingabove-average commitment. They also showedthemselves as having a more realistic and balancedview of their pupils; 68% felt that their expec-tations with respect to academic standards had beenfulfilled in full or in part. Despite their relativeinexperience it must be remembered that many ofthe BEd teachers had been teaching for more thana year.

Whereas the first sample felt their main frus-trations were the fault of the pupils, the returningBEds saw their frustrations as emerging from thesystem and the lack of proper facilities for teaching(rooms, teaching materials, photocopiers, etc.).More than half the returning BEds felt that theirgeneral expectations in this respect had not beenfulfilled and some 60% felt that they received‘little’ or ‘no’ support with respect to books andother facilities.

An analysis showed that the BEds who taughtin those subjects that required extra facilities, butwhich had not been supplied, for example in ‘Art’and ‘Construction and Agriculture’, were the mostfrustrated. In other words, it would appear thattheir frustrations emerged from trying to achieve

high levels in their teaching, not from a perceivedlack of ability of their pupils.

The comparison of teaching styles bears this out.Three dimensions of classroom activity were selec-ted: Teacher Talking—Class Discussion, TeacherChoice—Pupil Choice and Individual Work—Group Work8. In each dimension some activitieswould seem to be an important factor in achievingthe aims set out for the NYS; for example, dis-cussion, pupil choice and group work. We werenot looking for any particular ‘magic’ percentageof these elements but were interested to note thedifference in balance struck by the various groupsof teachers.

A number of different comparisons were madein our analysis. All show the same pattern of differ-ence. The one illustrated in Table 1 shows thereturning BEds compared with non-Seychelloisteachers. This comparison came closest to measur-ing the effect of replacing expatriate teachers withSeychellois. Categories 0, 1 and 2 represent themost passive forms of teaching/learning situation,demanding least from either the teacher (e.g., 0) or

8 The implications of the aims of the NYS for classroompractice were clarified. They gave rise to a model of classroompractice summarised in the three factors below. These factorsgave rise to the three dimensions of the classroom obser-vation schedule.

1. Problem solving: Individuals should learn how toapproach problems and accept the challenge of theunknown. This means presenting pupils with some uncer-tainty and the need to make decisions.

2. Group work: Individuals should learn how to co-operateby working in groups. Group work can combine withproblem solving so that pupils can discuss a problembetween themselves and learn to put forward a point ofview. Also, group work enables a teacher to shape theproblem and challenge to meet the abilities of the pupils.This prevents the able from being bored and the less ablefrom being discouraged. In mixed-ability groups, if theyare well organised, it can enable the most talented to helpand encourage those who find the work difficult.

3. Class discussion: The learning of facts gives rise toteacher-dominated classrooms with little discussion.Pupils learn to be silent. There is nothing to discuss; onlyfacts to be recorded and learned. In classrooms wherepupils are encouraged to be self-reliant and creative, theemphasis is on understanding not memorising. Under-standing gives rise to self-reliance and self-reliance givesrise to discussion and debate as differences in understand-ing are aired and examined.


Table 1First dimension: Teacher Talking—Class Discussion. Percent-age of classroom time taken up by the listed activities

Expats NYS BEds (all(1990) (%) 1992) (%)

0 Teacher not talking—silence 29.1 13.4Narrative, telling, no interrup-

1 23.0 16.5tions expectedNarrative but questions allowed

2 10.2 7.1and answeredNarrative but questions asked of

3 17.7 23.3class/pupils readNarrative but many questions

4 1.0 5.4and openings for discussionDiscussion with class, plenty of

5 0 0.7response from pupils

G Teacher talking to groups 6.3 11.2I Teacher talking to individuals 13.0 22.1

the pupils (e.g., 1 and 2). These categories madeup 62.3% of classroom time for expatriate teachersat NYS in 1990 but only 37% of BEd teachers’classroom time.

The second dimension, Teacher Choice—PupilChoice, shows a similarly distinct difference(Table 2). This dimension covers all aspects ofchoice, from who the students sit or work with,through choice of materials or examples to workon, to choice of topic. The dimension of choicewas almost completely missing from theclassrooms of expatriate teachers but recognisablypresent in the classrooms of BEd teachers.

The final dimension, Individual Work—GroupWork, is once again to be judged with respect tothe balance achieved rather than any absolute orprescribed figure (Table 3). While the differencesin the amount of group work are small, 4.9% ofclassroom time (Expats 1990) compared with13.1% of classroom time (BEds 1992), it is

Table 2Second dimension: Teacher Choice—Pupil Choice

Expats NYS BEds (all 1992)(1990) (%) (%)

Teacher choice 98.7 84.7Pupil choice 1.4 15.2

Table 3Third dimension: Individual Work—Group Work. Percentageof classroom time taken up by the listed activities.

Expats NYS BEds (all(1990) 1992)

No communication between1 77.5 56.6

pupilsNo communication between

2 pupils but teacher works one- 17.6 25.8to-one with pupilsGroups with increasing

3 0.7 6.4amounts of co-operationGroups with increasing

4 4.2 3.9amounts of co-operationGroups with increasing

5 0 1.5amounts of co-operation

5j Co-operation and joint project 0 1.3Not coded in any category 0 4.4

important to remember that group work in second-ary schools will almost always be given a minorityof classroom time. It is important to notice that theSeychelles BEds also exhibited a higher order ofgroup work in their classroom showing moreadvanced forms of co-operation and even groupwork associated with a joint project.

The observation data illustrate a clear differencebetween the expatriate teachers and the new BEdteachers. The BEds employ a greater repertoire ofclassroom skills and strategies and are likely tohave a greater impact on pupil learning as a result.

There are two further differences that were dem-onstrated by the research and also relate to theeffectiveness of the BEds as teachers.

7. The educational use of Kreol

English is now the medium of instruction inSeychelles secondary schools. However, Kreol isthe first language for over 90% of Seychellois anda fairly large proportion of pupils have difficultywith English. The use of Kreol in classrooms is asensitive and disputed issue. Some expatriate tea-chers complained that Seychellois teachers usedKreol ‘all the time’ and that it made their own jobmore difficult. However, there were undoubtedlytimes when the use of Kreol to explain new con-


cepts enhanced the learning of pupils. Usedjudiciously it also improved the understanding anduse of English. The BEd teachers were able tomake use of Kreol in this way and it improvedtheir efficiency as teachers. We were able to recordseveral instances of almost exemplary use of Kreol.In addition, this facility improved teachers’ infor-mal relationships with their pupils and thisimproved the motivation of their pupils and them-selves. These informal relationships, which wererarely a subject of discussion with expatriate teach-ers, spilled over into the learning environment.

8. The broader educational context andteaching relationships

The differences in commitment to teaching andthe more understanding stance of the BEd teachers(expectations) towards pupils, measured by the for-mal scales reported earlier, were clearly visible inthe corridors and classrooms of schools. Theyexhibited a keenness and level of energy that con-firmed these measures. Pupils sought their advice,talked to them in corridors and they responded bybringing new ideas, small-scale innovations andpractical solutions to problems in their teaching.After one visit to a teacher, the fieldworker had arecord of 15 educational ideas and practices thatthe new teacher had implemented, from solving atextbook shortage with a rota, through developingpuzzles as an informal teaching device, to buyinghis own card and paper to make a range of math-ematical models. This was an unusually creativeteacher but the phenomenon was general amongthe BEd teachers and only present among a min-ority of expatriate teachers. This relationship wasconfirmed in our interviews with pupils.

Most of the pupils interviewed during the courseof this survey spoke of the warm, friendly andapproachable attitude of the BEd teachers. Theirconcern for individuals distinguished them fromexpatriate teachers. Pupils welcomed the individualattention and concern for their welfare expressedby the Seychellois teachers. This contrasts with therather cold, formal conduct of many of the 1990sample of teachers. In turn, the BEd teachers spokeof a positive atmosphere they felt prevailed during

most of their lessons. These observations wereborne out in the majority of schools visited bythe researchers.

This short-term evaluation of the BEd clearlycontradicts the pessimistic and critical remarksmade by rival factions within the education andpolitical elite. However, it does not begin to answerthe long-term implications of their criticisms. Inorder to provide evidence on these issues we havebegun a small collaborative research project withresearchers in the Seychelles Ministry of Edu-cation.

9. The long-term sustainability of the effectsof the BEd teachers

The most damaging criticisms of the BEd were:

1. It would produce inferior teachers (academicquality argument).

2. They would leave the Seychelles and take upposts abroad (lacking commitment to the Sey-chelles after foreign experience).

These arguments are best addressed in the firstinstance by examining Ministry of Education stat-istics (Tables 4 and 5). These figures demonstratethe efficiency of the BEd Sussex–Seychelles link-age. All the students qualified as teachers and 92%returned as graduate teachers. Only 10% have sub-

Table 4BEd Sussex Linkage Programme 1988—94

Total number sent on training 99Number trained to BEd level 92Number who did not complete 7

(still teaching with Dip 2 level qualification)

Table 5Present status (1997)

Resignations and transfers 10(three still teaching in private schools)

Death 1Did not return after studies 1Employed in state system 87Total 99


sequently resigned and 30% of these are still teach-ing, albeit in private schools. This must be seen asa remarkably small wastage rate (Table 6). It mustbe remembered that although some of the returneeswere mature students and had had some priorteaching experience, the great majority were notand have had less than four years to establish them-selves in the system. Despite this, some 34.3%have received substantial promotion. This mustdemonstrate that the academic quality of theirqualification was at least adequate to the task.

Beyond this evidence we have some data fromour returned questionnaire. Thirty-two scheduleshave so far been returned which indicate that, ifanything, the commitment of the BEds hasstrengthened. All of the responses returned indicatea high level of commitment to teaching in the Sey-chelles. On a commitment scale from 1 to 7 (where1 indicates no commitment and 7 indicates a veryhigh commitment), 56% record 7, 25% record 6,12.5% record 5 and 6% record 4; i.e., all respon-dents recorded their commitment above the mid-point and 81% recorded the two highest levels.

The BEds remain positive about their pupils andstudents. Over 68% feel that the achievementsand/or academic quality of their students isimproving and only 13% feel that there is adeterioration. It is surprising, in the face of theearly criticism of the BEd, that 90% of the teachersresponding so far see their careers developingwithin education and within the Seychelles overthe next five years. Finally, when asked about theirteaching skills, 87% feel that they are able toemploy a wider range of teaching skills than other

Table 6Current placements of those remaining in the state system

No. %

Head Teachers/Heads of Subject 2 2.3Studies Co-ordinators 5 5.7Assistant Coordinators of Education

3 3.4(NYS)Curriculum Development Officers 5 5.7Polytechnic Instructors 15 17.2NYS Teachers 10 11.5Secondary School Teachers 47 54.0Total 87 99.8

teachers. The evidence for this feeling is oftengiven in some detail. For example:

It appears that some topics in some fields werenot covered by other graduates. In delivering thesubject matter, there exist differences in stylesand approaches.

We had the chance to learn about newapproaches/strategies currently in use. We learntabout the importance of catering for student’sneeds and also the importance of making learn-ing pleasurable. We moved from the teacher-centred approach to a pupil-centred one.

Yes in the sense that as compared to other teach-ers I especially feel that I can build materialsfor all of my classes and a lot of teachers cometo me for advice, in particular my headteacher,with regard to teaching strategies that can beadopted.

…we tend to focus on cross-cultural studies andcritical studies in Art and Design. We tend toencourage more independent learning. I, forinstance, have developed the habit of discussingand sharing ideas with teachers who are moreexperienced than me.

There is understandably a tendency for young tea-chers to see themselves as breaking new groundand developing new approaches. On the otherhand, these quotations, which are typical of theresponses so far, do not suggest that these teachersare poorly qualified for their job and struggling toperform adequately.

Even when BEd graduates have left teaching,they still often indicate a high level of commitmentto teaching and express regret that the system didnot allow them to develop and improve within it.

I used to take risks and tried differentmethods/style to get students to understand cer-tain issues as I strongly believe it is the bestway to get students to learn to think (problem


solve) while some other teacher would prefer(or stick) to their chalk and talk style.

This graduate left because he felt unable to developand improve his position, “I had the opportunity toteach at a higher level but was not granted thechance so I was really frustrated for quite a while.”

Despite this evidence, criticism of the BEdeventually contributed to its demise. In addition,the criticism still lives on and surfaces from timeto time. In the following discussion we attempt toshow that it is a lack of recognition of the diagnos-tic importance of evaluation and evidence relatingto sustainability, by officials and politicians indonor and receiver governments, that has led toa position where positive outcomes of educationalprogrammes are not built upon and failures do notcontribute to learning within the same donor andreceiver governments. In other words, the case ofthe Sussex–Seychelles BEd indicates a generalmalaise.

10. Discussion

Within this discussion we shall bring togetherthe two strands of argument within this paper.

1. The case study demonstrates that, despite sub-stantial evidence that the Sussex–SeychellesBEd was successful in contributing to the edu-cational development of the Seychelles, thecourse was terminated. Instead of building onthe results of the evaluation, old, deep-seatedbut unsubstantiated criticisms have beenallowed to influence the course of events to thedetriment of the education service.

2. The literature search into the sustainability ofeducation development projects reveals that thisis a much neglected area. There are almost nopublished studies. This, we claim, clearly indi-cates a lack of financial support for these studiesand lack of an effective donor agency policy onevaluation and sustainability.

Instead of competently executed studies on sus-tainability there is a literature on the failure offoreign aid to assist development. The outcome ofsubstantial programmes of aid has, it seems, been

dependence not development. Carol Kochhar(1997, p. 104) writes a fairly typical critique ofeducation aid.

There is widespread evidence that foreign aidhas not produced the broad-based economic andsocial development results expected by aidagencies. In many cases humanitarian aid hascreated long-term dependence and has donelittle to spur economic development. There isalso considerable evidence being accumulatedthat shows that even specific economic aidseems to hinder development more than pro-mote it (Bandov, 1985; Packenham, 1992).

This pessimistic view of the outcome of foreignaid poses a substantial problem for aid pro-fessionals. In times of economic stringency, poli-ticians in donor countries have seized upon this‘failure story’ to advocate cutting aid budgets(Zimmerman, 1993)9. This was not the intendedoutcome of many of these analyses. A new positivedirection for aid projects was required to produce anew impetus to aid programmes. This has emergedunder the banner of ‘empowerment’ and is sum-marised by a second extract from Kochhar’s chap-ter.

Aid may have helped expand education by pro-viding buildings and teachers, but it has not con-tributed significantly to the development of edu-cational systems. The reorientation of aidagencies towards the development of strategiesfor empowerment within the recipient countrywill help to overcome barriers to the goal of uni-versal primary education and the inclusion of allchildren, youth and adults in education.

It is difficult to see how this rather pious hopecan have any real impression without a substantialimprovement in the commission, rigour and under-lying policy with respect to evaluation both by

9 The new Labour government in the UK has reversed thistrend by strongly stating its commitment to improving its over-seas aid budget. However, without an improved evaluationinfrastructure, it is difficult to see the outcomes of the pro-gramme contributing to sustainability.


donor and recipient governments (ref. Hopkin,1994). In order to achieve the virtuous spiraldescribed earlier, donors must understand forexample that ‘empowerment’ is like any other‘general good’. Officials in donor and receivergovernments have realised that it is one thing toadvocate it and use it to bring in aid money, butit is another thing to allow it in your own backyard. It is important to remember that there is sub-stantial evidence that ‘empowerment’ was achi-eved by the Sussex–Seychelles BEd and it was pre-cisely this success that fuelled some of the criticalgossip and political manoeuvres that brought it toan end.

This opposition within the Seychelles, coupledwith the fact that it was unlikely that anyone withinthe ODA (DFID) actually read the evaluationreport and very likely that no one even consideredthat there were long-term lessons of considerableimportance to sustainability to be learned, meantthat an important micro-experiment was likely tosink from view without a trace.

11. Conclusions

The case study shows that, despite an evaluationthat demonstrated the ‘success’ of a collaborativeBEd in providing well-trained teachers to a smallisland state, the contract was not renewed. Theevaluation results were disregarded by both donorand recipient governments. In addition, there hasbeen no follow-up or long-term research related tothe sustainability of the project as measured by thecareers of the BEd graduates. This lack of concernfor the long-term effects of projects appears to bea general finding since almost no literature existson long-term sustainability.

A substantial change in the culture of aid agenc-ies and recipient governments is required if a newwave of education development projects is goingto succeed where others have failed. This amountsto setting up a structure in which effective evalu-ation is commissioned and the outcomes of devel-opment projects used to learn lessons about prin-ciples and practical problems. The present structuregives little indication that this will occur. The Sey-chelles case study reveals how a ‘successful’ pro-

ject could be ignored by the donor agency andgently emasculated by the recipient education sys-tem for internal political reasons and unfoundedfears about quality and commitment.

The Seychelles case shows how an innovationthat meets the criteria for empowerment is likelyto meet with opposition precisely because it raisesthe expectations of individuals and disturbs exist-ing power relationships and expectations. This casepoints to the need for a greater awareness of theneed for competent and rigorous evaluation of sus-tainability and a deeper understanding of the impli-cations of reform for powerful groups withinbureaucracies and government. We have ‘resusci-tated’ this case study to contribute to the debateabout future educational development in the Sey-chelles and the wider international context.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank David Long-man, David Stephens, Harry Torrance and DavidWilliams for their helpful comments on an earlierdraft of this paper.

References

Bacchus, K., Brock, C. (Eds.), 1987. Editorial introduction. In:The Challenge of Scale, Educational Development in theSmall States of the Commonwealth, The CommonwealthSecretariat, London.

Bandov, W., 1985. US Aid to the Developing World: A FreeMarket Agenda. Heritage Foundation, Washington, DC.

Bray, M., 1991. Making Small Practical: The Organisation andManagement of Ministries of Education in Small States,Commonwealth Secretariat, London.

Bray, M., Packer, S., 1993. Education in Small States: Con-cepts, Challenges and Strategies, Pergamon Press, Oxford.

Burke, C., 1995. The changing agenda in teacher education inPapua New Guinea. International Journal of EducationalDevelopment 16 (1), 41–51.

Downes, A., 1995. Education and sustainable development: his-torical perspectives and projections for Barbados. La Educa-cion (OAS) 39 (120), 69–82.

Dyer, C., 1996. Primary teachers and policy innovation in India:some neglected issues. International Journal of EducationalDevelopment 16 (1), 27–40.

Fullan, M., 1982. The Meaning of Educational Change, OISEPress, Ontario.


Hall, A., 1996. Social work or working for change? Action forgrass roots sustainable development in Amazonia. Inter-national Social Work 39 (1), 27–39.

Havelock, R.G., 1970. A Guide to Innovation in Education,Center for Research on Utilization of Scientific Knowledge,University of Michigan.

Hopkin, A., 1994. Aid, education and development in Bots-wana: a qualitative analysis. International Journal of Edu-cational Development 14 (4), 393–407.

Johnston, T., 1992. Population, education and sustainable devel-opment. African Development Review 4 (2), 201–235.

Jones, P.W., 1992. World Bank Financing of Education: Lend-ing, Learning and Development, Routledge, London.

King, K.J., 1991. Aid and Education in the Developing World:The Role of the Donor Agencies in Educational Analysis,Longman, Harlow.

Kochhar, C.A., 1997. The role of aid agencies and academicinstitutions in reducing educational dependence. In: Lynch,J., Modgil, C., Modgil, S. (Eds.), Education and Develop-ment: Tradition and Innovation, vol. 1: Concepts,Approaches and Assumptions, Cassell, London.

Lacey, C., 1991. International universities and small islandstates: a collaborative development model in education. In:Education in Microstates: Focus on Theory, Developmentand Policy (collected papers presented at the 35th Annual

Meeting of the North American Comparative and Inter-national Education Society, University of Pittsburgh, 14–17 March).

Lacey, C., Haffenden, I., 1985. The Seychelles National YouthService. In: Lillas, K. (Ed.), School and Community in LessDeveloped Areas, Croom Helm.

Leach, F., 1991. Perception gaps in technical assistance pro-jects: the Sudanese case. In: Lewin, K., Stuart, J. (Eds.),Educational Innovation in Developing Countries, Case-Studies of Changemakers, Macmillan, London.

Lebrun, O., Murray, R., 1980. The Seychelles National YouthService: The Seeds of a New Society, Seychelles Govern-ment Report, Victoria, Mahe.

Maclure, R., 1995. Non-government organizations and the con-tradictions of animation rurale–questioning the ideal of com-munity self-reliance in Burkina Faso. Canadian Journal ofDevelopment Studies 16 (1), 31–53.

Packenham, R., 1992. The Dependency Movement, HarvardUniversity Press, Cambridge, MA.

Watson, K., 1997. Editorial. International Journal of Edu-cational Development 17 (2), 120.

Zimmerman, R.F., 1993. Dollars, Diplomacy and Dependency:Dilemmas of US Economic Aid, Lynne Rienner, Boulder,CO.

training teachers for a small island system: short-term and long-term outcomes

Documents