PWR 1: Writing Wrongs

Asserting Control

Unpacking the True Mechanisms of China’s Internet Censorship

In recent years, with the spread of social media and the

increased activity on blogging sites, the Internet has been praised as

a tool that enables social change and encourages public debate. The

claim was dramatically proven this spring by the events in the Middle

East, as social networking sparked revolts that had reverberating

effects. However, when it comes to discussions of political

involvement and freedom of speech, China is always cited as an

example where censorship has unjustly kept a population in fear and

ignorance. The nation’s dictatorial hold on media both in print and

online has been decreed an assault on freedom of speech and an

infringement of basic human rights, and the government is depicted

as an oppressor, suppressing a nation that longs for democracy.

However, if it is true that China is indeed rising up in its demands for

greater political freedom, why did it not follow in Egypt and Libya’s

footsteps? Is it possible that the Chinese government may not in fact

be a ‘Big Brother’ as is depicted by the foreign press?

In this essay, we will explore the precise means by which

Internet censorship places restraint upon public debate and social

mobilization in China. The belief that Internet controls and lack of

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access to information cultivates popular ignorance is a concept that is

fundamentally simplistic. Case studies will be included to illustrate

and strengthen points of argument, while comparisons will also be

drawn to other nations. By demonstrating that censorship does not

prevent access to information, but instead imposes a threatening

presence that encourages self-censorship given the current social,

economic and cultural context, we can begin to unpack the true

mechanisms behind China’s control of the Internet. It is not the

censorship of information itself that is suppressing public debate and

the push for greater political freedom; rather, it is the assertion of

control and the conscious display of power by the Chinese

government that discourages criticism and keeps dissidents in check.

Such a display is effective as it works in conjunction with the current

economic, social and cultural conditions that exist in China, forming a

argument that must be examined in two parts: the effect of censorship

upon behavior, and the pre-existing attitudes towards social revolt

that exists in China today.

Censorship: a Brief History

Censorship in China takes many forms, encompassing print

media, public broadcasting, and most infamously, the Internet. Only

by understanding the role of the Internet in Chinese society, and the

exact methods and strategies employed by the government in

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censoring online material can we hope to understand the effect that

censorship has had on the populace.

In 1978, when faced with a stagnating economy following the

events of the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping, the leader of the

Communist Party of China at the time, implemented vast economic

reforms that transformed China and brought it into the modern age.

Urban areas became hubs of industry and economic growth, and

according to researcher Marina Yue Zhang, an estimated 400 million

people were lifted out of poverty over the past 30 years (2). Promoting

widespread use of technology became an integral part of Chinese

developmental strategies, skyrocketing the country and its citizens

into a modern age at unprecedented rates. As quoted by the scholar

John Lagerkvist, the China Internet Network Information Center

reported in July 2010 that 420 million Chinese – a larger number than

the entire population of the United States – now accesses the Internet

via Chinese networks, and that number is expected to continue

increasing (12).

The project of censoring the Internet was initiated by the

Chinese Communist Party in 1998, and began operations in 2003.

Peter Marolt classifies censorship into four categories: the “Great

Firewall of China”, ISP-enforced blacklisting of specific words and

phrases, the control of multinational technology corporations and

real-world access controls (2). Websites providing access to

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information about the Falun Gong, the Tiananmen Square Protests of

1989 and the Free Tibet movement are blocked, as are some Chinese-

language foreign news websites. Blog posts containing the names of

government officials and keywords are heavily monitored, while

access to social media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, Twitter and

Flickr is infamously prohibited. Although these restrictions generally

do not interfere with normal day-to-day activities of Internet, the

effects of censorship are nonetheless pervasive and ever-present,

asserting a presence that subtly guides all online activities in China.

Failings, Foucault, and the Power of Fear

Censorship clearly exerts an extremely tangible online

presence, affecting each and every Internet user in China. However,

the question of what effect these acts of censorship have had upon the

Chinese online community, and the nature of this effect is subject to

debate. Certainly, knowledge about certain issues is difficult to access

in China, and access to non-Chinese-based social media sites is largely

restricted. Nonetheless, what matters is whether these censors are

fulfilling their intended purpose of concealing truth from individuals,

cultivating ignorance and promoting government propaganda.

Of all the subjects that the Chinese government seeks to hide,

perhaps no other event evokes stronger emotions than the Tiananmen

Square Massacre. Despite diligent attempts made by the Chinese

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government to promulgate their version of the events that took place,

the Chinese public remains aware of the atrocities that were

committed by the State, to a greater degree than an outside observer

might expect. Although there is no concrete data examining

awareness within China itself, the relatively recent event – having

occurred a mere 22 years prior – is vividly remembered by all those

who are of middle age. The China-based organization Tiananmen

Mothers, founded by Deng Zilin in response to her son’s death during

the massacre, continues to campaign peacefully within China for the

recognition and remembrance of the tragic event (Time Magazine).

Many artists and filmmakers, including Ai Weiwei and Yue Minjun,

also produce work in reference to the event. Awareness is of a

sufficient level that prior to the event’s 20th anniversary, officers in

both uniforms and plainclothes patrolled the square, subjecting

visitors to bag searches, requesting identification and restricting

entry for both local and foreign journalists (BBC).

In this day and age of rampant globalization, when China is

integrally connected to the rest of the world, completely covering up

information is no longer a realistic goal. No matter what restrictions

are applied, savvy individuals with tech know-how will find means of

circumventing censors and accessing banned sites. For some

individuals, including casual Internet users, the act of censoring a

website is enough to discourage interest. However, the conclusion is

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that though China’s censors make it difficult for the average Internet

user to stumble upon knowledge that has been deemed a threat to the

Chinese government, a determined individual could easily find the

means of accessing the information that they wanted. Therefore,

censorship serves as discouragement, but no firewall is realistically

capable of hiding truth from an entire nation of Internet users.

Clearly, although censors have an effect, the full influence of

Internet censorship in China cannot solely be the product of limited

access to information and cultivation of ignorance. Instead, it is public

displays of control and indirect intimidation that discourages public

dissent online, essentially creating a society in which people are

motivated to censor their own actions, adhering to regulations without

the need of excessive governmental

intervention. This balance of power can be

described as a “Panopticon” – a term first coined by Jeremy Bentham

in 1787, and later developed into a model of social control by French

philosopher Michel Foucault. This model serves as a good point of

reference to which Chinese strategies of censorship may be compared

and explained, clarifying the factors that currently influence the

public’s behavior as a society.

The Panopticon itself consists of a multistoried, circular prison

with individual cells lined up along the circumference, all of which

open up onto a central courtyard. A watchtower stands in the middle,

Figure 1. An original drawing of a Panopticon and its envisioned layout. Note the cells around the

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lined with windows that allow guards to

look out, but not allowing prisoners to look

in. The inability of inmates to judge

whether a guard is actually present forces

them to believe that they are always

watched, enforcing obedience even when

guards are not actually present (13). Foucault takes this model one

step further, applying it to politics and social control. He argues that

if a government can assert a strong enough presence and generate

enough intimidation, they would “induce in the ‘inmate’ a state of

conscious and permanent visibility that assures the automatic

functioning of power” (201). Thus, by reminding the public of their

own permanent visibility, while preventing the masses from ever

knowing the extent to which they are watched, order can be easily

maintained within any system.

Online censorship in China mirrors Foucault’s model of social

control, cultivating a form of “self-censorship” that may play a

considerably larger role in suppressing dissent than direct action

does. As Foucault states, such a setting, “arranges things in such a

way that the exercise of power is not added on from the outside, like a

rigid, heavy constraint, to the functions it invests, but is so subtly

present in them as to increase their efficiency” (206). These words are

a remarkable summary of the means by which the Chinese

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government exerts its power over the Chinese population – rather

than fight a losing battle against the penetrative power of Internet-

assisted knowledge, censorship works in more complex ways,

discouraging interest in dangerous topics. These ‘subtle constraints’

include the replacement of Western social media sites with Chinese-

based alternatives, and the active monitoring of blogs and discussion

forums, both serving as ‘watchtowers’ that intimidate the public into

self-censorship.

Censorship represents an assertion of power and authority, and

– as demonstrated by Foucault’s model – is most effective when the

populace is acutely aware of its presence. Perhaps the most visible

and infamous aspect of online policies in China is the banning of

Western social media sites such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube –

online staples for many Internet users around the world. As a result,

Chinese entrepreneurs have exploited the gap in the Chinese market

by providing their own versions of banned sites, sites that willingly

conform to local online regulations while satisfying a nation of

consumers. For instance, Tudou (土豆 ) and Youku (优酷 ) are both

video-hosting sites that possess similar capabilities to that of

YouTube. Both were founded by Chinese entrepreneurs who, following

the banning of YouTube in 2009, sought to control the Chinese

market.

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At first it seems as though the government’s motives are clear;

replacing foreign-based websites possessing large global networks

with solely China-based versions limits the spread of potentially

subversive ideas that would otherwise filter in from other nations.

However, the government’s monopolistic hold on social media serves

an additional purpose, ultimately forcing the nation to use a form of

social media that exposes users to monitoring and control. Currently,

Renren is China’s predominant social media site, with over 31 million

active users in April 2011 (Wall Street Journal). The website is also

one of the most heavily censored, with built-in filters that prevent the

posting of content relating to Tiananmen Square, the names of

government officials, the Falun Gong and the Free Tibet movement.

Thus, by maintaining control over the single social media site that

exists in China, the government creates an effective monitor and filter

that the populace has no choice but to participate in.

The fear of being caught and identified, and potentially

punished by such control, plays a major role in discouraging dissent,

creating a strong culture of self-censorship motivated by fear.

According to expert Peter Marolt, the Internet police monitors,

identifies, and expunges subversive posts online using specially

designed software that automatically targets key phrases (53). Direct

action ranges from deleting posts and blocking websites to physical

incarceration. However, the latter only occurs on a sporadic basis,

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following repeat or highly severe offences (54). For example, the high-

profile arrest of the artist Ai Weiwei in April this year for alleged tax

evasion was heavily publicized by foreign media, provoking rumors

that the true reason for his incarceration was the maintenance of a

daily blog pushing for political reform (The New York Times).

Although such measures subject the government to heavy criticism,

their actions also serve as a thinly veiled warning to others in China

who might seek to disseminate similar messages, reminding the

population of their vulnerability under China’s gaze.

As can be seen from the illustrations given above, censorship

serves purposes other than the simple restriction of access to

material. By reminding the populace of the government’s ability to

block information, monopolize social media, and actively block posts

made on blogs and in forums by individuals, China is asserting its

presence online. Therefore, the mechanism by which censorship

works within the nation is not so much an issue of suppression and

cultivation of ignorance, but of intimidation and self-censorship. By

employing such indirect means and ingraining desired behavior into

the mindsets of Internet users, China promotes a situation in which

heavy-handed forces is usually not required. However, such tactics

must be evaluated within the context in which they are used. Clearly,

such an approach must be supported by current economic, social and

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cultural conditions unique to China, factors that will be explored in

the following section.

The Specificities of Time and Place

Up to this point, discussions have focused on the ways in which

the Chinese government actively discourages and threatens those that

voice open criticism online, while encouraging self-censorship.

However, the perception that Chinese citizens live in constant fear is

a vast oversimplification of a highly complex issue. The relative lack of

political activism in China at present is not only influenced by

government policies, but also by a myriad of situational factors.

Within a population, the desire to revolt and instigate political change

is a phenomenon that is inextricably tied to social, economic, and

cultural factors – factors that have to be explored if we are to gain a

full understanding of China’s current political clime in relation to the

topic of censorship.

Firstly, from an economic perspective, China’s economy is not

only stable, but also growing at a steady rate. Increasing wealth, a

swelling middle-class and rapid industrialization is causing China to

be heralded as the world’s next great superpower, and the Chinese

populace is keenly aware of it. A healthy economy means that the

people are content, and even willing to overlook issues of free speech.

For example, to illustrate the points made above, during the Egyptian

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uprising that took place in early 2011, some political commentators

were already speculating about the possibility of the Arab Spring

being followed by a Chinese Winter – an event that clearly never

occurred.

There are several flaws that made such a prediction highly

unlikely, the most significant of which are the current economic

differences between Egypt and China. Egyptians protested against

rampant corruption, escalating poverty, and severe unemployment;

these qualities are simply not currently present in China to the same

degree. According to a Pew Global Attitudes Survey conducted two

years ago, “Twenty-eight percent of Egyptians were “satisfied” with

their country’s direction, down from 47 percent a few years earlier; 87

percent of Chinese were satisfied, up from 83 percent. Only 23

percent of Egyptians were optimistic about their own life prospects

over the next five years, versus 74 percent of Chinese (and 52 percent

of Americans)” (The Atlantic). Although the data may be questionable,

given that respondents were predominantly urban dwellers, the

results indicate that the motivation for violent revolt simply was not

there.

China’s current economic strength, and the role that technology

has played in the nation’s modernization has led to different

perspectives of Internet’s place in society. As researcher Jen Damm

elaborates, “Western discourses have focused on democratization and

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political change…The Chinese discourse, on the other hand, is very

technology-deterministic, focused entirely on the potential economic

and modernizing benefits of the new communication technologies”

(93). This perception of the Internet as a tool for economic

development simply is more pervasive than views of the Internet as a

tool for social development, and social media does not hold the same

value that it does in other societies. Admittedly, these two views are

not mutually exclusive, and clearly there are those that do see the

potential of using online media as a means of communication and

access to information. Nonetheless, China’s history of immense

economic growth and the current satisfaction of the population with

the Chinese government, when combined with existing censorship,

enhance the population’s reluctance to openly criticize.

Secondly, from a social perspective, demographics of Internet

users are highly skewed, representing a section of the population that

may not be representative of the nation’s beliefs as a whole.

According research conducted by Junhua Zhang, over 80% of Internet

users in China are below the age of 35, and the majority live in urban

environments (45). This means that it is primarily those individuals of

higher educational background and social status that are accessing

blogs and social media sites, representing a section of the population

that is currently in a position of relative comfort and economic

satisfaction. Many of those living below the poverty line in rural parts

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of China do not have access to the Internet, and do not possess

sufficient levels of education to actively participate in social debate,

effectively cutting them out of the picture. Instead, the individuals

that do, number among the growing urban middle class – a

demographic that may be more unwilling than others to place

themselves at risk.

Some analysts argue that it is precisely the rising generation of

youthful intellectuals in China that will be the primary arbiters of

social change. It was such a generation that organized the public

protests of 1989, and many believe that it is precisely the Internet

users that will most strongly advocate for social change. However,

researcher Junhua Zhang argues that this view does not take into

account the changing attitudes of modern youths and young adults

who were not direct witnesses to the Tiananmen Square massacre,

and therefore do not attach the same emotions the event that older

generations do (91). Having grown up accustomed to restricted sites

and the practice of self-censorship, there is some evidence that

younger generations do not so much see the Internet as a tool for

social change, as they see it as a tool for entertainment and personal

pleasure.

Data collected online reveals interesting trends about patterns

of behavior. According to the eBusiness Knowledgebase website,

which ranks blogs based on each website's Alexa Global Traffic Rank,

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and U.S. Traffic Rank from both Compete and Quantcast, Huffington

Post is the top blog viewed by Americans, followed by business and

entertainment sites such as Business Insider, Perez Hilton and

Gizmodo. In contrast, a study conducted in 2007 by Johan Lagerkvist

revealed that not a single one of Mainland China’s top 100 bloggers

discussed political issues or advocated social change (73). Instead,

popular blogs in China are overwhelmingly focused on fashion,

lifestyle, gossip and the stock market, reflecting different patterns of

behavior online. Whether this is a result to censorship or social

changes, it clearly reveals the dominant preoccupations of Internet

users in China, demonstrating that the technology’s potential for

inciting social change has not been heavily utilized.

Thirdly, from a cultural perspective, Chinese attitudes and

beliefs are still deeply rooted in Confucian principles, as well as

mindsets cultivated by recent historical events such as the Cultural

Revolution. Many of these mindsets encourage respect for authority,

adherence to social and political hierarchies and a non-confrontational

approach to politics – attitudes that continue to subtly play a role in

shaping Chinese society. What many Western commentators overlook

is the fact that issues such as democracy and elections are viewed in a

very different context in many non-Western nations, and may not in

fact be seen as the ultimate goal of the people. China’s government –

officially known as the Chinese Communist Party – gained its position

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of power during the Cultural Revolution, a period that continues to

evoke strong memories within the populace.

Confucianism plays a large part in shaping Chinese culture,

despite past attempts made by the Chinese government to quash the

belief system. It is a philosophy that places great emphasis upon

harmony, and as researcher Rodney Wai-Chi Chu states, “does not

emphasize treating individuals on equal terms, but rather focuses on

the relationships between people as the basic unit of society” (27).

This view implies that Chinese individuals do not view the significance

of democracy to be as paramount as Western individuals might

consider it to be, and instead prefer to maintain stable relationships

between the people and the state. In Confucian terms, social

development would therefore best be achieved not by endowing each

and every individual with increased freedom, but instead by improving

the moral values of both state and society (29). This represents a key

difference that separates Chinese and Western viewers, resulting in

different interpretations and value judgments that affect perceptions

of censorship.

The reality in China today is that Chinese citizens – as stated by

Peter Marolt – “are ignoring or avoiding such discourses of legitimacy

and their attendant narratives of control and censorship” (60) for

reasons that go beyond censorship itself. The lack of public dissent

and criticism online is not a mere product of government efforts and

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the spreading of fear; instead, social, economic and cultural contexts

play a large role in providing motivations for civil debate. At this time,

the condition of the Chinese populace is positive – despite its

shortcomings, the government is viewed as a force that has

modernized China and brought millions out of poverty. The potential

costs of overthrowing the current powers are far too great for the

sake of gains that are negligible in Confucian belief, resulting in a

population willing to bow down to governmental power at this present

time.

Looking Forward

Censorship is not a direct means to an end. Rather, censorship

in China is used as a demonstration of control, discouraging public

criticism and reminding citizens of the government’s far-reaching

gaze. In the first half of the essay, this phenomena was discussed in

detail: while suppressing the dissemination of subversive information

online creates an effective obstacle for many, this form of censorship

alone is not enough to cultivate a society of docile ignorance. Instead,

the Chinese government has chosen – consciously or not – to mirror

Foucault’s Panoptic model of social control. By limiting forms of social

media to those monitored by the government, and scanning millions of

individual blog posts for subversive material, the government

constantly reminds the populace of its presence. These acts serve as

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an effective “watchtower”, intimidating the populace into a state of

self-censorship.

In the second half of the essay, we explored the social, economic

and cultural conditions that make the intimidation imposed by China’s

censorship policies effective. As it currently stands, China’s trend of

steady economic growth, rising levels of wealth and increasing living

standards temper the nation’s desire for greater political freedom.

The trend in Internet users also consists of a demographic that is

satisfied with China’s current social and economic stability, with no

desire to voice critical dissent at the risk of losing their place in

society. Finally, China’s history of having undergone the Cultural

Revolution, and its long history of Confucian influence have left many

people reluctant to upset a social hierarchy that is currently

successful from an economic standpoint. With different views towards

freedom of speech and human rights, coupled with the ample

discouragement enforced by Internet censorship, the majority of the

Chinese population simply does not feel compelled to upset the status

quo at this point in time.

China’s system of censorship is so effective that it has left many

observers in awe, marveling at the relative efficiency with which a

nation’s critical opinion and dissent is subdued by the government.

Yet when critiquing foreign systems of governance and control, it is

important to recognize the complexity and multifaceted qualities of

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such regulations. The attitude of China’s populace towards the

limitations that have been placed upon their Internet usage is one that

results from a variety of factors – and not all of them have to do with

censorship itself. As Foucaultian model, China successfully maintains

the boundary between overt suppression and gentle encouragement

of self-censorship, never quite overstepping into the role of Big

Brother. Additionally, China has also proven to the world that it

remains a rising power, demonstrating the strengths of its

government despite external political criticism. Eventually, China will

have to come to terms with its political system and the issues

surrounding free speech; however, for now we must be content as

spectators, impartially evaluating the interactions taking place within

this complex nation.

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Works Cited

Bentham, Jeremy. Panopticon: Or, the Inspection-house. Containing the Idea of a New Principle of Construction Applicable to Any Sort of Establishment, In Which Persons of Any Description Are to Be Kept Under Inspection. and In Particular to Penitentiary-houses, Prisons, Houses of Industry, Work-houses, Poor-houses, Manufactories, Mad-houses, Hospitals, and Schools. With a Plan of Management Adapted to the Principle. In a Series of Letters, Written In the Year 1787, From Crecheff In White Russia, to a Friend In England. By Jeremy Bentham, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq. Dublin: Thomas Byrne, 1787. Web.

Bradsher, Keith. “Conditions of Chinese Artist Ai Weiwei’s Detention Emerge.” The New York Times: Asia Pacific. The New York Times, 12 Aug. 2011. Web. 2 Dec 2011.

Bristow, Michael. “Journalists banned from Tiananmen.” BBC News. BBC, 4 June 2009. Web. 4 Dec 2011.

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Chu, Rodney Wai-Chi, and Chung-Tai Cheng. “Cultural convulsions: examining the Chineseness of cyber China.” Online Society in China: Creating, celebrating, and instrumentalising the online carnival. Ed. David Kurt Herold, and Peter Marolt. Abingdon, Oxon [England]: Routledge, 2011. 23-39. Print.

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Fallows, James. “Arab Spring, Chinese Winter.” The Atlantic. Atlantic Mag., Sept. 2011. Web. 3 Dec. 2011.

Foucault, Michel. Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. New York: Pantheon Books, 1977. Print.

Jakes, Susan. “Mother Courage.” Time Magazine: World. Time Mag., 05 Apr. 2004. Web. 3 Dec 2011.

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Marolt, Peter. “Grassroots agency in a civil sphere? Rethinking Internet Control in China.” Online Society in China: Creating, celebrating, and instrumentalising the online carnival. David Kurt Herold, and Peter Marolt. Abingdon, Oxon [England]: Routledge, 2011. 53-67. Print.

Lagerkvist, Johan. After the Internet, Before Democracy : Competing Norms In Chinese Media and Society. Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang, 2010. Print.

Zhang, Junhua. “Chinese intellectuals and the Internet in the formation of a new collective memory.” China's Information and Communications Technology Revolution: Social Changes and State Responses. Ed. Zhang, Xiaoling, and Yongnian Zheng. London: Routledge, 2009. Print.

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