wits politics students demand curriculum reform

8/10/2019 WITS Politics Students Demand Curriculum reform

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I know that we notice what we notice because of who we are.We create ourselves by what we choose to notice.

Once this work of self-authorship has begun,we inhabit the world we have created.

We self-seal.

We don t notice anything except those things that confirm what we already think aboutwho we already are.

When we succeed in moving outside of our normal processes of self-reference and canlook upon ourselves with self-awareness,

Then we have a chance at changing.We break the seal.

We notice something new.

~ Margaret Wheately

A human being is part of the whole, called b y Universe ; a part limited in time and space.

We experience ourselves, our thoughts and feelings, as something separated from the rest,a kind of optical delusion of our consciousness.

This delusion is a kind of prison for us, restricting us to our personal desires and toaffection for a few persons nearest to us.

Our task must be to free ourselves from this prison by widening our circle of compassionto embrace all living creatures and the whole of nature in its beauty.

~ Albert Einstein.

Until the Lion has his/her own storyteller, the hunter will always have the best part of thestory.

~ Ewe proverb

Wisdom is like a Baobab tree, no one individual can embrace it.~ Nigerian proverb


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1. Introduction

Despite the advances of recent years, deeply ingrained racial and gender prejudices continue to

inflict the structures of our society. The Higher Education sector is not exempt from this. The

importance of transformation within it was highlighted early on in our democracy and yet progressin this regard has been painfully slow. Govinder et al (2013) define transformation in the South

African context as change that addresses the imbalances of the past era . While acknowledging its

multifaceted nature, the authors assert that the most important indicator of transformation is that of

racial and gender demographics. A walk around campus shows that the University of the

Witwatersrand (Wits) is microcosmic of the larger society. However, the constitution of the

university staff is not reflective of the larger society and neither is the composition of the staff in

the Political Studies department. While there is some degree of diversity in the staff in relation to

racial and gender demographics, the lack of even a single black staff member in a departmentconcerned with the political history of South Africa, among other topics, is problematic.

1.1. Why does Transformation Matter?

In a country and a global context where transformation of different types and forms is

expected, it may be self-evident why transformation matters. Still, transformation must be

explained because the lack of transformation, and sometimes the slow pace of

transformation, shows that there is no urgency about the matter. There are at least two

glaring reasons why transformation matters: representation and diversity.

Transformation will bring about representation , and this representation has two main

aspects. The first is that the Political Studies department, and Wits as a whole, will benefit

from the presence of African lecturers as reflective of the student demographic of the

department and the institution. This is an obvious and prima facie type of representation,

whereby the makeup of the department and the institution requires a literal and physical

demographic shift. This type of representation must not be mistaken for a form of window

dressing, where the physical change can be seen on the face of the department, but the

internal structure remains the same. This leads to aspect two of a representative

justification for transformation: identity.

Identity refers to the fact that when a lecturer teaches part of his or her teaching may draw

on lived experiences in the real world. Therefore that lecturer represents the work that they


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present and teach. In the same way, the experiences of Africans, black Africans in

particular, can enrich what is taught within the department owing to their lived

experiences both within our country, on the continent and elsewhere. Such lecturers may

identify with the content of the course that they teach, as well as allow space for students

to identify with the work. This notion of identity in the representative justification may

seem to contradict the view that politics should be taught objectively or dispassionately, in

order to allow critical thought. We contend in this memo that our history- both as a

continent and a country- is too recent for us to ignore, and we cannot teach or learn it

without some lived experience to penetrate the theory, especially not in a field like

Political Studies.

The concept of diversity is watered down to only mean the demographic and physical

representation discussed above, but this is not the totality of diversity. In this instance,

diversity refers to the plurality of thought within the Political Studies department. It is not

sufficient to simply teach dominant narratives of political thought and their implications,

or superimpositions, on Africans and their diaspora, but also essential to discuss African

and South African examples that correlate with these dominant narratives, alongside

examples that produce their own narratives and discourses

Linguistically, transformation has the ability to assist in what universities often call the

language barrier. This refers to the difficulties faced by mostly black students in grasping

courses they are taught because they do not have a workable grasp of the English

language. The presence of black lecturers creates the space in which those who are

simultaneously working through their degrees and improving their language skills can

potentially engage with one of their lecturers in their home language for the purposes of

explaining concepts and words. This aspect of transformation should not be

underestimated. Unfortunately, quality education for all at a primary and high school level

still remains at the level of aspiration. Many students who go the extra mile to make sure

they make it into university still face insurmountable challenges that threaten their ability

to finish their chosen degrees. This is especially the case in Political Studies, where

assessment emphasis on written work means the language barrier can result in inspired,

hard-working students falling through the cracks.


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In addition to creating a space in which students can converse with at least one lecturer in

their home language, the presence of black lecturers is also important in terms of changing

the prevailing view that the academy is for whites. Even if the current staff in the Political

Studies d epartment don t hold this view, the lack of black staff at the level of perception is

indicative of 1) the department s commitment to perpetuate the view that there is a lack of

worthy black candidates (an argument often made which we refuse to accept, primarily

because of the large numbers of black South African academics lecturing elsewhere on the

continent and abroad); 2) a hostile work environment which repels black academics from

applying to join the department; and 3) high levels of either complacency or investment in

the status quo shown by the lack of unified proactive action taken by staff to identify,

approach and include black academics.

2. Critique of the Pace of Transformation

A member of staff in the department asserted that the few black academics who qualify for

staff positions are generally co-opted into the private sector because of the promise of

higher salaries. This argument is problematic in that it assumes that all black academics

are merely chasing large pay cheques and voluntarily choose to not be part of the

academy. Such justifications attempt to responsibilise black academics for the lack of

transformation rather than do not acknowledging the ways in which the university fails to

create the type of environment in which black academics feel welcome.

Furthermore, as black students, when we don t see anyone who looks like us teaching,

there is very little reason or inspiration for us to believe that we can be academics and

lecturers ourselves one day. T his notion of the exceptional black who meets faculty

criteria to become a lecturer serves to disincentivise rather than incentivise black students

to continue with their studies and become eligible candidates to teach. The need for

positive role models and mentors for all students cannot be overemphasised. Considering

that public discourse on issues of transformation is framed in such a way that

institutionally black academics are not welcome (Makgoba, Mamdani etc.), it is

frightening the extent to which the Politics Studies department has not galvanised itself in

the name of transformation in an effort to show students and the larger Wits community

that it recognises the importance of transformation and is actively pursuing it. These types

of initiatives cannot happen in a context where staff is not willing to go further than


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merely saying the lack of black staff is a problem but what can we really do anything if

there are no candidates, and if they do exist, they don t apply .

The Political Studies department at Wits refuses to own the problem of its lack of

transformation. Whether this is a result of deference, arrogance, institutionalised white

privilege, ignorance, complacence or gate-keeping, only the members who constitute the

department know. What we as students know is that there is no acceptable reason that in

2014 the university fails to recognise the existence of highly qualified black scholars as

well as the contribution of black African scholars to existing political thought and the

emergence of new areas of study. The department has failed to retain a single black

lecturer in either a junior or senior position and although faculty may be responsible for

hiring, recommendations from the department hold significant weight. The lack of unifiedstaff activism in this regard paints a disappointing picture as to whether or not Political

Studies staff members are genuinely concerned with and dedicated to transformation.

Efforts need to be directed towards identifying and resolving veritable obstacles to

achieving the goal of transformation. Witnessing the distance between national

demographics and organisational demographics of universities, students, staff and

policymakers feel compelled to take action. How much more should this be true for one of

the leading academic departments for the study of South African politics, one that engages

critically with the challenges of a society in transition? The purpose of this document is to

invite dialogue and reflection on the challenges that the department faces regarding this

issue.

For the most part, dominant social institutions, structures and processes have not been set

up in just ways, and therefore when people attempt to work within these systems to

advance justice, they often face systemic constraints or outright political challenges. Our

aim cannot only be to open room for black men and women to take up positions in the

department. Rather, we should strive for a staff that is diverse, that offers equally diverse

undergraduate and postgraduate courses, that works together in the construction of a

Political Studies department that produces graduates who will use what they learn to

contribute to the advancement of society; and a programme led by academics reflective of

national demographics, whose socio-political backgrounds and lived experiences enrich

their work, and who the majority of students would identify with and feel comfortable


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engaging with. The bulk of knowledge production can no longer issue from a small

segment of the population. The excellent work already being carried out by the department

could be even more excellent with diversity- remember transformation is understood as a

process essential to sustained academic excellence 1. The problem of transforming

entrenched white privilege cannot be passed over either, and will require extraordinary

measures.

That the group of postgraduate students issuing this memo are representative of our social

reality and show South Africa s diversity is not coincidental , attests to the achievement of

several goals articulated in the Education White Paper 3. That we are of different races

and sexes; espouse different political stances and religions; and come from different social

and economic backgrounds; inspires confidence that this diversity can be reflected inuniversity staff.

3. The Depth of Transformation: A Critique on the Status Quo in Terms

of (lack of) black thought / African scholarship in Political Studies

When we look at the horizon of Wits the lawns, the lecture halls and the staff we long to

see diversity and transformation to the extent that black Africans are represented fairly in allaspects of the university. This is because transformation involves the inclusion and

engagement, both theoretically and practically, of all South Africa s racial and ethnic groups.

However, the horizon of transformation cannot only be picturesque. Rather, transformation

must have depth ; it must penetrate from the horizon to the interior of the university, through

what is taught and how it is taught.

3.1. Reflection on lack of African scholarship in Political Studies

It seems inconsistent and hypocritical of Political Studies that we learn certain narratives and

paradigms within politics that only serve the status quo of political pasts and futures. Even

the history of political thought within political theory has an uncomfortable absence of

African political thought, and the only African contribution to our studies is the everyday

examples that we see playing out in our political landscapes. These examples are necessary

but insufficient and rely on a recycled history to explain the current context of our continent.

1

Wits Transformation Office


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Moreover, the existing narratives and paradigms are superimposed onto our everyday

examples, and some noticeable results of this are a lack of critical engagement with African

theory and dogmatic teaching which leads to average marking.

How is it that the subject of political studies, whose root word polis refers to people, ignores

a whole African people and their thought in its analysis of political affairs?

3.2. The Inclusion of African Scholarship

Usually the process of critiquing something and building something new and different from

what exists, involves a justification of the new and different thing. However, it does not

seem fair that African thought should somehow be justified in order to be included in the

Political Studies department. This is because African thought, like other streams of thought,

is a product of the existence and experience of a people and therefore the inclusion of this

thought should be more commonplace. Unfortunately, owing to the history of the African

continent, and the nature of the global system, African thought is largely ignored even by

our own African university, Wits. This part of the critique will not seek to justify African

thought as a superior discourse; rather, it will discuss the obvious logic of finally recognising

and nurturing African scholarship as part of the Political Studies curriculum.

In a paper on transformation in higher education and training in South Africa, commissioned by the Development Bank of Southern Africa, Badat 2 discusses challenging intellectual

spaces 3 by examining what the dominant narrative in higher education courses has been. In

particular, challenging intellectual spaces involves creating the space for the flowering of

other epistemologies, ontologies, methodologies, issues and questions other than those that

have dominated, perhaps even suffocated, intellectual and scholarly thought and writing 4.

Badat expresses a feeling shared by many institutions and learners, as touched on briefly in

the reflection earlier in this document. What remains to be said on intellectual spaces is thatPolitical Studies must do more to encourage the depth of transformation by bringing in

African scholarship, maybe even in the form of African literature, to bridge the divide

between classic political thought and African thought. Political Studies must make a

concerted effort to find, systematise and teach African thought.

2 Badat, S. 2010. The Challenges of Transformation in Higher Education and Training in South Africa.3 Ibid, page 174

Ibid, page 17


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4. Suggestions as to how students and staff can work together to

address the problem of Transformation - student involvement in hiring

processes and student contribution to curriculum

Student representation is an increasingly important part of university life in South Africa

and at Wits, in part a result of the Higher Education Act stipulating student involvement,

and in part a result of a certain cultural context at Wits. As such, students are represented

officially in all committee meetings and many decisions of the institution cannot be

made without the involvement of student representatives. This holds for many

operational, academic and social issues at the university. Of course then, this decision

making with student involvement includes the hiring of particular individuals in the

university, most prominently the vice-chancellor and deputy vice-chancellors, who are

appointed via a system of constituent representation.

While this system is by no means perfect, it does go some way to include the largest

body of the university- its students- in crucially important decisions. Unfortunately, this

process does not filter down to school and department level, which means the hiring of

staff particularly academic staff is done without any consideration or regard for

student representation and opinion. While students cannot make operational and

logistical arrangements on behalf of a department at the university, the general sentiment

of students should be taken into consideration when deciding on the future staff

complement of any department.

The justification for this operates on a number of levels. First, the same logic that holds

for the inclusion of students in filling the post of vice-chancellor surely should hold

within departments. Second, students make up a critical and important part of any

department and should be able to make recommendations for what they believe to be intheir best interests and in the best interest of the institution. Third, students are the ones

who are lectured and supervised by new staff, and it is therefore appropriate that students

have clear interests in the appointment of new staff. As academics come into the

universi ty and department with certain research interest and expertise, students having a

voice in the appointment process will assist in the development and shifting of

curriculum and pedagogy. Finally, students are able to bring different value sets, voices

and opinions to the table, all of which are important when appointing new staff.


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Given the above points, we would like to propose that the Political Studies department

offers student representation in the appointment process. This would function on a

number of levels. First, all instances of presentations to the department (not private

interviews) should be made public and attendance by all within the department should be

welcome. Additionally, student representation during discussions and meetings

pertaining directly to the appointment of new staff should become a norm. We propose

the inclusion of both undergraduate students through one representative from the School

of Social Sciences Council and one elected member from the department s postgraduate

cohort (elected prior to the appointment process by all postgraduate students in the

Political Studies department). These students will represent all other students as full

members of appointment meetings.

Similarly, there needs to be democratisation of curriculum development which is

inclusive of all students within the department. With a similar reasoning to that of the

appointment process, student voices are important to the development and advancement

of teaching and learning within the institution. Moreover, students should have some

platform within which to raise their own desires around curriculum and what is taught to

students themselves. The notion that curriculum should be developed from above and

imposed onto all students is not only archaic but also lacks the type of critical rigour andmovement necessary for a department within Social Science. A constant engagement,

shaping, reshaping, and discussion around the academic curriculum will assist the

learning process as well as the goals of academic advancement, research and knowledge

production. A process of consultation and engagement with all of those in the

department, including academic staff and students, can only lead to a more open and

diverse environment.

Finally, students have clear interests in the curriculum as well as valuable first-handexperience of the courses that form part of it. However, curriculum is a broad and deeply

important issue that goes beyond the appointment of staff, and as such special emphasis

must be placed on gaining input from as many interested parties as possible. We would

thus propose a form of democratic engagement with regards to the curriculum

development prior to its finalisation for the next academic year. This must include

specifically postgraduate students but should not foreclose the possibility of involvement


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of undergraduate students, and should be done for both the postgraduate and

undergraduate courses. Taking into account national and benchmarking constraints on

curriculum development, the department must try as far as possible to include students in

all discussions around curriculum and reform. This can be done in the form of meetings

with all postgraduate students in the department and mass meetings with all

undergraduate students that have completed one year within the department.

5. Suggestions of Courses that could be offered rooted in the work of

African Thinkers

The department is now in a unique place to begin the process of inwardly reflecting on itself

and becoming a beacon for transformation that the rest of the university can learn from andfollow. This memorandum is a concise document that not only highlights the need for change

but also suggests ways in which this can be achieved. It is a sign of the will of its students to

create and nurture an environment wherein Western philosophical thought is not the only

point of reference, and where non-Western scholars are studied and celebrated. It is an

attempt to locate the department and the university within a South African context, as a place

of democracy, a place of transformation, a place of introspection, and as a postcolonial site.

Denying this acknowledgment and denying any change would be to act as the university did

during apartheid: as though any subversion from the Western paradigm is something to be

wiped out and forgotten.

5.1. The need for a revised syllabus

The range of courses offered in the Political Studies postgraduate programme fall short of

effectively critiquing modernity and Western philosophy. The lack of non-Western

scholarship cannot go un-problematised. A narrow focus on one school of thought (i.e. the

assumption that Western thought can explain everything) does not take cognisance of the

division of labour in the global academy. It also fails to recognise that ultimately Western

scholarship will always leave out the story and viewpoint of the colonised. In the end, theory

is not universal nor is it neutral, even though currently we act as though it is. The time is long

overdue to give credit to non-Western schools of thought and engage with all the theory in a

critical manner.


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Further , the inclusion of what essentially amounts to opinion pieces by South African

authors (generally rooted theoretically in the work of Western philosophers) does not amount

to the inclusion of African scholarship/Black thought. Theorists such as Ali Mazrui, Ben

Magubane, Archie Mafeje, among other, all contribute(d), and this is the level at which the

work of African scholars must be engaged, debated, and extended.

5.2. Suggestions for a new syllabus

The suggestions of potential courses are based on what we as students would like to learn, as

well as courses on African thought given at other national, regional and international

universities. Included are also suggestions of particular authors, groups, theories, movements

and schools of thought that can enhance the intellectual transformation of knowledge

produced and taught within the Political Studies department.

5.2.1. Race, Justice and Equality/The Politics of Race/ The Politics of the Body

The theorising on race, by African scholars such as Ben Magubane is often tied to the

image of the (black) body within political theory as well as its relation to issues of

oppression, independence, justice and equality. The scope of these courses would be

determined by its lecturer, but it is key to ensure that the inclusion of black thought exists

at a deeper level than mere descriptive pieces written by South African authors which still

use Western political theory as the dominant lens. There are a number of African

academics who have written key texts theorising the issue of race and justice from an

African perspective.

5.2.2. Black Existentialism

Black Existentialism seeks to simultaneously critique domination and affirm the positive

agency of black people. As with other studies on existentialism, this school of thought is

concerned with the nature of one s existence and the meaning of one s life. Black

Existentialism is an excellent course to include because of its intersectionality with a

number of other important concerns of black existence such as gender (black female

existential philosophy-Anna Julia Cooper, Kathryn Gines) and class.


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Key thinkers: Noel Chabani Manganyi, Steve Biko, William Jones, Franz Fanon, Du Bois.

Key (non- academic) texts: Ralph Ellison Invisible Man , Richard Wright The Outsider ,

Toni Morrison The Bluest Eye

5.2.3. Frantz Fanon: Philosophy and Politics

Of all the Afro-philosophers whose work has been victim of chopping and changing to fit

into prominent narratives, Fanon is probably the greatest. His works are critical to courses

such as postcolonial studies and Black Liberation Thought; however, they are best studied

alone in an effort to critically engage with one of the most prominent Afro-thinkers of our

time whose body of work has more depth and complexities than can be captured in

extracts. In Fanon we find not only a philosopher but an activist and a reference point to a

large number of contemporary radical movements locally, on the continent and abroad. At

postgraduate level the intention is to zoom in on specific topics and engage with them

critically, hopefully in relation to topics pertinent to our current political landscape. A

course on Fanon can only add value to the already present departmental attempts to

engage with his work that do not at present do justice to the magnitude of his influence.

5.2.4. Black Modernism and Post Modernism

Black modernism situated as a discourse within Post-modernism is concerned primarily

with questions rather than answers. These questions include: what is black modernism?

Does it refer to the work of authors who self-identify as black? Does it refer to modernism

as a movement that mattered to black readers? Is it a matter of anthologising, editing and

practices? What is its comparative difference with western conceptions of modernity?

Does Black modernism imply the existence of White modernism?

Key Texts: Race, Gender and Comparative Black Modernism (Guadeloupean Lacascade,

Marita Bonner, Martinican Cesaire, Dorothy West) , The African-American Roots of

Modernism , James Smethurst; Images of Black Modernism , Mirriam Thaggert;

Beyond the Harlem Renaissance: The Case for Black Modernist Writers , Adrienne

Gosselin; Spaces of Black Modernism: London 191939, Ronald Moody.


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5.2.5. Black Liberation Thought

Black liberation thought as an umbrella theme for the discussion of both African and

African-American liberation narratives, theorisations and realisations is potentially an

extremely interesting course. Rather than a focus on the post-independence landscape,

which one would have in a course such as postcolonial studies, the locus of a course on

Black liberation thought is based on the period of revolution and the strategies that Black

people sculpt and employ in their fight for freedom. Including such questions as, what is

black freedom which cannot be answered by a dissection of the usual Western

philosopher s conceptions of freedom/liberation. The context of black liberation

discourses are far removed from the spaces from which Western political theory was

thought out. This course could include sub-topics such as Afro-pessimism and thecontinued relationship between oppression and freedom.

Key texts: History of the Modern Black Liberation Movement and The Black Workers

Congress. Paul Saba. 1974

5.2.6. Subaltern Studies

The academic school of thought that emerged in India called Subaltern Studies holds major

relevance for South Africa. It is the project of generations that are dissatisfied with India s postcolonial state. Crucially, it falls outside of mainstream studies, dominant paradigms, and

mainstream ideologies, to maintain that innovation does not always come from systems of

power, as usually those dominated ideas are repeated and reproduced within it. For example,

when Indian historians tried to write the history of India (a new nationalist history that went

against colonial history) they discovered although they believed themselves to be separate

from that history, they had something in common: they too were also elitist, influenced by the

history of the elite and their politics. The aim is therefore to fight against the event of popular politics not being taken seriously. Usually popular politics are slotted into an existing

paradigm to be explained, or it is dismissed entirely, rendering historical archives

simultaneously colonial and elitist.

Subaltern studies also dissect the statism of the elite, where all events and ideas are

measured according to the perceived transformative nature of the state. The assumption is

that if the state cannot be captured in the event or the idea, it does not count. However, state


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policy is not the answer to all questions, and this immobility to look beyond the state is

therefore rendered problematic. Finally, this approach tackles the idea of a universal history

which is based on ideas of modernity that developed in England and became globalised

through colonialism. It suggests that those excluded can either dismiss modernity or

democratise it. To democratise it is to incorporate it into your own space. Some of the

movement s key writers are sympathetic to the idea of a dynamic modernity insofar as

nothing belongs to one culture.

5.2.7. Post-Colonial Studies

This could include the study of post-colonial African leaders who were also prominent

writers, philosophers and political theorists. Specifically, leaders who became the first

presidents of their respective nations after the fall of/transition from colonial rule. Examples

of these leaders include: Leopold Senghor (first president of Senegal and creator of the

concept of Negritude), Sekou Toure (first president of Guinea), Kwame Nkrumah (first

president of Ghana), Julius Nyerere (first president of Tanzania). The course s objective

would be to not only examine post-colonial theory, but examine how these statesmen

attempted to translate ideology into practice. Theorists such as the aforementioned ones wrote

extensively which provides us with the opportunity to examine post-colonial theory vis-a-vis

the realities and hardships post-colonial states were presented with.

Key thinkers: Archie Mafeje, Ali Mazrui, Ben Magubane, Zena Magubane.

Key text: Empire, Global Coloniality and African Subjectivity, Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni.

5.2.8. Sangtin Feminist Writers

Broadly, these writers speak about the intimidation of academics in line with the irony of

NGOs dedicated to empowering women that raise problems when those women speak for

themselves. In the paradigm, NGOs are the good people, rendering it almost impossible to

find a way to challenge them effectively. It says that all mainstream discourses fail to

recognise the faults of NGOs in that the politics that NGOs bring to communities are

sometimes out of reach of those communities. Ordinary people can take care of those tangible

problems, but NGOs prevent this even though they need to reach out and be appropriate

within the situation instead of just holding conferences and teaching politics. NGO politics

is ultimately disempowering because it maintains the dependence poor people have on them.


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This approach also notes that we cannot always blame men for the problems faced by women

as there are also structural factors that influence pathological behaviour. This does not excuse

violence but shows how it came to be.

Key text: Challenges of NGOization and Dreams of Sangtin

5.2.9. Peter Hallward

Peter Hallward is concerned with preoccupations of contemporary theory and sovereignty. He

draws mostly on Satre and Cartesian planes to maintain that an individual s consciousness

confronts the world and does so freely. Material imprisonment does not mean you are not

free, but is about how you relate and respond to your condition, which you can choose.

Political science is dependent on ontology i.e. what it means to be human. He believes it is

necessary to work through this instead of simply working with problematic assumptions.

Hallward is important in a South African context for his observation of the dynamics of sites

of power. After power is taken, conflict occurs over who will rule, leading to the bourgeoisie

stepping in and disempowering the poor (again), forming a new elite. He regarded the UDF

as a true example of a genuine mass movement of ordinary people who, despite some internal

conflict, were all fighting for their future together.

Key text: The Will of the People: Notes toward a dialectical voluntarism

5.2.10. Midnight Notes

Midnight notes was a group of people hoping to change the world who had a significant

influence on academic theory. Their perspective is broadly autonomous thought they do not

share the multitude outlook. They argued that money is a collective inheritance and that with

technology it is possible for everyone to get a basic income (which should be a basic citizen

right). Their aim was to teach that the economy is not out of the hands of the people an

interesting observation in relation to the non-neutral way economics is taught in universities.

5.2.11. Grant Farred

Farred is recognised internationally but ignored in South Africa. His argument is any unity is

based on the friend-enemy distinction, e.g. Christianity v. Islam from the pre-colonial ages. In


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the past there were the voyages of Discovery from 1400, where Portugal went to India and

South Africa. After that colonialism began the friend-enemy paradigm shifted from religion

to become racialised which influenced the justification for colonialism/set of material

practices (civilised v. uncivilised).

In South Africa, he says, the basis for distinction is based on class. With regard to people

who had bad material conditions during apartheid, what was then not justified is now

justified . The future is always contaminated by the past, e.g. in the postcolonial world, there

are problems of patronage (B-BBEE, etc.). Within this is the danger of teleological thought:

you are moving in one direction, so everything that you do is okay.

Therefore, in South Africa there is the not yet counter-partisan defined as those critical ofapartheid and the current government as well. Unfortunately, he says, it is not yet political

because it has not enabled a position of legitimate discourse of conflict. These people will

thus always be seen as enemies and pro-apartheid. The crux of this paper is that just because

someone is from a particular time does not mean we should discount what they say now.

Xenophobia in South Africa is a key consideration here it was coming for a long time and

eventually exploded in May 2008. Apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa: both in Africa

but not a part of it. Friend- enemy distinction creates an out there , and post -apartheid SA sresponsibility is to keep the chaos of Africa at bay.

Key text: The Not Yet Counter partisan: A new politics of o ppositionality

5.2.12. Raj Patel

Raj Patel dissects popular politics in Durban. For him, it is necessary to read the archives

against the intention of those that produce it in order to understand popular politics.

Ultimately, he is trying to get contemporary theory and popular politics to illuminate each

other instead of trying to make reality fit the theory. He says that people who are oppressed

are often presented as incapable of thought but everyone has a spark of consciousness. For

example, there are always assumptions that shack dwellers are instructed by a higher power,

because ideas that the poor can write about themselves seen as a threat to those who write

about them.


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Although the mainstreaming of African thought in all current courses is crucial in both the

development of students and lecturers, it is not a sufficient move towards the inclusion of

African scholarship within the department. The existence of courses rooted in the work of

African philosophers, theorists and academics is important in i) acknowledging that such

works and thinkers exist, ii) promoting the institutional influence and expansion of such

thought through the curriculum and iii) providing a platform for the critical engagement of

such thought which can only increase the chances of its revision and improvement from

those internal to the university. In addition, the preferential inclusion of tiny segments of

the works of African thinkers often exists at the expense of the quality of their work. In

essence, the works are manipulated and exploited to fit into a predetermined narrative

rather than being genuinely studied in there totality.

5.2.13. Lewis Gordon

Lewis Gordon is an American philosopher who engages extensively in the areas of

Africana philosophy, philosophy of human and life sciences, phenomenology, philosophy

of existence, social and political theory, postcolonial thought, theories of race and racism,

philosophies of liberation, aesthetics, philosophy of education, and philosophy of religion.

Particularly relevant to this department is his work on race and racism, postcolonial

phenomenology, Africana and black existentialism, and the significance of W. E. B. DuBois and Frantz Fanon.

In his writing, he proposes two helpful ideas that the department should take cognisance

of. The first involves the engagement with black existential thought/philosophy, where we

start with existence and life and not to theory to explain experiences the theory is

consulted afterwards. The second involves engagement with Afrikaner thought , where

we learn about thought emerging from the African diaspora, including Africa, the

Caribbean, etc. Ultimately, Gordon shows us that we cannot predetermine a theoretical

paradigm.


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6. A list of expected (positive) outcomes from the pursuit of

transformation

An increase in black academics within the Social Sciences

The establishing of the necessary support needed in order to effectively achievetransformation

An academically and financially supportive framework within which black studentsare not only provided the opportunity to study further but are mentored in thenecessary skills to qualify for said positions, skill such as publishing, academicwriting, etc.

A re-examination by the Political Studies department, faculty, and vice-chancellor ofthe obsession with professional headhunting and research output at the expense ofthe quality of education received by student

An honest examination of the nature of research being produced by current staff andthe extent to which it is a genuine reflection of uniquely South African and Africannarratives being developed

Genuine efforts to encourage and assist students to begin publishing before and during postgraduate studies

The mainstreaming of African literature in all current courses from DemocraticTheory to Development Studies to Political Sociology, which will require willingnesson the part of lecturers to research beyond their comfort zones and familiarisethemselves with new literature

The creation of student journals, online publications, newsletters, and so on, toencourage the process of the writing and expression of one s ideas

A more interdependent relationship between students and staff on bothrecommendations of new staff and revision of curriculum

An acknowledgement of the prevailing ideological orientation and its limitations


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7. Students Personal Reflections on the lack of Transformation in the

Department

Marisa Loureno Honours Student

This is my first year at Wits after completing my first degree at Rhodes University in 2010. I

admit I was shocked when I first arrived to notice the lack of interaction between different

racial groups, and the lack of black scholars involved in the department. Everywhere I

looked, thought was led by white students and white lecturers. How was this possible, twenty

years after democracy, especially at an institution that claimed to be so dedicated to

transformation it did not even need race quotas for admission anymore?

What s more, during these first few weeks, a student in one of my classes on the topic of

whiteness and progress in the post-apartheid era shared one seminar that when he arrived at

the university, he noticed (and felt out of place as a result) that most of the lecturers were

white. This raises an important concern for the Political Studies department, which consists

of predominantly white staff, insofar as how many other students feel the same.

This led me to explore the liberal tradition that the university so proudly celebrates. While

part o f the open universities during the 1950s, and while boasting a history of

transformation, Wits does not acknowledge it was a beneficiary of the apartheid era and is

very much a Western institution that fails to locate itself as a university in an African country

with the appropriate syllabus. The significance of this realisation was the effect it has on the

Political Studies department, which does not act in isolation, but forms part of this

problematic tradition.

I am also disappointed that overall no significant critical engagement with Western philosophical discourses took place in any of courses. Modernity, for example, is not an

innocent concept, but within this department it is treated as such. How is Western philosophy

the point of reference for all our work? It is the responsibility of the university to provide a

well-rounded education around key issues in South Africa, and this department plays a

central role in guiding the way forward.


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Thoko Chilenga Masters Student

One time, at another university, we studied political philosophy, from Weber, to Marx, to

Mandela. We had a test on Mandela s articulation of positive and negative freedom in his

book Long Walk to Freedom; as well as his explanation for Mkhonto weSizwe s r easoning

for armed struggle and the specific use of sabotage over other forms of armed struggle. As I

was waiting outside the class for the test to begin, a classmate turned to me and said the test

should be easy because, well he s not really a political philosopher, is he? referring to

Mandela. I replied that he most definitely was a living political philosopher who attempted to

justify agonising decisions in the midst of evil oppression and continual human emancipation.

His attempts at justification are no less worthy of consideration and study than other attempts

by political philosophers before him on account that he is African; neither are his

justifications the only African ones.

In that moment, I think both my classmate and I realised that it was not enough that he and I,

of different backgrounds and ethnicities, were technically learning in a transformed

environment because of laws and university policies that mandated social change and

reconstruction. Instead, transformation included what we actually learned in that

transformed physical environment, and the challenge that this presented to our previousway of thinking about political studies. If the only thing we learned that day was that as

Africans we had living African political philosophers amongst us and their predecessors

whose thought propelled millions to freedom, and sadly sometimes war, then our learning

had a achieved a depth of transformation. We need the lessons of our African thinkers, both

living and lived; not to judge them, but to understand our African heritage and try to navigate

the future for ourselves.

Fatima Mukkhadam Masters Student

I have been part of the Political Studies department at Wits for six years now, and have only

been taught by one non-white lecturer. It is disappointing that this department, a department

that's seen as being progressive, only has two non-white lecturers, and even they aren't black

academics. Being taught by majority white lecturers is a concern insofar as the education I

have received is influenced by Eurocentric theories and ideals. However, it is worth


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mentioning that there have been lecturers who have taught from a non-Eurocentric vantage;

and their efforts have been noticed and appreciated.

I know excellent black academics, for example Dr Pumla Gqola, who is progressive and

intelligent, and I often wondered why the Political Studies department never hired someone

like her. I think there are good black academics who will be an asset to Wits, and this forces

me to question why they haven't been hired into the department. Is it because black

academics aren't applying here, is Wits not willing to pay them well enough, or is it because

the university doesn't think they'll be good enough?

Every black person has been affected by oppressive regimes - from slavery to colonisation to

apartheid - and this needs to be taken into consideration by institutions worldwide, especiallythose that claim to be open to transformation. Our histories shape who we are, how we are

treated, how we treat others, and most importantly how far in our careers we are in

comparison to, in this instance white academics. The Political Studies department can

illuminate the path to acknowledging our histories and shaping our future.

Luke Feltham Masters Student

It is slightly disturbing, looking back, to realise how easy it was to ignore what is now a

glaring issue. At Wits, especially in undergrad, it's easy to be lulled into a sense that

everything is par for the course; challenging and interesting courses keep your mind occupied

and content. But everything is not alright. There is a major issue in the Political Studies

department, and once you become aware of it, is impossible to turn a blind eye any more.

This issue of course is the undoubted lack of transformation within the department. While the

rest of Wits is not perfect, out of all the departments I have studied in during my give years at

the university, Political Studies is certainly at the back of the pack in this regard.

I personally find it lamentable that I have reached Masters level in this subject at one of

Africa's leading universities yet the only non-Western theorists I have studied in course work

are Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko - brilliant thinkers but only a drop in the ocean of African

intellectual thought. Equally disturbing is that I only recall being taught by one black lecturer

(in undergrad) throughout my stay in the department. To me, it seems obvious that these are


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deeply-rooted severe problems and I can only hope that they are resolved so that future

political students walk away with a more complete experience after their time at Wits.

Moshibudi Motimele Masters Student

I walked into the printing room of the Political Studies department one day and looked at the

pictures on the wall of staff and postgraduate students. The dominance of white males was

striking. I remember looking at the wall and thinking that there was no indication that my

aspirations of being in the academy could and should ever be a reality. The abundance of

black students on the wall at Honours, Masters and PhD level assured me that the lack was

certainly not on account of the lack of ability of black students to enter into and complete

postgraduate studies. It got me wondering about what were the true barriers to black participation. I was comforted in the fact that I was not alone in my dissatisfaction with the

Political Studies department s performance in this area.

It was also striking to me that I went from an environment in which African philosophy and

political theory was heavily debated to one in which most students and lecturers either

doubted or denied its existence. An unconditional criteria that I use to judge the quality of

education that I receive, is the extent to which it equips me with the tools to participate in

knowledge production not simply knowledge absorption and regurgitation. As a black,

female South African, is there any way in which I can receive these tools if the work of those

who came before me is neither known nor acknowledged?

I have possibly reached the end of my studies but my motivation to be a part of this project

stems from the desire I have to see other black students like myself feel that they have a

current and future place within the Wits Political Studies department. A place not limited to

the extent to which they can recite Gramsci or Waldron or Rawls. A place rooted in an

awareness of the unique contribution they can make drawing from their own experiences and

the experience of those, who from a similar positionality, have contributed to the emergence

of what has been called Black Thought.

Johnathon Paoli Masters Student


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I came to Wits, full of hopes and dreams, largely built on media coverage and the

revolutionary place this University has held in the imagination. Upon arrival, however,

I was soon to find out the inherent legacies which continue to underline the lack of a

substantive transformation within tertiary education at both this institution as well as at a

more national level. Professor Habib encapsulates the fundamental flaw in contemporary

attitudes regarding furthering education in this country, through his obsession with

research outputs and abiding the standards of first world countries. In his haste to bring

us up to speed with the beautiful white standard, he neglects the impact historical an d

socio-economic realities in not simply the distribution of student population, but the very

academic paradigm and culture that grows at institutions such as Wits. My experience of

this University has been bitter sweet, in that it taught me to question, and through

questioning one realises the limits and contradictions of the University. Yet ultimately,

my experiences immediately outside the geographical space of Wits, proved more

illustrative and critically motivating of the stark inequalities that pervade our country and

the failure of transformations attempt hereto. Wits needs to change, since it simply

reproduces whiteness through other means, both ideological and materialistic.

Nduvho Ramulongo Honours student

My mother was a domestic worker. I lived with her in the white residential area that she

worked. In my eyes white people were always superior and I could never relate to them

in any other way but as superior. I did not realize it but unconsciously because of their

position in that sense I have always just accepted what the lecturer was saying without

questioning it and this restricts my ability to engage in class. I have also further

struggled greatly to for a consultation with a lecturer. The lack of black lectures in the

department comes across as a lack of confidence in the intellectual capabilities of black

people. It seems as though the department holds that black academics are not goodenough. This makes me feel disqualified as a black student. Having some black

lecturers in the department will go a long way in making black students feel that they

belong in these institutions. It would also be great to see the white lecturers in the

department engaging with fellow black colleagues as equals as well.

Simamkele Dlakavu Honours student


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The university space and what we learn here can and should be utilized as a tool for the

collective empowerment of African people, especially in Africa. It should be a space

where we engage with the political history of this continent in order to hopefully chant a

new path. However the humanities at WITS especially this department to a large extent

has excluded African history, events, thought leaders and literature. South Africa is

labeled as an extension of Europe due to how we conduct our foreign poli cy, business,

our media and what we teach at our schools. The role played by an institution like WITS

and this very department is also contributing to this. In a recent Mail and Guardian

article titled: The untold history lesson . A young South African ma n from the Eastern

Cape states:

I was told about the French and American Revolutions. From Napoleon Bonaparte to Otto von

Bismarck, I was told of world wars. From Adolf Hitler to Benito Mussolini, I was told of the Allied

Powers of Franklin D Roosevelt, Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin.

They loved to tell me about Idi Amin and vilified Robert Mugabe.

They scantily brushed over Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimu Nyerere, Jomo Kenyatta and Kenneth Kaunda.

They could not avoid telling me about Rolihlahla Mandela, Mangaliso Sobukwe and Mahatma Gandhi.

They drummed William Shakespeare, Charles Dickens, Rudyard Kipling and William Wordsworth.

AC Jordan, SEK Mqhayi, DM Jongilanga, JT Jabavu and WB Rubusana were swept under the carpet. I

have just learned of Nat Nakasa. I had to read Animal Farm but not Ityala Lamawele .

In my time at this department, most of the African president and intellectuals that he is

mentioning have not been featured in our curriculum. To fuel my interest in African

Studies, I have gone beyond the standard academic curriculum. I have had to go to

William Cullen Africa Library, poring over books on African history, politics and

literature. As Maya Angelou stated in an interview on the relevance of Historically BlackColleges and Universities (H BCU s) in America, HBCUs are now more and more

important than ever, because learning about the history and achievements of your people

(African Americans) gives students a sense of pride. Indulging in African literature at

the William Cullen Africa Libra ry has done for me what HBCU s have done for African

American students. It has imbued me with a sense of pride and a deeper curiosity to fully

understand the history of Africa, the individuals who contributed to it and current affairs.

It is very sad, that the politics department has not contributed to that. It is sad that I have


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never been taught by a black African female or male lecturer in my four years at WITS.

It is sad that most of the political theorists, history and writings included in our course

packs are written by white scholars. And this is not due to the fact that there aren t great

scholars on this continent writing and theorizing our politics, it is because this

department no urgency to include their voices.


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Between stimulus and response, there is a space.

In that space lies our freedom and power to choose our response.

In our response lies our growth and freedom.

Victor Frankl


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Table of Contents

1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 3

1.1. Why does Transformation Matter? ................................................................................. 3

2. Critique of the Pace of Transformation ................................................................................. 5

3. The Depth of Transformation: A Critique on the Status Quo in Terms of (lack of) black

thought / African scholarship in Political Studies...................................................................... 7

3.1. Reflection on lack of African scholarship in Political Studies ........................................ 7

3.2. The Inclusion of African Scholarship ............................................................................. 8

4. Suggestions as to how students and staff can work together to address the problem of

Transformation - student involvement in hiring processes and student contribution to

curriculum .................................................................................................................................. 9

5. Suggestions of Courses that could be offered rooted in the work of African Thinkers ....... 11

5.1. The need for a revised syllabus ..................................................................................... 11

5.2. Suggestions for a new syllabus ..................................................................................... 12

5.2.6. Subaltern Studies ........................................................................................................ 14

5.2.7. Post-Colonial Studies ................................................................................................. 15

5.2.8. Sangtin Feminist Writers ............................................................................................ 15

5.2.9. Peter Hallward ............................................................................................................ 16

5.2.10. Midnight Notes ......................................................................................................... 16

5.2.11. Grant Farred ............................................................................................................. 16

5.2.12. Raj Patel ................................................................................................................... 17

5.2.13. Lewis Gordon ........................................................................................................... 18

6. A list of expected (positive) outcomes from the pursuit of transformation ......................... 19

7. Student s Personal Reflections on the lack of Transformation in the Department .............. 20


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wits politics students demand curriculum reform

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