women and the law-making process in post-suharto indonesia aditya perdana hamburg university...
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Women and the law-making process in post-Suharto Indonesia
Aditya PerdanaHamburg University [email protected]
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Outline• Defining women’s CSOs and political parties
relations• Method• Women in Indonesian social and political
structures• Parliamentary quotas for women: Election and
Political Party laws• Domestic Violence Law in 2004• The Bill on Gender Equality• The relationships between women’s CSOs and
parties• Conclusion
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Defining women’s CSOs and political parties
relations• The relationships between CSOs and
parties: organizational connections to facilitate dialogue and political interactions
• The relationship provides some links from CSOs “to the party’s members, decision-makers and/or decision making bodies” (Allern, 2010: 57) that open up their communication
• three dimensions: political activities, the strength of the connection, the direction of influence between them
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Defining women’s CSOs (cont.)O Women’s political representation: formal and
descriptive representation influences substantive representation (Schwindt-Bayer, 2010)
• Women’s movements strategies: autonomy-state involvement, inside-outside positioning, separatism-coalition building, and discursive political-interest seeking (Beckwith, 2007).
• Main question: how women’s groups deliver women and gender issues in the law-making process?
• Two main policy issues: electoral issues (women’s quota in parliament) and the gender issue (justice and equality between genders and anti-household violence law).
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MethodO three categories of Indonesian
women’s CSOs: NGOs, mass membership organizations, and social movements
O seven major parties in the parliament O Causal Process Tracing O semi-structured interviews, literature
and archival research based on multiple sources
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Women in Indonesian social and political
structuresO Cultural inheritances: patriarchies and patrimonial
O Ibuism: the cultural dominance of womanhoodO the struggle of gender and development in
Indonesia : 1900s suffrage issues 1950s women’s equality New Order (1967-1998) corporatist organizationPost Reformasi (1998) to promote gender reform
O the country has various visible gender policies, but weak implementation
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Parliamentary quotas for women: Election and Political Party laws
• Prior to the 1999 election: voters education• Women were under-represented in public
offices• Failed to endorse gender quota in Party
Law 2003, but succeeded in Election Law 2003 and 2008
• Good cooperation and intense communication among different women’s groups
• 2004 (11 %) 2009 (18 %) 2014 (17%)
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Domestic Violence Law in 2004
• the necessity to have clear legal aspects that could protect victims of violence
• The Elimination of Violence against Women Policy Advocacy Network (JANGKA PKTP) was established in 1998. JANGKA PKTP drafted domestic violence bill.
• Formally, the 31 members of DPR initiated an anti-domestic violence bill in September 2002. The bill was drafted and adopted from JANGKA PKTPs version
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The Bill on Gender Equality
O first discussed in 2009 O a consensus to endorse a new
procedure for implementing the integration of the CEDAW commitment into the entire social and political system
O this draft needed to be revised in order to accommodate opponents’ opinions before being deliberated in the next session
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The relationships between women’s CSOs
and parties• the autonomy-state involvement strategy:
able to maintain and achieve policy changes
• inside-outside strategies: combining weak and strength connections to other groups
• the separatism-coalitional strategy: no federation of women’s networks to address women’s issues in the law-making process
• the discursive politics-interest politics setting strategy: affect and change the political structures
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The relationship (cont.)O women’s CSOs are distributing support
to all parties O closeness and distance depends on the
issues involved with each law-making process
O a distant relationship: limited relationship in the political sphere, their weak connections, and limited direct influence.
O the importance of informal institutions
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Conclusion• women CSOs are able to advocate, to
campaign, and to lobby members of the House to help drive their own agenda in the political sphere
• organizational weaknesses: the lack of substantial arguments and non-systematic political approaches with politicians.
• female activists have yet to enhance their role as lobbyist; to increase their knowledge about gender and development in order to present policy alternatives to policymakers.
• the low commitment to implement laws