women participation in peace process

Researchers:

Reza Hussaini, Assadullah Zemarai

Zahra Sadat, Mirwais Jalil and Mona Hossaini

Report Author:

Reza Hussaini

Principle analyzer:

Jamila Omar

September 2012

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium

Women's Participation in Peace Process and Negotiation Table

The need of sustainable and inclusive peace in Afghanistan

Reza Hussaini

October 2012

Table of Contents

I. Acknowledgments .......................................................................................................................... i

II. Organizational Summary ............................................................................................................. ii

III. HRRAC's Work ........................................................................................................................... iii

IV. Acronyms .................................................................................................................................... iv

V. Glossary1 ...................................................................................................................................... iv

I. Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 1

Recommendations to the Government ........................................................................................ 3

Recommendations to the High Peace Council ............................................................................ 4

Recommendations to the Civil Society and International Community .................................... 4

II. Research Goal and Methods ......................................................................................................... 5

Goal: ................................................................................................................................................ 5

Research Methodology .................................................................................................................. 5

Chapter One – Peace, Women, and the UNSC 1325 Resolution..................................................... 7

I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 7

II. Introduction to the United Nations Security Council 1325 Resolution ................................ 9

III. Goals of UNSC 1325 Resolution ........................................................................................... 10

IV. Implementation of 1325 Resolution in Afghanistan ............................................................ 10

A. Bonn Agreements and Loya Jirgas ................................................................................... 10

B. High Peace Council ............................................................................................................ 11

Chapter II. Women's Exclusion from the Peace Process ............................................................... 16

I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 16

II. Cultural Factors for Women Marginalization....................................................................... 16

A. Glass Ceiling & Male Dominated Society ........................................................................ 16

B. Tribal Culture ...................................................................................................................... 17

III . Political Factors ..................................................................................................................... 17

A. Taliban. ................................................................................................................................ 17

B. Elite Oriented Process ........................................................................................................ 19

C. Lack of Political Will for the Presence of Women in Peace Negotiations. .................... 20

IV. Structural ............................................................................................................................... 20

A. Lack of Transparency ......................................................................................................... 20

B. Tacit Policy to Marginalize Women .................................................................................. 22

Chapter III. Components of Sustainable Peace in Afghanistan ................................................... 24

I. Women's Participation in the Peace Process .......................................................................... 24

II. Outcomes of Women's Participation in the Peace Process ................................................... 25

A. Peace Will Not Be Inclusive. .............................................................................................. 25

B. Peace Will Not Be Sustainable. .......................................................................................... 25

C. Marginalization of half of the Population from Economic, Political and Social

Activities .................................................................................................................................. 26

III. Women's role and expectations of the peace process ........................................................ 27

A. Negotiator Role .................................................................................................................. 27

B. Protective Role .................................................................................................................... 27

C. Preventive Role ................................................................................................................... 28

IV. Women's Expectations of the Peace Process ....................................................................... 28

A. Transparency in Peace Negotiations ................................................................................. 29

C. Maximum Participation ..................................................................................................... 29

D. Participation of Human Rights Institutions ..................................................................... 29

E. Protection of Women’s Rights. ........................................................................................... 30

F. Inclusion Citizens' Perspective in the Peace Process ........................................................ 33

G. Justice ................................................................................................................................. 33

H. Methodology for the Peace Process ................................................................................. 34

I. Recognition of the Culture and Needs of Afghan People ................................................ 36

Chapter IV – Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 38

Annex I -- Interviews. ...................................................................................................................... 42

Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................... 44

I. Acknowledgments

The Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium (HRRAC) are pleased to publish its twelfth

research report entitled “Women Participation in the Peace and Reconciliation Process.”

I would like to express my appreciations to HRRAC’s research team for their efforts and contributions

during the field work and data collection process in Badakhshan, Balkh, Herat, Kabul and Nangarhar

provinces. Namely, Assadullah Zemarai, Mirwais Jalil, Mona Hussaini and Zahra Sadat.

I thank the field researchers who worked and supported the research team in their designated

provinces including Ms. Khalida Seddiqi in Nangarhar, Karima Safa in Herat, Ms. Breshna

Ashourzada in Balkh, and Ms. Khadija in Badakhshan. Their commitment, professionalism, and

patience at every stage of the project was tangible. Despite of the challenges and security risks, the

team accomplished their tasks efficiently because of their expertise and enthusiasm.

I would like to extend my appreciations to HRRAC’s member organizations including AREU for their

essential assistance in the design of the project revision and questionnaires and ACBAR and CHA for

their close cooperation during our fieldwork. I also thank government authorities at both the central

and provincial levels, the High Peace Council office in Kabul, provincial peace committees, provincial

councils, local communities, and survey respondents for making themselves available during the

interview sessions.

Furthermore, I would like to thanks from Mr. Reza Hussaini HRRAC's research and advocacy expert

for analyzing the data and preparing the research report, and Mr. Farhat Amin “Haroon” for

managing the project.

I am very thankful and express my gratitude to Oxfam-Novib, HRRAC’s core donor during last 10

years, for its long term commitment, as well as for financing this research program.

Warmest Regards,

Jamila Omar

ii | Women's Participation in Peace Process and Negotiation Table

II. Organizational Summary

Founded in 2003, the Human Rights and Advocacy Consortium (HRRAC) is an independent Afghan

research organization engaged in research and advocacy on women and children's human rights,

economic and social rights, security sector reform and public participation. Through rigorous field

research and policy advocacy in its four critical areas of concern, HRRAC works to advance the

protection and fulfillment of human rights in Afghanistan.

HRRAC is the only Afghan-run organization of its kind, and its widely-cited reports have informed

advocacy and policy-making at domestic and international levels on issues ranging from disarmament

and elections to provision of primary education, workers rights and public participation with a focus

on women’s leadership and political participation.

A number of Afghan and international organizations comprise HRRAC's consortium. They include the

most experienced and respected agencies working in Afghanistan today in the fields of human rights,

humanitarian relief and coordination, development, and education. HRRAC members are: Agency

Coordination Body for Afghan Relief (ACBAR); Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development

(ACTED); ActionAid, Afghan Civil Society Forum Organization (ACSFo); Afghan Development

Association (ADA); Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU); Arman e Shahr, Afghan

Women Service and Education; Care International; Cooperation Centre for Afghanistan (CCA);

Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance (CHA); Oxfam GB; Save the Children Afghanistan; and the

Swedish Committee for Afghanistan (SCA).

HRRAC has been a member of the ACBAR's steering committee since 2009 with Director Ms. Jamila

Omar serving this role.

The findings of HRRAC's publications to date – “Women and Political Leadership: The Problems

Facing Women Leaders in Afghanistan”; “A Broken Relationship: A Study of the Provincial Councils

and their Ability to Serve the Afghan People”; “Securing Human Dignity: The Need to Extend Labour

Protection and Security to Afghanistan's Informal Workers”; “Afghanistan's Female Home-Based

Workers: Isolated and Undervalued”; “Fight Poverty to End Insecurity: Afghan Perceptions on

Insecurity”; “Speaking Out: Afghan Opinions on Rights and Responsibilities”; “Report Card: Progress

on Compulsory Education”; “We Voted and We Will Vote Again”; “Parents and Children Speak Out” -

have been raised at numerous ministerial meetings and parliamentary sessions, and have been widely

cited in studies and reports by national and international organizations.

Based on the findings and recommendations of its reports, HRRAC conducts advocacy activities

aimed at changing policies that violate or fail to uphold human rights. Recently, its program the

“Provincial Council’s Human Right Training and Advocacy” resulted in revision of the Law on

Provincial Council which is under process within the government of Afghanistan; while through

another ongoing program HRRAC supported the Afghan ministries with development of a number of

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium | iii

anti-harassment policies and strategies aimed on “ Increased Participation of Women in Public Life”.

HRRAC intends to not only be a leader in human rights advocacy, but also a full and supportive

participant in Afghanistan’s human rights movement. HRRAC targets duty-bearers at senior policy-

making levels, including parliamentarians, ministerial officials, and representatives of the

international community.

III. HRRAC's Work

Research – We highlight injustice, raise the voices of ordinary people – especially those in rural

communities –as well as promote equitable and participatory development throughout Afghanistan.

Advocacy – We ensure that the concerns of Afghans are heard by policy-makers and work to influence

policy changes to improve human rights' protection.

Awareness Raising – We conduct civic education programs on human rights and promote dialogue in

the media on causes, consequences, and alternatives to violence and human rights violations.

iv | Women's Participation in Peace Process and Negotiation Table

IV. Acronyms

GDI General Development Index

GDP Gross Domestic Product

HPC High Peace Council

UN United Nations

DDR Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reconciliation

V. Glossary1

Hezb-e-Islami (Party of Islam), led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. It is one of the warring

parties in the current conflict.

Jihadist A partisan of Jihad (Islamic holy war)

Loya Jirga (Grand Council): a traditional meeting of elders of all tribes to solve

conflicts.

Shura Council

Taliban (Religious students) an Afghan military group and former government

of Afghanistan. Largest warring party in the current conflict.

1 Rawa, “Glossary” (http://www.rawa.org/glossary.html), 1 Aug. 2012.

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium | 1

I. Executive Summary

Women’s issues are a highly sensitive subject in the Afghan peace and reconciliation process. Even

though women constitute 50% of the Afghan population, they are being systematically marginalized

from the peace process playing only a symbolic role. This dynamic is at odds with the expectations

and desires of 95.7% of the Afghan public who considers that the participation of women is necessary.

What is more concerning, is the fact that there are indications that the Afghan government is willing to

compromise women's rights as an incentive for the opposition groups to enter into peace negotiations.

What is the status of women in the peace process? Can the current peace process promote women’s

rights and gender equality, avoid social and political discrimination, and prevent women's deprivation

and marginalization? How can the participation of women in the peace process be supported? What

are the real concerns of people, especially women, regarding the peace process? Does the peace

process in Afghanistan provide for stable peace, justice, transparency and inclusiveness?

There are three reasons that justify the involvement of women in peace processes. First, “women are

affected by conflict and thus by the consequences of a peace agreement.”2 After the conflict is over, violence

against women often continues. Second, “women’s inclusion is necessary to realize social justice.”3 In other

words, women's input in the peace process can lay down the foundations for a society based on

“equality, rights, and justice.”4 Karam, as pointed out by Porter, mentions that a peace agreement that is

inclusive of the aspirations of all members of society including women and groups active at the

grassroots level have higher levels of success than those that are negotiated among elites.5 Third,

women prioritize education, health, nutrition, childcare, human welfare, and security needs from a

more practical perspective. Anderlini and Stanski, as pointed out by Porter, mention that because

women tend to focus on “issues related to quality of life and human security,”6 they have a unique

understanding of the needs of their households and communities. The latter can increase security at

the local level as many of the grievances that originally led to conflict can be addressed by fulfilling

the demands of their communities.7

In addition to the justifications outlined above, there are three context specific reasons that legitimize

the inclusion of women in the peace process: 1) In the absence of women, decisions will be based on

2 Porter, Elisabeth, “Women, Peace and What Security? Assessing Resolution 1325,” APSA

Conference paper, 24-26 September, 2007, Monash University, Melbourne. (

arts.monash.edu.au/psi/news-and-events/apsa/refereed-papers/feminism-and-gender-

politics/porter.doc, September 2007), 18 July. 2012.

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid

6 Ibid

7 Ibid

2 | Women's Participation in Peace Process and Negotiation Table

the cultural bias that places men's interests above women; 2) Women constitute 50% of the Afghan

population and, even though, under tribal traditions it is believed that men can represent the views

and opinions of women, the historical record shows that in Afghanistan patriarchal views do not

necessarily reflect or are inclusive of women’s perspectives; and 3) Women have served as peace

makers in Afghan folk culture providing evidence about the central role that Afghan women can play

in the peace process and in maintaining the well being of their communities.

Given that there are many justifications for the involvement of women in the peace process, that their

presence is necessary to achieve outcomes that will guarantee long-lasting peace, security, and

stability, and the fact that 95.7% of the Afghan public support their involvement, it is key that

Afghanistan has legal mechanisms that ensure the inclusion of women in the peace processes; the UN

Security Council 1325 resolution provides such framework. The question that follows is, has the

Afghan government been inclusive of the voice and opinions of women in the peace process as

mandated by the resolutions, Afghan constitution, and its international commitments? Research

results show that contrary to the resolutions and constitution, the Afghan government has failed at

including women and protecting their rights. In fact, evidence points at a deliberate attempt to limit

women's role. Although there are female representatives in the HPC, they constitute 12.8% of its

membership at the national level and 8.57% at the provincial one. From the eighteen committees that

constituted the Loya Jorga for peace, only two women have an executive role in them.8 What is more

concerning is that not even one female representative is present at the negotiations table where the

terms and conditions of the peace agreement are being defined.

The fact that women have such a limited presence shows that they are being actively marginalized. It

is a situation that worries the Afghan public as expressed by an Afghan intellectual who mentions that

“[women's] absence [from the negotiation table] creates concerns.”9 The latter comes from the fact that in

addition to limiting the role of women, the government is willing to compromise women's rights as an

incentive to the opposition group. In this regards, Sayed Omar Baher, a professor at Badakshan

University mentioned that “the role of women in the current process is only symbolic. This gives a signal to

the Taliban that women's concerns are not important in the peace process.”10 Similarly, Qodsiya Frotan, one

of the civil society activists, said that “the government cannot bring more women to the [High Peace

Council]. One reason is their fear of the Taliban. Another is to give a signal that the government can compromise

on women's issues.”11 The question that comes up is, why does the Afghan government provides a

space for women participation but actively limits their role? Findings suggest that the inclusion of

8 PeaceWomen, “women and peacemaking in Afghanistan,”

(http://www.peacewomen.org/portal_initiative_initiative.php?id=842) 12 Jan. 2011), 23 July. 2012.

9 Amirudin, Mozafari. Mirvais, Jalil, interviewer. In-depth interview. HPC office-Kabul. (22 Apr.

2012).

10 Sayed Omar Baher. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Qasre Kokcheh Hotell-

Fayiz Abad, Badakhshan. (31 Mar. 2012)

11 Qodsiya Frotan . Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb university- Kabul,

(15 Mar. 2012).


women is due to pressures from Afghan Civil Society and the International Community. However, the

government marginalizes women to appeal to the Taliban and other conservative sectors of society. In

short, women are included in the peace to pay lip-service to Afghan civil society and the international

community. Research results show that a Glass Ceiling, a male dominated society, tribal traditions,

Taliban prejudices against women, an elite oriented process, lack of political will to protect women's

rights, lack of transparency, and a tacit policy to marginalize women are the key drivers behind

women's exclusion.

The lack of representativeness and inclusiveness of the current peace process is not only limited to

women. The Afghan public is also being systematically excluded from the negotiations. 92.7% of

respondents mentioned that their views and expectations about peace were never taken into account.

Similarly, 28.9% of respondents know what the government conditions for the negotiations are. This

represents a stark contrast with the number of people who is aware about the terms of opposition

groups; 44.6% of respondents expressed they were familiar with the conditions set forth by opposition

groups. The fact that the population has not been consulted and that the general public is not aware of

the government's terms for the peace process indicates a high degree of alienation. In other words, the

peace settlement is being negotiated by elites at the expense of the population as the large presence of

warlords in the negotiation table suggest. It is a risky strategy with high stakes as the current approach

may not deliver a peace agreement that is long-lasting. Peace agreements that are inclusive of all

interest groups and negotiated at the grassroots levels have higher rates of success than those that are

not.12 The reason is that inclusive processes that take into account the expectations of all relevant

stakeholders address most of the grievances that originally led to conflict. Those that do not, leave

gaps within the social contract protracting tensions and imbalances between interest groups. Results

show that the Afghan approach to the peace process resembles more the latter than the former.

Having established that the current peace process excludes and marginalizes women while failing at

protecting their rights, the question that follows is, how can the participation of women in the peace

process be supported? The government needs to define a clear position in regards to women's rights

and their participation in the peace process. The latter needs to be in tune with public opinion to

bridge the gap between its current approach to peace and the expectations of the Afghan public. As it

was previously mentioned, 95.7% of respondents consider that the participation of women in the

peace process is necessary. Furthermore, 91.5% mentioned that the government should stop

negotiations if opposition groups do not accept women's right to education. 91.1% said that the

government should stop negotiations if opposition groups do not accept women's right to vote. 90.2%

said that the government should stop the peace process if opposition groups do not accept women's

right to political participation. 91% stated that the government should halt negotiations if opposition

groups refuse to accept women's right to work. In short, there is strong support for women's rights






among the Afghan public. Thus, it is imperative that the government rethinks its current strategy to

the peace process if it aims to deliver a peace agreement that is long-lasting and inclusive of the views

and aspirations of the population.

In addition to defining a clear position in regards to women rights, it is necessary that the number of

women participating in the peace process is increased. Women can play the role as negotiators sitting

at the table with the opposition group and other relevant stakeholders to voice their expectations and

define their place within the society after the conflict are over. Additionally, they can serve as

protectors of women and children's rights and interests, and they can also ensure define what the

national priorities are for the post-conflict era as they have a more practical perspective regarding the

needs of their communities. This position is also supported by the Afghan public. 75.6% of

respondents mentioned that the number of women participating in the HPC should be increased so

they can defend their rights and 70.7% agree that women should be part of the negotiation table. Thus,

it is imperative that the current approach to peace is reformed to become more inclusive of women as

presently it is at odds with the public opinion and the expectations of Afghan citizens.

In order to ensure that the HPC protects women's rights and that the peace agreement delivered by the

negotiations is sustainable, HRRAC puts forward the following recommendations:

Recommendations to the Government

1. The Government should reconsider the appointment of HPC members. It should aim to

increase the diversity of the HPC by including members of civil society and other interest

groups, especially women, into the negotiations. The criteria for selection should be based on

the following qualifications: impartiality, academic ability, and gender sensitive perspective.

2. The presence of women in decision and policy making institutions, national and international

events, and the HPC should be increased and should be equivalent to the demographic weight

of women within the society.

3. The government should adopt a moderate approach regarding women's role in social and

cultural affairs, and should not endorse views that restrict women's rights as a precondition for

peace. To the contrary, the government should adopt a position that is in tune with the

expectations of the Afghan public to ensure that its position is representative and inclusive of

the views of the general population.

4. The government should implement programs and device policies that remove the cultural,

political, and structural barriers that prevent women from participating in the peace process.


Recommendations to the High Peace Council

1. Design a national plan and strategy ensuring that the principles outlined in the UN Security

Council 1325 are the key tenets that guide the Afghan peace process.

2. People and civil institutions should have continued access to accurate information regarding

the peace process and negotiations through media as means to increase transparency.

3. The HPC should adopt a gender sensitive approach in provincial peace committees.

4. Ensure that peace negotiations are transparent and consider women’s rights as a key issue

during the negotiations so these are not sacrificed during peace talks for political gain.

5. Include civil society in the peace process and define their role as a watchdog to ensure

inclusiveness and protect women rights.

6. Set women’s political, social and economic rights as a precondition for peace talks as

demanded by the majority of the Afghan public.

7. Include women in the negotiation table so they can become active participants in the decision

making process to protect their rights and gains made during the last 11 years.

8. Endorse a modern approach for the peace process based on the principles of the UN Security

Council 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389 resolutions to ensure that the peace process

is representative and inclusive.

9. The HPC should carry out a nation-wide survey to incorporate the demands, desires, and

aspirations of the citizenry, especially women, into the peace negotiations.

Recommendations to the Civil Society and International Community

1. Monitor all the expenditures allocated for the reconciliation process and report on their

effectiveness to ensure transparency and avoid corruption.

2. Monitor the appointment of women representatives to the HPC to ensure that it is diverse and

representative of the Afghan population.

3. Monitor the peace process and act as watchdogs to protect and support women’s active

participation.

4. Define women’s role in the peace process based on the principles of the UN Security Council

1325 resolution and advocate with the HPC and government to adopt such approach.


5. Demand transparency and inclusiveness in the peace process by making information accessible

to the citizenry.

6. Civil society, international community, HPC, and the government of Afghanistan should

implement mechanisms to ensure that the HPC is transparent and inclusive of the aspirations

of women and the citizens in general.

II. Research Goal and Methods

Goal:

The research was conducted to assess women's participation in the Afghan peace process as mandated

by the United Nations Security Council 1325 resolution. It analyzes the factors that constrain women's

participation, as well as raises civil society, international community, HPC, and the government of

Afghanistan's awareness about the status of women in the negotiation table.

The main questions are: 1) what is the current condition of women’s participation in the peace

process?; are there systems in place that support it?; what are the factors that guarantee durable

peace?; what elements weaken women’s role in the peace talks' decision making processes?; what are

women’s concerns regarding the peace process?; and what are their expectations from the peace

process?

Research Methodology

The research methodology was both quantitative and qualitative:

1. Quantitative Research – (Field Research)

The questionnaire contained twenty one (21) questions to collect citizens’ opinions about women's role

in the reconciliation and peace processes. The target groups were male and female Afghan citizens.

The goal was to collect their views about women's participation. Research was conducted in Kabul,

Nangarhar, Herat, Balkh, and Badakhshan provinces. Two hundred and fifty (250) questionnaires

were filled in each location for a total of one thousand two hundred and fifty (1,250); 625 males and

625 females. The data collected was analyzed with SPSS.

It is important to note that for some questions, survey respondents have the option of selecting one or

more answers. This is especially true for tables IX and X of this report where more than one option

was chosen by respondents.


2. Qualitative Research: Detailed Interviews and Focus Group Discussion:

a. For the purpose of conducting in-depth interviews, a questionnaire comprised of twenty (20)

questions was designed the research tool collected the views of experts regarding women's

participation in the peace and reconciliation processes. The target groups were HPC and provincial

peace committees’ members, and university professors. The rationale behind selecting these target

groups was their high level of awareness regarding women's participation in the HPC and provincial

peace committees.

b. The Focus Group Discussion (FGD) questionnaire contained thirteen (13) questions. FGDs were

conducted in the five (5) target provinces (one in each province) to gather civil society, HPC and

provincial peace committee members' perspective on the issue.

No Province Type of Interview

Individual Interview In-depth Interview

1 Kabul 250 6

2 Nangarhar 250 3

3 Herat 250 3

4 Balkh 250 3

5 Badakhshan 250 3

Total 1250 18

Location and Number of Interviews

3. Sampling:

The cluster method was used for sampling. Among Afghanistan's thirty four (34) provinces, five (5)

were selected. To represent the views of both urban and rural Afghans, the provincial capital and two

(2) districts were chosen as the target areas to conduct the questionnaires. In each village and city

visited, out of every ten (10) households one was selected randomly and asked to fill out the

questionnaire.

Provinces were selected based on four (4) criteria. These are: regional location; ethnic and cultural

diversity; women's access to education; and security situation. Based on the sampling methodology,

research results can be generalized and considered representative of the views of the entire population


studied. It is important to mention that security and budget constraints limited the scope of the study.

Thus, the country was divided into five areas and selected the province that is most representative of

the region. The target provinces were:

Province Regional

Location

Ethnic diversity Women’s Access to

higher Education

Security Situation

Kabul Center Heterogeneous High Low risk

Herat West Heterogeneous Medium Low risk

Nangarhar East Homogeneous Low Moderate risk

Balkh North Heterogeneous Medium Low risk

Badakhshan North east Homogeneous Low Low risk

Criteria for Selection of Provinces


Chapter One – Peace, Women, and the UNSC 1325 Resolution

I. Introduction

Women are not passive agents during a conflict. In fact, there is plenty of evidence that counters the

assumption that women are peaceful.13 Either as a member of one of the warring parties or as

civilians, women are victims of war and experience firsthand its consequences.

Having established that women are not passive agents, it follows that Afghan women and men will be

equally affected by the peace agreement.14 Thus, it is key to recognize that the rights, interests, desires,

and expectations of both groups have equal relevance in peace negotiations. These will be either

included or omitted in the peace settlement depending on the level of involvement of each group. The

resulting agreement will have a direct impact in the social relations of the affected populations as it

will define a new social contract for Afghanistan.15

Peace as a new social contract can be defined as:

“A process of adjustment between what people, groups, or states want, can, and will do. Peace

is based on a consequent balance of powers [between different interest groups] and involves a

corresponding structure of expectations and patterns of cooperation. Peace may become

unstable when an increasing gap develops between expectations and power [of an interest

group or groups], and may collapse into conflict, violence, or war.”16

The first principle of the definition of peace as a social contract is that peace is not interpreted as the

absence of conflict, but as an agreement between individuals, groups, or states. These negotiate what

their expectations are, what they can compromise on, and what actions they can take to maintain

peace. The latter are balanced against the competing interests of other groups until an outcome that is

acceptable to all parties is reached.

An acceptable outcome to all interest groups fosters cooperation which is correlated to the

sustainability of peace. If a gap is present and collaboration ceases, conflict ensues. Depending on the

severity of the issue in relation to the expectations of the affected party, the disagreement can be

settled through negotiations or conflict.

13 Rod Nordland and Sangar Rahimi, “Suicide Bomber In Afghanistan Strikes Minibus Killing

Mostly Foreign Workers,” NYTimes Online,

(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/19/world/asia/bomber-strikes-vehicle-carrying-foreigners-in-

kabul.html?_r=0; 18 Sep. 2012), 28 Sep. 2012.

14 Ibid

15 Ibid.

16 Rummel, R.J., Understanding Conflict And War: Vol. 5: The Just Peace

(www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/TJP.CHAP2.HTM), 18 July 2012.


In sum, there are three key premises in the definition of peace as a social contract. First, peace is

understood as a dynamic process where different groups balance their expectations. Second, peace is

reached when competing interests reach an agreement that is acceptable to all parties. Third, if the

expectations of a group are not fulfilled, a gap is created leading to conflict.

Under the definition of peace as a social contract, there are two possible kinds of peace. These are

negative and positive peace. Rummel defines them as:

“Negative peace: an order [social contract] that is at the cost of one's interests, dignity or self-

esteem; an order characterized by exploitation, repression, tyranny;

Positive peace: an order which will gratify many of one's central values, especially self-esteem,

and in doing so provide happiness, satisfaction, and justice. This is not only peace from

violence, but also peace of mind.

Positive peace equals a just peace; negative peace equals an unjust peace.”17

Based on the definition, negative peace is a social contract with a gap. The latter is product of

sacrificing the interests and desires of one or more interest groups with the aim of ending the fighting.

However, as the definition states, negative peace protracts tacit violence.

In contrast to negative peace, positive peace is a social contract where the expectations of all parties are

balanced and foster cooperation. No group is asked to sacrifice their rights to favor another. All

relevant stakeholders can find a common ground from which peace can be built, and compromise in

those areas where they disagree. Positive peace is based on justice and rights. For peace to be

sustainable, it needs to be a positive or just peace.

Women, who represent 50% of Afghanistan's population, is an interest group with competing

expectations. For peace to be sustainable, their terms and conditions have to be negotiated at the table

with all relevant stakeholders including the Taliban, former warlords, the government, civil society,

and the international community until an agreement that is acceptable to all is reached.

If women are excluded from the peace process, a gap will remain protracting violence. This is

especially true in Afghanistan where strong cultural traditions, a male dominated society, and

women's limited involvement in decision making institutions can threaten women's participation in all

realms of society. In such uncertain social and political environment, women's presence in peace

negotiations can ensure a prosperous future for them.

In addition to delivering a positive peace and ensure that the peace agreement ensures a prosperous

future for Afghan women, there are three justifications for their involvement in the peace processes.

17 Rummel, R.J., Understanding Conflict And War: Vol. 5: The Just Peace

(http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/TJP.CHAP11.HTM), 18 July 20120.


First, “women are affected by conflict and thus by the consequences of a peace agreement.”18 After the conflict

is over, violence against women often continues. Second, “women’s inclusion is necessary to realize social

justice.”19 In other words, women's input in the peace process can lay down the foundations for a

society based on “equality, rights, and justice.”20 Karam, as pointed out by Porter, mentions that a peace

agreement that is inclusive of the aspirations of all interest groups including those active at the

grassroots level have higher levels of success than those that are negotiated among elites.21 Third,


more practical perspective. Anderlini and Stanski, as pointed out by Porter, mention that because

women tend to focus on “issues related to quality of life and human security,”22 they have a unique

understanding of the needs of their households and communities. The latter can increase security at

the local level as many of the grievances that originally led to conflict can be addressed by fulfilling

the demands of their communities.23

Afghan women have been affected by thirty (30) years of war and have a direct stake in the peace

agreement. Their inclusion is necessary to lay down the foundations for a society based on equality,

rights, and justice. Afghan women also have a unique perspective regarding the practical needs of

their communities which is a key ingredient for stabilization. If the involvement of women is

necessary to deliver a positive peace and ensure that the agreement is long lasting, the questions that

follows is, what is the status of Afghan women's participation in the peace process?

II. Introduction to the United Nations Security Council 1325 Resolution

Given that the involvement of Afghan women is necessary to achieve outcomes that will guarantee

long-lasting peace, security, and stability, it is key that the Government of the Islamic Republic of

Afghanistan adopts a legal mechanism for the inclusion of women. The United Nations Security

Council (UNSC) 1325 resolution provides such framework. Its implementation increases the

possibility of reaching a peace agreement that is inclusive and responsive to the needs of all

individuals and interest groups including former warlords, the Taliban, the Afghan government,

women, and vulnerable populations. It also legitimates the peace process in the eyes of the Afghan

public and the international community.





19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid

23 Ibid


The UNSC 1325 Resolution is based on three principles: women’s participation in the peace process;

support for women’s rights; and prevention of violence against women.

The United Nations adopted the 1325 Resolution with 18 articles to emphasize the role of women in

peace building processes, prevent women and children from becoming victims of war, and mitigate

conflict.

Important articles within the 1325 Resolution include:

[The United Nations Security Council]

"Article 1: Urges Member States to ensure increased representation of women at all decision-

making levels in national, regional and international institutions and mechanisms for the

prevention, management, and resolution of conflict;

"Article 2: Encourages the Secretary-General to implement his strategic plan of action

(A/49/587) calling for an increase in the participation of women at decision making levels in

conflict resolution and peace processes;

“Article 8: Calls on all actors involved, when negotiating and implementing peace

agreements, to adopt a gender perspective, including, inter alia:

a. The special needs of women and girls during repatriation and resettlement

and for rehabilitation, reintegration and post-conflict reconstruction;

b. Measures that support local women’s peace initiatives and indigenous

processes for conflict resolution, and that involve women in all of the

implementation mechanisms of the peace agreements;

c. Measures that ensure the protection of and respect for human rights of women

and girls, particularly as they relate to the constitution, the electoral system,

the police and the judiciary.24

III. Goals of UNSC 1325 Resolution

The goals of the resolution are:

1. To increase women's participation in peace processes, support and secure women's rights, and

bring peace to areas where there is violence against women;

24 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1325,” ( http://www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf, 31

Oct 2000), 18 July. 2012.


2. To ensure women’s equal participation in decision making institutions involved in peace

processes;

3. Increase support for women to ensure that their rights are respected, and address women's

special needs in times of war and violence; and

4. To incorporate a gender balanced approach to peace, security, and humanitarian assistance

activities.

Currently 16 countries have integrated the UNSC 1325 Resolution into their national programs. These

are Austria, Belgium, Chile, Ivory Coast, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Liberia, Norway, Portugal, Spain,

Sweden, Holland, Uganda, and England.25 Many other countries are in the process of adopting the

resolution into their national programs.

IV. Implementation of UNSC 1325 Resolution in Afghanistan

The UNSC 1325 Resolution has been adopted as one of Afghanistan's guiding principles for the peace

process. However, no government or non-governmental institution has been created to undertake

programs for its implementation. Nevertheless, it is echoed in key documents that guide the

reconstruction and peace building processes such as the Berlin Declaration (2004), the Tokyo

Conference (2002), and the Afghanistan Compact (2006) which pledges to assist the Afghan

government with security and peace needs. These statements, agreements, and resolutions call for

women's involvement. The question that comes up is, if the UNSC 1325 resolution urges the

engagement of women in the peace process, is their participation sufficient, representative,

meaningful, and influential?

A. Bonn Agreements and Loya Jirgas

Since 2001, there has been a number of internationally supported peace and state building programs

which echo the provisions of the UNSC 1325 resolution. For example, the Bonn Agreements

established a framework to support women’s increased involvement in national development through,

among others, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, and stated that their participation in national peace

and reconstruction processes is required as both as means and an end for national development. There

were six women present at the Bonn negotiations in 2001 which is equal to less than 10% of the total

number of delegates.26

25 UNWomen. “National Action Plans”

(http://www.unifem.org/gender_issues/women_war_peace/national_action_plans.php), 19 July.

2012.

26 Afghan Women's Network, “Afghan women should become victims of peace; we don’t want peace

that comprise women; 'Women in the Peace Process of Aghanistan'”


In June 2002, an Emergency Loya Jirga was convened to form a Transitional Authority. Women

represented 10% of participants.27 In the Loya Jirga of 2003, where the Afghan Constitution was

proposed, women represented twenty percent of delegates.28 By the time of the Afghanistan

Consultative Peace Jirga in 2010 was held to discuss the peace process and end the insurgency, about

one thousand six hundred (1600) delegates, including more than three hundred (300) women,

attended. Their participation was equivalent to 19%.29

The participation of women in the Bonn conference and the 2002, 2003, and 2010 Loya Jirgas, suggests

a generalized trend that points at an increased involvement of women in peace efforts. However, given

the fact that women constitute 50% of Afghanistan's population, their participation rates in these key

institutions is far from representative.

In addition to being far from representative, the quality of participation of women is questionable.

During the three days of the Peace Jirga no woman was given the opportunity to speak to the

assembly to talk about their concerns and expectations regarding the peace process.30

The Bonn Conference and Loya Jirgas example suggests that, even though, the number of women

involved in the peace process is increasing, they are being marginalized in the negotiations. It is highly

concerning because to reach a peace agreement that is long-lasting, it is imperative that all groups,

including women, have equal participation.

Recalling the question, if the UNSC 1325 resolution calls for the involvement of women in the peace

process, is their participation sufficient, representative, meaningful, and influential? The fact that

women constitute a minority in Peace Conferences and Jirgas limit their ability to influence the peace

process. Women are not given the opportunity to voice their concerns, expectations, and aspirations.

Although the UNSC 1325 resolution calls for the involvement in the peace process, it is highly

concerning that in Afghanistan women are being actively marginalized. There is the need to increase

their participation rates and improve their representation in the peace process. It is also necessary to

(http://www.internationalnetworkforpeace.org/IMG/pdf/Afghan_women_in_peace_process.pdf)

25 July. 2012.

27 Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, “Afghanistan in Brief,” Jirgas,

(http://www.afghanistanembassy.no/cat/24.aspx, 2011), 24 July. 2012

28 Rights and Democracy, “Seizing and opportunity: Afghan women and the constitution-making

process,” (unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/.../apcity/unpan016657.p, May-June 2003), 24

July. 2012.

29 Daily Times, “Afghan Loya Jirga and Peace prospects,”

(http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010%5C06%5C12%5Cstory_12-6-2010_pg3_4,

June,12, 2010), 24 July. 2012.

30 The Afghan Peace Jirga, “Ensuring that women are at the peace table,”

(www.usip.org/files/.../PB29%20Afghan%20Peace%20Jirga_Hassan.pdf, 12 May, 2010), 24 July.

2012.


promote gender equality to ensure that the peace agreement is inclusive. In such way the needs and

aspirations of women, as well as their gender based perspective to human security, can be

incorporated in the negotiations laying down the foundations for Afghanistan's long-term peace and

stability.

B. High Peace Council

Since its inception in 2010 during the Consultative Peace Jirga, the High Peace Council's (HPC)

purpose has been to lead the reconciliation efforts with opposition groups including the Taliban and

Hizb-e-Islami.31 It is constituted by different entities including Mojahidin32 that fought the Taliban,

some high level ex-Taliban members,33and political personalities. As the key institution to guide the

peace process, the HPC is responsible for including all relevant stakeholders in the negotiations and

providing an equal opportunity to voice concerns and aspirations of all interest groups to deliver a

positive peace.

The Consultative Peace Jirga's Resolution 1389 constitutes the legal basis for the HPC. It is interesting

to notice that similar to the Bonn agreements and Tokyo conference, the resolution also calls for the

inclusion of women echoing the principles of the UNSC 1325 resolution including:

Article 8: Afghans demand peace with justice; the rights of all citizens including women and

children should be respected. For securing social justice, the Jirga insists on implementation of

law on all citizens of the country equally." 34

“Article 11: A commission or a High Peace Council should be established to implement the

recommendations of the Consultative Peace Jirga and lead the peace process in the country.

31 Afghanistan High Peace Council, “Home page”, (http://www.hpc.org.af/english/), 23 July. 2012.

32 Former Jihadists who are members of High Peace Council: Sebghatullah Mujadidi (Former leader

of Hizb-e-Jabha-e-Nejat-e-Milli; member of Parliament, upper house), Burhanuddin Rabani

(Former leader of Hizb-e-Jamyat-e-Islami Afghanistan); Head of HPC), Mohammad

Mohaqiq(Former member of Hizb-e-Wahdat-e-Islami Afghanistan), Abdul Rab Rasool Sayaf

(Former leader of Etehad-e-Islami; High Peace Council member), Noorullah Sadat (Former leader

of Hizb-e-Jonbish-e-Milli Afghanistan; Member of HPC), Mohammad Ismail Khan(Former

member of Hizb-e-Jamyat-e-Islami Afghanistan; member of HPC), Mohammad Akbari (Member

of Hizb-e-Wahdat-e-Milli-e- Islami Afghanistan), Abdul Hadi Arghandiwal (Former member of

Hizb-e-Islami; Minister of Economy and member of HPC)

33 Moulawi Arsla Rahmani (Minister of higher education and justice during Taliban regime; member

of HPC), Moulawi Shir Mohammad Akhundzada (Current Senetor), Mohammad Naeem Kuchi

(Commander of Taliban regime; Member of HPC), Mohammad Musa Hotak (Deputy Minister of

Planning), Abdul Hakim Mujahid (Taliban's Representative in United Nations)

34 Afghanistan High Peace Council, “the resolution adopted at the conclusion of the national

consultative peace Jirga,” (http://www.hpc.org.af/english/index.php/hpc/jirga/resolution, 04 July,

2010), 23 July, 2012.


This institution should open and expand its sub-offices in the provinces, districts and

communities. The council should consist of individuals committed to peace – peace loving men

and women-, religious scholars, elders, two parliamentarians - one member of the lower and

upper house respectively -, and opposition groups who have renounced their weapons. This

council should establish a special committee to get into the prisons, release prisoners, and

reintegrate them to normal life.”35

Articles 8 and 11 of the Consultative Peace Jirga provide a legal principle for the protection of citizens'

rights; especially children and women. They also pave the way for having an inclusive process as they

call for the involvement of women, religious scholars, elders, and parliamentarians. It is important to

notice that both articles aim to set up the framework for a national process as it requires the

participation of all stakeholders at both national and provincial levels. However, it does not set a

target number of participants for each group, nor defines a procedure for negotiations or the selection

of representatives for both chambers. Thus, there is a certain level of ambiguity in this regard.

Following articles 8 and 11, nine women were selected from the lower and upper legislative houses to

serve in the HPC. Out of the 70 individuals that compose the HPC, 12.8% are women.36 At the

provincial level, peace committees have three women representatives where one is the head of the

Women Affairs Provincial Department. Their participation rate is equivalent to 8.57%.37 Similar to the

Bonn and Tokyo conferences, and the 2001, 2003, and 2010 Jirgas, women at the national and

provincial levels constitute a minority group within the overall framework of the Afghan peace

process.

Research results show that there is significant frustration regarding women's minority role in the

peace process. In his essay, Discrimination and Women's Participation, Giso Jahangiri mentions:

“In the Consultative Peace Jirga everyone was trying to allocate more seats to women. They were

thinking more on the basis of numbers; however, they didn’t think about how effective their

participation needed to be. The status and role of women in the Jirga was not brought up. Are women

at the core of the discussions or pushed aside? Do they participate equally or not? < Later, we saw

how symbolic their participation was in the Jirga.”38

The quote reflects the public frustration regarding the involvement of women. It reflects the ambiguity

regarding their participation, status, and role product of the lack of clarity of Articles 8 and 11 of the

Consultative Peace Jirga. It also brings into question the quality of women participation as it suggests

35 Ibid

36 PeaceWomen, “women and peacemaking in Afghanistan,”


37 Amiroddin Mozaffari. Reza Hossaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. PPC office- Kabul, (22 Apri.

2012).

38 Jahangiri, Giso.2010. Discrimination and Women's Political Participation. Kabul: Arman Shahar

Publications.


that their role is only symbolic. This point is echoed by Dr. Sayed Askar Mosawi, an analyst of

Afghanistan's political and social processes, who believes that "women’s presence in HPC is symbolic

*and+ their participation in discussions is not important.” 39 The following table describes in detail the

roles and responsibilities assigned to women in the HPC.

No Name Committees

1 Jamila Hameedi Provincial Affairs Committee Member

2 Hawa Alam Nooristani Provincial Affairs Committee Member and Secretary

3 Sara Surkhabi Public Awareness Committee Member

4 Sheela Samimi Prisoners Affairs Committee Member and Secretary

5 Qamar Khosti International Relations Committee Member

6 Sadiqa Balkhi International Relations Committee Member, Advisor to the High

Peace Council and Member of Executive Committee

7 Gulalai Noor Safi Problems/Conflicts Resolution Committee Member

8 Gulhar Jalal Invitation and Contact Committee Member

9 Najia Ziwari Prisoners Committee Member, International Relations Committee

Secretary, and Executive Committee Member of the HPC

Table I. Women's Involvement in the HPC40

As the table shows, the fact that only two executive positions were assigned to women provides

evidence to illustrate that women participation at the national level is not significant. This contradicts

the principles of the UNSC 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389 resolutions. What is more

concerning, is that it also goes against Afghan public opinion as 95.7% of survey respondents consider

that the presence of women in the peace process is necessary (see Table II and Chart I).

39 Dr. Sayed Askar Mosawi. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Ministry of Higher

Education, Kabul, Kabul, (08 Apr. 2012)

40 [email protected]/[email protected], “Contact of HPC women,” 2012.


In your point of view, is the presence of women necessary in the peace process?

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent

Valid Yes 1196 95.7 95.7

No 54 4.3 100

Total 1250 100

Table II. Women's Presence in the Peace Process

Chart I. Women's Presence in the Peace Process

Similar dynamics are found at the provincial level. Dr. Anees Akhgar, a member of Badakshan's

provincial committee, mentions “women are only *present+ physically *but+ they are not consulted, nor

are given any significant role; they do not even participate in many meetings and discussions." 41 This point is echoed by Torpekay Rahimy, a member of Nangarhar's peace committee, who mentions “I am

interested in women's participation in the peace process, but I can’t because women are not given

importance and they are never given value,” that is why I don’t want to be in this process.”42 Similarly,

Khwaja Ghulam Sediq, a civil society activist, believes that “gender balance has not been respected in

41 Dr. Anees Akhgar. Reza Hossaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Office of Badakhshan

provincial peace committee- Faizabad, Badakhshan, (31 Mar. 2012).

42 Torpekay Rahimy. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. In-depth interview. PPC office- jalaabad,

Nangarhar, (15 Feb. 2012)


the HPC and the number of women is less than the public’s expectation and total number of women."43

It is even more concerning that no women is present at the negotiations table where the terms and conditions of each interest group including the Taliban, former warlords, Mojahidin and the Afghan

government are being negotiated despite of widespread public support for women involvement. 6.5%

of survey respondents completely agree and 70.7% agree that women should be present at the

negotiation table (See Table III and Chart II).

Some people believe that –in order to protect women's rights- women should be present on the

negotiation table, what is your opinion?

Response Frequency Percent Valid percentage Cumulative %

Completely Agree 81 6.5 6.8 6.5

Agree 884 70.7 73.9 77.2

I don't know 113 9 9.4 86.2

Against 114 9.1 9.5 95.4

Completely Against 4 0.3 0.3 95.7

Not Applicable 54 4.4 100

Table III. Public Support for Women's Presence in the Negotiations Table

Chart II. Public Support for Women's Presence in the Negotiations Table

43 Khwaja Ghulam Sediq. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Jalalabad,

Nangarhar. (16 Feb. 2012).


As the figures in the tables show, the limited participation of Afghan women in the peace process is

not only at odds with the provisions of the UNSC 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389

resolution and the principle of a just peace, but with the Afghan public too. The fact that there is a

wide-spread public support for their inclusion suggests that to deliver a peace agreement that is long-

lasting, it is imperative that women are given an equal representation in both the HPC and the

negotiation table. The fact that women play a minority role, demonstrate several patterns:

1) Contrary to public expectations, there is a tacit policy of marginalization against

women and their interests which limits their involvement in the peace process;

and

2) Under the current model, the Afghan peace process excludes the desires and

expectations of the Afghan public including males and females

As such, the principle of including women in peace processes as the model of peace as a social

contracts calls for to achieve a positive and sustainable peace, is not being respected. Furthermore, the

Afghan government is also neglecting its legal obligations as codified in Articles 8 and 11 of the 1389

resolution of the Consultative Peace Jirga and the provisions of the UNSC 1325 resolution as it

prevents women from becoming actively involved in peace negotiations. The question that follow is,

why are women actively marginalized from the HPC and excluded from the wider framework of the

peace process?


Chapter II. Women's Exclusion from the Peace Process

I. Introduction

A condition for institutional donors' continued financial support of the peace process is the inclusion

of women.44 As a consequence, the government of Afghanistan embraces female participation.

However, as it was discussed in chapter I, there is a tacit policy of marginalization. Why does the

government include women but relegates them to minor roles? Ameen Naemee and Zia Mobaligh,

two civil society activists, expressed that the government "thinks of women as a tool,"45 “this is due to the

pressure of international community and civil society which forced the government to include women in the

peace process." 46 Similarly, Qudosya Frotan, a legal expert, states that “women’s political participation is

only for the sake of showing the international community that they are included to avoid criticism and to have a

good image in the eyes of the Afghan public."47 In short, the government of Afghanistan includes women to

showcase their presence. This hints that the problem is rooted in existing political and cultural

structures which limit women’s role in decision making institutions. The question that follows is, what

are the cultural, political, and structural elements that prevent women from becoming actively

involved in the peace process?

II. Cultural Factors for Women Marginalization

A. Glass Ceiling & Male Dominated Society

Women's lack of women's access to high managerial and decision making positions is called Glass

Ceiling.48 The latter means that there is an invisible obstacle product of gender and racial biases that

limits individuals' progress. After controlling for variables such as education and work experience,

minorities and vulnerable groups are often relegated from authority positions.49 The causes of the

44 Graham-Harrison, Emma. “Hillary Clinton declares Afghanistan a 'major non-Nato ally' of US;

'The Guardian'”(http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/jul/07/hillary-clinton-afghanistan-us-

ally?newsfeed=true, 7 July 2012), 24 July 2012.

45 Ameen Naemee. Reza Hossaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. ACBAR office – Mazar-e-

Sharif, Balkh, (12 Mar. 2012)

46 Zia Mobaligh. Reza Hossaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University – Kabul, (15

Mar. 2012)

47 Qudosya Frotan. Reza Hossainin, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University, Kabul,

Kabul, (15 Mar. 2012).

48 Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, “Solid Investments: Making Full Use of the Nation's Human

Capital,” Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, November 1995 p. 4.

49 Coter, David, Joan Hermsen, et al, “The Glass Ceiling Effect,”


glass ceiling include: 1) systemic barriers where members of the dominant group have better access to

networks for advancement; and 2) stereotypes and biases which categorize individuals within a

certain framework often defining their role and measuring an individual's capacity based on

preconceptions.50

In Afghanistan, there are strong stereotypes and biases that clearly define strict gender roles and social

expectations which create a “Glass Ceiling” for the advancement of women. For example, there is a

strong bias within the Afghan culture which favors males over females in positions of power. Under

this perspective, decisions that affect the social life of the community including the settlement of

disputes are within the domain of men. This dynamic can be seen in the allocation of executive

positions in the HPC where males were given a significant preference to lead committees while

women were relegated to minor roles (See Table I).

The “Glass Celining” also reflects gender discrimination where women are seen as “a second gender.”51

In this regard, Mohammad Nazari, a civil society activist mentions:

“Why do we separate women’s issues? Why is this question asked? if women are the part of

the system and society? This question is raised because their rights have been violated and

have not been considered. Women don’t have the positions they should have.”52

The quote sheds light over the problem of gender discrimination that

still exists despite of the constitutional and legal provisions that grant

women an equal status. It also shows that the “Glass Ceiling's” bias

which prioritizes males over females and limits women's participation

in the political and social spheres is pervasive in the current

methodology for peace negotiations. In fact, Torpekay Rahimy, a

member of a provincial peace committee says, “I myself do not want to

participate in this process, because < men who are with us in the committee

do not accept women's participation. They say that this process is not good

for the participation of women; therefore, women don’t want to participate

and they feel fear.” 53 As it can be seen, the bias that favors men over

women in positions of authority which creates a Glass Ceiling for

female advancement and political participation is a pervasive obstacle

that is often enforced by their male counterparts compromising

women's ability to become actively engaged in the peace process.

(http://www.bsos.umd.edu/socy/vanneman/papers/CotterHOV01.pdf) July 24, 2012.

50 Dugan, Beverly, Jessica Terner, et al, “The Glass Ceiling: Potential Causes and Possible Solutions,”

(http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a278051.pdf), July 24, 2012.

51 French philosopher Ms. Simin Beauvoir wrote on violence against women in 1949.

52 Mohammad,Nazari. Reza,Hussaini,interviewer. Focus group discussion. Acbar’s office- Mazare

sharif, Balkh, (12 Mar. 2012).

53 Torpekay Rahimy. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. In-depth interview. PPC office- jalaabad,


HRRAC researcher interviewing

women in Nangarhar Province


B. Tribal Culture

According to a Balkh University professor, one of the factors that weaken the presence of women in

negotiations is the “absurd tradition and culture in [Afghan] communities.”54 Traditional and conservative

values such as gender segregation or conceptions of “virtuosity” prevent women from participating in

the peace process. For example, Khan Agha Gharmal, a focus groups participant, mentions “in our

society it is shame that a woman participates in a meeting and gives an opinion”.55 In Afghan tribal traditions

it is deemed to be inappropriate for a woman to have an opinion or disagree with an authority figure

as this represents an insult.

According to Faizullah, a focus group participant, the influence that traditional and conservative

values have is more tangible in those areas where Taliban has a significant presence; “where the Taliban

exists< human rights have been violated. The source of their practices is not Islam; it is their tribal traditions

and culture that tell them to use women as a tool.”56 Dr. Sayed Askar Mosawi believes that the biggest

portion of Afghan population is intellectually Talib. “Ninety percent of Afghans are Talib from the

traditional and intellectual perspectives; women have also accepted their views. The Taliban ideology starts at

home and it is taught to daughters by their mothers.” 57Thus, women participation in the peace process is

not only restrained by an institutionalized “Glass Ceiling,” but by family and community dynamics

based on tribal traditions as the latter can also become important factors that limit women's social and

political participation.

III. Political Factors

A. Taliban.

If the government uses women to pay lip-service to the international community and Afghan public

opinion, and tribal traditions, as well as a glass ceiling prevent women from being included in the

peace process, what other political factors also promote their exclusion? Qudosya Frotan provides the

answer; “Our government doesn’t want to lose either side. It wants to have both the International Community

and the Taliban."58 The rationale behind women's marginalization in the peace process is the Taliban's

54 Ghulam Farooq Ekhpelwak. Reza,Hussaini,interviewer. In-depth interview. Balkh university -

Mazar-e-sharif, Balkh. (11 Mar. 2012)

55 Khan Agha gharmal. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Acbar’s office-

jalalabad, Nangarhar, (16 Feb. 2012)

56 Faizullah. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Qasre Kokche- faizabad,

Badakhshan, (31 Mar. 2012).

57 Dr. Sayed Askar Mosawi. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Ministry of higher

education- Kabul, (08 Apr. 2012)

58 Qudosya Frotan. Reza Hossainin, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University, Kabul,

Kabul, (15 Mar. 2012).


refusal to negotiate with females. In their world view, women's place within the society is at the

household and has no role in the public sphere which is considered the exclusive domain of men.

Thus, the government faces two opposing demands; the international community requires the

inclusion of women while the Taliban refuses to negotiate with females. As a consequence, the

government must compromise to accommodate both parties.

The Taliban's refusal to negotiate with females is based on their extreme interpretation of tribal codes

of conduct including gender segregation59 which is seen as a key element to maintain a woman or

man's honor. In their view, it is not honorable for a man to sit in the same room with a woman. This

poses a serious threat to females' rights in the peace process as an extreme interpretation of gender

segregation “can lead to women being barred from education and health care and women cannot journey

alone.”60 Concerns about the Taliban's ideology is echoed on by Campaign 50% - a local non-

governmental organization that advocates for Afghan women's rights - “if negotiations with the Taliban,

who are human rights violators, are unilateral and no attention is paid to the demands of Afghan women, it is

possible that these voices be silenced forever.”61 In other words, if the Taliban is able to impose its world

view and extreme interpretation of gender segregation as part of the peace settlement, women's rights,

including access to education can be curtailed.

The Taliban's extreme interpretation of tribal codes can be found in their constitution which was

rewritten in 2005. The following articles provide evidence of the Taliban's intent to restrict women

from education and political participation:

“Article 39: Women’s education is regulated and limited by Islam in a particular law.

Article 53: Amir-Al-Momineen should be a Muslim man, follower of Hanafite sect, Afghan

citizen and should be born from Afghan Muslim father and mother.

Article 62: The Chief Minister should be a Muslim man, follower of the Hanafite sect, and

should be born from Muslim father and mother.”62

It is highly concerning that article 39 codifies women's access to the education. It is also worrisome

that the Taliban links it to Islam as their understanding of the Muslim faith is based on an extreme

interpretation of tribal codes that call for gender segregation.

It is also concerning that Articles 53 and 62 codifies that the highest political office in the country is

59 Kakar, Palwasha, “Tribal Law of Pashtunwali and Women’s Legislative Authority; 'Harvard Law

School'” (http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/kakar.pdf) 19 July 2012.

60 Ibid.

61 Anonymous, “Afghanistan women's demands,” (http://campaign50darsad.blogfa.com/post-

39.aspx, 30 June 1390), 22 July 2012.

62 Anonymous. “The Taliban constitution,” (http://www.afghanpaper.com/nbody.php?id=2356, 6

May 2012), 22 July 2012.


reserved for males only. This legislation not only bans women from political activities but it also

forbids males who are not followers of the Hashemite sect from running for president. Thus, contrary

to the provisions of the UN Security Council 1325 resolution and the Afghan constitution, the Taliban

rather than being inclusive of all groups, aims at excluding large segments of the population from

political participation.

Further evidence about the Taliban's sensitivities against women is provided by Anisa Imrani, head of

department of women affairs in Nangarhar province. The latter expresses,

“I asked in different peace meetings about why women’s participation is less than the public

expectations and why they [women] are not invited. In response I was told that the Taliban

does not accept our presence in the peace process and don’t want our participation in meetings

with them, and there is even no need for our presence at all”63

A similar opinion is expressed by Mr. Esmail Qasimyar, a member of HPC, who mentions “there are

sensitivities and the Taliban does not want to sit with women and attend meetings with them. They do

not agree with it.” 64 Furthermore, a focus group participant reiterates this point; “they *the Taliban+

don't want women's presence at the negotiation table.”65 The convergence of opinions from

individuals of different backgrounds is based on the fact that the Taliban believes that women's role

within the society is limited to the household. As a consequence, women should not have access and

presence in political and leadership positions. In the Taliban's perspective there is no place for women

in the public sphere. Thus, to prevent confrontations with armed groups, the government and the

HPC exclude women in response.

B. Elite Oriented Process

A peace agreement that is inclusive of the aspirations of all interest groups including those active at

the grassroots level have higher levels of success than those that are negotiated among elites.66

However, the fact that the membership of the negotiation table is primarily composed by the Taliban,

former warlords, and government representatives, hints that the process is being negotiated at the elite

level only. Evidence of this can be found in the fact that 92.7% of the population expressed that their

opinions about the peace process has never been collected (See table IV and Chart III).

63 Anisa, Imrani. Reza, Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Woman affair’s department,

jalalabad,Nangarhar. (16 Feb. 2012)

64 Mohammad Esmail Qasimyar. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Makroyan- Kabul,

(11 Apr. 2012).

65 Mina. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Acbar’s office-jalalabad,

Nangarhar, (16 Feb. 2012).




politics/porter.doc, Sept. 2007), 18 July 2012.


Has anyone ever collected your opinions about peace?


Valid Yes 91 7.3 7.3

No 1159 92.7 100.0

Total 1250 100

Table IV. Inclusion of Citizens' Views in the Peace Process

Chart III. Inclusion of Citizen's Views in the Peace Process

The demands of all citizens and interest groups should be incorporated in the terms and conditions of

the negotiations for the process to be inclusive and acceptable to all interest groups as the model of

peace as a social contract calls for. The latter should be based on the public's wishes and desires. As the

survey results show, there is no clear mechanism to receive the input and recommendations of all

relevant stakeholders.

Citizens' lack of participation in the peace process is a serious threat. However, the government's

current approach hints that the process will only be negotiated by the elites at the expense of common

citizens and grassroots groups. If the process continues under the current structure, the government

will eventually lose the support of the citizenry compromising the process's legitimacy.


C. Lack of Political Will for the Presence of Women in Peace Negotiations.

Zia Mobaligh, a focus group participant, mentions “lack of political will is a reason for the low presence of

women in the peace process.”67 Because the Taliban does not want females to participate in the

negotiation table, the government wants to signal that it can compromise women's participation as an

incentive to them despite of the provision of the UNSC 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389

resolutions. This point is further emphasized by Qodsiya Frotan who mentions “the government cannot

bring more women to the [High Peace Council]. One reason is their fear of the Taliban. Another is to give a

signal that the government can compromise on women's issues.”68 In sum, instead of using its political

muscle to uphold the constitutional rights granted to women, the Afghan government pays lip service

to the international community and the Afghan public by minimizing women's involvement in the

peace process.

IV. Structural

A. Lack of Transparency

Zia Moballegh, a civil society activist mentions:

“One of the problems we have about [the] peace [process] is lack of information. Information

which should be acceptable and based on evidence is not shared with the public. The

information that the public has access to is selective and lacks details. Therefore, we can say

that the peace process is not very transparent.”69

The quote clearly expresses the concerns regarding the lack of transparency in the Afghan peace

process. In Zia's view, the Afghan public is not being informed of the items being negotiated on behalf

of the citizenry, nor the terms and conditions of the negotiations. In fact, research results show that the

Afghan public is not knowledgeable of the preconditions that the government or the High Peace

Council have set to enter in negotiations with armed opposition groups. In fact, citizens are more

familiar with the demands imposed by the Taliban than the government; 44.6% of respondents are

relatively aware of the conditions which have been set by opposition groups while only 28.9% of the

public is aware of the conditions fixed by the government. Tables V and VI show the total percentage

of valid results, and Chart IV compares both tables.

67 Zia Mobaligh. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University- Kabul, (15

Mar. 2012)

68 Qodsiya Frotan. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb university- Kabul, (15

Mar. 2012).


Mar. 2012)


Do you know what the demands of the armed opposition groups are in peace negotiations?


Valid Yes 557 44.6 44.6

No 693 55.4 100.0

Total 1250 100.0

Table V. Conditions of Armed Opposition Groups in Peace Negotiations

Do you know what conditions has the government set on the armed opposition groups for

negotiation?


Valid Yes 361 28.9 28.9

No 889 71.1 100.0

Total 1250 100.0

Table VI. Conditions of Government in Peace Negotiations

Chart IV. Public Awareness Regarding The Conditions For Peace Negotiations


It is worrisome that the Afghan public has low levels of awareness regarding the conditions set by

each party. Tables V and VI, as well as Chart IV show that less than 50% of the population is aware of

the terms laid out by the Taliban. However, it is even more concerning that only 28.9% percent of

respondents are familiar with the government's conditions. If one of the pillars to lay out a long-

lasting peace agreement and new social contract that is acceptable to all interest groups is

inclusiveness, will the current process deliver sustainable peace?

B. Tacit Policy to Marginalize Women

As it was mentioned in Chapter I, there is a tacit policy from the part of the government to marginalize

women form political participation. Research results confirm this point. Evidence shows that women

have a high interest in participating in the peace process. 94.40% of respondents expressed their

interest and 5.60% said they were not interested. Among those females who were interested, 10.9%

said they had been involved in the peace process while 83.5% said they hadn’t made any contributions

to it. When they were asked why they hadn’t been able to get actively involved, the following answers

were recorded:

If you are interested to play a role in the Peace Process, why haven't you done anything for it yet?

(Female)

No Option Selected% Not

Selected%

Not

Applicable%70

1 I don't have the ability to do anything 51.20 32.30 16.50

2 My family doesn't allow me 26.60 57 16.50

3 I don't know from where to begin 8 75.50 16.50

4 Because there is no security 1.10 82.40 16.50

5 Government doesn't give importance to us 2.60 81 16.50

6 I don't have time 7 76.50 16.50

7 The opportunities have not been facilitated 0.50 83 16.50

Table VII. Barriers to prevent the participation of citizens within the peace process (Females)

70 Shows that though the respondents are interested in peace as well as they have initiated actions

toward this process


It is interesting to notice that even though 94.40% of women express a desire to participate in the peace

process, 51.20% express they don't have the ability to do anything for it. The explanation for this

contradiction can be found in HRRAC's previous research “Women and Political Leadership: The Problems

Facing Women Leaders in Afghanistan.” HRRAC's results showed that “the government considers women to

be ill-prepared for political life.”71 Linked to the Glass Ceiling bias and Afghan tribal traditions, this belief

is used by the Afghan government to remove women from positions of authority while limiting their

appointment to minor roles. HRRAC's findings showed that the government failed at raising

awareness about women right's and capacity among government leaders and the female population in

general,72 and it has actively discouraged their professional growth as decision makers.73 In sum, the

government's hostility and unwillingness to include women, or build their capacity to become

effective leaders, has been internalized by Afghanistan's female population. The low confidence rate

expressed about their ability to contribute to the peace process is a direct consequence of the

government's antagonistic position towards women leadership and its tacit but deliberate attempt to

limit women's role in society.74

Further evidence about the tacit policy of women discrimination can be provided by men's answers on

the same question. Similar to women, there is a high degree of interest to get involved in the peace

process. 96.20% stated that they are interested in taking part and 3.80% express no interest. Among

those who are interested, 29.10% stated that they have been involved while 71.90% said they haven’t

made any contributions. When they were asked why they hadn't been able to get actively involved,

the following answers were recorded:

71 HRRAC, “Chapter III,” Women and Political Leadership: The Problems Facing Women Leaders in

Afghanistan,

(http://afghanadvocacy.org.af/englishweb/Research_Reports/English%20File%20PDF.pdf. Sep.

2010), 19 Sep. 2012.

72 HRRAC, “Chapter I,” Women and Political Leadership: The Problems Facing Women Leaders in

Afghanistan,


2010), 19 Sep. 2012.


Afghanistan,


2010), 19 Sep. 2012.

74 Ibid


If you are interested to play a role in the Peace Process, why haven't you done anything for it yet?

(Male)

No Option Selected% Not Selected% Not Applicable%

1 I don't have the ability to do anything 25 42.10 33

2 I don't know from where to begin 17 50.10 33

3 Government doesn't give importance to us 8.60 58.40 33

4 I don't have time 10.70 56.30 33

5 The opportunities have not been facilitated 8.20 58.90 33

Table VIII. Barriers to prevent the participation of citizens within the peace process (Males)

The fact that 25% of men expressed they don't have the ability to do anything while 51.20% of women

recorded a similar response shows that the government has a special preference towards nurturing the

talents of males to participate in politics while actively discouraging females. Rather than being an

overt government effort, it is a tacit policy that has been institutionalized at all levels of the Afghan

government. This point severely raises questions about the legitimacy and comprehensiveness of the

peace process.


Chapter III. Components of Sustainable Peace in Afghanistan

I. Women's Participation in the Peace Process

As it was established under the principles of a positive peace and the provisions of the 1325 UNSC, it

is key that women are involved in the peace processes. In addition to making it inclusive and

representative to deliver an agreement that is sustainable: there are other justifications specific to the

Afghan context that makes the involvement of women paramount. These are:

1. In the absence of women, decisions will be based on the cultural bias that places men's interests

above women. This is highly concerning for Anis Akhgar and Sayed Ahmad Baher, member of

Badakhshan provincial peace committee and professor in university of Badakhshan province

respectively, who express that “the basic problem of the Taliban is their opposition to the presence of

women in society. The presence of women in the peace process is essential;”75 “their absence creates

concerns.” 76 Because the Taliban's world view restricts women's liberty and there are many

cultural, political, and structural factors that limit their role in the HPC and Afghan society, it is

necessary to ensure that women’s rights are protected. A key condition is that the warring

parties, but especially the Taliban, accept the provisions of the Afghan Constitution that protect

women, as well as the principles of the UNSC 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389

resolutions.

2. Women constitute 50% of the Afghan population. For the peace process to be inclusive, women

must have a presence so that their demands and views are reflected. Although under tribal

traditions it is believed that men can represent the views and opinions of women, the historical

record shows that in Afghanistan patriarchal views do not necessarily reflect or are inclusive of

women’s views.

3. Contrary to the Taliban's world view, their extreme interpretation of tribal codes, and intolerant

position regarding gender segregation, women have served as peace makers in Afghan folk

culture. A civil society member mentions,

“We have a tale in Afghanistan that in ancient times tribes fought with each other. Women

from both tribes would come forward, lay their veils onto the battleground and would ask the

men to stop fighting for the sake of [keeping] their [veils] white and the warriors would cease

fighting for the honor of a woman.”77

75 Anis,Akhgar. Reza,Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. PPC office- faizabad, Badakhshan.

(31 Mar. 2102)

76 Sayed Omar Baher. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Qasre Kokcheh Hotell-

Fayiz Abad, Badakhshan. (31 Mar. 2012)

77 Haseena Nekzad. Reza, Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. PPC office – Herat, (28 Feb.


The fact that the Afghan folk culture has stories that present women as peace makers, provides

evidence that the Taliban's position againts women's participation in the peace process is extreme

and contrary to Afghan traditions. The story validates the central role that women can play in

peace making and in maintaining the well being of their communities. The Taliban's insistence on

excluding them, is against Afghan women's historic contributions to peace.

Given that there are justifications for the involvement of women from the theoretical, practical, and

context specific perspectives, the question that follows is, what are the potential outcomes of women's

exclusion from the peace process?

II. Outcomes of Women's Participation in the Peace Process

A. Peace Will Not Be Inclusive.

Without the presence of women, peace will not be inclusive. Under the current methodology, the HPC

may deliver a negative peace agreement, but the root causes of conflict may not be addressed as the

structures of power that protracted the war will be left intact. Because a key component of durable

peace is inclusiveness as stated in the UNSC 1325 resolution, it is imperative that the views and

expectations of all interest groups are reflected in the agreement. In the case of women, if the latter are

excluded, their rights may be compromised as expressed by survey participants. 69.2% of respondents

mentioned that women rights will not be given any importance if they are not included (See table IX

and Chart V).

If women are not present in the negotiation process, what will be the outcome?


Selected%

Not

answered%

1 Women's benefits won't be given any importance 69.2 30 0.8

2 Peace will not be durable 14.6 84.6 0.8

3 Nothing will happen 12.9 86.3 0.8

4 I don't know 7.1 92.1 0.8

Table IX. Outcome of Women's Lack of Participation in the Negotiations78

2012)

78 In the survey respondents had the option of selecting one or two more responses (See

Methodology Section).


Chart V. Outcome of Women's Lack of Participation in the Negotiations

B. Peace Will Not Be Sustainable.

Peace is sustainable if it benefits all interest groups. If the expectations and demands of all groups are

considered and respected, room for cooperation increases. If any group is excluded, gaps within the

new social contract that emerges from peace negotiations will exist raising tensions. Marginalization

itself is a latent grievance that can lead to conflict. This sentiment is echoed by respondents. 14.6%

mentioned that if women are excluded, peace will not be durable (See Table IX).

C. Marginalization of half of the Population from Economic, Political and Social Activities

Afghan women's skills and talents have not been utilized to their full potential due to existing cultural,

political, and structural barriers. By limiting the involvement of women in productive activities, a

significant part of the labor force is underutilized perpetuating poverty which is one of the key drivers

of conflict. For a country that is in its early stages of development and recovery, women's skills, energy,

and creativity can make significant contributions to raise living standards and to ensure the

sustainability of peace.

In the political sphere, women can make significant contributions for the institution building process.

In fact, given that women prioritize areas that promote human security, the nascent political


institutions can devise policies and strategies that favor community development instead of the

security apparatus. Political institutions that are inclusive and responsive to the needs of its

constituents can promote stability and long-term peace. However, if women are excluded from

political participation, institutions that favor exclusion may evolve protracting violence.

Similar to political institutions, the active participation of women in the social arena can facilitate the

process of restoring the social fabric. Because women focus on the practical needs of their

communities, they can find areas of convergence and mutual interest with groups that were

previously hostile to each other. This point is echoed by Zia Mobaligh who mentions“if [women] are

present in political and social events they will try to find compromise that leads to sustainable peace and

reconciliation while avoiding war.”79 In other words, women involvement can foster cooperation between

communities. The latter is the building block that glues the new social contract that emerges from the

peace process and ensures the sustainability of peace.

That women can positively influence the economic, political, and social processes is a sentiment that is

shared by Afghan public opinion. 11% of respondents believe that women's presence in the

negotiations will positively impact social life. Similarly, 73% of respondents consider that women's

rights and benefits will be given importance if women are present at the negotiation table (See Table

X). Thus, in order to ensure that peace is sustainable, it is paramount that the Afghan government

takes proactive steps to increase the quantity and quality of women's involvement in the HPC and the

negotiation table.

If Women are present in peace negotiation, what impact will it have on the lives of women?


Selected%

Not

answered%

1 It will positively impact social life. 11 88.2 0.8

2 Women's benefits will be given importance 73 26.2 0.8

3 It will have no impact on their life 12 87.2 0.8

4 I don't know 7.8 91.4 0.8

Table X. Impacts of Women's Presence in the Peace Process80


Mar. 2012)

80 In the survey respondents had the option of selecting one or two more responses (See

Methodology Section).


Chart VI. Impacts of Women's Presence in the Peace Process

There are many negative outcomes that can be expected if women are excluded from the peace

process. The most significant one is the perpetuation of social relations and institutional arrangements

that protract violence. If the participation of women is paramount, the questions that follows is, what

role can women play and what are their expectations of the peace process?

III. Women's role and expectations of the peace process

A. Negotiator Role

It is imperative that women sit at the negotiation table with the Taliban and other relevant

stakeholders to voice their expectations and negotiate the role they will play in the Afghan society

after the conflict is over. This issue is critical as the Taliban opposes women's involvement in peace

talks and their views regarding the position of women within society actually protract violence. The

latter can serve as a test to measure the level of tolerance of the Taliban regarding women's rights. It

will also assess how respectful they will be of the achievements of the female population, the gains

made by the civil society and international community, and their obligation to respect Afghanistan's

international commitments including the UNSC 1325 resolution.

B. Protective Role

With their participation in the HPC, women can protect their interests and those of children. They can

also oppose any kind of agreement that neglects women's rights while preventing the recreation of


structures that perpetuate violence. In fact, women are worried that their limited and symbolic

participation in the peace talks may compromise their rights. A civil society activist mentions,

"[women] are concerned about the re-emergence of Taliban ideology." 81 They are alarmed that during the

peace talks, issues that are relevant to the warring parties will be prioritized.

The rationale behind women's concerns comes from the fact that the current peace process has been

defined solely from the point of view of security. Zia Mobaligh mentions, “We have defined peace from a

political and security point of view rather than trying to reach sustainable peace.”82 Thus, contrary to the

provisions of the UN Security Council 1325 and the Consultative Peace Jirga 1389 resolutions, the

Afghan process focuses on politics and security while excluding women and their demands. Thus, by

giving women a voice and the ability to influence the outcome, they can ensure that the inclusion of

their rights, as well as civil, political, and social liberties is considered as uncompromising elements

during the negotiations.

C. Preventive Role

Given the fact that women prioritize “issues related to quality of life”83 and have a more practical

perspective regarding the needs of their communities, they are key to ensure that Afghanistan attains

high levels of human security. The latter can be achieved by letting women decide what the national

priorities are for the post-conflict era. By addressing the insecurity that drives violence, women can

play a key role in preventing the continuation and escalation of conflict.

IV. Women's Expectations of the Peace Process

It is clear that there is a desire from the part of the Afghan public to include women in peace

negotiations. In fact, 6.6 % of survey respondents completely agreed and 75.6% agreed that the HPC

should increase the number of women (See Table XI and Chart VII).

81 Qodsiya Frotan. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb university- Kabul, (15

Mar. 2012)


Mar. 2012).




politics/porter.doc, Sept. 2007), 18 July 2012.


Some people believe that –in order to protect women's rights- the number of women should increase

in HPC, what is your opinion?

Response Frequency Percentage Valid percentage Cumulative %

Completely Agree 82 6.6 6.9 6.6

Agree 945 75.6 79 82.2

I don't know 108 8.6 9 90.8

Against 59 4.7 4.9 95.5

Completely Against 2 0.2 0.2 95.7

Not Applicable84 54 4.3 100

Total: 1250 100 100

Table XI. Public Support to Increase Women's Presence in the HPC

Chart VII. Public Support to Increase Women's Presence in the HPC

It is also a fact that for peace to be sustainable, it is critical that women are involved in the

negotiations. The latter must not participate as spectators as it's been the case since the beginning of

84 Shows that number of respondents generally not accepting even the current female members at

HPC


the peace process, but should have the same opportunities than men to voice their concerns and

negotiate their expectations. They must have equal decision-making authority to ensure that their

grievances are addressed. Since it is imperative that women participate, the question that comes up is,

what are women's expectations of the peace process?

A. Transparency in Peace Negotiations

Women demand that peace negotiations are transparent, as it’s stated that “The government should

ensure that peace negotiations with opposition groups are transparent and clear. No political game

that violates human rights should be played.”85 In order to deliver a peace agreement that addresses

the grievances of the different constituencies that form the society, it is critical that the citizenry is

informed of the issues being discussed. In such way, the agreement will be acceptable to all parties and

will guarantee that the new social contract that results is inclusive and sustainable.

C. Maximum Participation

Women demand a more significant role and increased participation in the Peace Process. A civil

society activist mentions, "women constitute half of the population of the country, and thus, they should define

their own interests.”86 As the quote shows, it is critical that women are present in the negotiation table in

similar numbers to men. It is also necessary that women are granted the same levels of authority so

they can influence peace negotiations. If provided with these two, women can defend their rights

while contributing to the creation of a new social contract that delivers sustainable peace.

D. Participation of Human Rights Institutions

The social contract model to peace processes calls for the inclusion of all relevant stakeholders in the

negotiations. Under the current approach, former combatants are given priority at the expense women

and civil society activists. Similarly, based on the argument that peace negotiations are an Afghan led

national process, the international community's role has been limited. This has translated into a

chaotic set of demands from different stakeholders as Ghulam Farooq, a professor at Balkh University,

mentions:

“It is better if international community, Afghan Government and Civil society work together

and agree on a single mechanism because each sector has its own policies and priorities. We

are interested in a single policy for all stakeholders. If they all follow one policy and support it,

everything can be possible.”87

85 Anonymous. joint declaration of 50% campaign and Women’s Political Participation Committee

around Bonn conference (http://campaign50darsad.blogfa.com/post-41.aspx, 24 July 2010), 23 July

2012.

86 Qodsiya, Frotan. Reza, Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb university- Kabul,

(15 Mar. 2012)

87 Ghulam Farooq, Khpalwak. Reza, Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Balkh university-


As the quote states, there is a need for clarity and a unified position in regards to the peace process

rather than a disparate set of demands and priorities. It is necessary that a unified mechanism for

negotiations is settled in order to provide certainty.

E. Protection of Women’s Rights.

Women's major concern is the possibility of having their rights curtailed to accommodate the demands

of the opposition groups. Survey results show that if the government grants this concession, it will go

against the desires of the population. In fact, respondents stated that if the opposition groups does not

accept women's rights, Afghans will not accept such peace agreement: 91.5% stated that the

government shouldn’t approve any peace talks which abandon women from education;88 91.3%

believe that government should not endorse a peace agreement if it abandons women from the right of

participation in elections;89 90.6% think the government should not approve any peace agreement if

the opposition groups does not accept women’s right to political participation and involvement;90 and

91.1% insist the government should not approve a peace agreement if the oppositions groups does not

accept women’s fundamental right to work and employment.91 Tables XII through XV, and Charts VII

through X, show survey participants' responses.

If the opposition groups do not accept women's right of education in the Peace Negotiations, what is

your expectation from the government?

Responses Frequency Percentage Cumulative %

The government should continue the peace

negotiations

69 5.5 5.5

The government should stop the Peace

Negotiations

1144 91.5 97

I don't know 37 3 100

Total 1250 100

Table XII. Public Support for Women's Education

mazar sharif, Balkh, (11 Mar. 2012).

88 Results disaggregated by gender: 91.5% males and 91.5% females.





Chart VII. Public Support for Women's Education

If the opposition groups do not accept women's right of voting in the Peace Talks, what is your

expectation from the government?


The government should continue the peace talks 76 6.1 6.1

The government should stop the Peace Talks 1139 91.1 97.2

I don't know 35 2.8 100

Total 1250 100

Table XIII. Public Support for Women's Rights


Chart VIII. Public Support for Women's Rights

If the opposition groups do not accept women's political participation during the Peace Talks, what is

your expectation from the government?


The government should continue the peace talks 88 7 7

The government should stop the Peace Talks 1127 90.2 97.2

I don't know 35 2.8 100

Total: 1250 100

Table XIV. Public Support for Women's Political Participation


Chart IX. Public Support for Women's Political Participation

If the opposition groups do not accept women's right to employment in the Peace Talks, what is your

expectation from the government?


The government should continue the peace talks 81 6.5 6.5

The government should stop the Peace Talks 1137 91 97.5

I don't know 32 2.5 100

Total: 1250 100

Table XV. Public Support for Women's Right to Employment


Chart X. Public Support for Women's Right to Employment

The fact that there is such strong public support for women's participation in the HPC and the

negotiation table, as well as for women's right to vote, education, political participation, and

employment indicates that women's rights should be a precondition for peace talks. In such way, the

government of Afghanistan will increase the legitimacy of the process as it will be based on citizens'

expectations rather than the conditions imposed by the current elites who are responsible for the

protracted conflict.

F. Inclusion of Citizens' Perspective in the Peace Process

The peace process should not only include women as the UN Security Council 1325 Resolution calls

for but it should also be inclusive of the views and aspirations of all of its citizens. However, as it was

mentioned in Chapter I, ordinary citizens are also being systematically excluded from the

negotiations; 92.7 percent of respondents mentioned that so far no one asked about their opinions and

expectations regarding the peace process (See Table IV in Chapter I).

The involvement of all citizens is essential to create sustainable peace. However, as it was previously

mentioned, the government's approach suggests that the process will only be negotiated by the elites

at the expense of citizenry. If the process continues under the current structure, the government will

eventually lose public support compromising the process's legitimacy. Thus, it is key that the

government creates mechanisms to receive the input and recommendations of all relevant

stakeholders.


G. Justice

One of the conditions to achieve sustainable peace is justice. In fact, Article 11 of the UN Security

Council 1325 Resolution urges states to end impunity and prosecute war criminals.92 The rationale

behind this provision is that enduring peace is not about ending conflict but bringing justice and

accountability to ensure sustainability. Peace and justice reinforce each other.93

Justice is one of women's key demands. It’s stated that “Women believe that without justice and the

restitution of prestige for the victims of four decades of war, [peace] is, in fact, not peace. It is rather a power

sharing agreement with opposition groups." 94 The fact that Afghan women demand justice as a condition

for peace follows the fact that peace without justice is negative peace.

The identity of perpetrators of war crimes is public knowledge in Afghanistan. However, none of them

have been prosecuted or even acknowledged they took part in atrocities. In such circumstances, how

can sustainable peace be achieved when impunity is the norm? Zia Mobaligh, a civil society activist

mentions:

“Evidence should be collected, cases should be

prepared, and crimes should be cleared.

However, no one pays attention to this point

in Afghanistan. < Those who committed

crimes should be identified. Those who have

committed crimes should apologize. They

should admit they caused marginalization and

made the life of people miserable. Those who

have committed crimes, confiscated lands, or

killed people, should apologize and all warring

groups must be disarmed. Then, through a

transparent process, they should be forgiven

by society. Only then peace, reconciliation,

and reintegration occur.”95

92 United Nations Security Council, “Resolution 1325,” ( http://www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf, 31

Oct. 2000), 18 July 2012.

93 International Center for Transitional Justice, “Peace versus Justice: A false dilemma”

(http://ictj.org/news/peace-versus-justice-false-dilemma?gclid=COC88dmKt7ECFUp76wodv2QA-

Q, 5 Sep. 2011) 26 July 2012.

94 Anonymous. joint declaration of 50% campaign and Women’s Political Participation Committee


2012.

95 Zia Mobaligh. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University- Kabul. (15

Mar. 2012).

HRRAC researcher interviewing men in

Nangarhar Province


The quote illustrates how the government has overlooked the issue of justice in the current peace

process. In fact, some of the biggest perpetrators of war crimes during the civil war including the

Taliban are part of the peace process. Evidence of atrocities has been collected, but the government has

interfered with investigations, and, in some cases, interfered with prosecutions.96 By giving amnesty to

war criminals, the Afghan government alienates key constituencies perpetuating grievances that may

lead to instability.

The fact that the Afghan government is willing to overlook atrocities while excluding women sheds

light over its intentions; its focus is to end the conflict, but not on creating sustainable peace. Thus,

under the current framework, violence will be protracted as key grievances and the expectations of the

population are being ignored. Under the current framework, lack of justice will create a gap within the

new social contract that emerges from the negotiations. It may also lead to instability as the current

power holders responsible for protracting the conflict will be left at bay. Thus, it is critical that a

mechanism for reconciliation is devised as women, the citizenry, and the UNSC 1325 resolution

demand justice.

H. Methodology for the Peace Process

The peace process has not been successful so far and hasn’t had any significant achievements in

negotiations with the Taliban. In this regard, two civil society activists mention,

“The basic problem is that they [the HPC] are using a very traditional approach in dealing

with a modern and complex issue, whenever the issue of reconciliation is raised, people always

think about the shura.”97

According to the respondent, the root cause for the ineffectiveness of the HPC is the use of traditional

conflict resolution methods such as the shura. The latter has been the preferred approach in

Afghanistan to solve disputes between individuals, communities, and tribes. However, it is a highly

exclusive institution. Participants are males, often elders, who are regarded as leaders of the

community. Under the traditional shura, women, youth, and other vulnerable groups are not given an

equal opportunity to air their grievances. In Afghan culture, male elders are regarded as the main

authority figures. They are the key individuals who are responsible for the public affairs of the

community and, as such, they are the agents tasked with leading negotiations. Women and other

vulnerable populations, do not have the same decision making power in traditional Afghan resolution

methods.

96 Norland, Rod, “Top Afghans tied to '90s Carnage, Researchers Say; 'New York Times,'”

(http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/key-afghans-tied-to-mass-killings-in-90s-civil-

war.html?_r=2&pagewanted=all, 22 July 2012), 22 July 2012.

97 Zia Mobaligh. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Kateb University- Kabul. (15

Mar. 2012)


It is concerning that the shura system excludes

women and other vulnerable groups. Its approach

to negotiations lacks the ability to deliver a peace

agreement that can provide long-term justice and

stability as key groups within the society are not

given an equal opportunity to negotiate their

aspirations. If the UN 1325 resolution calls for the

use of traditional conflict resolution methods, how

can the shura accommodate women to increase the

effectiveness of the peace process?

The shura system can be adapted to make it an

inclusive institution. Under the new model, women

and other vulnerable groups have the same

authority than elders. A civil society

activist suggests that a shura system where an independent party such as a prominent civilian, or

group of civilians, that is acceptable to all is integrated as a mediator between the Taliban and HPC

members can be a more effective approach.98 Research results show that the Afghan public asks that

the independent party has the following qualifications:

a. Peaceful and Neutral Background

Two key criticisms of the current peace process are the large presence of combatants and the lack of

representation of individuals with an impartial background. Dr. Hadid, head of Balkh provincial

council states “the basic problem is that they (members of HPC) have been involved in political contests, so it is

very difficult to build trust. Only those who are neutral can act.”99 Similarly, Sayed Omar Baher from

Badakhshan University believes that:

“Membership of the HPC is questionable. Those who are members of HPC were supporters of

the Taliban and they still favor them. They don't believe in women's participation, as well as

in the role of civil institutions and intellectuals in the peace process. They don't even believe in

good governance. This process is the political jockeying of the government and opposition.”100

98 Seyyed Asgar Mosavi. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Ministry of education-

Kabul. (8 Apr. 2012)

99 Dr.Hadid. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. PC office –Mazar sharif ,Balkh (11 Mar.

2012)

100 Sayed Omar Baher. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Qasre Kokcheh Hotel-

Fayzabad, Badakhshan. (31 Mar. 2012)

HRRAC researcher interviewing Sadullah Abu Aman, Director of

provincial peace committee in Badakhshan Province


These criticisms are echoed by Seyeed Asgar, a civil society activist, who mentions:

“The figures who have been appointed for peace process have no specific qualifications. Those

who are members of the HPC don’t have peace among themselves either. They are fighting

with each other.”101

As the statements demonstrate, there is a lack of confidence in the process. It comes from the fact that

the space for the open participation of different interest groups in the negotiations is limited. In fact,

the only stakeholders that are properly represented are combatants and former fighters. Because the

current structure is tilted towards the warring parties at the expense of other groups, especially

women, civil society activists question whether the current methodology will deliver an agreement

that is inclusive of their concerns and expectations. Thus, it is key that the HPC considers the inclusion

of individuals who are perceived as being neutral in order to increase the level of confidence of the

Afghan public.

The second grievance expressed in the statements is the lack of inclusiveness of non-combatants. This

point is directly related to the lack of confidence in the peace process as the Afghan public perceives

that the warring parties are being prioritized at the expense of other groups. The interests of armed

groups may differ from those of the Afghan public. In fact, the Taliban is hostile to women's rights

putting it at odds with 50% of the Afghan population. Thus, it is critical that all members of society are

represented equally.

The third grievance expressed is the lack of impartiality of the current HPC. In fact, Nematullah

Hamdard, a civil society activist mentions that the "HPC is a governmental council; not an impartial

council.”102 This point highlights the inability of the current structure to deliver a peace agreement that

is representative of, and acceptable to, all parties. The lack of impartiality may stop the fighting, but it

will fail to deliver sustainable peace. This raises the possibility that women's rights will be scaled back

in order to accommodate the hostile views that some combatants hold against them. Thus, is key that

individuals regarded as objective by all parties are included to increase the peace process's legitimacy.

Since there is a lack of confidence in the process, and civil society is asking for an independent party

such as civilians who are perceived as neutral by the Afghan public, what role can they serve in the

negotiations? Mofti Moin Shah Haqani, deputy of Nangarhar provincial council mentions, “In a culture

of peace, a third party should serve as a mediator between two conflicting sides.”103 To have impartial

representatives serve as moderators can build trust between all parties. The group which serves as

facilitator can find areas where all interest group convergence. Similarly, where the parties disagree,

101 Seyyed Asgar Mosavi. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. Ministry of education-

Kabul. (8 Apr. 2012)

102 Nematullah Hamdard. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. Focus Group Discussion. Acbar’s office-

Jalaabad, Nangarhar. (16 Feb. 2012)

103 Mofti Moin Shah Haqani. Asadullah Zemarai, interviewer. In-depth interview. PC office –

Jalalabad, Nangarhar, (18 Feb. 2012)


the impartial mediator can find what the bottom line of each stakeholder is, where can a compromise

be reached, and, thus, conciliate differences. By finding a common ground, an impartial mediator can

lay down the foundations for a peace agreement that is inclusive, acceptable, long-lasting, and

sustainable.

I. Recognition of the Culture and Needs of Afghan People

In order to deliver an agreement that ends the conflagrations and guarantees long-term peace, it is

necessary that HPC members have an accurate understanding of the expectations of the group they

represent. According to member of Badakhshan provincial peace committee, HPC members must be

“[People] who are with the people, and can understand and feel the pain and problems of the people.”104 The

statement reflects the desire of the Afghan public including women to be properly represented during

the negotiations. HPC representatives must have a clear understanding of the position of their

constituents, their bottom-line, the issues that can be compromised, and the ones that cannot. This will

increase the legitimacy of the process in the eyes of the Afghan public.

In addition to having a clear understanding of the needs of its constituents, HPC members and

mediators must be knowledgeable of the interests of all other groups. They should also possess a

holistic understanding of the cultural and social needs of Afghanistan. In such way, they can design

strategies based on the needs of all citizens.. They can also increase the room for compromise without

affecting core demands. This can pave the way for a peace agreement that acknowledges, restores, and

enriches the social fabric of the country.

104 Anis Akhgar. Reza Hussaini, interviewer. In-depth interview. PC office –Faiyzabad, Badakhshan.

(31 Mar. 2012)


Chapter IV – Conclusion

Afghan women and men will be equally affected by the peace agreement.105 Thus, it is key to recognize

that the rights, interests, desires, and expectations of both groups have equal relevance in peace

negotiations. These will be either included or omitted in the settlement depending on the level of

involvement of each group. The resulting document will have a direct impact in the social relations of

the affected populations as it will define a new social contract for Afghanistan.106 Women, who

represent 50% of the population and is an interest group with competing expectations, is currently

being marginalized from the negotiations. Barriers to their participation include:

Glass Ceiling & Male Dominated Society. Glass Ceiling is an invisible obstacle product of

gender and racial biases that limits an individuals' progress. In Afghanistan, there are strong

stereotypes and biases that clearly define strict gender roles and social expectations which limit

women's advancement and their political participation.

Tribal Culture. Traditional and conservative values such as gender segregation or conceptions

of “virtuosity” prevent women from participating in the peace process. A woman who has an

opinion or disagrees with an authority figure is considered as insulting. Thus, women

participation in the peace process is also limited by family and community dynamics.

Taliban. The Taliban refuses to negotiate with females due to their extreme interpretation of

tribal codes of conduct including gender segregation.107 In their view, it is not honorable for a

man to sit in the same room with a woman and there is no place for them in the public sphere.

Elite Oriented Process. Despite the fact that the HPC is supposed to lead a national

reconciliation process, 92.7% of the population expressed that their opinions about it have

never been collected. To the contrary, only former Taliban leaders, warlords, and government

representatives are present in these decision-making bodies. Instead of having a wide and

representative membership, the peace process is led by the elite.

Lack of Political Will for the Presence of Women in Peace Negotiations. Instead of using its

political muscle to uphold the constitutional rights granted to women, the Afghan government

minimizes women's involvement in the peace process to signal that it can compromise

women's participation as an incentive to the Taliban.

Lack of Transparency. The Afghan public is not being informed of the items being negotiated

105 Ibid

106 Ibid.

107 Kakar, Palwasha, “Tribal Law of Pashtunwali and Women’s Legislative Authority; 'Harvard Law



on behalf of the citizenry nor the terms and conditions of the negotiations. Research results

show that the Afghan public is not knowledgeable of the preconditions that the government or

the High Peace Council have set to enter in negotiations with armed opposition groups.

Tacit Policy to Marginalize Women. There is a tacit policy from the part of the government to

marginalize women form political participation. It considers women to be ill-prepared for

political life and, under such belief, removes women from positions of authority while limiting

their appointment to minor roles. The government has failed at raising awareness about

women right's and capacity among government leaders and the female population in

general,108 and it has actively discouraged their professional growth as decision makers.109 The

government's hostility and unwillingness to include women has been internalized by

Afghanistan's female population expressed in low confidence rates about their ability to

contribute to the peace process.

But despite of the challenges, there are many reasons, including context specific, that justify women's

involvement in the peace process. For instance, Afghan women and men will be equally affected by

the new social contract that results from the peace agreement.110 Thus, it is key to recognize that the

rights, interests, desires, and expectations of both groups have equal relevance in peace negotiations.

An acceptable outcome to all is correlated to the sustainability of peace as it fosters cooperation

delivering a peace agreement that is sustainable.

In addition to delivering a peace agreement that is sustainable, “women are affected by conflict and thus

by the consequences of a peace agreement.”111 After the conflict is over, violence against women often

continues. Thus, it is necessary to include women to stop protracting violence. Furthermore, women's

input can also lay down the foundations for a society based on “equality, rights, and justice.”112 A peace

agreement that is inclusive of the aspirations of all interest groups including those active at the

108 HRRAC, “Chapter I,” Women and Political Leadership: The Problems Facing Women Leaders in

Afghanistan,


2010), 19 Sep. 2012.


Afghanistan,


2010), 19 Sep. 2012.

110 Ibid


Conference paper, 24-26 September, 2007, Monash University, Melbourne.

(arts.monash.edu.au/psi/news-and-events/apsa/refereed-papers/feminism-and-gender-


112 Ibid.


grassroots level have higher levels of success than those that are negotiated among elites.113 Lastly,


more practical perspective. Women tend to focus on “issues related to quality of life and human security”114

as they have a unique understanding of the needs of their households and communities.

In the context of Afghanistan, there are three more reasons why women should be involved in

the peace process. These include:

In the absence of women, decisions will be based on the cultural bias that places men's interests

above women.

Women constitute 50% of the Afghan population and, even though, under tribal traditions it is

believed that men can represent the views and opinions of women, the historical record shows

that in Afghanistan patriarchal views do not necessarily reflect or are inclusive of women’s

views.

Women have served as peace makers in Afghan folk culture providing evidence about the

central role that Afghan women can play in the peace process and in maintaining the well

being of their communities.

But including women in the negotiation table is not only limited to theoretical justifications. HRRAC's

research results show that the Afghan public has a strong support for the involvement of women.

95.7% of survey respondents consider that their presence in the peace process is necessary. 6.5% of

survey respondents completely agreed and 70.7% agreed that women should be present at the

negotiation table. Similarly, there is ample public support to protect women's rights during the

negotiations. 91.5% of respondents stated that the government shouldn’t approve any peace talks

which abandon women from education.115 91.3% believe that the government should not endorse a

peace agreement if it abandons women from the right of participation in elections.116 90.6% think the

government should not approve any peace agreement if the Taliban does not accept women’s right to

political participation and involvement.117 91.1% insist the government should not approve a peace

agreement if the Taliban does not accept women’s fundamental right to work and employment.118 11%

of respondents believe that women's presence in the negotiations will positively impact social life, and,

73% consider that women's rights and benefits will be given importance if women are present at the

negotiation table.

113 Ibid.


Conference paper, 24-26 September, 2007, Monash University, Melbourne.

(arts.monash.edu.au/psi/news-and-events/apsa/refereed-papers/feminism-and-gender-







Given that there are many theoretical justifications and ample public support for the involvement of

women in the peace process, it is necessary to involve them to achieve outcomes that will guarantee

long-lasting peace, security, and stability. Thus, it is key that the Government of the Islamic Replublic

of Afghanistan fully implements the provisions of the UNSC 1325 resolution which provides a legal

framework for their inclusion of women and other groups. At the moment, the Afghan government

has the public approval to reform the peace process and make it more inclusive of both women and

regular citizens. In such way, the government can increase the process legitimacy and can ensure that

the peace deal that emerges is inclusive, representative, and, most importantly, sustainable. The first

step of reforms is to increase the number of women participating in both the HPC and the negotiation

table. It should also consider women's demands as guidelines to improve the current peace process so

it is acceptable to the whole population these included:

Transparency in Peace Negotiations. In order to deliver a peace agreement that addresses the

grievances of the different constituencies that form the society, it is key that the citizenry is

informed of the issues being discussed. In such way, the agreement that emerges from the

negotiations will be acceptable to all parties and will guarantee that the new social contract

that results is inclusive and sustainable.

Maximum Participation. It is critical that women are present in the negotiation table in similar

numbers to men. It is also necessary that women are granted the same levels of authority so

they can influence peace negotiations. If provided with these two, women can defend their

rights while contributing to the creation of a new social contract that delivers sustainable

peace.

Participation of Human Rights Institutions. The social contract model to peace processes calls

for the inclusion of all relevant stakeholders in the negotiations. Under the current approach,

former combatants are given priority at the expense women, civil society activists, and the

international community. Each of these groups have their own agenda and demands which are

often at odds with those of combatants and warlords. Thus, it is key that the latter are included

to have a unified policy and priorities with the aim of providing clarity and certainty to the

process.

Protection of Women’s Rights. Women's major concern is the possibility of having their rights

curtailed to accommodate the demands of the opposition groups. Survey results show that if

the government grants this concession, it will go against the desires of the population who

strongly support women's right to vote, education, political participation, and employment.

Inclusion of Citizens' Perspectives in the Peace Process. The involvement of the citizenry is

essential to create sustainable peace as they will be the ultimate bearers of the consequences of

the peace agreement. An agreement that is inclusive of their views will enjoy wide public

support and legitimacy. An agreement that overlooks their demands will protract violence.

Thus, it is key that the government creates mechanisms to receive the input and


recommendations of all citizens.

Justice. One of the conditions to achieve sustainable peace is justice. Granting amnesty to

perpetrators of atrocities will protract violence as the power structures that originally led to

conflict are left intact. Lack of justice will create a gap within the new social contract that

emerges from the negotiations which may lead to instability as the current power holders

responsible for continuing the conflict will be left at bay.

Methodology for the Peace Process. Under the traditional shura system, women, youth, and

other vulnerable groups are not given an equal opportunity to air their grievances. It is

concerning that it excludes these groups as its approach to negotiations lack the ability to

deliver a peace agreement that can provide long-term justice and stability. The shura can be

adapted to make it an inclusive institution open to women and other groups, and to integrate

an independent party such as a prominent civilian as a mediator. The group or individual that

serves as a facilitator can find areas where all interest group convergence so a compromise can

be reached.

Recognition of the Culture and Needs of Afghan People. In order to deliver an agreement

that ends the conflagrations and guarantees long-term peace, it is necessary that HPC members

have an accurate understanding of the expectations of the group they represent and the

cultural and social needs of Afghanistan. In such way, they can design strategies based on the

needs of all citizens and can increase the room for compromise without affecting core

demands. This can pave the way for a peace agreement that acknowledges, restores, and

enriches the social fabric of the country.

For a country in its early stages of development and reconstruction, it is key that peace is sustainable.

Under the current model, the peace agreement that emerges may stop the conflict, but it has a high

possibility of not being long-lasting. Exclusion protracts violence, and the latter leads to conflict. Given

the large public support that an inclusive process enjoys, the Afghan government has enough capital

to reform the process and open the doors to those groups that have been marginalized up to this point.

In such way, the peace agreement that results will be legitimate as it will reflect the voice and

aspirations of all constituents. It can also bring higher levels of human security as all citizens,

especially women, can define the national priorities. The key question is, does the government of

Afghanistan has enough political will to reform the process? Research results show that it may not.


Annex I -- Interviews.

The following individuals were interviewed by Research and Human Rights Research and Advocacy

Consortium during the implementation of the primary research component.

1 Amiruddin Muzafari Secretary of High Peace Council Kabul

2 Mohammad Ismaid

Qasimyar

Advisor & Spokesperson of High Peach

Council

Kabul

3 Najia Ziwari Secretary of International Relations

Committee of High Peach Council

Kabul

4 Sadiqa Balkhi Senator in Parliament and Member of High

Peach Council

Kabul

5 Sara Surkhabi Senator in Parliament and Member of High

Peach Council

Kabul

6 Said Askar Mosawi Advisor to Ministry of Higher Education Kabul

7 Saadullah Abu Imam Head of Provincial Council Badakhshan

8 Doctor Anees Akhgar Provincial Peace Committee Member Badakhshan

9 Nazia Baharistani Deputy Head of Provincial Council Badakhshan

10 Torpikai Rahimi Provincial Peace Committee Public Awareness

Section Head

Nangarhar

11 Haji Malik Nazeer Provincial Peace Committee Member Nangarhar

12 Sheela Baburi University Professor Nangarhar

13 Shah Haqani Provincial Peace Council Deputy Head Nangarhar

14 Shaikh Abdullah Najafi Provincial Peace Committee Member Herat

15 Mawlawi Ghulam Sarwar Head of Provincial Council and Head of

Provincial Peace Committee

Hera

16 Haseena Nikzad Provincial Peace Committee Member Herat


17 Ghulam Farooq Khpalwak Balkh University Professor, Head of

Provincial Peace Committee Cultural Affairs

Section

Balkh

18 Doctor Hadeed Head of Provincial Council Balkh

19 Akhtar Mohammad

Ibrahimkhil

Head of Provincial Peace Committee Balkh

20 Mahboba Sadaat Provincial Council Member, and Provincial

Peace Committee Member

Balkh

Individuals who took part in focus group discussions conducted by Human Rights Research &

Advocacy Consortium:

No Name Position Province

1 Adila Anwari University Professor Kabul

2 Qudosya Frotan TV Staff (Tamadon TV) Kabul

3 Mohammad Alam

Amini

Head of Peace Association Kabul

4 Mohammad Baqir

Khalil

School Teacher Kabul

5 Zia Mubaligh Civil society activist Kabul

6 Faizullah NSP Engineer Badakhshan

7 Engineer Abdul Wali NSP PMU Manager Badakhshan

8 Mawlawi Abdul Wahid

Tair

Provincial Council Member Badakhshan

9 Said Omer Bahir Civil Society Member Badakhshan

10 Shukria Shaqayeq Women's Affairs Human Resource Manager Badakhshan


11 Munira Alamyar Provincial Council Member Badakhshan

12 Dr. Nimatullah

Hamdard

Civil Society Network Coordinator in East

Zone

Nangarhar

13 Khwaja Ghulam Sediq Teacher Nangarhar

14 Razia University Student Nangarhar

15 Meena University Student Nangarhar

16 Khan Aqa Gharmal AWN Field Office Manager Nangarhar

17 Zainullah Rahimi APRP Staff Nangarhar

18 Sheela Baburi University Professor Nangarhar

19 Ahmadullah Omeri Women Empowerment and Governance

Development Organization Director

Herat

20 Tahira Omer Rehabilitation and Development of

Afghanistan Organization Capacity

Department Manager

Herat

21 Shaima Mahmoodi Jami Handcrafts Organization Deputy

Director

Herat

22 Sharifa Ismaili Rehabilitation and Development of

Afghanistan Organization Admin Manager

Herat

23 Freshta Ahmadi Women's Affairs Department Publications

Department Manager

Herat

24 Zarmina Dostyar Women's Shura Head in Karokh district Herat

25 Masood Sadat Noor Cultural Services Club Director Herat

26 Bariz Hussain Heart University Professor Herat

27 Mohammad Ameen

Naimi

Assistance for Defending Women's Rights

Organizational Development Manager

Balkh

28 Shakiba Shakib Provincial Council Deputy Head Balkh


29 Mohammad Mustafa

Haris

Human Resource Development Coordinator Balkh

30 Obaidullah Sayar

Kohistani

Consultative Board Member of Women and

Youth Center

Balkh

31 Rabia Maryam Handcrafts Manufacturing Company

Director and Women's Affairs Department

Economic Development Manager

Balkh

32 Obaidullah Sayar

Kohistani

Consultative Board Member of Women and

Youth Center

Balkh


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Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium brings you its third project on women’s

rights in Afghanistan. This research focuses on women’s concerns and expectations about the

current peace process and provides recommendations to increase women’s involvement. As

the country gets closer to the transition milestone, Afghans are concerned about losing the

accomplishments made during the past 12 years in the area of human rights, but especially

women’s rights. Thus, it is critical that actions are taken and programs that support women are

implemented.

This research was conducted to initiate a comprehensive advocacy program to support

women's participation in the social and political affairs of the country. It proposes reforms to

existing policies to maximize women's involvement in these areas. HRRAC's research sheds

light over the importance of women’s participation in the peace and reconciliation process so

the peace agreement that comes out of the negotiations is sustainable and inclusive of the

needs and aspirations of all citizens.

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium's goal is to maximize women's

participation in the social, political, and economic arenas as their involvement is key for

Afghanistan's long-term stability. As such, HRRAC's two previous research projects - “Women

and Political Leadership: The Problems Facing Women Leaders in Afghanistan” and “Female

Home-Based Workers: Isolated and Undervalued” - have brought the obstacles that prevent

women from fulfilling their full potential to the public discussion.

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium is committed to regularly inform all

political actors and government officials at the national and international levels regarding the

threats that can compromise women and children's rights. HRRAC along with Afghan

citizens, the government, and international community, seeks to mitigate the risks that the

transition period bring, and works to pave the ground for the creation of a justice-based

society in Afghanistan.

Human Rights Research and Advocacy Consortium (HRRAC) @2012

This research was supported by Oxfam Novib. The report would have never been possible

without the generous input of all those Afghans who shared their time and opinions with us.

HRRAC thanks them wholeheartedly and promises to always voice their opinions, problems

and concerns by adhering to the core principles and values of HRRAC.


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women participation in peace process

Leadership & Management