Zamboanga City crisisFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search

Zamboanga City CrisisPart of the Islamic Insurgency in the Philippines

DateSeptember 9–28, 2013(2 weeks and 6 days)

Location

Zamboanga City, Philippines

Status

Decisive Philippine Government victory[1]

All hostages recovered. Territory occupied by the

rebels retaken by the government.

Some "20 to 30" MNLF rebels, including Commander Malik, still at-large.

Belligerents Bangsamoro

Republik Republic of the

PhilippinesCommanders and leaders

Nur Misuari

Ustadz Habier Malik

Asamin Hussin[2]

Salip Idjal

Pres. Benigno S. Aquino III

Sec. Voltaire T. Gazmin

Gen. Emmanuel T. Bautista

Dasta Ismael†[3]

Misba Balaji

Jul Lipae[4]

Mayor Maria Isabelle Climaco-Salazar

Units involved Moro

National Liberation Front - Misuari Faction

Task Force Zamboanga:

Philippine Army:

- 1st Scout Ranger Regiment

- Light Reaction Battalion

- Light Armor Division

- 1st Infantry Division

- 32nd Infantry Battalion

- 44th Infantry Battalion

Philippine Navy:

- Philippine Fleet

- Naval Special Warfare Group

Philippine Marines:

- 1st Marine Brigade

- Force

Recon Battalion

- Marine Landing Battalion 3

Philippine Air Force:

- 15th Strike Wing

- 205th Tactical Helicopter Wing

Philippine National Police:

- Special Action Force

- Special Weapons and Tactics

Strength 500 (Government

claim)[5]

4,500 (Combined AFP and

PNP Forces)[6]

Philippine Army :

- Alvis FV101 Scorpion Recon/Light Tank

- GKN Simba Armored Personnel Carrier

- Cadillac Gage V-150 Commando Light Armored Vehicle

Philippine Air

Force:

- Aermacchi SF.260W/TP Trainer/Light Attack Aircraft

- McDonnell Douglas MD-520MG Defender Light Attack/Multi-Role Helicopter

- Bell UH-1H Iroquois/Huey Utility Helicopter

- PZL W-3A Sokół Multi-Purpose Utility Helicopter

Philippine Navy :

- Jacinto-class Corvette

- Mariano Alvarez-class Coastal Patrol Ship[7]

- Tomas Batillo-class Fast Attack Craft

- Jose Andrada-class Coastal Patrol Craft

- Multi-Purpose Attack Craft (Derived from the CB90-class Fast Assault Craft)

Casualties and losses Killed: 183[5]

Captured: 292[5]

Killed: 23[5]

Wounded: 184[8]

Civilians Killed: 12[8]

Civilians Wounded: 70[8]

Note:

1. The conflict had paralyzed the economic activity of Zamboanga City. During the course of the conflict, the MNLF had been taking civilians as hostages. The group demanded the hoisting of the Bangsamoro flag at the Zamboanga city hall in exchange for the hostages.[9]

Zamboanga CityMap of the Philippines showing the location of

Zamboanga City, the site of the conflict.

[hide]

v t e

Islamic insurgency in the Philippines Jabidah massacre

Cotabato Jolo Camp Abubakar North Cotabato Rizal Day bombings Dos Palmas kidnappings Lamitan Misauri rebellion Zamboanga City bombings Buliok Complex SuperFerry 14 Central Mindanao Tipo-Tipo Central Mindanao & Jolo Zamboanga City crisis

The Zamboanga City crisis was an armed conflict in Zamboanga City, Philippines between the forces of a faction, reportedly led by Nur Misuari, of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Republic of the Philippines. The crisis erupted on September 9, 2013 when this MNLF faction attempted to raise the flag of the self-proclaimed Bangsamoro Republik at Zamboanga City Hall,[10] which had earlier declared its independence on August 12, 2013 in Talipao, Sulu.[11][12] This armed incursion, which has been variously described a "crisis",[13] a "standoff",[14] a "siege",[15] and a "humanitarian crisis",[16] has been met by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP), which seeks to free the hostages and expel the MNLF from the city. The standoff has degenerated into urban warfare, and has brought parts of the city under standstill for days.[17]

The clashes has caused the displacement of more than 100,000 people, the occupation of several barangays (villages) by the MNLF, the deaths of several civilians, the closure of the Zamboanga International Airport (which has since been reopened), and the slowdown of economic activity in the city.

On September 28, the government declared the end of military operations in Zamboanga City. Commander Malik, reportedly the leader of the MNLF forces, remains at large, and several skirmishes are still being regularly reported.

Contents

Prelude

Nur Misuari, chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front, and governor of ARMM from 1996 to 2002.

Nur Misuari, the leader of the rebel group Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) signed a peace treaty in 1996 that allowed the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and Misuari became its first governor.[18] Recently, however, Misuari "has been angered by a planned peace deal with the MILF, believing it would sideline the MNLF and the 1996 peace deal".[18] Misuari proclaimed the independence of the Bangsamoro Republik on August 12, 2013 at Talipao, Sulu,[18][19][20] although it was largely ignored by the government. Misuari "disappeared from public view" before the fighting broke out in Zamboanga.[18]

The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) received intelligence reports that the MNLF would launch mass operations in Zamboanga City, three days before the incident. AFP spokesman Col. Ramon Zagala said that according to intelligence reports the MNLF troops were deployed to the coastal barangays (villages) of Rio Hondo, Sta. Barbara, Mariqui and Sta. Catalina. According to initial reports, the MNLF group who entered the barangays were unarmed and it was the night before the incident that the MNLF were armed in Rio Hondo. Zagala claimed that the MNLF group involved in the incident is a breakaway faction of the militant group.[21]

In an interview, an MNLF official claimed that the fighters actions was a “"pre-emptive response" to a supposed "large" troop movement” of the Army, stating that the group feared that military movement was the prelude to the arrest a high-profile leader of MNLF in the area, such as Nur Misuari.[22]

A commander named Ustadz Habier Malik,[23] who "is a key senior aide of Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) founder Nur Misuari," is reportedly leading the siege on Zamboanga City.[2]

Timeline

September 8

The initial confrontation occurred around 11:00 p.m. on the evening of Sunday, September 8, 2013.[24] A navy patrol boat intercepted a large motorboat and eight other smaller vessels carrying armed men near the coastal barangay of Rio Hondo.[25] This led to an exchange of fire

resulting in several casualties including the death of one of the navy personnel and two civilians.[26]

September 9

On September 9, 2013, at around 4:30 a.m., the MNLF entered the city and killed four people,[27] contrary to the first report of having six people killed.[28] Four barangays were occupied by the MNLF: Rio Hondo, Sta. Barbara, Sta. Catalina, and parts of Talon-Talon. The group held 20 civilians hostages in Barangay Sta. Catalina, and around noontime more than 200 civilians were reported as being held hostage by the MNLF.[29] The civilian hostages[30] were being used as human shields by the MNLF.[31]

The city government of Zamboanga declared a "no classes and no work" following the attacks at Barangay Sta. Catalina.[27][28] A curfew was later imposed throughout the city that day, virtually shutting down the city.[32] Zamboanga City Mayor Isabelle "Beng" Climaco-Salazar later visited the people who fled to different evacuation centers that morning.[32]

Zamboanga International Airport was shut down as all flights operating to and from the city was cancelled.[18][27][33]

September 10

The Zamboanga City Hall where the MNLF intended to hoist the Bangsamoro Republik flag.

On the second day, the Philippine government deployed a larger force in the city. A naval blockade was set, and more troops and units were deployed, including four units of elite troops from the Naval Special Operations Group.[34] At dawn, city police prevented 30 members of the MNLF from joining the main force.[35]

By morning, the MNLF fired rocket-propelled grenades and mortars at military positions. The clash between MNLF and the government forces spread throughout the barangay as residents fled their homes while some people could not leave the area due to fear of being caught in crossfire.[36]

During the afternoon, a fire erupted in Barangay Santa Barbara that razed five houses as firefights between the MNLF and the Armed Forces of the Philippines ensued. Four firetrucks

responded, but were delayed, as they needed to have a clearance from the military before entering the area due to the presence of MNLF snipers.[37][38]

September 11

Zamboanga City Mayor Climaco finally contacted Nur Misuari through telephone on Thursday. Mayor Climaco asked Misuari to call off the attack but Misuari claimed that he has no hand at the situation and distanced himself from Commander Habier Malik, and his followers action. This contradicts to what MNLF spokesman, Emmanuel Fontanilla, said earlier. The spokesman said that Misuari was leading the MNLF militants in Zamboanga City.[39]

September 12

The Philippine government issued an ultimatum to the MNLF militants in Zamboanga saying that the government will not hesitate to use force to resolve the situation in Zamboanga City. “While the government is exhausting all avenues for a peaceful resolution of the situation, let it be clear to those defying us that they should not entertain the illusion that the state will hesitate to use its forces to protect our people,” Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda said in a statement.[39]

September 13

Vice President of the Philippines Jejomar Binay had spoken by telephone to Nur Misuari, and they agreed on a ceasefire.[40] Nur Misauri’s spokesperson Rev. Absalom Cerveza said that the current situation in Zamboanga city is a war of independence and denied that the MNLF came to Zamboanga for a peace caravan. "If you win in the war, you will gain your independence. So it happened. MNLF followed this track to gain its independence," he said. The spokesman also denied earlier reports that Misuari disowned Commander Habier Malik.[41]

September 15

Plans for a ceasefire fail.[42] MNLF snipers were captured.[43]

September 16

The Army started to pound MNLF positions in Barangay Sta. Barbara with mortars.[44] A civilian vehicle was accidentally hit by a mortar round as the battle raged, although no one was hurt.[45] Air strikes with MG-520 attack helicopters and SF-260 counter-insurgency planes started, firing their guns against alleged MNLF positions in the city.[46] A total of three rocket rounds from a MG-520 of the Air Force struck unspecified enemy stronghold between 1 to 1:30 pm.[47] 33 hostages were released.[48]

September 17

Zamboanga City police chief Jose Chiquito Malayo who tried to negotiate with the rebels to release more hostages was reportedly abducted and held hostage by the rebels. Later in the day, he was freed, bringing 23 rebels who had surrendered.[49]

September 18

The Army said that government forces killed 120 rebels and now controlled 80 percent of the areas that had been occupied by the rebels.[23][50] According to the Philippine Department of Social Welfare and Development, due to the fighting, the number of displaced residents has risen to 110,000, As of 18 September 2013, in 35 evacuation centers, such as the Baliwasan Grandstand.[51] The military took control of KGK Building, which was the headquarters of the MNLF-controlled areas.[23] However, the rebel commander had fled before the Army could capture him.[23]

September 19

President Benigno Aquino III meeting with the Armed Forces of the Philippines and Philippine National Police on September 21, 2013.

The Zamboanga City international airport reopened.[52] The International Committee of the Red Cross is responded to the humanitarian needs of the residents.[52] Felipe Rojas, Philippine National Police’s directorate for operations Chief Superintendent, said that the gunmen are being “forced to surrender due to hunger.”[52] Governor Mujiv Hataman of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao said that most of the gunmen, who surrendered, were unknown and were mostly from “Akbar or Albarka towns in Basilan”.[52]

September 24

An MNLF commander and 7 fighters surrendered.[53]

September 25

The United Nations declared the situation a humanitarian crisis. For 17 days, the fighting had already displaced 109,000 people in Zamboanga City and 19,000 in Basilan, and destroyed more than 10,000 homes.[54]

September 26

Government forces gained control over Sumatra Island, which is part of Barangay Talon-Talon and was a strategic landing point used by MNLF fighters.[55] They have also seized 5 water vessels, one motor launch and four jungkungs (motorboat). The motor launch has a capacity of more than 100 people, while each jungkung can carry 30 people. Ammunition, food, MNLF uniforms and vital documents were also recovered from the island.[56][57]

September 27

The Reverend Absalom Cerveza, MNLF spokesman, said that Habier Malik texted him that he will not surrender. Cerveza aked that Malik and his closest followers are the "hardcore" fighters of the MNLF and are willing to put their life on the line. Cerveza describe that the situation in Zamboanga "might be the darkest episode in the history of the MNLF,” Malik also asked prayers for the MNLF. According to the spokesman, Nur Misuari asked Malik to stand down, however Cerveza said he was not able to communicate with Malik or any other commanders in the battlefield. It is also reported that some arrested MNLF fighters admitted that they were promised ₱10,000 to join a rally in Zamboanga city. 20 MNLF fighters, including Malik remained in Zamboanga city, according to the military.[58]

September 28

Malacañang said that the nearly three-week crisis in Zamboanga City was now over. Deputy presidential spokesperson Abigail Valte confirmed the statement of National Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin that the conflict in Zamboanga was over. "Certainly, the Defense Secretary made that announcement and we've always maintained in the days that we were dealing with the situation that it will be the officials on the ground who will be making the announcement based on their assessment. Our task from Day 1 is to ensure the safety of the hostages that were taken...as well as to get civilians out of harm's way and that has already been accomplished."[59] Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin announced: "So far, the security crisis is over and now we go to post-conflict phase."[60]

Post-crisis skirmishes

As of September 29, 2013, even after the declaration of the end of the crisis, many residents of the City of Zamboanga still hears few gunshots from time to time. The Local Government and the Military stated that these are just few skirmishes against remnants of the MNLF-Misuari Faction. As they are now on the run and the Military is now pursuing them to bring them to justice.[61]

Related attacks

Lamitan, Basilan

Combined forces of the Abu Sayyaf, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters and the Moro National Liberation Front reportedly attacked the city of Lamitan in Basilan on September 12.[62]

The same set of militants conducted another attack on September 13. Philippine security forces were able to repel the attack and managed the situation.[63][64][65]

Human rights violations

There were accusation of human rights violations from both sides. The Philippine government claimed that the Moro National Liberation Front were using civilian hostages as human shields. MNLF commanders claimed that they were using the civilians as guides, as they are not familiar of the area.[66] It is reported that MNLF members burned down houses and that firefighters who tried to extinguish the fires were fired at.[67] The MNLF, however claimed that the Philippine security forces were behind in burning the houses in a bid to drive away MNLF members who may be staying in the area.[68]

The American-based Human Rights Watch, in a released media bulletin, claimed that both the MNLF and Government forces committed human rights abuses. The bulletin also stated of an alleged torturing of detained suspected MNLF members by the Philippine National Police and Philippine Armed Forces. According to the rights group, security forces indiscriminately fired at the MNLF militants holding civilian hostages as human shields. It also claimed that the MNLF selectively took Christian civilians as hostages.[69]

Images and videos suggesting that the Philippine military committing human rights abuses circulated through social media including a photo showing Filipino soldiers forcing suspected MNLF members to recite Christian prayers to prove that they are not members of the MNLF. The Armed Forces of the Philippines said that the authenticity of these images and videos should be first verified.[70]

Alleged link to the PDAF scam

There are allegations that the Moro National Liberation Front were funded by people involved in the Priority Development Assistance Fund scam to divert the public's attention from the scam. Magdalo party-list representative Gary Alejano claimed that during the previous administration, if there is a big issue plaguing the government, a diversion will be made. Alejano also claimed that people involved in the Priority Development Assistance Fund scam may have funded the rebel group to destabilize the government. Zamboanga Representative Celso Lobregat and Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao Governor Mujiv Hataman supported calls for an investigation regarding the matter. Lobregat also called for the Magdalo party-list to disclose everything about the matter.[71] Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago accused Senator Juan Ponce Enrile, one of the people linked to the scam, in funding the MNLF.

Priority Development Assistance Fund scamFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search

The Priority Development Assistance Fund scam, also called the PDAF scam or the pork barrel scam, is a political scandal involving the alleged misuse by several members of the Congress of the Philippines of their Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF, popularly called "pork barrel"), a lump-sum discretionary fund granted to each member of Congress for spending on priority development projects of the Philippine government, mostly on the local level. The scam was first exposed in the Philippine Daily Inquirer on July 12, 2013,[1] with the six-part exposé of the Inquirer on the scam pointing to businesswoman Janet Lim-Napoles as the scam's mastermind after Benhur K. Luy, her second cousin and former personal assistant, was rescued by agents of the National Bureau of Investigation on March 22, 2013, four months after he was detained by Napoles at her unit at the Pacific Plaza Towers in Fort Bonifacio.[2] Initially centering on Napoles' involvement in the 2004 Fertilizer Fund scam, the government investigation on Luy's testimony has since expanded to cover Napoles' involvement in a wider scam involving the misuse of PDAF funds from 2003 to 2013.

It is estimated that the Philippine government was defrauded of some ₱10 billion in the course of the scam,[1] having been diverted to Napoles, participating members of Congress and other government officials. Aside from the PDAF and the fertilizer fund maintained by the Department of Agriculture, around ₱900 million in royalties earned from the Malampaya gas field were also lost to the scam.[3] The scam has provoked public outrage, with calls being made on the Internet for popular protests to demand the abolition of the PDAF,[4] and the order for Napoles' arrest sparking serious discussion online.[5]

Contents

1 Background 2 Modus operandi 3 Accused parties 4 Investigation 5 Reactions 6 Protests 7 References

Background

Two infographs on the PDAF produced by the Assembly, the Political Science Organization of the Ateneo de Manila University.Main article: Priority Development Assistance Fund

Although the history of pork barrel-like discretionary funds in the Philippines dates back to 1922,[6] during the American colonial period, the PDAF in its current form was only established during the administration of Corazon Aquino with the creation of the Countryside Development Fund (CDF) in 1990. With ₱2.3 billion in initial funding, the CDF was designed to allow legislators to fund small-scale infrastructure or community projects which fell outside the scope of the national infrastructure program, which was often restricted to large infrastructure items. The CDF was later renamed the PDAF in 2000, during the administration of Joseph Estrada.[7]

Since 2008, every member of the House of Representatives usually receives an annual PDAF allocation of ₱70 million, while every senator receives an annual allocation of ₱200 million.[8] The President also benefits from a PDAF-like allocation, the President's Social Fund (PSF), worth around ₱1 billion.[9] Contrary to public belief, however, PDAF allocations are not actually released to members of Congress. Rather, disbursements under the PDAF are coursed via implementing agencies of the Philippine government, and are limited to "soft" and "hard" projects: the former largely referring to non-infrastructure projects (such as scholarships and financial assistance programs, although small infrastructure projects are also considered "soft" projects), and the latter referring to infrastructure projects which would be coursed via the Department of Public Works and Highways.[7]

Because presidential systems are often prone to political gridlock, the PDAF is often used as a means to generate majority legislative support for the programs of the executive.[10] Furthermore, because PDAF allocations are released by the Department of Budget and Management (DBM), PDAF allocations are often dependent on the relationship a legislator has with the sitting President.[10] For example, during the latter years of the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration, she was more generous in allocating PDAF funds in the annual national budget in order to win the favor of legislators.[8] PDAF allocation has gradually increased over the years.[10] For example, before Arroyo stepped down, the last PDAF allocated was for the year 2010 at ₱10.86 billion, but when the Benigno Aquino III administration passed its first budget for 2011, the allocation more than doubled to ₱24.62 billion.[11]

The PDAF has proven to be very unpopular, with numerous calls for its abolition. In 1996, the Philippine Daily Inquirer published an exposé on systematic corruption in the CDF, with an anonymous congressman (since identified as Romeo D. Candazo of Marikina) elaborating how legislators and other government officials earned from overpricing projects in order to receive large commissions. Public outrage over the misuse of the CDF was instrumental in the enactment of reforms which led to the formation of the PDAF.[12] The constitutionality of the PDAF has also been challenged in the Supreme Court. In 1994, the constitutionality of the CDF was challenged by the Philippine Constitution Association, arguing that the CDF's mechanisms encroach on the executive's power of implementing the budget passed by the legislature, but the Court ruled the CDF constitutional under the legislative's "power of the purse".[13] This ruling was reaffirmed in 2001, when the PDAF was challenged again in the Supreme Court.[7] Legislators themselves are torn on the abolition of the PDAF, with some supporting total abolition, others supporting increased regulation to minimize abuse of PDAF disbursements, and others opposed to it.[14]

Modus operandi

A graphic representation of the PDAF scam's modus operandi produced by the Assembly.

The PDAF scam involved the funding of "ghost projects" that were funded using the PDAF funds of participating lawmakers.[15] These projects were in turn "implemented" through Napoles' companies, with the projects producing no tangible output. According to testimony provided by Benhur Luy's brother, Arthur, funds would be processed through fake foundations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) established under the wing of the JLN Group of Companies, the holding company of Janet Lim-Napoles, with Napoles' employees—even a nanny—named as incorporators or directors.[16] Each foundation or NGO served as an official recipient of a particular legislator's PDAF funds, and each organization had a number of bank accounts where PDAF funds would be deposited for the implementation of these projects.[15]

Napoles, who specialized in trading agricultural products, frequently used the procurement of agricultural inputs in the propagation of the scam. Either her employees would write to legislators requesting for funds for the implementation of a particular project (e.g. farm inputs), or a legislator would indicate to the DBM a particular recipient agency for his or her PDAF funds that would be pre-selected by Napoles.[17] Once received, this is forwarded to the DBM, which would then issue a Special Allotment Release Order (SARO) indicating the amount deducted from the legislator's PDAF allocation, and later a Notice of Cash Allocation (NCA) given to the recipient agency. The NCA would then be deposited in one of the foundation's accounts, and the funds withdrawn in favor of the JLN Group of Companies.[16] The funds would then be split between Napoles, the lawmaker, the official of the DA responsible for facilitating the transfer of funds and, for good measure, the local mayor or governor.[15] The JLN Group of Companies offered a commission of 10-15% against funds released to local government units and recipient agencies of PDAF funds, while a legislator would receive a commission of between 40-50% against the total value of his/her PDAF.[17]

Letters sent by Napoles' employees to participating legislators would also include a letter from a local government unit requesting for funding, bearing the forged signature of the local mayor or governor. All documents involving local government units were prepared by Napoles' staff, and Benhur Luy would forge the signature of the local mayor or governor. Local government officials who were used by Napoles were often unaware that they were participating in the scam.[16] In other instances, however, Napoles would use emissaries to establish contact with local mayors in exchange for commissions that would come from the implementation of these projects.[15]

Every recipient agency participating in the scam had employees or officials that maintained contact with Napoles, allowing for the smooth processing of transactions and the expedient release of PDAF funds to her organizations. Most importantly, Napoles was in regular contact with the DBM through Undersecretary for Operations Mario L. Relampagos,[18] who had three employees (identified as Leah, Malou and Lalaine) responsible for the processing of SAROs destined for Napoles' organizations.[17]

Accused parties

In the initial report published by the Philippine Daily Inquirer, 28 members of Congress (five senators and 23 representatives) were named as participants in the PDAF scam. Twelve of these legislators were identified by the newspaper, and close to ₱3 billion in PDAF funds coming from these legislators alone were exposed to the scam. Notably, the Inquirer named Bong Revilla, Juan Ponce Enrile, Jinggoy Estrada, Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. and Gregorio Honasan as the five senators who participated in the scam. Revilla was the largest contributor among the 28 legislators, with around ₱1.015 billion of his PDAF funds being transferred to organizations identified with the JLN Group of Companies, although the extent to which legislators participated in the scam varied widely.[19]

Iloilo City Students protest against Pork Barrel and Education Budget CutsMembers of Congress identified by the

Inquirer as participants in the PDAF scam[19]

Legislator Chamber PartyAmoun

t exposed

Bong Revilla

Senate Lakas₱1.015 billion

Juan Senate PMP ₱641.65

Ponce Enrile

million

Jinggoy Estrada

Senate PMP₱585

millionRizalina Seachon-Lanete

House of Representative

sNPC

₱137.29 million

Ferdinand Marcos, Jr.

SenateNacionalista

₱100 million

Conrado Estrella III

House of Representative

sNPC

₱97 million

Edgar L. Valdez

House of Representative

sAPEC

₱85 million

Rodolfo Plaza

House of Representative

sNPC

₱81.5 million

Erwin Chiongbia

n

House of Representative

sLakas

₱65.35 million

Samuel Dangwa

House of Representative

sLakas

₱62 million

Robert Raymund Estrella

House of Representative

sAbono

₱41 million

Gregorio Honasan

SenateIndependent

₱15 million

TOTAL₱2.928 billion

Other legislators identified by the Inquirer as participating in the scam include La Union Representative Victor Ortega and former Representative Arthur Pingoy. Early reports had also identified Senator Loren Legarda as one of the participants in the scam,[20] but Luy later denied her participation.[19]

Legislators identified by the Inquirer as participants in the PDAF scam—Bong Revilla in particular—have denied their participation in the scam. All senators except Jinggoy Estrada denied any knowledge of the scheme (Estrada refused to comment), and Marcos denied being acquaintances with Janet Lim-Napoles.[21] Revilla and Marcos have also claimed that the investigation into the scam is politically motivated, saying that Malacañang is out to discredit potential candidates for the 2016 presidential election who are not allied with President Aquino: a charge that the administration denies.[22] However, both Revilla and Marcos, as well as

Honasan,[21] have indicated their willingness to participate in any investigation, saying that they have nothing to hide.[23]

On August 16, 2013, the Commission on Audit released the results of a three-year investigation into the use of legislators' PDAF and other discretionary funds during the last three years of the Arroyo administration. The report not only affirmed the Inquirer's findings, but also pointed to more legislators being privy to misuse of their PDAF funds. According to the report, between 2007 and 2009, ₱6.156 billion in PDAF funds coming from 12 senators and 180 representatives were disbursed to fund 772 projects found to be implemented in ways that were "not proper and highly irregular".[24] Of the 82 NGOs implementing those projects, ten are linked to Napoles.[25] The report also elaborates on "questionable" transactions made using the PDAF: ₱1.054 billion went to NGOs which were either unregistered, used multiple Tax Identification Numbers (TIN), or issued questionable receipts; while ₱1.289 billion in PDAF disbursements spent were not compliant with the Government Procurement Reform Act of 2003. Lawmakers from across the political spectrum, both past and present, were cited in the report, some of whom (such as Edgardo Angara, Ruffy Biazon, Neptali Gonzales II and Niel Tupas, Jr.) are closely related to President Aquino.[26] Some legislators also donated PDAF funds to NGOs they themselves are affiliated with: these include Angara, Victoria Sy-Alvarado and Matias Defensor, Jr..[27]

Other government officials have been implicated as well in the PDAF scam. Agriculture Secretary Proceso Alcala, for example, was accused by Merlina Suñas, Luy's fellow whistleblower, of being complicit in the scam, as his department was responsible for transferring at least ₱16 million in PDAF funds to livelihood projects managed by an NGO linked to Napoles.[28] 97 mayors were also implicated in the scam in connection with the allocation of Malampaya gas field royalties as reconstruction aid for areas affected by Typhoons Ondoy and Pepeng which instead went to Napoles, after it was discovered that employees of the JLN Group of Companies forged their signatures to make it appear that they were requesting for aid.[29] 44 other mayors were likewise implicated in the scam when Napoles, through fashion designer Eddie Baddeo, reportedly facilitated requests for disbursements from the Department of Agriculture's Agricultural Competitiveness Enhancement Fund (ACEF) on behalf of their municipalities.[30] A number of mayors have denied involvement in the scam, including three mayors from Bataan,[31] seven from Ilocos Norte,[32] one from Pangasinan,[33] and one from Iloilo.[34]

Investigation

A number of investigations are currently ongoing or will be organized to determine the extent of the PDAF scam. On July 16, 2013, the Office of the Ombudsman announced that it was forming a special six-person panel initially to investigate the projects bankrolled by the 23 legislators originally named in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, in parallel with the NBI investigation against Napoles.[35] The next day, President Aquino ordered the Department of Justice to conduct and "extensive and fair probe" of the scam,[36] which Napoles also asked for on July 27.[37] Despite calls for the investigation to be made open to the public, Justice Secretary Leila de Lima refused, stating at the time that it was too early for the DOJ investigation to be made public when the NBI was still gathering data on the scam.[38]

Members of Congress have also called for parallel investigations in both the Senate and the House of Representatives as to the extent of the scam. Despite calls by Senator Francis Escudero to have the scam investigated,[39] the Senate initially agreed not to investigate the scam on August 5, instead opting to wait for the results of the investigations being conducted by the DOJ, the Ombudsman, the NBI and the Commission on Audit before launching its own investigation.[40] However, following the release of the CoA report which implicated more legislators in the scam, the Senate eventually agreed to conduct its own investigation, which would be led by its Blue Ribbon Committee.[41]

The House of Representatives, meanwhile, has refused to conduct a probe, with Speaker Feliciano Belmonte, Jr. claiming that the House investigating its own members would be "messy", instead preferring to wait for the results of the DOJ investigation.[42] This is despite the clamor from a number of representatives, mostly from the minority bloc not allied with President Aquino, that the House should conduct its own investigation into the matter.[43]

Following the release of the CoA report, the DOJ is expected to expand its investigation beyond the evidence originally provided by Luy and the other Napoles whistleblowers. It is also looking at forming either a joint or a parallel investigation with the Ombudsman and the NBI, although its main focus for the time being is on Napoles' involvement in the scam.[44]

Napoles surrendered to President Benigno Aquino III at 9:37 pm on August 28. The president gave the DILG secretary Mar Roxas and PNP director Gen. Alan Purisima custody over Napoles for booking and processing.[45]

The NBI and Justice Secretary, Leila De Lima filed the cases of plunder and malversation of public funds against businesswoman Janet Lim-Napoles, senators Ramon Revilla Jr., Juan Ponce Enrile, Jinggoy Estrada and five former representatives on September 16.[46]

The power crisis in Mindanao The summer heat has reached an all time high hitting the mid-30’s last week. Just stand outside of your home (in a park or in the street) and you will feel like there isn’t enough air to breathe in  not to mention the pollution. Susmariosep! Heaven help us!

Is this part of climate change? Well, one thing is for sure, our brothers and sisters down south are suffering tremendously from heat exhaustion because our government (past and present) has failed to properly address the power crisis in the region.

The last time I wrote about the power crisis in Mindanao was when former Energy Secretary Almendras was still hanging on to his job. I bet he couldn’t handle the stress and pressure in that department because he is no longer there. Today, it is Secretary Carlos Jericho L. Petilla who is on top of the Department of Energy. He seems to be a silent worker. Or is he still finding his way around the job?

Last year, data showed that there are 27 electric cooperatives that are in Mindanao. Of the 27, 13 did not have brownouts in the last week of March 2012 (about 50% of the electric cooperatives). Davao and Cagayan de Oro did not have brownouts either because Davao Light and Cepalco had contracts with Electric Cooperative/Private Distribution Utilities to dispatch power.

Then why can’t the power generator that gave power to Davao fill up what is lacking in other areas of Mindanao? Simply put, they will end up not having enough for their own use. Mindanao needs a new power plant. There is an existing one already but it is not operational. This is the Therma Marine with one of the barges owned by Aboitiz. The two barges have a capacity of 200MW. Only one is being used because there is no contract with the distribution utilities (electric cooperatives and some private distribution utilities).

Senator Serge Osmeña reminded us before that we cannot build a power plant overnight. The only plants available to cover the shortfall in Mindanao are the power barges of NAPOCOR and the power barges of Therma Marine. Unless these are used, the brownout problem in Mindanao will grow bigger. As it is, the region is suffering from 1 to 3 hours of brownout everyday. This can be brought down to 1 hour a day by June 2013 if we use these barges.

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Secretary Almendras also discovered that Pulangui Dam in Bukidnon needs to be repaired. Was the repair ever done and completed? There was also the energy summit in Davao presided by P-Noy with the Mindanao Development Authority (Minda) as the lead government agency. They came up with solutions on how to address the power shortage but I wonder if they were able to achieve them. One identified solution to the problem then is for the 2 barges to run as well as the Iligan diesel power plant. Was COA able to expedite the solution to the legal issues preventing the operation of this plant? It was also recommended that the Energy and Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA) must be reviewed. The other solution is for all government stakeholders in the area to unite and agree to what needs to be done without prolonging the issues.

In the same meeting, then Energy Secretary Almendras also boldly predicted that the problem on power supply in Mindanao could be over by the end of May 2013 that is if everything goes well as planned and everybody cooperates. Unfortunately, this sounded more like a promise. The power crisis has even become worse.

So, what is happening in Mindanao today? Brownouts have tremendously affected business and the people. This is very bad for our growing economy.  Among the hardest hit is the South Cotabato II Electric Cooperative (Socoteco II) that covers General Santos City, Sarangani province and the towns of Polomolok and Tupi in South Cotabato. General Santos suffers 7-8 hours of brownouts daily. In Iligan City, brownouts last up to 2 hours. In Zamboanga, daily rotating brownouts lasts up to 7 hours. Practically all corners of the Southern Philippines are affected. Only Davao and Cagayan de Oro have been spared from the power crisis so far. Why is this so? It is because the distribution firms in these cities are privately owned and they have embedded diesel-fired power generators.

Mindanao has recently registered power demand at 1,484 megawatts levels. Existing power plants can only supply 1,181 MW. This shows a deficit of at least 350 MW. The power supply of the island is largely dependent on hydroelectricity sourced from Lake Lanao in Marawi City and Pulangi River in Bukidnon.

The scorching heat of the dry summer months has brought down the water level in both Pulangi River and Lake Lanao, thus, affecting the water supply for six of Mindanao’s existing hydroelectric power plants and resulting to power shortage. This situation has been further aggravated with the worsening deforestation of watersheds and the siltation of river systems.

After all the assurances that measures will be put in place ahead of summer, the Department of Energy (DOE) has finally conceded that indeed time has ran out on government intervention that was meant to mitigate the electric supply shortfall. DOE’s offer of providing generator sets to the region’s electric cooperatives did not materialize. Energy Secretary Petilla said that these generators cannot be in place this summer but maybe for next year. This simply means that this problem will continue to pester the region for another year or so, thus, as early as now, electric cooperatives in the region should start considering renting or purchasing gensets or modular power plants that can easily be installed in a matter of months. Apparently these gensets cost less to install at about P22 million per megawatt compared with P40-60 million per megawatt for coal-fed facilities.

Talks about the power shortage as a prelude to sabotage the outcome of the May automated elections should not be taken lightly. Should there be a massive power outage during the canvassing of votes in the May 13 elections, it is inevitable that there will surely be suspicions that something is being done with the results of the votes.

The long wait continues until government steps up to solve the problem. I hope our leaders can create better solutions and make wiser decisions.

How to solve the Mindanao power crisis immediately

We can possibly solve the Mindanao crisis—or at least substantially reduce the power deficit—in this manner: Ask all air-con consumers there to change their units from the present conventional type to the inverter type and use energy-saving lightbulbs. I used to spend P160,000 or more monthly for electricity due to aircon use. I was able to reduce this amount to P75,000 by using an “inverter aircon.”

By using an inverter aircon and energy-saving lightbulbs in Mindanao, we will derive the following benefits:

1. A 40-percent reduction in our power consumption; this will minimize the impact of the crisis there.

2. The P4.5 billion government expects to spend for new generator sets will be saved. This amount may be even used to convert existing units in government buildings into inverter-type aircons; as well as to buy energy-saving lightbulbs.

3. Consumers in Mindanao will be spared power rate hikes.

4. Those who convert to inverter aircons can, with their reduced consumption, expect to break even in six to eight months’ time. The years to come, then, can be considered as a bonus in power-saving consumption.

5. This would be a win-win solution for all concerned since the disruption in the business sector, as well as in the communities, will be minimized.

6. If applied nationwide, we will be able to drastically reduce power consumption so much so that we can buy time before building new power plants to avoid another power crisis.

I hope this concept of mine will greatly help our country to solve the crisis and substantially reduce everybody’s electric bills. It is simple, but I hope you will agree with me that it is worth looking into seriously.

—OSCAR I. VIOLAGO,