asian american ethnicity in american drama a study of philip kan gotanda’s yankee dawg you die...
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Assiut University
Faculty of Arts
Department of English
Asian American Ethnicity in American Drama: A Study of Philip Kan Gotanda’s Yankee Dawg You Die (1987), and
Elizabeth Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins (1990)
An M.A Thesis Submitted to the Department of English,
Faculty of Arts, Assiut University
By
Mai Fathy Muhammad El-Sagheer
Under Supervision of Dr. Ahmed Saber Mahmoud Mohammed,
Associate Professor of English Literature, Faculty of Arts
Assiut University
Dr. Wafaa Abdel Aziz Morsy, Lecturer in English Literature,
Faculty of Arts Assiut University
2011
In Loving Memory of My Grandfather,
Saad El-Galaly
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Allah, the merciful and the compassionate, for providing me the
opportunity to step in the amazing world of theatre. To be able to step strong and
smooth in this way, I have also been supported and supervised by many people to
whom I would like to express my deepest gratitude.
I owe my deepest gratitude to Dr. Ahmed S. M. Mohammed, Associate
Professor of English Literature, Faculty of Arts, for his continuous encouragement,
patience and understanding and for giving me an opportunity to study under his
kind supervision.
I am heartily thankful to Mr. Philip Kan Gotanda for his time and his great
help to complete this work.
Finally, I would like to dedicate this work to my family and my best friends
Nora Ibrahim, Jehan Anwar and Yun Sungwoo for their help and support.
Table of Contents
Abstract…………………………………………………………………i
Introduction .................................................................................................. 1
Chapter I: Asian American Drama: History and Significance ...... 4
Chapter II: Philip Kan Gotanda’s Yankee Dawg You Die .............. 36
Chapter III: Elizabeth Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins ..................... 68
Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 94
End Notes ..................................................................................................... 130
Works Cited ................................................................................................. 132
Abstract
This thesis explored Asian American ethnicity in Asian American drama
from the end of the nineteenth century until the present time. The choice of the
plays was confined to Philip Kan Gotanda's Yankee Dawg You Die (1987) and
Elizabeth Wong's Kimchee and Chitlins (1990). The introduction showed the main
parts of the whole thesis. Chapter one was dedicated to some important Asian
American playwrights and theatre companies that contributed to identifying and
grabbing the attention of the mainstream American audiences and critics. Also of
importance are the political events that had their effects on Asian American theatre
like the civil rights movements and the American wars in Asian countries.
Likewise, the introduction had shed light on the lives of Asian Americans and how
they transformed from being a national threat to an ideal minority. Chapter two
was dedicated to Philip Kan Gotanda’s play Yankee Dawg You Die (1987). The
play discussed the challenges that two Asian American actors from different
generations faced while working in the American entertainment industry and being
shattered between their dreams of stardom and their responsibilities towards their
original roots. Chapter three discussed Elizabeth Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins
(1990). In this play, Wong explored the social relationships and cultural
misunderstanding that resulted in the 1990 boycott of Korean greengrocers by
black communities in Brooklyn, New York. The thesis finally provided a
conclusion where the main ideas and notions about Asian American ethnicity in
the plays are conveyed. The conclusion offered the main reasons that made Asian
American dramatists fail in conveying the true identity of their ethnic group and
some solutions for their social and literary problems.
1
Introduction
Due to its significance and being worthy of critical attention, Asian
American ethnicity in Asian American drama from the end of the nineteenth
century until the present time has been explored in this thesis. The plays discussed
in this thesis are not chosen because of their commercial success, although they
were mostly welcomed by the mainstream audiences and critics, but because of
their ability to make readers raise questions about the importance of ethnic
identities marked as Asian American and their success in making readers share
common feelings with the protagonists of the plays even if they do not belong to
the same ethnic group.
The introduction has shown the main parts of the whole thesis. Chapter one
has been dedicated to some important Asian American playwrights and theatre
companies that contribute to identifying and grabbing the attention of the
mainstream American audiences and critics. Also of importance are the political
events that had their effects on Asian American theatre like the civil rights
movements and the American wars in Asian countries. Likewise, chapter one has
shed light on the lives of Asian Americans and how they have been transformed
from being a national threat to an ideal minority. Chapter two has been dedicated
to Philip Kan Gotanda’s play Yankee Dawg You Die (1987). The play discusses the
challenges that two Asian American actors from different generations have faced
2
while working in the American entertainment industry and being shattered between
their dreams of stardom and their responsibilities towards their culture. Chapter
three has been discussing Elizabeth Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins (1990). This
play has predicted the Los Angeles riots that took place in 1992 between African
Americans and Korean Americans and extend to include all Asian Americans. It
has shown how media misuse could affect the public badly by making irritation
among ethnic groups, and how cultural misunderstandings and ignorance have
helped intensify conflicts among them. The two plays have explored how Asian
American playwrights regard entertainment and news media and their role in
forming Asian American image in the eyes of the American audience.
The thesis has finally provided a conclusion where the main ideas and
notions about Asian American ethnicity in the plays are conveyed. Further, it has
offered a vision of the true identity of Asian Americans from the viewpoint of
Asian American dramatists rather than the stereotyped image drawn by the U.S
media. By and large, the thesis has shown to what extent Asian American
dramatists were successful in conveying the reality about their identity, and how
far they have changed the image already visualized in the eyes of non-Asian
Americans. The conclusion has also highlighted some important Asian American
issues discussed in two important Asian American plays; Frank Chin’s
Chickeencoop Chinaman (1972) who is the first Asian American playwright to
3
have his works produced legally in New York in American Place Theatre and
David Henry Hwang’s masterpiece “M. Butterfly”. According to Murphy:
“Hwang’s play was one of the few in the 1980s to originate on Broadway, and,
winning a Tony Award and Pulitzer Prize as well as being a major commercial
success….” (427).
4
Chapter I:
Asian American Drama: History and Significance
Asian American Literature has existed “since the first people of Asian
descent began to arrive in the United States as immigrants in the 1830s, [yet their
works did not attract any] scholarly or critical attention until the 1970s” (Amend
7). The average reader “was probably not familiar” with so-called “Asian
American Literature” as it was thought by the general public that this genre of
writing is “premature” (What Do I Read, Hong 411). Until recently this body of
writing has been ignored by most critics who believed that “it lacks aesthetic value.
Linguistic and cultural barriers have also hindered the recognition of Asian
American literature” (Ghyum 1). Elaine Kim believes that one of the problems
facing Asian American and other racial minority writers in America has been that
many readers insist on viewing their writings “as sociological or anthropological
statements about the group” (Preface xv). This may be the reason why critics
usually ignore the artistic values and the literary contributions of these works.
However, with the rise of “multicultural or ethnic studies”, the field of Asian
American writing and criticism has expanded (Amend 7). The pursuit of Asian
American studies arose as a part of “social and political challenge to the oppression
and marginalization that Asians faced in the United States and around the world,
5
especially during American wars in the Southeast Asia” (Yu, Preface viii).
Regarding the diversity of their style, Asian American literary productions are rich
and researchable, Wenying Xu notes that:
Asian American literature is as diverse in style as any other literature.
Unlike some literary traditions, it is impossible for this literature to
trace its influence to a few major figures since its aesthetics and
sensibilities come from multiple sources…. Living between worlds
offers them unique resources for the fusion of literary horizons,
voices, and strategies to produce a vibrant body of literature that
mesmerizes the reader with its unpredictable movements. (437)
Since the majority of early Asian Americans were of Chinese and Japanese
descent, Asian American literature was initially dominated by Chinese American
and Japanese American voices (What Do I Read, Hong 413). Like most writers of
color, Asian American writers did not attract much attention because mainstream
American audiences believed that those who are inspired by their “experiences as
members of a minority are often seen as speaking for their ethnic groups” (Cheung
2). This belief was reinforced by the fact that the initial works of Asian American
literature were autobiographies and memoirs because Asian American writers were
trying to document and share their unique experience.
6
Asian immigration history in America “spans more than 200 years” (Danico
and Ng, Introduction xiii), however, we find that terms like Asian American and
Asian American theatre appeared only in the late 1960s, when the famous Japanese
American historian Yuji Ichioka coined the term Asian American in a meeting in
Berkeley in 1968, as he rejected the term oriental because of its “negative
connotations and associated stereotypes” (Kawahara 92). The classification of the
"oriental and the pseudo-scientific Mongolian race" did not differentiate between
Asians living in the United States and those in Asia (Esther Lee, Asian American
Theatre 7). Esther Lee adds that this racial category includes “Americans whose
families have come from Asia and also those from the Pacific Islands. So, it is
common to use the terms Asian Pacific Americans or Asian Pacific/Islander
Americans to refer to individuals whose family origins are from Asia and the
Pacific Islands” (Links and Locations 7). According to Kondo, this identity:
is always in process. In the 1960s “Asian American” reflected the
general demographics of the Asian diaspora in the United States.
Since the earliest waves of Asian immigration primarily comprised
workers from China and Japan, with lesser numbers from the
Philippines, Korea and India, so the definition of “Asian American”
seemed largely East Asian in origin. (ix)
7
The writings of Asian Americans date back to the latest years of the
nineteenth century. Nevertheless, “after World War II and around the middle of the
twentieth century”, Asian American writers experienced “a notable rise” and began
to introduce their own identity (Guiyou Huang, Greenwood xvii). Inspired by the
civil rights movements of the 1960s and the women’s liberation movements in the
1970s, Asian American literature produced works that have eventually caught the
attention of the mainstream critics who realized that “there is a new kind of
American literary writing called Asian American” (Guiyou Huang, Greenwood
xvii).
In her study “Asian American Literature: An Introduction to Writings and
Their Social Contexts”, Elaine Kim defines Asian American literature as the
“published creative writings in English by Americans of Chinese, Japanese,
Korean, and Filipino descent” (xi). However, this definition is incomprehensive as
writers from Korea like Susan Kim and Sung Rno Lee, Laos like Brenda Clough
and Bryan Thao Worra, and Vietnam like Qui Nguyen have added marked
contributions to the body of Asian American Literature with their writings and
experiences. Zeng points out that this expansion is in response to the “development
of Asian American communities as a result of the influx of immigrants from those
countries in the past three decades or so” (67). Asian Americans are not
8
homogenous; however, according to Elaine Kim their literary works like other
minority literature, share some thematic concerns
such as love, desire for personal freedom and acceptance, and
struggles against oppression and injustice, it is also shaped by other
important particulars. American racism has been a critical factor in the
Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino experience in the United
States: it is no accident that literature by writers from those groups is
often much concerned with this shared heritage. (Introduction xii-xiii)
As the bulk of Asian American writings has been increasing, there has been an
urgent need to give a clear definition of Asian American literature. Asian Americans
used literature to express themselves, introduce their own culture and identity and
search for a space on the American literary map. They did not seek
“marginalization” or “isolation” of Asian American literature, but they rather argued
that “Asian American literature was also part of American literature….” (Danico and
Ng, Asian American Literature 66). With the increased body of Asian American
literature, research extends historically backwards as scholars begin to “uncover and
recuperate neglected texts” that include
writings in Asian languages, numerous accounts by Asian visitors to the
United States, autobiographies by privileged and educated first- generation
Asian Americans, work songs by Chinese immigrant laborers, poems by
9
Angel Island detainees, and the writings of Japanese Americans published
during their internment in the 1940s. (Lim and Ling 3)
Theoretically, the term Asian American includes Americans whose ancestry is
from any of the countries in Asia continent. But in practice, when Asian American
studies began after the Third World Student Strike at San Francisco State
University in 1969, the focus was on Americans of East Asian descent (Ling 34).
Asian Americans may be native or foreign born. While the latter refers to persons
who immigrated to the united states after the end of the World War II, the former
refers to persons who may be a second, third, or fourth- generation descendants of
Asian immigrants (Hyung-Chan Kim xiii). The term Asian American includes
members of at least “forty distinct ethnic groups on the basis of their common
ethnic origins in Asia and the Pacific Islands and also the similarities of their
physical appearance” (Kawahara 92). In this concern, Takanishi believes that the
use of terms “Asian” and “Asian Americans” as a research category is “outdated,
unhelpful and misleading” because of relative differences among these various
ethnic groups (qtd. in Kawahara 92). The term Asian American refers to those
immigrants and their descendants who immigrated from China, India, Japan,
Korea, Pakistan, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam or The Philippines (Hyung-Chan Kim
xiii). The migration of each Asian group differed on the grounds of the “political
and economic landscapes” of the United States and of the Asian countries from
10
which they came (Liu C. et al 3). For example, Deterioration of economic
conditions in China caused by “the increasing population and decreasing food
production and flooding of the Yangtze River” caused many Chinese men to
immigrate to the United States because news of the Gold Rush in California and
the need for laborers reached them (Pettey 23). Takanishi believes that these
differences also include “cultural practices and customs, language, religion, values,
history, immigration and relocation experiences, family structure and intactness,
educational levels, socioeconomic status, and other factors” (qtd. in Kawahara 92).
Since the beginning of their immigration, the American government used to
regard Asian workers in two ways as a “racial problem” and as a “racial solution”.
Yu explains that their migration was considered as “a threat to white labor and
American society. Categorized as Orientals, those immigrants were demonized as
exotic and non-American. However, since the 1960s they were classified as a
model minority solution to racial and economic ills” (Introduction 12).
According to Gudykunst, “Filipinos were the first Asians to arrive in the
United States, but the initial numbers were very small (71). However, “the first
large-scale immigration of Asians into the U.S. didn’t happen until 1848, when
gold was discovered in California” (Le, The History 16). Hyung-Chan Kim points
out that the first group who came to America in large numbers was from “the
Chinese province of Guangdong, located in southeastern China. Many came with
11
the hopes of striking it rich and going home to live out the rest of their lives in
comfort” (xiii). The number of immigrants was so great that the American
government eventually “passed laws barring the foreign workers from citizenship
or even from taking up residence” (Amend 7-8). Chinese immigrants faced many
discriminatory laws which forced them to leave their jobs. In 1882, the United
States passed legislation excluding most Chinese immigration. When the U.S.
Congress prevented Chinese laborers from immigration to America in 1882,
Japanese laborers were brought in large numbers between 1895 and 1905 to work
in sugar plantations in Hawaii and vegetable and fruit farms in California.
However, Japanese workers went on strike asking for better living conditions
(Hyung-Chan Kim xiv). They were forced to do work that native born laborers
refused to do at “lesser wage” (Herrick & Stuart 32). To beat the Japanese strike,
other immigrants from Korea, Philippines, and India were brought. The most
recent wave of Asian immigration came to America from Cambodia, Vietnam and
Laos in form of refugees in spring 1975, after the end of the Vietnam war, leaving
behind their "war-torn countries" (Hyung-Chan Kim xiv) and searching for a new
place to live in peace and rebuild their lives. The United States felt that it has a
"moral obligation" (Cashmore 38) towards those refugees by protecting them from
danger and persecution and helping them get resettled in their homeland. Japanese
Americans’ dreams of “freedom, equality, and wealth” were destroyed by World
12
War II. They were sent to internment camps and were regarded as enemies. Even
after the end of the war, Japanese residents could not become American citizens
until 1952 with the passage of McCarran-Walter Immigration Act (Hyung-Chan
Kim, Preface xiv).
The year 1965 is considered a turning point in the history of civil rights and
the history of Asian Americans. This year witnessed the passage of Voting Rights
Act which aimed to eliminate "racial discrimination and local barriers in the
electoral process” (Ancheta, Legacies 19) and encouraged millions of voters to
participate. This law came as a result of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
which prevented racial discrimination in “public and private employment” and in
all activities of life. When the Immigration Act of 1965 became fully effective,
Asian population increased slowly until about 1968. This new immigration law
abolished Asian exclusion and permitted Asians admission based on the following
criteria: (1) "possession of occupation skills needed in the United States labor
market; (2) family unification; (3) status as victims of political or religious
persecution" (Lassiter 67). Many Asian Americans got benefit from these political
procedures. However, these procedures did not put an end to one of their oldest
problems; stereotypes.
Stereotypes of ethnic groups are not a new phenomenon in modern life. Every
ethnic group has a stereotype that reflects how others think about this group.
13
Stereotype is “an exaggerated belief or distorted truth about a person or a
group…passed on from parents to children” (Danico and Ng, Asian American
Stereotypes 122). Regardless of how people believe in the power of stereotype, it is
undeniable that it has a great influence on people's judgments about other ethnic
groups. According to Danico and Ng, since the beginning of their immigration
experience, “there have been many stereotypes of Asians” most of them were spread
by media (Asian American Stereotypes 122). Unlike other types of media, news and
entertainment play a vital role in shaping people’s conscious and influencing their
behaviors and attitudes towards other ethnic groups. This persistent race stereotypes
about Asians in the American culture was a great obstacle in “understanding and
appreciating Asian American literary self-expression” (Elaine Kim, Preface xv).
Lester & Ross believe that news and entertainment images are especially powerful
because
visual messages are products of our sense of sight, not our cognition.
Pictures are highly emotional objects that have long-lasting staying
power within the deepest regions of our brain. But both textual and
visual media messages that stereotype individuals by their
concentrations, frequencies, and omissions become a part of our long-
term memory. And when certain individuals or ethnicities appear only
as criminals, entertainers, and sports heroes, we forget that the vast
14
majority of people—regardless of their particular cultural heritage—
have the same hopes and fears as the rest of us. (3)
Although America is a multi-ethnic community, American media are
controlled by Anglo-Americans, usually referred to as the “White man”. This
forced Asian Americans to depend on less influential means to show their true
identity and fight the imposed stereotypes and they found it in ethnic theatres.
Ethnic theatres are established by and for ethnic minorities, whose cultures,
languages and traditions are different from those of the Anglo-American
mainstream such as Asian American theatres. They existed from the eighteenth
century to serve two purposes. The first purpose was to create a “social centre” and
the other one was to “conjure remembrance of the immigrants' homelands” (Shteir
18). Saan points out that: “Chinese theater served, not only as entertainment, but
also as a means of continuing cultural traditions in the new land…. [f]amiliar food,
native languages, and shared experiences helped ease the struggle and pain
experienced by many immigrants so far from home" (35). Chinese opera and
puppetry shows came to California and Hawaii with immigrants working in
plantation and railroad industries in the mid-1800s. In addition to that, Kabuki
dance was widespread in the Japanese communities of Hawaii and the West Coast
in the early part of the twentieth century (Foley 45).
The publication of ethnic theatre has commonly followed the emergence of
15
prose, poetry, and fiction for very logical and practical reasons. Uno explains that
unlike poetry or fiction, “which can be passed from hand to hand or duplicated
relatively easily, writing for theater implies not only an audience, but production:
performers, costumes, props, and, most important, a physical location in which to
bring all of these elements together (Introduction 4).
Ethnic writing plays an increasingly visible role in the landscape of
American fiction because critics, publishers, and readers have begun to realize that
“some of the most vital American writing is going on in texts written by ethnic
American authors” (Bercovitch 653). Guiyou Huang believes that the rise of this
literature occurred as a direct result of three highly significant events in twentieth-
century American history that provide catalysts and materials for Asian American
writers which are “the Vietnam War and the antiwar protests; the civil rights
movement, spearheaded by African American activists, that was instrumental in
the birth of Asian American studies on university campuses; and the Third World
student protest at San Francisco State and other California universities” (Narrative
overview 24).
For many Asian Americans, the era of the Vietnam War and the civil rights
movements in the United States was an era of “increased awareness of racial and
cultural identity built on their need to identify and establish their uniquely
American identity”. Elaine Kim argues that this new awareness that it was possible
16
and desirable to be both American and nonwhite resulted in
Asian American literary efforts to assert an ethnic American identity
and to challenge old myths and stereotypes. Young writers attempted
to “claim America,” for Asian Americans by demonstrating Asian
roots in American society and culture…. They turned their interest
away from community portraiture and towards questions of individual
Asian American identity within the context of their larger society.
(Elaine Kim, Chinatown 173)
At the beginning of Asian American writings in the 1880s, Asian American
authors mainly detailed “the customs, lifestyles, and traditions of their Asian
homeland. In contrast to the early novels and autobiographies, however, Asian
American drama made its debut with the spotlight firmly on the lives and struggles
of Asians in North America” (Liu ix). According to Wilmeth there were no plays
about Asian Americans on the commercial stage from the late 1880s to the 1950s,
however, after the WWII, Broadway did reflect the public curiosity about the Far
East with hits such as The Tea House of the August Moon, The King and I, and The
World of Suzie Wong. He adds that although these plays were about Asian
characters, they were depicted as “foreigners and often played by non-Asian
actors” (84).
17
The “specific stimulus” that made many Asian American writers in the mid-
1970s choose writing for theatre came from “a particular element within the Asian
American community”. It was the dissatisfaction of Asian American actor, with the
limited opportunities offered by the Hollywood motion picture and television
industry (Uno, Introduction 5-6). As a result of their frustration, several Asian
American actors form coalitions during 1960s and 1970s. Many of them
disappeared quickly and very few groups made their marked contributions in Asian
American theatre history with different aims and results. Bordman and Hischak
note that by 1900 there were “professional opera houses in New York and Boston,
as well as on the West Coast, but most of these floundered and closed in the Great
Depression. It was not until the 1960s that Asian-American theatre started to
develop” (Asian-American 42). In 1965, East West Players, the first Asian
American theatre in the United States was founded under the artistic director of
accomplished actor Mako (Hong, Asian-American 574). The East West Players
began as an "oriental actors' group" that aimed at showing the talents of Asian
American actors to Hollywood producers and to retrieve and present their cultural
heritage on stage (Esther Lee, Actors 26). Uno argues that if an actor got a major
role, “subsequent film opportunities were meager. Although Mako had earned an
Academy Award nomination in 1966 for Best Supporting Actor for his work with
Steve McQueen in the film The Sand Pebbles, comparable substantive dramatic
18
roles were not forthcoming” (Introduction 6).
According to Berson, East West Players “had no repertoire of new plays or
stable of writers” to depend on (The Cambridge Guide to Theatre 54).
Consequently, they started staging adaptations of Asian stories and traditional
western plays until new plays could be written by developing Asian American
playwrights (Arnold 182). Rashomon was the East West Players’ inaugural
production which is based on the short story by Japanese writer Akutagawa
Ryunosuke and it was staged in a small church basement in 1966 (Hong, Asian-
American Almanac 574). This Work indicates “their passion for reviving Asian
ethnic roots. The production of this work solidifies the company under the formal
name, East West Players” (Kurahashi, Rashomon 21). Under the artistic direction
of Mako, East West Players initially focused on play adaptations by Asian
American novelists such as Yukio Mishima, and it also staged Western Classics by
writers such as Lorca and Goldini, providing Asian American actors with the
opportunity to play roles that they were prevented from due to their “color skin”.
Soon after, the company began to concentrate on plays written by Asian
Americans, premiering at least one original work almost every season (Hong,
Asian-American Almanac 574)
The EWP was a great opportunity for Asian American actors to express
themselves and develop their talents. The theatre which still exists today in Los
19
Angeles provides training and the opportunity to learn acting skills for Asian
American actors "in a positive and encouraging atmosphere" (Niiya 109). In
addition to producing classics of the Euro-American canon with all-Asian casts,
the company “sponsored play competitions that promoted the generation of new
scripts” (Foley 46). In the mid-1970s, EWP begin to present plays by new
generations of dramatists “concerned with modern Asian- American themes: David
Henry Hwang, Wakako Yamauchi, Valina Hosuton, and others” (Berson, Reading
the West 231).
The second Asian American theatre to be established in the United States is
Kumu Kahuah in Honolulu, Hawaii in 1971. Its name means “original platform or
stage” (Hong, Asian-American Almanac 575). It was established by several
students of Hawaii University and their theatre professor, Dennis Carroll
(Elizabeth Kim, The Facts on File 40). According to Houston, Kumu Kahau theatre
“is the only Asian American theater company that produces a wide range of plays
that either explore those cultures or are created by persons who are of those
cultures” (The Politics 19).
In 1977, artistic director Tisa Chang founded the Pan Asian Repertory
Theatre. The foundation of this theatre was an important event in the development
of Asian American theatre history. Bordman and Hischak point out that: “David
Henry Hwang was the most promising of the Chinese-American writers, and after
20
several successes Off Broadway, he scored with M. Butterfly (1988), the first
Broadway hit by an Asian-American” (Asian-American 42). Berson argues that
although much of the works presented on this stage had an East Asian slant, they
broadened to include plays with South Asian and Southeast Asian themes in the
1990s. She adds that this theatre aims at producing
contemporary Asian American authors, translated Asian masterworks,
and multicultural adaptations of Western classics. It has produced
many noteworthy productions as Tea House, Lao She’s drama about
50 years of modern Chinese history; R. A. Shiomi’s Yellow Fever, a
wry twist on the hard-boiled detective genre; Shogun Macbeth, a
Japanese reworking of the classic tragedy; as well as works by David
Henry Hwang, Momoko Iko, Philip Kan Gotanda, and a collaboration
with experimental director Ping Chong. (Cambridge Guide to Theatre
922)
In 1973, playwright Frank Chin founded the Asian American Theater
Company (AATC). It begins as a workshop sponsored by the American
Conservatory Theater, by 1975 AATC had become its own professional theater
company “dedicated to the production of plays by Asian Pacific Islander American
dramatists and the development and support of Asian Pacific Island American
actors, designers, and technicians” (Abbeele et al 203). The Asian American
21
Theater Company (AATC) was originally established as the Asian American
Theater Workshop (AATW), “devoted to developing Asian American writers”
(Hong, Asian-American Almanac 576). Abbeele et al believe that: “nowadays,
AATC has secured its place in the racial discourse of postmodern identity politics;
it still considers itself one of the only places in the country where Asian Pacific
Islander American artists can be in contact with their own community” (203). After
the resignation of Frank Chin in 1978, the AATC made some changes. Instead of
an “artistic director”, a group of young Sansei1 artists managed the company by
forming what they called “the artistic committee” (Esther Lee, The Second Wave
140).
As an expanded group, AATC flourished, attracting numerous Asian
American writers, actors, directors, and designers “with little or no previous
experience”. Throughout its more than 20-year history, “AATC has been a testing
ground for playwrights such as Philip Kan Gotanda and David Henry Hwang, and
a training facility for actors including Dennis Dun, Kelvin Han Yee, Amy Hill,
Brenda Wong Aoki, and others who have moved on to star in films, on television,
and in other venues” (Hong, Asian-American Almanac 577). Esther Lee believes
that the first season was “quite successful” but the most impressive aspect of this
season was the fact that “three out of the twelve shows were written by Philip Kan
Gotanda: A Song for the Nisei2 Fisherman, Bullet Headed Birds, and The Avocado
22
Kid. During the decade of 1980s, Gotanda was the most produced writer at AATC”
(The Second Wave 140).
The 1990s was important to Asian American theatre due to the emergence of
Asian American Solo performers like Lane Nishikawa's I'm on a Mission from
Buddha that “takes a comic look at growing up Asian American”. Other
performances include Brenda Wong Aoki’s Uncle Gunjaro's Girlfriend (1998) that
“looks at the life of her great-uncle, the first Japanese to marry a Caucasian in
California, exploring some important issues like the wrath of racist, anti-
miscegenation society and causing his wife to lose her American citizenship”
(Foley 47).
These companies became “alternative arenas for plays outside the dominant
European American canon, and they drew an Asian American audience which
largely ignored the offerings of mainstream American theater because it rarely
spoke directly to or about them" (Kowalewski 252). With cutbacks in government
support for the arts in 1990s some companies, like the Asian American Theater in
San Francisco, have experienced economic difficulties; others, like the North West
Asian American Theater Company and Theater of Yugen, collaborate with
Japanese companies to fund new work (Foley 47).
These repertory companies and their productions were greatly affected by
23
the Asian American movement of the 1960s and 1970s. They drew awareness to
“the social and legal history of Asians in the United States” (Josephine Lee,
Critical Strategies 16). According to Wei, each group of Asians in America has had
a long history of fighting for equality and justice by using its “members' common
cultural heritage and ethnic identity” and on this basis they have engaged in “labor
struggles, initiated litigation in the U.S. courts, participated in “homeland” politics
and shared other activities to protect their interests, however, the small size of each
Asian ethnic group limited its effectiveness”. He adds that the civil rights
movement of the 1960s was the motive that made Asian Americans expose
problems about “racism”, “ethnicity” and their political participation in the
American society and paved the way for the Asian American Movement (Asian
American Movement 1). The movement was successful in achieving some of its
goals including “the Supreme Court cases Lau V. Nicolas in 1974 which demanded
bilingual education and Wards Cove V. Antonio which ruled the employment
discrimination against Filipinos violated constitutional protection” (Nakanishi
245). However, it suffered from some failings including
the lack of a national leader like Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X,
or Russell Means. Additionally, Asian Americans constituted only one
percent of the population and so their struggles were often ignored by
the press and others in the U.S. society. Finally, the movement lacked
24
a specific agenda that could unite its constituents. (Nakanishi 245)
The Asian American Movement began in the late 1960s as a result of two
important historical developments: the emergence of a generation of Asian
American college students and the public protests surrounding the Vietnam War.
“With the help of a few activists from the working class, these Asian American
students made up the majority of the Movement activists and were the Movements'
main driving force” (Wei, Asian American Movement 1). For Asian Americans,
the main aim of the Movement is to defend their rights in a [multi-ethnic society]
and to change the prevailing perception that “Asians in America are an inferior
race, or at best an exotic foreign group” (Wei, Asian American Youth 300). The
riots of the ghettos across America and the aftermath of the Vietnam War made
things worse. Many Asian Americans participated in many movements organized
to change the country but “it was mainly the antiwar movement that brought them
together psychologically and politically and make them aware of their
"Asianness"” (Wei, Asian American Movement 2) and their need for an Asian
American Movement. Many Asian Americans felt that the Vietnam War was not
only relayed to “imperialism” but also to “racism” (Chi 36). Asian American
soldiers experienced racism due to their racial [and physical] resemblance to the
enemy (Chi 36) and they were treated as “perpetual foreigners” not as Americans
(Elaine Lee, Introduction 221). Meagher notes that the Asian American movement
25
that emerged in the critical years of the late 1960s and early 1970s differed from
other ethnic movements in a number of ways.
The battlegrounds for Asian Americans were campuses than
neighborhood streets. The initial major battles were the Third World
Strikes, at San Francisco State College in the fall and winter of 1968
and 1969 and the University of California at Berkeley in the winter of
1969... The other difference was the importance of the antiwar
movement in provoking the new Asian American consciousness. It
reflected the movement’s campus roots, and also reflected the special
significance of a war in Asia and its racial consequences for Asian
people in the United States. (680)
Since Asian American antiwar activists connect between “imperialism
abroad and racism at home, they focused on self-determination in their own
communities” and one of the major focuses of the Asian American Movement was
“the educational system” (Fujino 224). Although the involvement of young Asian
American activists in Asian ethnic communities was “relatively short-lived”, they
left a profound mark on college campuses across the country. The most significant
result was “the founding of the new interdisciplinary field of Asian American
Studies” (Wei, Asian American Youth 305).
26
Inspired by civil rights and Black Power movements, young Asian American
college students experienced an “ethnic awakening and demanded to know more
about their history and culture in America” (Wei, Asian American Youth 305).
Wei believes that the well known Third World Strikes at San Francisco State
College (now San Francisco State University) and at the University of California,
Berkeley, during the late 1960s were “pivotal political movements” because Asian
American students and other students of color joined forces to protest the exclusion
of their histories from the college curricula. Together, they fought for “equal
access to educational opportunities and demanded that curricula reflect the
histories of racial and ethnic minorities. They insisted on courses that were
developed and taught by members of racial and ethnic minority groups” (Asian
American Youth 305).
The strike lasted five months and succeeded in establishing ethnic studies on
campus. Ethnic studies affected students in two ways: "first, it offered classes on
their history and culture from a new perspective that radicalized them, and second,
many students became familiar with coalition building, and, on the basis of that
experience, gravitated toward an internationalist politics" (Pulido 82). Asian
American students realized that their racial position was more similar to that of
African Americans, rather than to white Americans (Yeh 83).
All these political and social events had a great effect on the Asian American
27
Theatre. Asian American writers felt “intense empathy” with people in Vietnam
and this appeared in their writings. Their empathy was “racial rather than overtly
political, because many Asian Americans viewed racism as a political issue” and it
was intensified by the “sense of the similarity between languages, histories, and
traditions of a peasant life in Vietnam as compared with the Asian American
writer’s ancestral land” (Elaine Lee, Multiple Mirrors 221).
Asian American theatre became “a hip, irreverent, and nervy, incisively
critiquing the frustrations and paradoxes of the Asian American experience.
Eventually these writers became integrated into mainstream institutions” (Wilmeth
84). Foremost is David Henry Hwang, whose early works premiered at New York's
Public Theatre. His M. Butterfly won a Tony award, and he remains “a major
Broadway figure” (Berson and Gener 84). M. Butterfly which ran on Broadway for
two years and won the Tony Award draws upon Puccini’s (1904) opera, Madame
Butterfly, which was based on the (1900) play by David Belasco (Saddik 155).
Esther Lee points out that most people thought that the Broadway production of
David Henry Hwang's was “the single event that put Asian American theatre on the
national and international cultural map” as they did not know that Asian American
theatre appeared in New York for the first time in 1972 with works by Frank Chin
and Ping Chong. She adds that although M. Butterfly quickly became an important
masterpiece in drama anthologies, “Asian American theatre history, in its richness
28
and complexity, rarely found its audience” (The links and locations 1). One of the
problems that Asian American actors faced was casting white actors for main
Asian roles on stage.
Although the range of roles offered to Asian American actors are often
limited, white actors continued to be cast for Asian key roles on stage. White
actors used to “to don facial prosthetics, hairpieces, eye-pieces, and heavy makeup
to play an Asian or islander character”. However, “no Asian or Pacific Islander has
been invited to adopt the reverse in prosthetics (lowering cheekbones, sharpening
noses, flattening eyes, folding eyelids, and donning light-hued makeup) and take a
stab at Rhett Butler and Scarlet O'Hara in a remake of Gone with the Wind”
(Brislin 105). Casting white actors for Asian roles is not a new phenomenon in
Asian American theatre. The Broadway musical A Chinese Honeymoon (1902) had
an all-white, British cast. Comedies and musicals of the 1950s (prominently The
Teahouse Moon, The King and I, and South Pacific) all features white actors for
Asian key roles (Barton & McGregor 356). In 1990, the situation become more
intensive with producer Cameron Mackintosh’s decision to cast a white British
actor, Jonathan Pryce, as the male Asian main role in the musical Miss Saigon
(Schlote, Greenwood 997) which is a “new variant of M. Butterfly Theme” (Moy,
Death of Asia 355). The producer claimed that Asian American actors are not
talented enough to play the “London-originated role on Broadway” (Hong,
29
Columbia 227). David Henry Hwang and B. D. Wong led a protest by Asian
American artists for this casting, “igniting a vigorous public debate about the
meaning of ‘non-traditional’ casting and multiculturalism” (Berson, The
Cambridge Guide to Theatre 55(. Bordman & Hischak point out that this show was
given more press coverage right before opening when producer Cameron
MacKintosh threatened to cancel the production and return the $25 million in
advance sales “if Actors Equity4 did not allow Pryce to re-create his London
performance in New York. Mackintosh won, Pryce received a Tony, and the
musical was a giant hit” (Miss Saigon 436).
Although, Asian American drama has been greatly “influenced and shaped
by the work and initiative by Asian American women theater artists, it continues to
be identified most often with the work of prominent male playwrights such as
Frank Chin, Philip Kan Gotanda, and David Henry Hwang” (Scholte, Asian
American 226). The deep search for Asian American plays that address broader
public concerns resulted in finding that Asian American women playwrights began
their literary contributions as early as the 1920s with The Submission of Rose Moy
(1924), written by Ling-Ai Li under the name of Gladys Li. It dramatizes a
Chinese American girl's rejection of an arranged marriage (Uno, Introduction 5).
The Submission of Rose Moy premiered in 1928 at the Arthur Andrews Theatre at
the University of Hawaii in Honolulu. It was at “the forefront of the emergence of
30
Asian American drama in which women played an important role across the
country” (qtd. in Scholte, Asian American 226-227). This play is noteworthy
because it deals with themes still popular in contemporary Asian American and
other ethnic theatres like the different values, cultures and traditions between the
West and the Far East. Miles Liu notes that the “Western emphasis on freedom and
the Chinese advocacy of filial obedient collide when the female protagonist
decides to become a women’s suffrage advocate while her father simply wants her
to marry a wealthy married man”. Li’s plays were staged in the late 1920s but they
did not attract critical attention like other Asian American plays until the early
1970s with the appearance of some outstanding Asian American plays (preface ix).
In 1975 Li was awarded the Bicentennial Woman of the Year award by the
National Association of Women Artists of America (Guiyou Huang, Ling-Ai-Li
69).
While the participation of Asian American women playwrights from abroad
range of Asian pacific backgrounds continues to grow in the Asian American
theatre, Japanese American women have made the primary contributions as
playwrights thus far. Arnold argues that:
Playwrights Wakako Yamauchi, Momoko Iko, and Velina Houston
write about the experience of two waves of immigrants, the Issei3
women: those who came before World War II and were incarcerated,
31
and those who came after the war as war brides. In the Issei plays the
writers document their mothers’ histories, dramatizes modes of
survival. They also write about their own experiences as Nisei in plays
that focus on the psychological ramifications of youth terminated by
the camp/war experience. In the Issei plays of Yamauchi and Houston,
they write about isolated women whose strength comes from the
mother/child relationship. In the Nisei plays of Yamauchi and
Momoko Iko, the playwrights examine the uneasy relationships
between women and men whose reliance on traditional roles has been
shattered by the war. (183)
In her book Asian American Playwrights: A Bio-bibliographical Critical
Sourcebook, Miles Liu argues that in what might be considered the first Asian
American dramatic works in the United States are the works of Sadakichi
Hartmann, Confucius, Buddha, and Christ, which were wrote between 1889 and
1897 (ix). In 1893, Hartmann wrote his symbolist play Christ. The New England
Watch and the Ward Society burned most of the copies of this play and Hartmann
was sent to prison. Fugita notes that even though “the play was extremely
moralistic, he was charged with obscenity” (104).
Plays by mainland Asian Americans did not gain any critical appreciation
until the early 1970s, when there appeared some controversial writings by Asian
32
Americans. Frank Chin’s The Chickencoop Chinaman was first staged at the
prestigious American Place Theatre in May 1972. Guiyou Huang notes that in this
play the race factor looms large:
characters of Caucasian, Native American, Asian, and African origins
all appear on the stage in various capacities. At the core of the
interrelated issues and concerned characters are once again the
precarious condition of the Asian American family, represented by the
father, and the identity of confused and interracial children. Chin’s
The Year of the Dragon premiered at the same theater in May 1974,
and was videotaped and broadcast by PBS the following year. This
play probes the connectedness of the individual, the family, and the
community situated in the dominant culture. While race is not a
predominant factor in the lives of the Chinatown characters, die-hard
traditions exert a considerable influence upon members of the second
generation. (Narrative Overview 17)
Frank Chin along with fellow writers-editors Jeffery Paul Chan, Lawson
Fusao Inada, and Shawn Wong assembled in 1974 one of the first literary
anthologies featuring the work of Asian American writers; Aiiieeeee! An Anthology
of Asian American Writers. According to Ho, it was very difficult to have their
work published because it was considered “too ethnic”. He adds that the editors of
33
this anthology introduced “the long history of racism against Asians in the United
States, forms of Asian American literature, and culture by the film and publishing
industries, and by the educational and capitalist systems” (87). Chin and the other
Aiiieeeee! Writers believe that America has double standard of values due to the
contradictions between “American claims to democracy and its imperial march
through Asia” (James Lee 186). In their introduction, the editors explained the
reasons for choosing this title for their anthology:
Our anthology is exclusively Asian American. That means Filipino,
Chinese, and Japanese Americans, American born and raised, who
got their China and Japan from the radio, off the silver screen, from
television, out of comic books, from the pushers of white American
culture that pictured the yellow man as something that when
wounded, sad, or angry, or swearing, or wondering whined, shouted,
or screamed “aiiieeeee!” Asian America, so long ignored and forcibly
excluded from creative participation in American culture, is wounded,
sad, angry, swearing, and wondering, and this is his AIIIEEEEE!!!
(qtd. in Imbarrato et al. 72)
In 1991, the same editorial team published The Big Aiiieeeee!, they
narrowed the focus of Asian American writing by subtitling this second collection:
An Anthology of Chinese American and Japanese American Literature. “The Big
34
Aiiieeeee got smaller” (Srikanth, World 55). Moser argues that in the anthology
and their respective works, writers focused on “American-born, non-Christian,
male writers; in addition, they identified writers only of Chinese and Japanese
descent, the most established Asian American groups” (86). However, narrowing
the focus of the two anthologies on certain groups was a mistake because since
their literature was new, they should have included the works of other groups like
Korean Americans and Vietnamese Americans to give the mainstream critics and
readers a semi-comprehensive view of their ethnic group by showing the
similarities and diversities of it and encourage people to adopt a greater ethnic
understanding towards them.
Asian American playwrights belong to different ethnic groups, however,
they still share some values. Abbotson believes that while each playwright looks at
the Asian American experience from a different angle, “they collectively expose
stereotypes, broaden our perspective of Asian American identity, and encourage
people to adopt a greater ethnic understanding and tolerance” (Thematic Guide
41). Asian American plays are still infrequently presented to a mass audience.
However, some of the dramatists who found opportunity in these smaller venues
“have broken through cultural and economic barriers to get their work performed
in mainstream West Coast regional theaters (the Mark Taper Forum in Los
Angeles and the Berkeley Repertory Theatre in Northern California), in
35
commercial Broadway and Off Broadway theatres, and on public television”
(Kowalewski 252-253). In spite of the great success of pioneers like Gotanda,
David Henry Hwang, and Frank Chin, on many levels, Hong believes that “each
Asian American is still perceived as the foreigner, the other, and the outside of the
mainstream." Based on Philip Kan Gotanda’s experience, “even those Asian
Americans who by some arbitrary definition have “made it” continue to be
stereotyped” (Asian-American Almanac, 593).
36
Chapter II:
Philip Kan Gotanda’s Yankee Dawg You Die
Philip Kan Gotanda (1951- ) is one of the leading figures in Asian American
theatre history. He is a Sansei Japanese American playwright, producer, director
and an actor. Gotanda's father, Wilfred Itsuta Gotanda, came to the United States to
study medicine at the University of Arkansas. He led a successful medical career in
serving the large Japanese American community of Stockton, California.
Unfortunately, he was interned in Rohwer Camp in Arkansas during the World
War II. After the end of the war, he continued his life in Stockton and married a
schoolteacher and started his family. Philip Kan Gotanda was born the youngest of
three sons to his Nisei4 parents on December 17, 1951, in Stockton, California
(Kaplan, Philip Kan Gotanda 69).
Throughout his adolescence, Gotanda was attracted to rock music, writing his
own music and performing with local bands. With an intention to become a
psychiatrist, Gotanda enrolled at the University of California Santa Cruz in 1969,
and he also continued to write lyrics and play music. In such domains, Kaplan
notes that: "Gotanda's creative side gained the upper hand" (Philip Kan Gotanda
70). Eventually, after one year of university studies, he went to Japan where he
spent a year studying the ceramic techniques with the artist Hiroshi Seto. Gotanda's
37
knowledge of the pottery-making process gave him the inspiration to write his play
Ballad of Yachio (1996) which is based on a true story about his parental aunt's
suicide and Yohen (1997), a drama of domestic conflict between a Nisei and her
African American husband (70). Omi believes that Gotanda’s experience in Japan
did not provide him with material for his dramatic plots only, but it was also a
good opportunity for him to go deep inside a culture where he was not defined as
"Other" (qtd. in Kaplan, Philip Kan Gotanda 70). Gotanda's experience in Japan
has made him realize that Americans of Asian descent need to make more efforts
“to maneuver themselves psychologically in order to deflect the impact of racism”
(Kaplan, Philip Kan Gotanda 70).
Although Gotanda has been one of the pioneers of Asian American theatre, his
theatrical works did not appear until 1970s, because of his efforts as a song writer.
After graduating from the University of California at Santa Barbra, he spent two
years writing songs about Asian American identity. Kaplan notes that Gotanda
found that writing songs was “so limited and insufficient to express himself”, so he
began to write plays (Philip Kan Gotanda 70). However, writing for theatre does
not mean that Gotanda gave up his musical career completely, but he rather
utilized this experience into his new career as a playwright. As a result of his
previous career in the musical field, it was not a surprise to know that his first play
is a musical called The Avocado Kid (70). The Avocado Kid or Zen in the Art of
38
Guacamole was first produced at East West Players theatre in Los Angeles while
he was at Hastings College of law in San Francisco. This play is based on the
Japanese folktale of Momotaro; the main character comes out of an avocado and
goes to fight against a band of outlaws in a musical contest. In 1980, after its
production at the Asian American Theatre Company in San Francisco, The
Avocado Kid received a Cable Car Award nomination for best musical (Lawsin
149).
Gotanda's works have been produced nationally at many theatres such as the
Asian American Theatre Company, East West Players, Berkeley Repertory
Theatre, and Manhattan Theatre Club. He is the recipient of many awards and
fellowships like a Guggenheim Foundation scholarship, three National Endowment
for the Arts Artist Grants, three Rockefeller Playwriting Awards, the 1989 Will
Glickman Playwriting Award, a PEW Theater Community Group National Theatre
Artist Award, a Gerbode and McKnight Foundation Fellowship, the Theatre
Communication Group/National Endowment for the Arts Directing Fellowship,
and Lila Wallace-Reader’s Digest Writer’s Award (Amano 322-323).
Being influenced by the civil rights and ethnic identity, he began to write
about the “changing reality of Asian-American life, with all of its frustration,
contradiction, and glory. He is concerned with generational and gender
expectations and the role of racism within the dynamics of the Asian American
39
experience” (Abbotson, The Facts 203). Yogi notes that in his works, Gotanda has
portrayed Japanese Americans “not as simple characters like those represented in
the media but as complex individuals due to the impact of the diversity of cultures
around them”. He adds that
In his play A Song for Nisei Fisherman (1995) he explores the life and
struggles of a Nisei doctor in adapting to racism and to society. The
Wash (1995) focuses on the break-up of an elderly Nisei couple and
the effect of this separation on their two daughters. In Fish Head Soup
(1995) Gotanda reveals the model minority image through the
portrayal of a Japanese American family whose problems have
become worse by the reappearance of an adult son who was supposed
to be drowned (455).
Gotanda believes that one can move from being recognized as an ethnic
American writer to the mainstream arena without compromising or scarifying one's
ideas, interests or beliefs. In other words, writing for a broader audience does not
require a systematic using of all things Asian. An examination of several of
Gotanda's plays shows his attempts to pass over hyphenation and its marginality, to
put himself in a more central position and speak to a larger audience (Dunbar).
In his plays, Gotanda addresses broader social and cultural issues that go
beyond the Asian American community. Dunbar believes that Gotanda’s plays
40
witness his movement away from works which can be read as “Asian American” to
those “with more universal themes, not restricted by the ethnic limits”. He adds
that this movement, however, “is not an abandonment of ethnicity, but a movement
towards identification as an American playwright, away from this classification as
an Asian American playwright”.
There are two of Gotanda's plays which are completely different from his
other plays in their styles and themes. The first play is The Dream of Kitamura
(1983), drawn from stories collected from Gotanda's family, friends, and his
dreams. It is based on the story of violence which curses a family “living in
mythical feudal society” (Amano 324). The other play is Day Standing on Its Head
(1994) which “explores the midlife crisis of a cerebral Japanese American law
professor whose memories of a 1970s campus strike create surreal fantasies”
(Fugita 102). Gotanda's characters face problems beause of their Japanese
American history and culture; however, their struggles reveal "psychological and
emotional realities that resonate beyond the Japanese American community (Yogi
455). In 2003, he wrote Natalie Wood is Dead about two women's experience in
Hollywood. Gotanda is also known for directing three independent films; The Kiss
(1992), Drinking Tea (1999), and Life Tastes Good (1996) which were featured in
the Sundance Film Festival (Kihan Lee, Philip Kan Gotanda 94).
41
Although Gotanda was born after the internment of Japanese Americans, the
main theme of many of his plays are drawn from the forced internment of many
Japanese immigrants and their American-born children in concentration camps
after Japan bombed Pearl Harbor in December 1941 and the lasting psychological
effects of this experience on them, such as The Wash (1987) A Song for a Nisei
Fisherman (1980) The Fish Head Soup (1991), and Sister Matsumoto (1997).
Unlike his contemporary playwrights such as Lane Nishikawa, whose “internment
camp plays are set in the camps, Gotanda's internment camp plays are set after the
war” and explore the lasting devastating impact of racism and camp experiences on
Japanese Americans, “including internalized racism and self-hatred" (Amano 324).
Gotanda's play Sisters Matsumoto, produced by Seattle Repertory Theatre in
1997, dramatizes the life of three Japanese American sisters trying to reconstruct
their lives after being released from internment camps of World War II (Abbotson,
The Facts 203). Amano notes that: “although the victimization of Japanese
Americans during World War II is a prominent theme in Gotanda's plays, he also
explores the faults of the Japanese American community .... ” like in his play
A Song for a Nisei Fisherman, when Itsuta shows his racist bias
toward his son's relationship with a Chinese American woman, and in
The Wash, in which the father refuses to acknowledge that his only
grandson is the product of an interracial marriage, and in Sisters
42
Matsumoto, with the war and the background experience at the
background of the play, Gotanda reveals a classicist bias while
exposing the Japanese Americans' struggles in a racist culture and the
economic aftermath of war. (325-326)
Gotanda's other plays include American Tattoo (1985) and Jan Ken Po
(1986). American Tattoo is a play based on Japanese American internment camp
experience, and it was read on stage in Berkeley, California, by the Berkeley
Repertory Theatre in 1982. Gotanda wrote Jan Ken Po in collaboration with David
Henry Hwang and R. A. Shiomi, and it was produced in San Francisco by the
Asian American Theatre Company in 1986 (Amano 327-328). Gotanda’s literary
contributions continue in the twenty first century with his plays Floating Weeds
(2001) about emotional and mental problems, Under the Rainbow (2002) about
male obsession of female orientalism. He also wrote an adaptation of Ibsen’s
Hedda Gabler retitling it The Wind Cries Mary (2002). Abboston notes that in the
recent years Gotanda has experimented with several collaborative works, including
“A Fist of Roses (2004), an amalgam of sound, movement, and image, depicting
male violence against women, and Manzanar: An American Story (2005), a
multimedia, orchestral, and spoken-word reenvisioning of the internment
experience” (203).
43
Philip Kan Gotanda, the Bay Area’s leading Asian American playwright,
collaborates with UC Berkeley’s Department of Theater, Dance and Performance
Studies in a unique partnership to develop and produce I Dream of Chang and Eng.
I Dream of Chang and Eng is Gotanda’s new play about the incredible life of the
most famous Siamese twin, Chang and Eng Bunker and how they started their lives
as touring freak exhibition and ended as businessmen. Jarret suggests that the play
is “a perfect example of a brand new play that would be very difficult to pursue
and develop due to the fact that the story encompasses the life story of these
Siamese twins, Cheng and Eng, and the many significant individuals and
experiences woven into the tapestry of their lives”. Philip Kan Gotanda has been
trying to write about Chang and Eng for almost 30 years, but “the twins' incredible
life story was just too big” (Jones). Gotanda’s play is not an exact tale of their
lives, but a dream tale of how he “perceived” what their lives were like, because of
the “absence of enough factual documented information about their daily life”
(Jarret).
Esther Lee points out that Gotanda “challenged the naturalistic tendencies in
Asian American theatre and demanded space for alternative expression”. For
Gotanda, writing about Asian American community does not mean that he always
uses any material objects used in their daily life like traditional clothes, food,
drinks and even their decent behaviors and manners. But he rather portrays his
44
characters as normal people but face problems because of their ethnicity or because
of their bad memories and experiences. Each subsequent work, “Gotanda wrote
more dialogue and less music, and the more dialogue he wrote, the more his
writing style moved towards narrative storytelling”. As a result of this new
tendency in his writings, Gotanda's audience base widened. The Wash (1987), for
instance, was the first of Gotanda's works to receive significant mainstream
attention. It was Gotanda's first play to not premiere at an Asian American theatre
company. The play received a workshop production at the Mark Taper Forum in
Los Angeles in 1987; a world premiere production at the Eureka Theatre in 1987;
full productions at the Manhattan Theatre Club and the Northwest Asian American
Theatre in 1990 and at Mark Taper Forum in 1991. Gotanda also wrote the film
version of The Wash, which was produced in 1988. After the great success of The
Wash, Gotanda found more opportunities in regional theatres. Berkeley Repertory
Theatre supported his work and commissioned him throughout the late 1980s and
1990s (The Second Wave Playwrights142-143).
Gotanda's work with Asian American actors provided him with brilliant
ideas for his play Yankee Dawg You Die. The play takes its title from a game that
Gotanda found himself playing in a coffee shop with a friend trying to remember
“the most famous classic lines that evil Japanese solider used to say in World War
II movies” (Shimakawa 115). In Gotanda’s Yankee Dawg, it is obvious that Philip
45
Kan Gotanda suggests that Asian American actors tend to revolve in a vicious
circle of humiliation, oppression, and underestimation as long as they work in a
culture that always demeans and disdains any race beyond the white one and that
believes in the superiority of the white race to other races.
The play considers the interethnic relationship between two men ─ a
Chinese American and a Japanese American ─ in the American entertainment
industry. Guiyou Huang notes that: “The characters’ dialogues and interactions
illuminate the evolution of the roles Asian men have played on stage and expose
the stereotyping by racism against Asians in general and Asian male actors in
particular” (Narrative Overview 18). It explores the struggles of two Asian
American actors of different generations, a veteran performer and an ambitious
younger man. Through their one year complex relationship, Gotanda discusses the
ethical and artistic dilemmas of people who are forced to work within a different
cultural system that often demeans non-white ethnic groups. The desire of the two
characters to show real Asians away from these stereotypic images is always
destroyed by the racist requirements of the entertainment industry. Crane suggests
that the play “begins with feeling that they are different and ends with the
realization of their similarities as actors of Asian descent, and as humans full of
power ambitions and abiding insecurities”.
46
Gotanda always condemns and feels sorry for Asian American actors who
are forced to play demeaning roles; and he is also troubled by those in the Japanese
American community who are obsessed with “the idea of being a second-class
citizen” and by “mainstream media that continue to shut out or distort Asian
images” (Cheung 13). Gotanda believes that the only road to recovery “is to speak
out, to say what you have to say...to create new works—put your own works out
there” (qtd. in Cheung 13). When Gotanda wrote the play, he did not have any
particular actor in his mind. He points out that “The play actually draws from a lot
of people; there’s no one person in any reference…. It’s drawn from a lot of
different actors” (qtd. in Ito 179).
The reader is introduced to the old actor Vincent Chang who is proud of
never turning down a role and whose reputation as a famous actor was built due to
his acceptance of acting humiliating, stereotypic roles. He gives up many things
including his dignity and his responsibility toward his own culture to get a role. He
markets himself as a Chinese actor but later the reader figures out that he is a
Japanese man. He changed his name after the World War II so that he could find
work, but the only roles offered to him were stereotypic and humiliating. He
justifies this lie as it was his only way to get a job. Vincent does not feel ashamed
of playing a caricatured role of a Japanese solider during the World War II since no
one is going to blame him. Later on his life turns upside down with the appearance
47
of a younger Asian American actor; Bradley Yamashita. Bradley represents the
younger generation of the Asian actors who are looking for fame and glory without
scarifying their ideas or dignity through playing respectable and valuable roles. He
believes in himself and his opinions. He thinks that being a talented actor is enough
to be offered good and respectable roles. Bradley attacks Vincent vigorously and
confronts him with all his faults. He tries to make him aware of his cultural self-
denial and his irresponsibility toward his original roots.
The play considers important issues about representation and self-
representation of Asians in America. Throughout the play the reader can feel the
internal psychological conflict within the characters between their desires to lead a
successful career and survive in a community that always underestimate Asians
and Asian Americans and their responsibilities towards their cultures. Gotanda
offers a contrast between the old actor, Vincent Chang, who has ‘never turned
down a role. Good or bad’ (Gotanda 22) as he believes that the responsibility of the
actor is to do the role well and Bradley Yamashita, the aspiring young actor who
believes that Asians should be offered realistic stage roles. The play uses a
“stereotypical cinematic portrayal of a Japanese solider to assure the general
reception of Asianness in the popular consciousness. The opening scene of the
play, which attacks this portrayal of the Japanese, continues through the rest of the
play” (Moy, David Henry Huang’s M. Butterfly 82). Josephine Lee believes that
48
Yankee Dawg suggests that stereotypes are “human constructions rather than
essential things, and insists that the actor had an independent self that is different
from the stereotypes he plays”. She adds that the play exposes “Vincent's fallacy
that his self can remain untouched by social practice where boundaries between
actor and the stereotypic roles he plays or between real and theatrical action are
consistently eroded” (The Seduction 103).
Gotanda’s play provides the reader with some historical and political events
that help shape the distorted images of Asian Americans and show how the
American media spread these images and make them familiar and strongly
believed by the American audiences. Media have contributed a lot in creating the
distorted images of Asian Americans in non-Asian eyes. On one hand, Asian
American men have been portrayed “as a foreigner or a threat to the national
security of the United States and who mastered the marital arts and on the other
hand, Asian American women have been portrayed as dutiful and obedient unlike
white women” (Danico and Ng, Asian American Stereotypes 122). Asian
American roles in movies and television are usually “unfavorable to be familiar to
the American viewers” (Larson 68).
Larson notes that the source of threat portrayed in entertainment was changed
over the time, “responding to geopolitical events and international relations. For
example, the image of Vietnamese was negative during the Vietnam War and this
49
was the same during World War II as Japanese soldiers were portrayed as brutal
and inhuman” (69). This shows the bad impact of American politics on Asians’
lives. Asian American playwright Velina Hasu Houston believes that in the last
decades, there have been some improvements in casting of Asian American actors
in non-traditional roles that are not related to race such as lawyers, doctors,
farmers, laborers, artists, architects, therapists, etc. She states that: “for every three
actors who have been fortunate enough to experience these changes, there are a lot
of talented actors who have not” (Foreword xi). This indicates that casting Asian
American actors for non-stereotypic roles is an exception and not a rule. Also, it is
very rarely to see images of Asian Americans from the perspective of Asian
American community (Danico and Ng, Asian American Stereotypes 127).
Gotanda’s Yankee Dawg You Die is an “angry play” that offers “a complex
critique of the stereotypic image created by media” by focusing on two Asian
American actors. This condition is made in the opening scene, "Interlude I," in
which Vincent appeared portraying a ‘Jap solider’ (Gotanda 6) in a 1940s-era
movie. The ‘slanty eyes’ (Gotanda 6) of Sergeant Moto and his cartoonish accent,
which does not tell us the fact that he was graduated from the University of
California, Los Angeles, “shows a clear example of the stereotypic media image of
the Asian male, in this case a post-World War II mediatized Imaginary” (Klaver
63) that is referred to in the course of the play: Charlie Chop Suey, or as Bradley
50
calls ‘a Chinese Stepping Fetchit,’ (Gotanda 21). Vincent articulates what becomes
the play's basic concern with racial self identity: "why can't you hear what I'm
saying? Why can't you see me as I really am"? (Gotanda 6) “This concern frames
the discourse coherence in the play's realist scenes as it develops from social into
personal dialogues.” (Vorlicky 190-191). Vincent and Bradley are angry at these
sorts of media images of the Asians, which are white fantasies of Asian identity to
assure the superiority of the white race.
The “pedagogical mode” and the “particular twist” appear from the first
scene of the play and this is clear when the older actor, who is supposed to guide
and teach the younger one, is instead instructed from him. Una explains that when
“Vincent says “movie,” Bradley corrects it “Film”; when Vincent says “low-
budget,” Bradley corrects it “independent”; and when Vincent says “oriental,”
Bradley corrects it to “Asian” (Una, Staging Place 226).
In the play's opening “realist scene” (Vorlicky 191) at a Hollywood Hills
party, Vincent meets Bradley Yamashita. Bradley is eager to meet Vincent:
‘Everybody knows who you are. Especially in the community….’ (Gotanda 8)
Vincent on the other hand shows no much care about this: ‘I do not really notice or
quite frankly care, if someone is Caucasian or oriental….’ (Gotanda 8) This was an
unfavorable beginning of a relationship and in some sense the rest of the play is an
“extended gloss on the many ways and reasons that this statement is a lie, and what
51
its costs are” (Una, Staging Place 226). Although they are “generationally and
culturally different” from each other, Vincent recognizes Bradley's talent and
ambition (Uno, Yankee Dawg 151). Getting into a social dialogue, the two of them
begin to discuss somewhat defensively, the status of their careers. Quickly,
Bradley focuses on race and how it could influence “a minority actor's career in the
entertainment industry (Vorlicky 191). Through their conversation, the reader
begins to get acquainted with the two characters.
According to Moy, Gotanda measures with much care “the depth of Asian
American desire to find role models”. Bradley's misplaced identification with Neil
Sedaka, a Jewish pop singer with a Japanese sounding name, causes Yamashita to
mistake him for America's first ‘Japanese rock n' roll star’ (Gotanda 20). Failing to
find an adequate human model for behavior, Gotanda seems to suggest that “many
Asian American considered that the Japanese monster Godzilla is a source of
cultural pride and self-identification” (David Henry Huang’s M. Butterfly 83). The
inadequacy of these media images shaped Bradley's fascination during his
childhood so he believed that Godzilla is an Asian hero-figure. Bradley describes
how he was ‘craving for a hero, for a symbol, for a secret agent to carry out his
secret deeds’ (Gotanda 33) and found it in Godzilla because “he believes that this
creature is strong enough to take revenge for him on racist whites who would be
exactly the opposite of Vincent's emasculated characters” (Klaver 64-65).
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In the first part of the play, Vincent replays a scene from his old play Tea
Cakes and Moon Songs. He asks Bradley to join him. Although the scene is
humiliating, but Bradley ‘is swept along by the enthusiasm of Vincent’ (Gotanda
21) into singing the outrageously stereotyped song with a chorus of ‘So Solly
Cholly’ (Gotanda 21) in a high pitched falsetto. For several minutes the two are
‘whirling around the stage. Vincent singing and tap dancing with Bradley in tow
singing in a high pitched falsetto. Both are getting more and more involved, acting
out more and more outrageous stereotypes’ (Gotanda 21). Then Bradley begins to
realize what he is doing and angrily shouts at Vincent ‘you're acting like a Chinese
Steppin Fetchit’ (Gotanda 21). Stepin Fetchit is the stage name of the American
comedian and film actor Lincoln Theodore Monroe Andrew Perry. He is the first
black actor to receive a screen credit. He was known for acting negative
stereotypes of African Americans. However, he led a successful film career and
was the first black actor to be a millionaire. According to Josephine Lee, “the most
disturbing and powerful moments in the play are those when the Asian American
actors display a marked attraction for playing ‘Fetchits,’ and make the audiences
share with the characters the feeling of shame” (Seduction 100). Unfortunately,
performing stereotypic roles of Asians is one of the few opportunities available for
Vincent and Bradley if they want to work as actors, and this dilemma forms the
basis of their conflict in the play. Vincent wants to work even if it means that he
53
has to perform character like Sergeant Moto. Bradley, on the other hand, refusing
at least at the beginning of the play, to accept acting these humiliating roles and he
even blames Vincent for these roles:
BRADLEY. Vincent….All that self hate….where does it begin? Charley
Chop Suey…. You think every time you do one of these demeaning
roles, the only thing lost is your dignity…. Don't you see that every
time you do a portrayal like that millions of people in movie theatres
see it? Believe it. Every time you do an old stereotypic role just to pay
bills, someone has to pay for it − and it ain't you. No it is some Asian
kid innocently walking home. "Hey, it is a Chinaman gook!" "Rambo,
Rambo, Rambo!" You older actors, you ask to be understood, forgiven,
but you refuse to change. You have no sense of social responsibility.
(Gotanda 25- 26)
Although Bradley's accusations that Vincent's demeaning roles help deform
the Asian image in non-Asian eyes and incite the anti-Asian sentiments on-and-off
screen are true, but we cannot deny Vincent's insistence on the significance of his
unique existence under certain conditions (Shimakawa 117). Vincent realizes that
his career is built because of playing roles that many younger Asian American
actors consider them humiliating. Vorlicky notes that: “despite Vincent's high
profile in the community, he represents the negative stereotypes of the limited roles
54
for Asian American that the dominant culture perpetuates on and off screen” (192).
However, Bradley expresses how he admired Vincent and regarded him as a hero
when he was growing up:
BRADLEY: You know, Mr. Chang, when I was growing up you were sort
of my hero. No, really, you were. I mean, I'd be watching TV and
suddenly you'd appear in some old film or an old "Bonanza" or something.
And at first something you would always jerk inside. Whoa, what's this?
This is weird, like watching my own family on TV. (Gotanda 15)
This speech shows how Bradley and Asian American community regard the
existence of Vincent on TV. The figure of Vincent performing these stereotypic
roles is of great importance as it manifests the ability to be existed in a field
dominated by whites. At the end of the conversation, in which Bradley reveals how
he admired Vincent as his television hero, Vincent confesses that his hero was Fred
Astaire (Gotanda 15). Klaver notes that invariably each character regards “the
image of the white male celebrities as the best model to be followed, although
Bradley would surely protest this at least at the beginning of the play" (65). The
issue of the absence of a worthy Asian American model appears in characters’
conversation when Vincent tries to show his admire for a singer and when Bradley
compares Vincent’s nose to those of white male celebrities. When Vincent wants
to praise a Chinese-American singer he compares him to Frank Sinatra ‘A singer,
55
Larry Ching, he could croon like Frank Sinatra and better looking, too.’ (Gotanda
26) Also Bradley when he asks Vincent about whether his nose is the ‘original
one’ (Gotanda 11) he compares it to these of white male celebrities ‘You've had all
these different noses. Sinatra, Montgomery Clift, Troy Donahue ─ whatever was in
at the time. Sort of like the 7 noses of Dr. Lao…" that's what they said’ (Gotanda
11).
This issue of required facial features is clearly a stereotype of the white male
at any given time. This allows the play to bring up the issue of facial reconstruction
or as Bradley says ‘Cutting up your face to look more white’ (Gotanda 25) Klaver
notes that the issue of facial reconstruction is “rendered more intensely by the fact
that Vincent and Bradley are working in media culture where the white, male facial
features are required, so they have to imitate this face to continue their career"
(56). Perhaps, the issue of facial reconstruction is an important requirement to find
a job in the American entertainment industry, however, it extends to reach normal
people away from this industry like Bradley’s girlfriends ‘My old girlfriend used to
put scotch tape on her eyelids to get the double fold so she could look more “cau-
ca-sian.” My new girlfriend — she doesn’t mess around, she got surgery….’
(Gotanda 25). It is clear that actors and normal people are trying to adapt
themselves to the mainstream culture and to get over any obstacle that could
deprive them of good opportunities in life.
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Vincent is aware that his career is built on acting houseboys and barbarian
roles and that he was even nominated for an Academy Award for "playing
caricatured Asian American roles" (Berson, Reading The West 269), however, he
is not ashamed for acting those roles and he tries to show his happiness and
satisfaction ‘You want to know the truth? I am glad I did it. Yes, you heard me
right. I'm glad I did it and I'm not ashamed, wanted to do it. And no one is going
to get an apology out of me. And in some small way it is a victory. Yes, a victory.
At least an Oriental was on screen acting, being seen. We existed’ (Gotanda 24-
25). Bradley objects to Vincent’s answer. He does not consider those roles as an
existence because he believes that Vincent humiliates and ‘prostitutes’ his soul
(Gotanda 26). Vincent replies to him saying ‘that's all there was Bradley’ (Gotanda
25). Vincent’s answer indicates that he feels deep inside that Bradley is right and
that his happiness is fake, however, his pride prevents him from telling the truth
especially in front of a younger person with limited experience in this industry.
Even though these stereotypic roles are familiar to the viewers and
unfavorable to the Asian and Asian American community, “the casting of the
Asian body is enough to ensure a kind of welcome disruption, an illicit pleasure
that sets up a key tension between stereotype and performer”. This justifies why
Vincent insists that the performance of ‘Chop Suey Circuit’ (Gotanda 25) by the
performers of the past generation is heroic, because their performance of these
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demeaning roles “must be interpreted in the context of their historical position as
individuals lacking choices" (Josephine Lee, Seduction 101).
VINCENT. … there was no Asian American actor, and no Asian American
theaters. Just a handful of “orientals” who for some god forsaken wanted
to perform. Act. And we did. At church bazzars, community talent night,
and on the Chop Suey Circuit playing Chinatowns and Little Tokyos
around the country as hoofers, jugglers, acrobats, strippers ─ anything
we could for anyone who could watch. (Gotanda 25)
The play ends with the two characters having changed their "ideological
positions" (Chaudhuri 230). Both of them have been offered demeaning stereotypic
roles in the same science-fiction film. Surprisingly, Vincent refuses the role and
decides instead to go and work in an independent film by a Japanese American
director about a Japanese American family living in Sacramento before the war
‘Just as my childhood…. And my role. It's wonderful. I get to play my father’
(Gotanda 49). Bradley, on the other hand, has accepted the movie role, ‘Yang's
number one son. He’s half Chinese and half rock’ (Gotanda 49). Bradley accepts
this role as he begins to feel the lack of job opportunities in a culture that always
demeans any race beyond the white one. ‘I figure once I get there I can change it. I
will. Even if it's a bit. Just a small change, it's still something. And even if they
58
don't change it, they'll at least know how we feel and next time, may be next
time…’ (Gotanda 49-50). Dunbar notes that:
Shifting the focus from the ethnic community's internal issues to its
interaction with the outside, Yankee Dawg questions how a racial or
ethnic minority acquires visibility and voice in American culture.
Though the frame of reference here is Asian American, these issues of
visibility and self-definition are not only pertinent to other minorities,
but also to the dominant culture and the role it plays in fixing and
perpetuating stereotypes.
Gotanda suggests that Bradley is repeating Vincent’s life by accepting this
role as if nothing has changed and that the sacrifices that Vincent and his
generation made were invaluable. Although Vincent does not criticize Bradley,
Bradley tries to defend his attitude to justify his acceptance for this role ‘Look, if I
don’t take it then what happens? Some other jerk takes it and plays it like some
goddamned geek’ (49-50). Bradley even repeats Vincent’s words at the beginning
of the play to describe his acceptance of the stereotypic role ‘It’s a victory. Yes, a
victory’ (50). Gotanda’s view is not extremely pessimistic and this is clear when he
suggests that playing these humiliating roles show the brutal face of the American
entertainment industry and when he prefers to use an open ending that does not
indicate whether the mainstream culture will recognize Bradley’s claim or not.
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BRADLEY. I’ll sit down and convince them to change it. I will. Even if
it’s a bit. Just a small change, it’s still something. And, even if they don’t
change it, they’ll at least know how we feel and next time, may be next
time…. (Gotanda 50)
Josephine Lee points out that the play gives us a possible alternative to
Hollywood, a community of theatre and film run by Asian Americans. Bradley's
initial success as an actor is enabled by acting roles in Asian American theaters and
independent filmmakers and their new recognition by critics, if not box offices.
But the play also suggests that such a community began years ago; Vincent
proudly tells how he and his dance partner were applauded by Anna May Wong
and Sessue Hayakawa. The play emphasizes that the Asian American community
“not only produced its own work, but also sees and values the performances of
Asian Americans differently” (The Seduction 101-102). Bradley believes in
something called Theatre Project of Asian America and he defends this project
saying that ‘Asian American theaters are where we do the real work, Mr. Chang’
(Gotanda 24) Vincent's response "puts Bradley's position in an embarrassingly
orientalist light" (Chaudhuri 228): ‘Stop calling me MR. Chang. It's Shigeo
Nakada. Asian American consciousness. Hah. You can't tell the difference between
a Chinaman and a Jap. I'm Japanese, didn't you know that? I changed my name
after the war. Hell, I wanted to work’ (Gotanda 24). Josephine Lee notes that by
60
creating characters as working actors who discuss their career, Philip Kan Gotanda
gives “some historical context that dominate the representation of Asians and
Asian Americans in American theater, film, and television” (The Seduction 98).
Vincent wants to work and he is ready to give any sacrifices to be existed in this
domain and each sacrifice leads to the other one. He accepts acting stereotypic
roles, he makes a plastic surgery to look like white actors and at the end he is
revealed to be Japanese. He changed his name because he realized that he will not
be welcomed because of the political circumstances between America and Japan.
When Vincent starts to give up his culture and his identity, he did not realize that
he is giving up every thing that connects him to this ethnic group and this includes
his responsibilities towards it or as Bradley describes it ‘prostitutes’ (Gotanda 26)
his soul.
Vincent's “magic word” (Chaudhuri 228) that he uses to justify all his
demeaning roles that he has accepted and played is ‘to work’ (Gotanda 24),
because he realized from the very beginning that the other choice available for
him, in case of refusing these roles, is to be unemployed. He even believes that
those roles have paved the way for the younger generations like Bradley to build
something more and that the younger generations owe a lot to him:
VINCENT. You, you with that holier-than thou look, trying to make me
feel ashamed. You wouldn't be here if it weren't for all the crap we had
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put up with. We built the mountain, as small as it may be that you stand
on so proudly looking down at me. Sure, it's a mountain of Charley Chop
Suey's and slipper-toting geishas. But it is also filled with forgotten
moments of extraordinary wonder, artistic achievement (Gotanda 25-26).
Gotanda believes that Vincent’s defense is not a valid excuse, he states that:
“Personally, I don’t think it is an excuse. If an actor knows he or she is doing a role
that is, on some level, demeaning to Asians or is helping contribute to a climate of
anti-Asian sentiment in the country but willingly takes the role—that’s not good”
Gotanda also adds that these roles affects Asian American lives by making them
“misrepresenting in the media”, “easy targets” for racist acts, and being “shut out
of everything” like “political or cultural systems” (qtd. in Ito 180)
The play shows that Vincent and Bradley are talented actors who can act any
role convincingly; however, they are only offered demeaning stereotypic roles due
to their ethnic group. Both of them try to break these ethnic boundaries and show
their true identity by acting respected roles but they failed to get them “because of
the racism of the industrial system, not because of their inability to play difficult
roles (Josephine Lee, The Seduction 99). Underestimating Asian American talents
extends to reach the awards given to them for acting unimportant and humiliating
roles. Early on in the play, Bradley criticizes that the only roles available for
Asians are ‘waiters, Viet Cong killers, Chimpanzees, drug dealers ….’ (Gotanda
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27) However, these roles are the only way to get an award. Bradley mocks winning
awards for these trivial, demeaning roles:
BRADLEY. I can't believe this business with the Asian American awards. I
mean it's a joke ─ there aren't enough decent roles for us in a year. What?
An award for the best Asian American actor in the role of a Vietnamese
killer. And now in the category of "best actress with 5 lines or less…."
That's all we get. Who're we kidding. (Gotanda 23)
In Yankee Dawg some conflicts, like the central generational conflict
between Vincent and Bradley, are usual themes in Asian American literature;
however, Yankee Dawg does not contain “any expected material objects of Asian
American life like chopsticks, sushi, or Japanese phrases. Rather, the set design
calls for fluidity and fragmentation”. Gotanda describes the set as being: "Minimal,
with a hint of fragmentation and distortion of perspective to allow for a subtle,
dream-like quality. Upstage, high-tech shoji screens for title and visual projections.
Set should allow for a certain fluidity of movement" (Gotanda 4). The play “moves
away from the traditional, linear structure … it is divided into short scenes, offset
by interludes--montages of dream fragments, film clips, and conversations. This
stylistic experimentation suggests an attempt to blur presumed realities and
definitions” (Dunbar).
63
Gotanda utilizes monologues and soliloquies to precede and follow
dialogues. Vorlicky points out that during these monologues “each man speaks
before imagined individuals or groups; these different listeners elicit personal traits
that often differ from those suggested in shared conversations” He adds that:
“when soliloquizing, each man expresses his inner feelings, thoughts and struggles.
Because Gotanda shows us the man's life outside of their immediate relationships,
the spectator has an opportunity to understand the circumstances that influence
their relationship” (190-191).
In addition to using “a series of elaborate colloquies” and “dramatic
monologues” (Kihan Lee, Yankee Dawg 332), Gotanda uses dream sequences to
reveal his characters’ inner fears and anxieties due to racism in this industry.
Josephine Lee notes that both Vincent and Bradley dream of their bodies being
consumed in this industry, “suggesting not only any actor's nightmare of selling his
body as a product, but the Asian American actor's specific anxiety over playing
demeaning and humiliating roles to be familiar to mainstream white audiences”
(The Seduction 105).
The play closes with a fervent outcry (Kihan Lee, Yankee Dawg 332) or a
claim for the American mainstream society. Vincent gradually drops his accent and
begins to perform with ‘great passion’ (Gotanda 50) the same words he said at the
beginning of the play in Sergeant Moto scene, turning them into a “moving
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revelation of personal frustration” (Josephine Lee, The Seduction 105), why can't
you hear what I'm saying? Why can't you see me as I really am? (Gotanda 50)
Kihan Lee believes that this may be “an apt battle cry for all Asian American
writers across different literary genres who must endure and negotiate the
inequities of a still discrimination-ridden society to finally find their voices and,
more important, have their voices heard" (Yankee Dawg 332). Josephine Lee
suggests that moving from “stereotypical role to revelatory statement, Vincent
places his acting ability in the service of creating a different persona for the Asian
American on stage, transforming a once stereotypical role into a dignified,
sympathetic character” (The Seduction 105).
She adds that the ending suggests “a new fusion of the self and the role
whereby the Asian American actor is freed to inform his stage presence with
offstage experience” (The Seduction 105). Vincent finally decides to turn down
stereotypic, humiliating role ‘Yang, the evil one’ (Gotanda 49) in favor of working
in a low-budget film made by an Asian American director, a Japanese American
history ‘where I get to play my father’ (Gotanda 49).
The play's ending shows the limited opportunities available for Asian
male actors in the American entertainment industry. If they want to continue
working in their career, they have to choose between acting decent roles in low-
budget Asian American independent films, where most of their viewers will be the
65
Asian American community, or “to choose highly visible and well-paying but
despicably stereotypical roles in Hollywood movies” (Josephine Lee, The
Seduction 105). Although the ending leaves Bradley's career vague, he accepts
desperately the monstrous role of Yang's son, ‘half Chinese and half rock,’
(Gotanda 49) in a high-paying science fiction film. Vincent sees himself thirty-five
years ago in Bradley who is full of enthusiasm, hope and determination. His refusal
of the stereotypic role indicates that he begins to realize and identify “his ethnic
identity, which he had consciously negated in his ongoing pursuit of the American
dream” (Kihan Lee, Yankee Dawg 332), and could be regarded as an indirect
confession that he regrets playing demeaning stereotypic roles in the past and now
he wants to reconcile with himself and his culture to find the inner peace. On the
contrary, Bradley accepts the role because he begins to feel the lack of job
opportunities, like Vincent at the beginning of his career, hoping that one day he
could change these stereotypic beliefs. Also, he begins to appreciate the great
sacrifices that the older generations of Asian and Asian American actors made to
prove themselves and how they struggle to be existed in a racist culture that
believes only in the rights of the whites.
Although Gotanda’s main characters are Asians facing problems because of
their ethnicity, however, their problems are similar to those of other ethnic groups
whether in America or other countries and this shows the universality of themes in
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Gotanda’s works. The history of the entertainment industry in America shows how
each ethnic group has its specific distorted, stereotypic image. Native Americans,
for example, are usually portrayed as primitives and aggressive, African
Americans as drug dealers and gangsters, Latino and Hispanic Americans as
criminals and illegal immigrants, and Arab Americans as savages and terrorists.
Each ethnic group in American is victimized and has its prepared demeaning
stereotypic image regardless of their contributions to the American welfare and
prosperity.
Gotanda uses the character of Vincent to symbolize the older generations of
Asian American actors with their dreams, sacrifices and frustrations, while Bradley
is used to symbolize the enthusiastic younger generations of Asian American
actors who hope to make difference and show the true identity of Asians and Asian
Americans away from the distorted image formed by the American media and
reinforced by the roles that Asian American actors play. With the acceptance of the
stereotypic role at the end of the play, Bradley proves that Vincent fails in paving
the way for the younger generations to be offered respectable and non-stereotypic
roles as he thought but he rather makes the matter worse, because Vincent’s old
demeaning stereotypic roles helped strengthen the deformed image of Asians.
Consequently, it is clear that after all these years the new generations of Asian
American actors are offered the same stereotypic roles to be familiar to the
67
American viewers regardless of their talents. This suggests that the older
generations failed in achieving their dreams and their goals and made them
difficult for younger generations. This also indicates that the new generations are
revolving in the same vicious circle with no hope of any change unless they begin
to pay attention to independent filmmakers and Asian American theatre companies
which are the reasons for Bradley’s initial recognition by the critics and box office
because Asian American community produces and appreciates its own works and
actors. Gotanda also offers another solution to show the real image of Asians. He
suggests that Asian and Asian American actors should use these humiliating
stereotypic roles as a weapon and a source of inspiration to show the dark side of
the entertainment industry in America that only believes in the superiority of the
white race and disdains other races.
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Chapter III
Elizabeth Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins
Elizabeth Wong was born in South Gate, California and raised in Chinatown
to working-class Chinese immigrant parents. Wong experienced many hardships in
her childhood. Her father died when she was only five years old and that forced her
mother to work multiple jobs to support the two children. These difficult times led
Wong to immerse herself in reading and studying. Her escape through books
inspired her to learn more about a particular role model: Anna May Wong, the first
Chinese-American actress. Through studying hard, Wong finished her high school,
received a bachelor's degree in journalism from the University of Southern
California, and entered an M.F.A. program in playwriting at New York University
(Manning 317).
Wong learned early in life to “internalize demeaning stereotypes of media-
created Asians”. As an adolescent growing up in Chinatown, she kept herself away
from the community in which she lived as she felt that there is no common interest
between her and that community. After completing her undergraduate degree in
journalism at the University of Southern California in 1980, Wong continued to
write about issues of cultural self-denial. She felt that she is underestimated
69
because of “her Chinese ancestry and she was unable to exploit her origin as an
empowering means of bringing a unique perspective to her reporting”. While she
was working as field producer at KNXTTV news in Los Angeles, where she
remained for three years before accepting a reporting position first with the San
Diego Tribune and subsequently the Hartford Courant, she acknowledged feeling
resentful when she was assigned to cover stories about Asians. According to
Kaplan “it was Asian American theatre that taught Elizabeth Wong to embrace her
ethnic heritage as a source of strength rather than an embarrassing flaw”. She was
greatly influenced by the works of Asian American playwrights. Wong explained
that seeing David Henry Hwang's FOB and Wakako Yamauchi's And The Soul
Shall Dance, plays that treated Asian American themes with dignity, were strong
motives in enabling her to appreciate her origins. After eight years of working as a
news reporter, Wong worked as a journalist; a job that required telling facts
without adding her comments or point of views to them, especially to those
influenced by her personal cultural heritage. At the same time, Wong came under
the influence of several leading American theatre artists and educators. Leaving the
Hartford Courant, she moved to New Haven and devoted her time to learn
playwriting at the Yale School of Drama. The experience encouraged her a lot.
Without “a single theatrical credit to her name, she applied to New York
University's graduate playwriting program, feeling somehow sure that theatre was
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the suitable artistic medium that could liberate her as a writer and that New York
City was the place where this would happen”. In order to be accepted into the
program, she was required to submit an original script, something she has never
before written. The result was The Aftermath of a Chinese Banquet (1988). With
the success of this play; she was accepted into NYU'S Tisch School of the Arts,
where she completed her master of fine arts in playwriting in 1991. It was there
that she wrote two of her most popular works, Letters to a Student Revolutionary
(1989), about the Tiananmen Square Massacre5, and Kimchee and Chitlins (1990),
about conflicts between Korean immigrants and African Americans in Brooklyn.
At that time her playwriting career began to flourish. Several events returned
Wong to West Coast home in 1992, among them was the death of her
grandmother, with whom she had a strong relationship. At the same time, the
Asian Theatre Workshop at the Mark Taper Forums invited Wong to perform a
reading of Kimchee and Chitlins. The reading, coming as it did mere weeks after
race rioting in Los Angeles caused the destruction of over two thousand Korean-
owned shops, in turn brought her to the attention of Disney Studios in Hollywood,
which invited Wong to become one of three writing fellows for its Touchstone
Television Division. Wong remained with Touchstone in 1995, becoming a staff
writer for the short-lived All-American Girl (1994-95) starring Margaret Cho, the
first and the only television comedy series ever to revolve around an Asian
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American family. When this show was cancelled, she became the mentor of
younger playwrights. She had previously taught playwriting at East West Players'
David Henry Hwang Institute (1993-94) in Los Angeles. She joined the faculties of
the University of California at Santa Barbra and her alma mater, the University of
Southern California, as associate professor of playwriting (Kaplan, Elizabeth
Wong 347-349).
Among Wong's famous works is a three-act play China Doll ((1991) which
narrates the life of the America's first Asian film star, Anna May Wong, a media
figure with whom Wong shares common origins. Anna May grew up in
Chinatown, Los Angeles, and Wong draws an immediate parallel, "I can really
relate to her because she lived in Chinatown and found she couldn't relate….she
was more interested in climbing onto a bus, just like me, and going to movies on
Sunset or Hollywood Boulevard” (qtd. in Uno, Elizabeth Wong 265). The play is a
celebration of Elizabeth Wong's love for the cinema, and a commentary on the
racism of the movie industry. In Kimchee and Chitlins, Wong chronicles the social
problems and cultural differences through the lives of her characters. She states
that:
as an Asian I have experienced not being served by a white person in
a restaurant. I also know what it's like to be spit on by a Chinese man
for walking down the street of Chinatown holding the hand of a white
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boyfriend. Kimchee and Chitlins deals with that type of deep-seated
racial prejudice which we all have" (qtd. in Uno, Elizabeth Wong
265).
Wong also wrote a musical for young audiences, The magical Bird (2007)
which is inspired by a Filipino folktale. The play had its own premiere at the
Honolulu Theatre for Youth that commissioned the play in association with
centennial of Filipino immigration to Hawaii. Other notable plays include The
Amazing Adventures of the Marvelous Monkey King (2007), winner of the
Mississippi Theatre Festival; The Lovelife of Eunuch (2004) a tale of Imperial
China. In 2003, Wong received a commission from the Kennedy Center to write an
opera libretto for her children’s theatre adaptation of Oscar Wilde’s The Happy
Prince. Elizabeth Wong latest work is a play about ancestry The DNA Trail: A
Genealogy of Short Plays about Ancestry, Identity and Utter Confusion. For The
DNA Trail, Silk Road Theatre Project commissioned seven diverse, contemporary
acclaimed playwrights to take a genealogical DNA test and write their responses to
the results of these tests. The writers are Philip Kan Gotanda, Velina Hasu
Houston, David Henry Hwang, Jamil Khoury, Shishir Kurup, Lina Patel, and
Elizabeth Wong (BWW News Desk).
Elizabeth Wong has received numerous honors and serves on the board of
many theatre organizations. A member of the Dramatists Guild, Writers Guild
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West, Pen West, the Circle Repertory Theatre Playwrights Project, and the Mark
Taper Forum's Mentor Playwright Program, she has received fellowships from
Yaddo, the Ucross Foundation, and Catawba College. She received the playwright
Forum Award from Theatre Works IN Colorado Springs (1990) and a Margo Jones
New Play Citation (1992) for Letters to a Student Revolutionary and the
Association for Theatre in Higher Education's Jane Chambers Award for the
abbreviated version of China Doll (1995). Wong serves on the advisory board of
theatre Emory in Atlanta along with distinguished playwrights Wole Soyinka,
Wendy Wasserstein, and Alfred Uhry. In 1998, Wong's papers were established in
the California Ethnic and Multicultural Archives at the University of California at
Santa Barbra's Davidson Library (Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 349).
Wong’s Kimchee and Chitlins, a second full-length drama, is another
important work that reflects her journalistic background. Written in 1990, the play
explores the conflicts between African Americans and Korean Americans in New
York City. In this play Wong examined the economic relationships and cultural
misunderstandings that provided the stimulus for the 1990 boycott of Korean
greengrocers by black communities in Brooklyn, New York. The play received its
first reading at New York City's Primary Stages in June 1991 in the aftermath of
the Brooklyn conflicts. When it was read at the Mark Taper Forum in May 1992,
the Los Angeles Times called it a "prophetic drama” (Uno, Elizabeth Wong 265)
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because it turned out to be a prophecy of the race riots in Los Angeles
commemorated in the Korean community which occurred barely ten months later
on April 29, 1992 (Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 352). With Kimchee and Chitlins,
Wong made several innovative contributions to the field of Asian American drama.
According to Uno:
Asian American playwrights have never feared to address issues of
interracial conflict, whether between Asian American characters and
whites (R.A. Shiomi’s Uncle Tadao, Philip Kan Gotanda’s Sisters
Matsumoto, and Genny Lim’s Paper Angels … or Asian American
characters and non-Asian characters of color (Velina Hasu Houston’s
Asa Ga Kimashita, Gotanda’s Wash). In Kimchee and Chitlins,
however, Wong places overt antagonism between an Asian American
population and a non-Caucasian community of color at the center of
its dramatic action. Wong also broke theatrical ground with her
depiction of an Asian American community that was of neither
Chinese nor Japanese descent. Though protagonist Suzie Seeto is
herself Chinese American, Wong’s central positioning of Korean and
Korean American characters predated the work of Korean American
writers such as Harold Byun, Diana Son, Rob Shinn, and Sung Rno,
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playwrights who came to prominence during the mid- to late 1990s.
(Elizabeth Wong 352)
In Kimchee and Chitlins, Elizabeth Wong looks at a Korean American
grocer, Mak, who finds himself in a direct confrontation with black people in his
neighborhood. Wong explores many issues that go beyond the Asian American
experience and can be applied to all American ethnicities such as "problems of
interracial discord too often culminating in violence, the demeaning use of
stereotypes, the media’s white bias that marginalizes all ethnicity, and the loss of
cultural heritage in those who assimilate”. Wong believes that the solution to most
of these troubles is to pay attention to the cultural differences among people of all
ethnic groups. She calls people to do their best to go beyond these ethnic
differences and explore the person himself regardless of his ethnicity (Abbotson,
Thematic Guide 42). Wong examines the “media representation and distortion” of
a conflict between Korean Americans and African Americans in New York City in
the early 1990s and how the media are used by both groups. Although the play is
based on a specific incidence of intercommunal violence, Wong does not use “a
purely realist mode but she employs various theatrical devices to dramatize her
disillusion with any concepts of objectivity. To the end she employs a black and
Korean chorus, and her production notes stress the symbolic character of the play
and the need to get rid of all the props” (Schlote, Elizabeth Wong 996).
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In her semi-autobiographical play, Kimchee and Chitlins, Elizabeth Wong
explores the afroasian encounters in America and the misuse of media by both of
them. She also sheds light on some other issues that relate to racism, stereotypes,
and cultural misunderstandings. The play centered on a Korean storeowner, Grocer
Mak, whose African American customers in the neighborhood accuse him of
treating them disrespectfully and claiming that he attacked a Haitian woman,
Matilda Duvet, in his store. The play's other central figure is Suzie Seeto. She is
ambitious, Chinese American television reporter who is sent to cover the conflict
with a strong motive to know the truth behind it. Suzie gets many different stories
of the same event throughout the play. It is clear that this experience transformers
her from a naïve person to an experienced one.
Being a Chinese American, Suzie is always assigned to cover stories about
minor groups and that annoys her so she addresses the audiences ‘I hate covering
minority issues’ (Wong 34) and she complains to her boss Mark Thompson who
always sends her on purpose to cover these issues ‘If it Asians, Latinos, Blacks,
Jews, … I am your man’ (Wong 9). At this moment the reader could feel that
Wong is writing her own autobiography when she was a journalist as she used to
face the same problem; reporting news about minorities without adding her own
opinions. Once Suzie arrived to the place of the protest, Nurse Ruth Betty thought
that she is Korean and asks her to go away ‘Go away, Korean girl’ (Wong 11) ‘tell
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teevee to give us an African-American reporter’ (Wong 12). Suzie begins to
investigate the reasons of the protest. The African Americans claim that Mak, the
Korean grocer, has attacked a Haitian woman, Matilda Duvet, and now she is in a
critical case in the hospital. On the other side, Mak is denying these accusations
telling Suzie a different story.
Although Wong is an Asian American playwright, she tries to be unbiased to
the Asian side by using the chorus technique. At the very beginning of the play the
reader is introduced to Suzie Seeto, a Chinese American television reporter,
looking “longingly at the anchor chair” (Wong 5) hoping for a promotion. Then a
chorus, composed of the black chorus and the Korean chorus, appeared behind her
to comment on every incident throughout the play. Surprisingly, both of them have
different explanations of the same incident and this gives balance to the play as
Wong does not tend to tell us which side is telling the truth till the end of the play.
Wong’s use of the black American and Korean choruses, who constantly disagree
as they comment on the action, deftly presents the “warring subcultures" between
the two ethnic groups (Abbotson, Thematic Guide 47).
The play opens with “a child's beginning". Suzie Seeto begins to narrate her
first impression when she saw an African American man for the first time and this
was her "first-ever awareness of racial difference”. She comments on the situation
‘it was no big deal’ (Wong 5), and then the choruses start to comment on this
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experience. While the Korean chorus describes her as ‘petrified’ and ‘scared’
(Wong 5), the black chorus objects and describes her as being ‘calm’, ‘nonplussed’
and ‘friendly’ (Wong 5). However the Korean chorus insists on its opinion and
adds that she describes the African American man as a ‘boogeyman’ (Wong 6).
From the very outset of the dramatic action, therefore, oppositional interpretations
are offered by the two choruses. “These often-irreconcilable versions of truth drive
the subsequent dramatic action toward its irreconcilable conclusion” (Elizabeth
Wong 352-353).
Wong keeps the balance of the play by creating good and bad characters
from both sides. She created the aggressive and intolerable characters who
intensify the conflict between African Americans and Korean Americans like
Nurse Ruth Betty, Reverend Carter, and Willie Mak and the good and tolerable
ones like Barber Brown, Grocer Mak, and Soomi Mak, whose attitudes towards the
conflict indicate the possibility of making good and valuable friendships between
the two ethnic groups. Also, Wong shows how people react in different ways to
these events even if they belong to the same ethnic group. For example Willie and
Soomi, Mak’s nephew and niece, show how people have different responses in the
quest for a solution to their social problems. Abbotson argues that while Willie
turns to violence and threats people with his gun, “Soomi offers to nonviolently
counterprotest by singing songs and displaying a sign stating “Yellow is
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Beautiful”—an ironic echo of the black American slogan of the 1960s”. He adds
that Wong suggests that none of these responses are valid, and offers another
option. Mak and Barber Brown, fellow businessmen, have a friendly relationship,
but they are not true friends and have not invited each other into their homes. “That
kind of close, personal interaction, in the end, is what Wong suggests is necessary
if the community is to go beyond mistrust and become unified” (Thematic Guide
47).
The character of the African American activist Reverend Lonnie Olson
Carter, who is an experienced actor in the world of New York City race relations,
represents “one of Wong's major literary influences, African American and its
elements of protest and rebellion”. The staging of the African American
protagonists as “the dominant and politically active characters of the play not only
reflects vital periods of African American history but also locates them as essential
parts of American history” (Scholte, Greenwood 996). Reverend Carter is one of
those who believed that African Americans are mistreated by the white people
because of their ethnicity ‘racist America has stripped us of our dignity’ (Wong
62). He believes that Koreans are doing the same thing and they are also taking job
opportunities from them ‘those people over there are taking advantage of our
captivity in America to become rich’ (Wong 19). He tries many times to draw the
attention of the media for the boycotts of the grassroots movement but he failed.
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The protest was a great chance for him to grab its attention and also to take
revenge from Koreans and make them a scapegoat for all the sufferings that
African Americans face ‘A black man in America can never be a racist. To be
racist, you have to have power. And that, I most certainly do not have. I may be
bigoted. I may be prejudiced. But I am not a racist’ (Wong 57).
The temptation of media is an important issue in the play. Each side is trying
to use them to prove that he is the right one. When Suzie reports to Tara that
‘Things get pretty quite once the cameras goes away’ (Wong 66), she refers to the
bad effect of the existence of media among minorities who are always
discriminated and ignored, and once they find the chance to be heard, they may
exaggerate and make the matters worse. Barber Brown and Grocer Mak insult each
other when the camera is on, but when it is off they stop. Barber Brown believes
that media have a great influence on him, ‘All the cameras and the excitement and
the meetings, the feeling of being bigger than just a nobody barber’ (Wong 65).
Reverend Carter describes it as ‘media circus’ (Wong 73) that could put some
trivial events to spotlight ‘History, Suzie, has often been triggered by such trivial
events. Someone in Montgomery, Alabama, orders a black woman to give up seat
in a bus. Mahatma Gandhi created a free India all because he got thrown off a
train’ (Wong 73). However, these two historical events show the bright side of
media as it could be used to bring benefits for some people and draw people’s
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attention to important issues. At the arrival of Suzie to the protest scene, she finds
that Reverend Carter is insulting Mak and describes him as a ‘Korean coward’
(Wong 14) and asking him to go back to Korea ‘go away, Korean monkey’ (Wong
16) and when Suzie asks him to repeat what he said for the camera he repeats
happily ‘Go back to Korea, Korean monkey!’ (Wong 16) Hearing this racial slur
from Revered Carter is a great shock to Suzie because a religious man is supposed
to be reasonable and wise in these critical moments not to intensify the situation,
however, her boss is happy to hear this although he denies his happiness.
MARK THOMPSON: That’s incredible. He actually called that guy a
Korean monkey. Amazing, just amazing… I don’t mean to
sound relieved. But, I mean, this time, the white man isn’t part of
the lynch party. It’s all so strange.” (Wong 19)
Mark Thompson claims that the whole crisis has nothing to do with the
white man because he is not one of the fighting sides. However, the white man is
involved in this situation but in an indirect way through media. Media are managed
and controlled by white people, and for their benefit they exploit this chaotic
situation by increasing the gap between the two sides and make it difficult to get
them reconciled to go on. This is clear when Tara, Suzie’s white colleague, deleted
some parts of Suzie’s interview with the Asian side and made Suzie appear as if
she supports the black side. When Suzie wants to correct the situation by having an
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interview with Matilda Duvet, Mark suspends her. Mark suspends Suzie because
he believes that since media are a money-making business, Suzie’s story is no
longer salable or attractive to the viewers even if she intends to reveal the truth.
Nurse Ruth Betty is another African American character who suffers from
racial discrimination and finds in the black boycotting a good chance for her to feel
that she is strong even if this means to victimize other innocent people. Wong uses
Ruth Betty’s character to show how cultural differences and underestimating of
minorities could result in horrible misunderstandings among them. Nurse Ruth
Betty feelings of being inferior started in her childhood, continues till she grew up
and extends even to her name. In her interview with Suzie she narrates her
childhood experience about what her grandfather told her about the traditional dish
of the blacks; chitlins
Nurse Ruth Betty: Chitlins is our history. It come about because the slave master
took the best part of the pig, and left the slaves with the shit. Life is like
chitlins, he would say. Someone gives you shit, but you make a banquet out
of it (Wong 67).
This feeling of inferiority continues with Ruth Betty until she grows up. When
Suzie asks her about having two first names:
NURSE Ruth BETTY. … I have two first names because I have no last name. I
reject that name. I won’t even speak it. That name was the name of my
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great- great-grandmother’s slave master. I don’t know what my real
family name is. I don’t know what tribe I’m from. I don’t have any family
history… And you can’t get or give a better reason to boycott than that…
(Wong 78)
The feelings of inferiority combined with her cultural misunderstanding
accumulated in her subconscious and appear in dealing with Grocer Mak. The play
suggests that the slave master of the past has replicated himself in Grocer Mak, but
this time Ruth Betty is the strong side and this helps her take revenge from him.
Nurse Ruth Betty regards Mak as rude and insulting because he does not touch her
hand when taking money or look her in the eye: ‘I've been putting money into that
Korean man's pocket for five years, and he can't even look me in the eye when I
open my purse. Once, I held out my five dollars, good honest money, and he
refused to take it from my black hand. Do I look like I have a social disease?’
(Wong 22-23) Because of Ruth Betty’s feeling of inferiority and her unawareness
of the Korean culture, she misunderstands Mak’s behavior towards her and she has
no idea that his behavior indicates deep respect and proper behavior according to
the Korean culture. Mak addresses the audiences trying to defend himself giving a
reasonable explanation for his behavior: ‘I show them plenty of respect….I don't
look in their eyes. I don't touch them in false sign of friendly greeting. This is our
way. The Korean way’ (Wong 42).
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Both sides refuse to listen to each other or to contemplate the situation from
the outside. They can not see that since they are minorities, they have a lot of
things in common. Both of them are mistreated, stereotyped, underpaid, and can
not get a bank loan to start their own business. However when they get a chance to
talk, they start mocking and insulting each other like when Ruth Betty mocks
Mak’s English:
NURSE RUTH BETTY. Is this guy speaking English? Sounds like gibberish
to me? What’s the matter? Can’t you speak English? (Wong 14)
Minorities in America do not share humiliated treatment or bad conditions
only but they also share some happy and comic moments. In the citizenship test of
Willie Mak, he complains that the test was ‘so hard’ and needs ‘much brain work’
(Wong 67), however he passed. When Willie looked around the courtroom to make
the pledge of allegiance, he saw ‘all the crying faces of happiness’ (Wong 67).
Willie comments on this moment by saying ‘We are all so different, but we all
have crying faces of happiness’ (Wong 67). There is a comic sharing moment in
the play when Ruth Betty, Soomi, and Suzie begin to discuss the issue of their
facial features and the hair styles they dream of. Each one of them begins to narrate
her childhood experience about her attempts to look like the blonde girls in their
classes or those in the magazines. Each one of them desires to look like blondes
‘with perky noses and blue eyes’ (Wong 41) and escape her own ethnical
85
appearances as they think that ‘blondes have more fun’ (Wong 41). This indicates
that minorities share some experiences and have common attitudes towards some
issues and it is evident in Suzie’s conflicts with her white boss Mark Thompson as
they have nothing to share.
Suzie Seeto is opposite to her boss Mark Thompson who prefers a burger to
a dim sum and a fork to chopsticks and who can also order dinner in ‘perfect
Thailandese’ (Wong 67) and is ‘too Asian’ (Wong 62) to suit Suzie's taste in
men. She is less than thrilled at the prospect of covering the boycott of Key Chun
Mak's grocery led by black activist Reverend Lonnie Carter. Kaplan notes that the
assignment forces her “to confront racism in her colleagues and her boss, in the
black boycotters and the Koreans who defend their business, and, most
importantly, in herself” (Elizabeth Wong 353). She finally is brought face-to-face
with her responsibility towards her Asian American community upon witnessing
four African American boys beating a Vietnamese youth with a baseball bat as
they think that he is a Korean. As she records dispassionately the event for the
nightly news, she states that:
I was too busy, too preoccupied with disassociating myself from that
squirming weak, yellow boy on the ground. Coolly, I hid myself
behind my profession, thoroughly brainwashed by my complete-and-
utter certainty that I could not and would not be hurt… because I was
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NOT like that kid. Those black boys with their baseball bat shattered
my beautiful delusion once and forever. For if I wasn't yellow, then
what color did I think I was? (Wong 82)
The black and Korean choruses chant in union, whispering, ‘The boogeyman
is here. Inside you. Inside me…. Make the boogeyman go away. Make the
boogeyman go away’ (Wong 83). That boogeyman who appeared in the very first
scene of the play while narrating Suzie's childhood first experience when she saw
her first black face, reappears at the play's conclusion to show her “the distasteful
and inevitable truth from which she has long tried to hide” (Kaplan, Elizabeth
Wong 353). The play suggests that the meaning of the boogeyman at the beginning
of the play is completely different from that at the end. The boogeyman at the
beginning symbolizes her natural fear of the other or the stranger whom she does
not know but at the end of the play this ‘bogeyman’ (Wong 83) has replicated itself
inside her to suggest her fear to confront herself and to realize that she is different
and belongs to the underestimated minorities. It is the truth that she tries to ignore
many times by hiding herself behind her profession and acting the role of a
professional and an unbiased reporter. Wong seems to suggest that “neutralizing
the boogeyman could be accomplished through the deliberate invention of a
meaningful truth” (Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 354).
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Among Suzie's numerous conflicts with Mark Thompson is their
disagreement over whether the media are entitled to reduce the intense of news that
are already agitating. “If, as Thomson believes, the media are obliged to render
information that could be classified as dangerous as palatable instead, it follows
that the media are further empowered to manufacture a truth empowered to heal, as
the conclusion of Kimchee and Chitlins seems to suggest”. Suzie addresses the
audience to tell what media should do as she believes and her opinion is opposite
to that of her boss: ‘I believe in facts. Gather up enough facts, and they add up to a
decision, an action, even a revelation. I'm not in this business for the glamour or
the money…I'm in it to make a difference. To ensure fairness and civility in the
world’ (Wong 34). To that end, the play is performed with two endings, one
immediately following the other. In the first ending, grocer Mak, unable to
overcome his financial crisis caused by the boycott prepares to sell his grocery, a
business he has run for over ten years. Though barber Brown sympathizes with
grocer Mak, each one is accusing the other of having failed him (Kaplan, Elizabeth
Wong 353-354).
GROCER MAK. I thought you were my friend, why didn't you teach me
to be a businessman in America?
BARBER BROWN. Why didn't you ask me for help?
GROCER MAK. Why didn't you help me to understand?
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BARBER BROWN. Why didn't you help me understand?
GROCER MAK. You stay with your people. I stay with mine. (Wong
83-84)
The actors maneuver into position after the manner of images on a
rewinding videotape to replay the scene. In the instant replay, Mak’s and Brown’s
dialogue changes completely: “both men acknowledge that in order to make peace,
they must break bread together. In this case, they agree to share a feast of the
pungent kimchee and chitlins of the play’s title that represent their cultures’ shared
qualities”. When the curtain falls Suzie remarks, ‘just goes to show… the best
stories are invented’ (Wong 85), thereby reinforcing Wong's position that if truth
can be artificially constructed to create conflicts and find good stories for media'
sake, it is advisable to be use it to make peace among people (Kaplan, Elizabeth
Wong 354).
Wong succeeds in dealing with serious problems in a humorous way without
sacrificing the significance and the essence of her issues, and this is clear
throughout the play. Although the play could be described as “sad” and
“disappointing,” it is undeniable that Wong's sense of humor was successfully used
to make “parallel to the sad moments and made balance in the plot of the play”
(Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 354). Elizabeth Kim believes that Wong’s play boldly
treats the issue with “candor, exposing racial misunderstanding and bigotry on both
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sides. To Wong’s credit, the play’s potentially explosive charge is defused by its
underlying humor and compassionate portrayal of characters of both races” (The
Facts 39).
The commercial breaks in the play give Wong a good opportunity to
confront the audiences about her own boogeyman, “using humor to name aloud the
secret prejudices many people harbor”. In a commercial break, Tara Sullivan
instructs the white audiences on how to avoid feeling resentful around black
people: ‘Just say, 'Hey bro' whas' up' and give 'em a high five. And all your fears
will disappear… like magic’ (Wong 40-41). In the midst of slinging insults at each
other, the Black Chorus, carried away by emotion and confusion, yells, ‘Black
nigger!’ (Wong 59) at the Koreans, who, just as wound up, respond by shouting,
‘Yellow nigger!’(Wong 59) Upon immediate reflection, the Black Chorus
hurriedly corrects itself, ‘Well, you know what I mean," as the Koreans wondered
aloud, "Did we say that right?’ (Wong 59) The Black Chorus justifications of the
Korean American behaviors and the Korean American interpretations of the
African American gang bangers and Haitian immigrants “evoke laughter”.
Although both of them “exaggerate in his attitudes and misunderstandings toward
the other, both have some truth in them” (Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 354 -355).
Toward the end of act 2, after the opposing sides agree to talk about their
differences, the potential for a storybook ending is undercut when the mediation
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session ‘ended up on the floor and in the aisles, taking pot shots at each other…this
first-ever meeting has degenerated into fist fighting, and spilled out into the street’
(Wong 81). At that time Suzie is attempting to cover the story and protect herself
at the same time (Kaplan, Elizabeth Wong 348).
Nonetheless, at the end of the play, the visionary title of the play remains a
“chimera”. While the combination of the traditional dish of the blacks, Chitlins
(pig intestine), with the Korean cabbage dish Kimchee “proves a winning recipe
for some characters, it is not a cure for all ills of communal conflicts”. Wong tries
to explore and counter the “biased media representations, throughout the play
Suzie provides the audiences with contextual information concerning the potential
causes of the economic differences between Korean and African Americans and
their respective and often traumatic histories” (Sholte, The Greenwood 996- 997).
The title is named after the traditional dishes of Koreans and Blacks as part
of their heritage and identity. The possibility of unification is raised by the
probable friendship between Brown and Mak. Mak gives Brown some kimchee to
help cure his sinus problem, but Brown finds that the kimchee alone just makes
him sneeze. However, he discovers that if he mixes the kimchee with his chitlins,
he has a tasty meal that clears his sinuses ‘I was eating your kimchee. I was
sneezing my head off. Then for no reason, I put some of that kimchee into my
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chitlins and wouldn't you know, it tasted good, AND it cleared up my sinuses’
(Wong 25). Abbotson points out that the symbolism in this is obvious:
if each side can overcome its deeply held prejudices and join hands
with the other, together they can create a stronger, more effective
community. But when Brown offers the true hand of friendship by
inviting Mak into his home for dinner at the close, Suzie points out
that such an idealistic ending has only been invented, leaving it for
those watching to make it a reality. (Thematic Guide 47)
In their contest to speak and be heard in media, each group is trying to
defend his attitude. Throughout the play each chorus defends its color, while Suzie
tends to be impartial and to appear as a professional reporter, she even shows no
sympathy towards the Asian side. Even her boss, Mark Thompson, realizes this ‘I
like Suzie. But there’s nothing exotic, nothing Asian about her’ (Wong 34). When
she was tricked by her jealous rival, Tara, who deleted important parts from her
interview with the Asian side. The Asian chorus begins to blame her ‘You traitor…
You buried us like kimchee’ (Wong 52) while the African chorus praises her as
they thought that she supports them ‘You helped us. You treated us right. You told
the truth’ (Wong 52). Reverend Carter believes that Suzie has ‘showed her true
color’ (Wong 56) and supports his people so he wants to repay her ‘You help us, I
help you, that’s the way it works … we like to repay the people who work with us’
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(Wong 55) so he gives her the address of Matilda Duvet in a paper. Suzie refuses
the paper not because of her responsibility towards the yellow color but because of
her ethical values ‘You don’t have me in your pocket, sir. I’m fair and impartial…’
(Wong 56)
In a conversation between Suzie and her boss, Mark accuses Reverend
Carter of being racist. Suzie’s answer is extremely unpredictable and it has some
indications. She quotes Reverend Carter’s words ‘people of color can’t be racist. It
implies power, which we don’t have’ (Wong 63). From Suzie’s answer it is clear
that she finds some truth in Revered Carter’s attitude. When she uses the word
‘we’ (Wong 63), it is obvious that she begins to feel that she belongs to the
minorities or the colored people who are always underestimated and stereotyped.
This is her first step to be aware of her ethnicity. She begins to move from the state
of self-denial to that of self discovery.
Towards the end of act II, Suzie faces a very crucial moment in her life
when she comes to the ultimate moment to reveal her true color. While she was
covering the mediator’s session, which is supposed to make peace between the
both sides, she witnessed four black kids beating a Vietnamese kid as they think he
is a Korean. At this moment Suzie the reporter appears, she continues covering the
event with its details ‘do you hear what they are saying? Filthy Korean dog
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bastard. We’re going to send you back to Korea’ (Wong 82). When she feels that
she almost finished her coverage, she calls the police:
I was too busy, too preoccupied with disassociating myself from that
squirming, weak, yellow boy on the ground. Coolly, I hid myself
behind my profession thoroughly brainwashed by my complete-and-
utter certainty that I could not and would not be hurt … because I was
NOT like that kid. Those black boys with their baseball bat shattered
my beautiful delusion one and forever. For if it wasn’t yellow, then
what color did I think I was … (Wong 82)
Wong suggests that Matilda Duvet’s alleged attack is just a superficial issue,
because the real reason lies in the deep consciousness of Korean Americans and
African Americans as their demands are either ignored or denied. Psychological
accumulations formed over the years from being mistreated, stereotyped, and
marginalized by the white people. These accumulations are reinforced by the
American media which show stereotypical, humiliating images of Blacks and
Latinos. Many Asian small business owners find themselves located in inner city
urban areas where most of their customers are poor and working class Blacks and
Latinos. In these situations, “biased perceptions by Asian immigrants can be more
readily reinforced against Blacks and Latinos” (Le, Glimpses into the Future 176).
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Conclusion
At the beginning of this century, sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois commented
that the color lines would be the problem of the 20th
century due to the civil rights
movement and changes in immigration laws that together resulted in a multiethnic
and multiracial American society (Lott 15). Immigrants from Asia came to
America in large numbers as news of gold discovery in California and the need for
laborers reached them. They worked in plantation, mining and in building
railroads. Chae notes that the migration of labor from Asia or other countries was,
in effect, “a structural consequence of U.S global expansion and U.S. Capitalism.
“America” as a multiethnic and multiracial nation was systematically created by
capitalists’ demands for a cheap labor force in the development process of U.S.
capitalism” (Beyond 64). The growing influence of Asian Americans has its
foundations in political and cultural as well as demographic changes. Asian
American activism, allied with other civil rights movements in the 1960s and after,
made important changes in “the social fabric of American life. One significant
aspect of these changes can be seen … [in their] contributions to the visual arts,
literature, music, dance, and theater” (Josephine Lee, Critical Strategies 3).
The social significance of Asian Americans is that they are neither White
nor Black; however, as a racial group they share some experiences with both of
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them. In the past, they were mistreated, segregated and faced many experiences of
harsh discrimination similar to Blacks. But in recent decades, they have come to be
associated with Whites due to “similar socioeconomic and educational attainments
and similar residential patterns”. Despite their being subject to discrimination,
“they have historically had much higher levels of intermarriage than Blacks…”
(Lott 16).
Asian Americans generally have been suffering from media invisibility, but
when they are portrayed in television and film at all, negative stereotypes abound:
“organized criminals, gang members, or inscrutable and mysterious “Orientals.”
Positive and balanced images of Asian Americans have increased over time, but
they remain the exception rather than the rule” (Ancheta, Discrimination 48). The
distorted images of Asian Americans in the American media came as a result of
two phenomena: “the invisibility of Asians in general and the limited stereotypical
roles offered to Asian American actors on screen”. An Asian male is often
portrayed as a “villain, gangster, dope peddler, or a weakling in distress. An Asian
American woman is often seen as available and easy, or as the lotus blossom (a` la
Madame Butterfly): an accessible and willing mistress to white man.” The
mainstream media reflect the interests of the majority of the audiences. This
invisibility is a result of the “absence of strong Asian American film, television,
and theatre in cultural arenas” (Joann Faung Jean Lee, Preface 1).
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According to Barton & McGregor Asian American theatre was “the last
voice” to be heard fully in the United States. Even the Federal Theater Project of
the 1930s, which provided opportunities for other ethnic minorities, neglected
Asian Americans (356). The existence of multicultural and ethnic theatres and the
inroads made by playwrights such as Velina Hasu Houston, David Henry Hwang,
and Phillip Gotanda into the regional and commercial theatre arena are evidence of
a formalization in American terms of theatrical traditions inherent to
Asia which have crossed the Pacific embedded in the cultures of
Asian immigrants. The theater that has become visible, through
publication and production, outside of Asian immigrant communities
is a natural extension of an ongoing cultural response to new
situations and social developments. (Uno, Introduction 8)
Josephine Lee believes that the new visibility of Asian American theatre
artists is part of a larger movement that has emerged in the past few decades due to
“the attention given to the political, cultural, and intellectual issues of race and
ethnicity” (Critical Strategies 3). Since the 1990s works by ethnic Americans have
brought increasing attention to international factors that affect the “cultural
makeup of the united states” (Moser 87) and Asian American plays are no
exception. Caricatures of all ethnic and racial groups “were common on the
American stage (especially Irish, Germans, Swedes, Italians, and Jews), but the
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stereotypes of the "colored" people - African Americans, Indians, and Asians -
were the most prejudicial and longest lasting” (Postlewait 139). Although plays by
Asian Americans were written and performed earlier (notably in Hawaii), much of
the current body of theatrical work has been produced or made available to readers
only since the early 1970s. These works are now “gaining more public attention”
(Josephine Lee, Critical Strategies 3). The 1990s is an important period in the
history of Asian American theatre because a lot of Asian American plays and
studies were published which helped critics appreciate and pay attention to Asian
American plays, such as
scholarly works by Josephine Lee, James Moy, Dorinne Kondo, and
others provided historical, theoretical, and literary studies of Asian
American theatre. Their scholarship explored various issues, themes,
and developments while rooting their research in both Asian
American Studies and Theatre Studies. More recently, Alvin Eng’s
anthology of New York City Asian American performances, Yuko
Kurahashi’s study of the East West Players, and Karen Shimakawa’s
theoretical examination of abjection and embodiment have added to
this growing field. (Esther lee 2)
According to Miles Liu, the successful development and spreading of Asian
American drama would not have been possible without the establishment of Asian
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American theatres across the country like the East West Players in Los Angeles
(1956), the Kumu Kahua Theatre in Hawaii (1971), the Asian American Theater
Company in San Francisco (1973), the Northwest Asian American Theatre in
Seattle (1976), and the Pan Asian Repertory Theatre in New York (1977) (xi). The
1990s witnessed the emergence of smaller theatre companies on the West Coast
such as Teatro ng Tanan (Theater for the People) and Bindlestiff Studio, both
companies founded in the Filipino-American communities in San Francisco.
Theatre companies committed to the production of Asian American plays were
also formed in the Mid-west in the 1990s and 2000s, including Chicago’s Angel
Island Theatre Company and the Hmong Theatre Project, Rich Shiomi’s Theatre
Mu, and the Playwrights’ Center (Elizabeth Kim, The Facts 40). Although Asians
have become more visible in Asian repertory companies, television, and films, “the
roles they play remain essentially race specific and culture-conscious” (Joann
Faung Jean Lee, Introduction 4). One alternative to performing in traditional
venues and in often stereotypical roles “was to create new spaces in which both the
"Asian" and the "American" could be reimagined by Asian American actor, plays,
and audiences" (Josephine lee, Critical Strategies 15). The existence of these
theatres was and still important to Asian American playwrights to correct their
humiliating, distorted images made by the American media. Bigsby notes that to
escape the stereotype “it became necessary to create a counter-image and the
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theatre was deeply implicated in resisting images which had themselves often
originated in the theatre or cinema” (Critical Introduction 373). Although some of
these companies were founded as alternatives to the mainstream dominated venues
for Asian American actors, they gave a massive motivation for Asian American
playwrights to emerge and have provided the continuity of their plays. This
indicates the great efforts that Asian American playwrights achieved to make their
works appreciated by readers and critics (Liu xi). These theatres were established
due to the frustration of non white actors in Hollywood over the lack of
opportunities and being offered stereotypic and demeaning roles. Asian American
actors were “virtually invisible on New York City stages…. [also] white actors in
yellow face makeup continued to play Asian parts…” (Esther Lee, Actors 29).
AATW (later named the Asian American Theatre Company) caused a big hit
by producing new plays that dealt with the issue of "the old media images of
Asians and aggressively revealing the frustrations and contradictions of Asian
American experience" (Berson, The Cambridge Guide to Theatre 54). Besides the
race prejudice, uneasiness of expressing their human natural feelings has been a
major factor “in the negligible number of Asian Americans in the theater, drama,
and literary arts” (Uyematsu 771). Frank Chin, the co-founder of the theatre,
succeeded in attracting the national attention with his agitated and controversial
plays; first Chickencoop Chinaman and later his Year of Dragon and Gee, Pop!.
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He was the first Asian American playwright to have his works produced legally in
New York (Chickencoop Chinaman 1972, American Place Theatre). Frank Chin is
regarded by some as the “god-father” of Asian American writing. He was the first
Chinese American “to reach stardom in literature when he helped organized the
first Asian American literature curriculum at San Francisco State University in
1970” (Chen 41).
According to Chin such successful Asian-American authors as Maxine Hong
Kingston, Amy Tan, and David Henry Hwang are “fake” but well received by
mainstream America because they feed and satisfy the racist fantasy of white
Americans (Chen 41). Chin claims that Kingston, Hwang, and Tan are the first
writers of any race, and certainly the first writers of Asian ancestry,
to so boldly fake the best-known works from the most universally
known body of Asian literature and lore in history. And, to legitimize
their faking, they have to fake all of Asian American history and
literature, and argue that the immigrants who settled and established
Chinese America lost touch with Chinese culture, and that a faulty
memory combined with new experience produced new versions of
these traditional stories. This version of history is their contribution to
the stereotype. (3)
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In the significant opening essay of The Big Aiiieeeee!, “Come All Ye Asian
American Writers of the Real and the Fake,” Chin dedicates a 92-page essay on the
critical issue of the real and the fake. Chin believes that the “real” Asian American
writing—non-Christian, non-feminine, and non-confessional—“avoids the genre of
autobiography, celebrates Asian heroic heritage, restores Asian-American
manhood from emasculation, and battles against white perceptions of Asian
Americans” (Chen 41). He argues that the serious writer as well as the serious
reader “should be familiar with the basic myths, legends, and histories that inform
East Asian cultures if Asian American writing is to distinguish the “real” from the
“fake”; that is, to know the difference between what is in fact Asian and what is
not” (Chan 381). However, in response to Chin’s accusations, Maxine Hong
Kingston and Amy Tan insisted that “myths change as people face new adventures
and experiences” and that early Chinese immigrants changed details of ancient
Chinese myths to deal with their new realities in America (Oh x).
The struggles to expose their true identities and positive presence in the
American culture led Asian American writers to a type of “cultural nationalism
that promoted strict and usually narrow versions of identity” and that make some
writers believe that insisting on a “unitary identity is the only effective means of
opposing and defending oneself against marginalization”. In addition to describing
famous, successful writers as being “fake”, the editors of The Aiiieeeee! An
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Anthology of Asian American writers (1974) and its 1991 expanded version, The
Big Aiiieeeee!,
posited the notion of “Asian universal knowledge” embedded in
“Cantonese operas and Kabuki” and other artistic enterprises” of
Asian immigrants. In the anthology and their respective works, these
writers focused on American-born, non-Christian, male writers; in
addition, they identified writers only of Chinese and Japanese descent,
the most established Asian American groups. (Moser 86)
Frank Chin believes that the large number of Asian American women
writers and their commercial success is a threat to the Asian American manhood.
This belief results in “a misogynist current that runs through the selections chosen
in The Big Aiiieeeee!” (Patell 651). Chin believes that Asian American women
writers usually show great interest in portraying Chinese men in a bad image and
have “perpetuated the stereotype type of misogynic, and therefore inferior, Chinese
society…. [with] intentions to promote their work at the expense of Chinese men”
(Yin 235). Elaine Lee has argued that "aside from Toshio Mori, few Asian
American male writers have attempted multidimensional portrayals of Asian
American women," whereas such Asian American women writers as Noriko
Sawada, Emily Cachapero, Wakako Yamauchi, Eleanor Wong Telemaque, and
Hisaye Yamamoto have "demonstrated a profound sympathy for an understanding
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of their men". Not surprisingly, these writers are appreciated by Chin and his
coeditors because, as Elaine Lee suggests, their efforts "complement the efforts of
male writers to correct distortions and omissions about Asian American men" (qtd.
in Patell 651). Writers and scholars who embrace Chin’s attitude towards those
writers believe that he is a courageous writer as he tries to show the real image of
Asian Americans, however, some detractors believe that his position is both
"arbitrary and illogical, especially in its naive or false understanding of basic
principles of folklore, oral narratives, and cross-cultural discourse, and that it
unsuccessfully masks a profound jealousy of writers who have been far more
influential than he” (Lawrence 138-139). Perhaps Chin’s opinion is true; however,
it is undeniable that those writers have contributed a lot in broadening the
knowledge of the white readers and making them begin to seek the real identity of
Asian Americans away from the distorted image made by the American media.
Most of Chin’s accusations were directed towards famous Asian American
writers because, as he claims, they do not offer a good model to the American
reader and use the distorted image of Asian American manhood to market their
writings. Surprisingly, Chin adopted the same technique in his most celebrating
play Chickencoop Chinaman (1972). This play is the first work by an Asian
American playwright to be produced on a mainstream stage in New York. The
play’s main theme is searching for a father figure and failing to find it. In this play
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Chin blames America’s racism for Asian American men’s loss of manhood. Tam
Lum, the protagonist, flies to Pittsburgh searching for the father of Ovaltine Jack
the Dancer, a former lightweight champion, for his documentary film, but he finds
that Charley Popcorn is not Ovaltine’s father but a former boxer trainer who now
runs a porno movie house, and who is a ‘bigot’ and a ‘black racist when it comes
to yellow people’ (Chin, Chickencoop 42). It is obvious from Tam’s journey that
he is searching for an adequate Asian American figure to find a replacement for his
effeminate, absent father whom he described as ‘a crazy old dishwasher’(Chin,
Chickencoop 17). Tam himself is not a good father; he could not save his marriage
from a Caucasian wife or keep his children with him because he is afraid that one
day his children will be like him ‘Chinamans do make lousy fathers. I know. I have
one’ (Chin, Chickencoop 23), referring to his father. Throughout the play, Chin
does not offer any good example of Asian American men and even at the end of
the play the protagonist could not find one. After reading this play, one will realize
that Chin contradicts himself because he offers a distorted image of Asian
American manhood like the “fake” writers he used to attack.
Although Asian American women playwrights have often sought to
“deconstruct the patriarchy that underlies the Asian American or Asian female
experience”, Chin has accused this group of contributing to the negative stereotype
that Asian American male must confront. This male-female debate has continued
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as “a subtheme of writing in the Asian American community to the present day”
(Foley 46). However, whether these accusations are true or not, it is undeniable
that those women playwrights have been contributing a lot in bringing Asian
American theatre to the mainstream audiences and critics in an attempt to make
their community visible. These efforts include establishing Asian American
theatres and publishing important books and anthologies about it. The frustration
of Asian American actors in finding decent roles led to the establishment of some
Asian American theatres. On the East Coast, there is the Pan Asian Repertory
Theater, founded in 1973 by the actress and director Tisa Chang In 1979.
Similarly, Roberta Uno founded the “NEW WORLD Theater” at the University of
Massachusetts at Amherst, “specializing in works by African, Asian, Latina, and
Native American playwrights” (Scholte, Asian American 228). The significant
contributions made by Asian American women playwrights extend to publishing
books and anthologies to call attention to many important issues and experiences
that might be ignored in the American theatre like the Vietnam War, the Japanese
internment, assimilation, integration, stereotypes, and marginalization. One of the
most influential books is Asian American playwrights: A Bio-bibliographical
Critical Sourcebook edited by Miles Xian Liu (2002). The fifty-two entries—one
for each playwright—are arranged alphabetically. Each entry consists of four
sections: Biography, Major Works and Themes, Critical Reception, and
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Bibliography. It is believed that the great efforts that Roberta Uno and her
collaborators made have improved considerably the status of “near-invisibility” of
the work of Asian American women playwrights which include
the Roberta Uno Asian American Women Playwrights’ Script
Collection 1942- present, which apart from the play script, also
includes photos, playbills, and interviews. Misha Berson’s anthology
of Asian American plays, Between Worlds (1990), was followed by
several play collections exclusively devoted to Asian American
women playwrights: Houston ‘s the Politics of Life: Four Plays by
Asian American Women (1993) and Uno’s Unbroken Thread: An
Anthology Of Plays By Asian American Women (1993). Works by
Asian American women playwrights have also been included in other
anthologies: Kathy Perkins and Uno’s Contemporary Plays by Women
of Color (1995), Houston’s But Still, Like Air, I’ll Rise: New Asian
American Plays (1997), Brian Nelson’s Asian American Drama: Nine
Plays from the Multiethnic Landscape (1997), Roger Ellis’s
Multicultural Theatre II: Contemporary Hispanic, Asian and African
American plays (1998), and Alvin Eng’s Tokens? The NYC Asian
American Experience on Stage (1999). (Scholte, Asian American 228)
107
Likewise, Asian American women playwrights’ contributions are clear in
the language, form, and message used in their plays. The settings of their plays are
no longer the “small living rooms” and “kitchens” like those used in the previous
generations. Also, their characters are not “culturally displaced or defeated
women” anymore but are “agitated warrior women” … playwrights today do not
simply express their culture internally or display it for the audience but demand the
world to put it in context” (Miyagawa 13).
Patell notes that with the enfranchisement of women by the Nineteenth
Amendment in 1919, “the legal standing of Asian American men was further
eroded, and even after the enfranchisement of Chinese Americans in 1943, the
stereotype of the effeminate Asian American man would continue to be pervasive
and damaging” (591). Since they were the first Asian group to reach America in
large scales, Chinese immigrants and their successors were subjected to many
different stereotypic images. According to Robert G. Lee in Orientals: Asian
Americans in Popular Culture (1999), the Chinese, as a race, “has at least six faces
in American racist or racialist representations—the pollutant, the coolie, the
deviant, the yellow peril, the model minority, and the gook….” (qtd. in Yunte
Huang 127). Josephine Lee argues that the oppressive laws against Asian men and
preventing a lot of Asian women from immigration led to the isolation of
significant numbers of Chinese and Filipino men in “bachelor communities”. She
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adds that “despite the substantive changes in law and policy, demographics, and
political and cultural visibility of Asian Americans, the negative effects of these
laws are still felt” (Performing America 142).
From the very beginning, Asian American writers tend to dramatize their
cultural roots and experiences which are foreign to the American mainstream.
They write about “different racial memories and ethnic experiences of Asian
immigrants as well as their second, third, or even fourth and fifth generations in the
United States … [and this] is supposed to reflect the pluralistic American society.
(Zing 67). Bigsby notes that:
The theater is a public rite. It is a mechanism for addressing anxieties,
for seeking to locate form in the randomness of events. It is also,
however, an expression of its society and has historically perpetuated
those social caricatures that are the mechanism of power. Just as
Hwang chose to see theatrical stereotypes as a clue to the damaging
misapprehensions that in turn become the basis for social action, so, in
Yankee Dawg You Die, Philip Kan Gotanda stages a debate between
two actors who discuss the stereotypical roles offered to Asians. In
other words, these are plays that acknowledge the theater's power
either to confirm or resist the reductivism that lies at the heart of
prejudice. (Cambridge 97)
109
Most ethnic theatres in America resist the vicious racial discrimination and
marginalization and used them as a source of inspiration and Asian American
theatre is no exception. Lei points out that many Asian American dramas rely on
“the binary system: one has to choose aside, to be Asian or to be American, or one
can reject both while still depending on both to position oneself in the fight. The
tension between the binary choices is a consistent factor in the plays, whether
between generations or within oneself” (314). However, Asian American authors
challenge their readers to approach their writings with “a necessary of perspective”
because, as Srikanth suggests, the worst thing a reader can do is
to reduce the interpretative framework to binary opposites- American
or not? Asian or not? Local or Transnational? Citizen or foreigner?
Such polarities do nothing to engage the difficulties of creating and
maintaining a civic society in these complicated times and neglects
the complex of web of interlocking and inter-related themes explored
in contemporary Asian American literature: nostalgia, memory, hope,
rebuilding, journeying, erasure, family, gender relations, voice,
neighborhood, place, belonging, comfort, refuge, departure, arrival.
(Beyond 107-108)
According to Murphy, one of the most important sources for American
theatre and drama toward the end of the twentieth century was “the universities”.
110
He adds that a new generation of playwrights and theatre artists “who were trained
to create theatre in academic theater programs set the tone for the literary theatre of
the 1980s and 1990s”. David Henry Hwang is one of the outstanding Asian
American playwrights who used racial discrimination as a source of inspiration in
his hit play M. Butterfly. David Henry Hwang’s M. Butterfly (1988), “with its
postmodern deconstruction of gender, ethnic, and imperialist cultural stereotypes,
shows evidence of his education at Stanford and the Yale School of Drama, where
these issues were major concerns of the 1980s” (427). The original title is
Monsieur Butterfly, but Hwang shortened it to M. Butterfly which seems more
“mysterious and ambiguous” (Lu 380). Saddik notes that:
Hwang takes the mythical figure of Puccini’s Madame Butterfly ,the
submissive, self-sacrificing Japanese geisha girl, who ultimately
commits suicide after she is deserted by the American naval officer
who married and impregnated her, and turns her into ‘M.’ Butterfly–
neither Madame or Monsieur–an ambiguous symbol of gender
complexity, political resistance and empowerment. (156)
De Ornellas believes that With M. Butterfly, David Henry Hwang achieved
“a double success: a commercial hit on Broadway and a serious contribution to the
awareness of issues affecting the relationship between the West and the Far East”
111
(185). M. Butterfly opened at the National Theatre, Washington, D. C., on February
10, 1988, and moved to Broadway within six weeks, debuting at the Eugene
O’Neill Theatre on March 20 (Esther Lee, The Second Wave 128). The idea of the
play came to Hwang when he read an article in the New York Times about a
former French diplomat, Bernard Bouriscot, arrested on charges of turning over
embassy documents to his Chinese lover Shi Peipu, who turned out to be not only a
spy but also a man (Lu 380). The diplomat testified that this news was shocking to
him. Hwang immediately saw a potential play in the story but “purposely refrained
from further research for [he] was not interested in writing docudrama” (qtd. in
Esther Lee, The Second Wave 128). The play succeeds as “intellectual provocation
because of its merciless deconstruction of Asian stereotypes fanned by fantasies
such as Puccini’s opera, Madama Butterfly” (De Ornellas 185).
In M. Butterfly, Hwang made some changes in the setting and his technique
of writing for specific purposes. He transfers the action from Japan (in Puccini’s
opera) to China which are culturally different to signify “a blurring of Asian
cultural identity in the Western mind” (Saddik 156). Hendrick points out that
David Henry Hwang did not use the “linear plot structures”6 inspired by the
German playwright Bertolt Brecht, but he rather uses several devices that highlight
the artificial nature of performance. She notes that:
112
the main character narrates the story speaking directly to the audience;
several of the actors play more than one role; the play leaps
backwards and forwards in time rather than following a linear plot
line. These devices serve to remind the audience that they are
watching a performance, and, by de-emphasizing plot, the play steers
the audience’s attention to the social and political issues behind the
dramatic events. (356)
Hwang began writing M. Butterfly “with the presumption that the French
diplomat fell in love not with an actual person but with a fantasy stereotype of the
Orient, the Madame Butterfly” (Esther Lee, The Second Wave 132). The play is
not only “subverting the stereotyped image of the Oriental woman and the East,”
but also “questions the stability of identity purported by that political/sexual
stereotype (Zhou & Cheng 184).” In Hwang’s M. Butterfly, the diplomat Rene
Gallimard is the counterpart of Puccini’s westerner, Pinkerton. He falls in love
with Peking opera singer Song Liling, who is “fantasized” by Gallimard to be the
counterpart of Puccini’s Cio-Cio-San, Madame Butterfly. Gallimard’s fantasy
toward Song makes him “unaware of Song’s gender and motive until Song
removes makeup and changes into men’s clothes near the end of the play” (Lu
380).
113
In act 3, when the French judge asks Song how he fooled Gallimard, he
answers: ‘One, because when he finally met his fantasy woman, he wanted more
than anything to believe that she was, in fact, a woman. And second, I am an
Oriental. And being an Oriental, I could never be completely a man’ (Hwang 83).
These two points about the characters’ relationship “metaphorically represent the
play’s main themes. The first is the West’s misunderstanding of the East as exotic,
submissive, mystical, delicate, poor, and feminine. Conversely, the West thinks of
itself as “masculine—big guns, big industry, big money” (Esther Lee, The Second
Wave 133). The basic arc of the play, as Hwang has explained is simple. The
Frenchman imagination made him think that he is the Pinkerton and his lover is the
Butterfly. However, by the end of the play, he realizes that it is he who has been
Butterfly, in that (Gray 722). Motivated by desperation and his feeling of shame,
Gallimard dresses himself like Madame Butterfly and then commits suicide. Lu
suggests that the tragic ending of M. Butterfly indicates a
symbolic warning to the west to cultivate a balanced cultural
understanding and to adjust their views of the Orient; otherwise they,
like Gallimard, may come to a dead end when dealing with people in
and of the East. In other words, both a sense of racial supremacy and
imperialist mentality need to be eradicated (381).
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The white man has brainwashed himself into believing that he is superior to
other ethnic groups and this made him create distorted and humiliating images of
them and use the American media to spread them. One of the main aims of Asian
American playwrights is to change this image and show their true identity. By the
mid-60s, the image of Asians in America had changed dramatically. Niiya points
out that the image of the “yellow peril moniker had mysteriously vanished to be
replaced by the advent of the “model minority” label. Suddenly Asian Americans,
or more accurately Chinese and Japanese Americans, were perceived as having
overcome past injustice to make it in America” (36) and succeeded in achieving
the so called the American Dream. Although this image has some positive
indications, it is still unfavorable to Asian Americans. In 1966, when William
Peterson first coined the phrase “model minority” in his article for the New York
Times Magazine, entitled, “Success Story Japanese American Style,” he probably
did not expect that he is creating something more than a linguistic term. Li and
Wang believe that Peterson “has … started a field of study filled with ideological,
political, racial, and cultural contestations between the mainstream society and
Asian American researchers and intellectuals and within the Asian American
academic community itself” (3). Shortly he wrote another one focusing on Chinese
Americans, appeared in U.S. News and World Report on December 26, 1966.
Petersen concluded that “Japanese and Chinese cultures/values/ethics of hard work
115
and strong family ties enabled Japanese Americans and Chinese Americans to
overcome racial barriers to achieve high academic and economic success in
society” (Stacey Lee 70). Advocates of this label claim that:
educational, occupational, and economics status are strong indicators
of Asian success in a society that historically has limited their
assimilation in mainstream society. Asian Americans fit the model
minority stereotype because the majority of their population has
overcome the obstacles plague other minority groups in American
society. Part of their success is based on their small but growing
population that does not pose a threat to mainstream society. In
contrast, other minority populations, such as the African Americans
and Latinos, have much larger populations and consequently are
perceived as much of a threat to mainstream society, and this
perception increases and intensifies discriminatory practices on a
larger scale. (Nakanishi 246)
Professor Peter Kiang believes that one of the reasons that Asian Americans
are labeled as model minority is their tendency to study certain fields like
“accounting, computer science, mathematics, and engineering” that require
“relatively few verbal and written English-language-skills” (qtd. in Moody 79).
116
Although teachers and guidance counselors usually encourage them to have
interests in other fields, “they are frequently pigeonholed into technical fields”
(Moody 79). Palumbo- Liu argues that the model minority label indicates that
“minorities should be grateful for having been accepted by the dominant white
culture, while feeling content to stay one level below whites because they can
never fully measure up to their standards” (qtd. in Shrake 184). He adds that the
image of the model minority “reinforces the dominant culture’s idea of acceptable
minorities and, by extension, the negative impression of those recalcitrant ‘‘other’’
minorities” (qtd. in Shrake 184). However, those who succeeded are workers of
high skills and well educated people. According to the 2000 census, more than 12
percent of Asian Americans in the United States earn an income under the poverty
level. Southeast Asians are more likely to live in poverty than other Asians
(Sacramento and Cruz 149). Also, it is obvious that in talking about the model
minority, nobody seemed to mention groups like the Filipino Americans or the
Korean Americans “who didn’t quite fit the image the media establishment wanted
to project” (Niiya 37). The media-fostered image of Asian immigrants as a model
minority has helped reinforce this myth of America as a multicultural tolerable
society. The publication of writings by Asian immigrants or their descendents
under the label of “multicultural literature” or “ethnic literature,” to a large extent
characterized by “successful” stories, has also contributed towards “under-
117
representation of the poverty, racial discrimination, social oppression, and
economic inequality that most minorities have been suffering” (Chae, Introduction
4). This indicates that Asian American writings have reinforced the image of
model minority not just the American media.
In the past Asians and Asian Americans were labeled as “Orientals” to deny
their political rights or being a part of the American society and to allow the
American government to treat them as perpetual foreigners but now they are
regarded as a model minority not to their “mystical Asian cultural beliefs” or
“racial superiority” (Inkelas 13) but to assure the system stability, ethnic equality
and social justice in America. Neil Gotanda believes that this label, model
minority, places Asian Americans “in well to do class position” (384) higher than
other minorities, especially African Americans who are usually described as being
lazy, stupid, aggressive, and criminals, but lower than the whites. However,
positive stereotypes do not necessarily have positive results. This image does not
only thwart and discourage other minorities but it also creates jealousy and grudge
against Asian Americans. This is clear in Los Angeles riots that took place
between African Americans and Korean Americans in 1992. Likewise, the myth of
model minority has negative effects on Asian Americans’ health and it sometimes
results in committing suicide, especially among Asian American women. In her
influential study “Suicide among Asian Americans” (2002), Eliza Noh argues that
118
the model minority myth has created a huge pressures on Asian American women
due to “unrealistic expectations of success, as well as social taboos against
acknowledging experiences of mental illness, depression, or suicidal tendencies”
(12). The negative effects of this label also appear in higher education. Ancheta
notes that: “Asian Americans as a racial group form large percentages of many
student bodies, ethnic groups such as Southeast Asians and Pacific Islanders are
not well represented and are often excluded from recruitment programs designed to
increase the representation of racial minorities” (Law 163).
Although model minority is a social label, it has a negative influence on
Asian American theatre. Frank Chin has always been blaming Asian American
playwrights and accusing them for being responsible for the feminine image of the
Asian American male. However, it is undeniable that their writings contribute to
Asian American playwrights’ efforts in giving a serious warning of the negative
effects of Asian stereotypes like Hwang’s M. Butterfly. This feminine image is a
direct result to the model minority label. Shrake notes that the model minority
stereotype paints “a misleading portrait of Asian Americans as a polite, docile, and
non threatening people. It is at this point that the model minority stereotype
becomes genderized (feminized). Asian Americans as a model minority are
supposed to assume feminine qualities of passivity, submissiveness, self-
effacement, and reticence to speak out”. He adds that this image is particularly
119
dangerous because “it tells Asian Americans how to behave. It tells us to pose no
threat to the White establishment, to take things quietly, not to complain, and not
fight back” (184).
Surprisingly, the persistence of model minority label has negative effects on
white people as well. The stereotype of Asian superiority in math results in white
underperformance because they are “fearful of confirming the stereotype that their
racial group has inferior abilities in math. This fear extends to white parents who
pull their children out of schools with high Asian American population so that their
children do not have to compete with Asian American students” (Cheryan &
Bodenhausen 175).
Elizabeth Kim argues that the demographic changes that happened among
Asian American communities in the 1970s and beyond are reflected on the
appearance of plays in the 1980s and 1990s that focus on “multiethnic and
multiracial intersections and the formation of hybrid identities”. Prior to these
changes was the passage of the 1965 Immigration Act, which aimed at removing
the barriers to Asian immigration to the United States. She adds that playwrights of
various Asian backgrounds like the Filipinos, Indians, Koreans, and Vietnamese
began to share their own experiences and joined Chinese American and Japanese
American playwrights “to expand the scope of Asian-American playwriting” (The
Facts 39). The ethnic composition of those artists reflected the demographics of the
120
Asian American population, as well as the class background in the United States.
Accordingly, one find that their themes tend to reflect their common historical
experiences, problems, and values like: “Chinese immigration and labor histories,
such as work on the railroads, and the Japanese American internment camps of
World War II” (Kondo x). Elizabeth Kim notes that:
Some of these plays, such as Huynh Quang Nhuong’s Dance of the
Wandering Souls (1997), serve to educate America’s mainstream
audiences about the myths and histories of a specific Asian or Asian
American culture. Dance of the Wandering Souls frames China’s
millennial rule in Vietnam as a story of warring families determined
to pass on their long legacy of hostility and aggression to the next
generation. The play both informs American audiences about this
early phase of Vietnam’s history, though in highly mythologized
form, and suggests a remedy for war in the promise of the eventual
union of the younger generation. (The Facts 39)
Throughout their long journey Asian American playwrights have tried hard
to expose the true identity of Asian Americans and to defy the imposed
stereotypical images made by the American media and by the American culture
that always demeans any ethnic group other than the white one. Winning many
awards and having their books put on the bestseller lists make us realize that some
121
Asian American playwrights have achieved great commercial success; however,
this does not indicate that they have succeeded in changing the humiliating,
distorted images of Asian Americans. After so many years of being ignored and
underestimated, Asian American playwrights succeeded in grabbing the attention
of the mainstream readers and critics who finally begin to appreciate their works.
The American society began to realize the problems of this ethnic group from these
plays. Unfortunately, Asian American citizens tend to be invisible and segregated
and this is clear in San Francisco Chinatown. This community is specially made by
Chinese immigrants to protect their unique identities, traditions, values, languages
and cultures from being overshadowed or destroyed by the American culture or
from being forgotten by the younger generations. Adopting the invisible state is
also clear and much worse in the case of Filipino Americans who tend to keep their
traditions and cultures from the younger generations. De Leon believes that lacking
the sense of equality in America led some Filipino Americans to adopt
an orientation of invisibility, rarely acknowledging their contributions
or accomplishments in America, though numerous and significant.
This attitude further perpetuates the invisibility of the Filipino
American community… And whether intended or unintended, first-
generation Filipino parents often transfer this orientation to their
American-born and -raised children. Hence, Filipino American youth
122
not only have to search for a history and culture that is sometimes lost
or kept from them, but they must also battle the mentalities that
prevent them from embracing that heritage. (193)
De Leon adds that although in some instances, Filipino American youth
“may accept their parents’ strategies of invisibility, their lived experiences in
American society also inspire them to perform acts of resistance in their attempt to
reconcile their history and present situation” (194).
Today Asian Americans are still scared. Their passive behavior helps keep
national attention on blacks. Asian Americans believe that by being as invisible as
possible, they keep pressures of themselves at the expense of the blacks. Asian
Americans have formed “an uneasy alliance with white Americans to keep the
blacks down. They ignored the white racism toward them which has never
changed” (Uyematsu 771). Uno notes that:
In the American theater the silencing of Asians has been particularly
consequential, not only because of their invisibility or
marginalization, but also because of the distortion of their image by
both stereotypical writing and the continuing, accepted practice of
casting European American actors as Asians. The silencing of Asians
in America through laws, social practice, and the media has
cumulatively served to affect the psyche of Asians and non-Asians
123
alike. The result is a willingness to accept and view Asians as silent,
uncomplaining, and accepting of their lot. (Introduction 3)
In the recent decades, it is evident that some aspects of Asian American lives
and status have undergone some changes while others do not. These aspects are
reflected in Asian American theatre. While some themes have emerged from Asian
American contemporary problems and challenges, others are unchanged and still
used in Asian American plays. Some of these unchanged themes are considered an
important part in Asian American history such as the Japanese internment during
World War II. While some playwrights depict the life in the camps like, Wakako
Yamauchi’s 12-1-A (1992) and Lane Nishikawa’s Gila River (1998), other plays
explore the long term psychological effects of this experience on Japanese
Americans like Gotanda’s A Song for a Nisei Fisherman (1995), and The Wash
(1995). The riots between Asian Americans and African Americans like Brenda
Wong Aoki’s The Queen Garden (1992) that was written as a response to Los
Angeles riots, and the Vietnam War like Jeannie Barroga’s Walls (1989). Other
plays introduce new themes that depict the problems and challenges that Asian
Americans face. These themes include racism and racial stereotype like David
Henry Hwang’s M. Butterfly (1988), the distorted image of Asians and Asian
Americans in the American media and the challenges that face Asian American
actors like Elizabeth Wong’s China Doll (1991), the generational clash between
124
Asian Americans and their American born children like Philip Kan Gotanda’s Fish
Head Soup (1995). The intermarriages between Asian Americans and other ethnic
groups like Dmae Roberts’ Breaking Glass (1995), and the internal struggles
between being loyal to Asian cultures and values and living in a completely
different culture with its standards that always humiliate any ethnic group other
than the white one to confirm their superiority like Philip Kan Gotanda’s Yankee
Dawg You Die (1987).
The American media are the most influential means in spreading the
stereotypical images of Asian Americans. They do not differentiate between
Asians living in Asian countries and Asian Americans; Americans living in
America from Asian descent. The American portrayal of Asian Americans
increases the hatred and grudge towards them especially at times when political
crises occur between America and Asian countries. This misunderstanding came as
a result of media misuse by the white man. The white man refuses to feel that
someone is more superior to him, so he uses Asian Americans as a scapegoat to his
wrong decisions and actions and uses the grudge and jealousy that other minorities
bear to draw their attention away from him. This plan proves to be successful and
shows the cunning face of the white man. This is evident in Los Angeles riots in
1992 which turned from bad to worse due to the bad coverage and the poor reports
of the media managed by white people. The riots were between African Americans
125
and Korean Americans and extend to include all Asian Americans. This event
affected the psychology of many Asian Americans and made them believe that
being invisible to the mainstream American society is better than being visible and
be victimized either by the white man or by other oppressed minorities. Chang &
Diaz-Veizades believe that by focusing on the Korean–African American conflict,
“the white establishment in New York was able to dismiss the charge of racism by
African Americans by accusing them of being “racist” themselves against Korean
Americans” (73). Although there is no specific event that starts these riots, some of
them were shocking enough to remain in the African American memory like the
attack of Rodney King on March 3, 1991. A bystander, George Holliday,
videotaped four white police officers beating a black man, Rodney King, who
offers little resistance. Holliday did not offer the tape to LAPD [Los Angeles
Police Department]; instead, a local television station took the footage. The scene
was shown around the world and King became the victim of police brutality.
Rainer & Rainer note that from the perspective of the video footage, the attack was
“unprovoked toward a defenseless man. The rage in the nation was palpable”
(152).
A year later, in 1992, the Los Angeles race riots broke out when a California
jury acquitted the four white police officers of using excessive force against
Rodney King. This acquittal was a great humiliation to African Americans and
126
resulted in widespread “looting, assaults, arsons, and murder occurred during the
rioting. Property damage was assessed at more than one billion dollars. Fifty- three
people were killed and thousands more injured. At that time, The L.A riot of 1992
was the worst riot in American history” (Ford 275).
Although these riots were supposed to be between African Americans and
the American system, Asian Americans got involved in these riots. They were
visible as enemies for African Americans and invisible in the media when they try
to defend themselves. According to Chang & Diaz-Veizades there are numerous
other examples of Asian invisibility in the media before, during, and after the Los
Angeles riots. They note that
No television stations in Los Angeles interviewed an Asian American
in the first seventy-two hours after the Rodney King verdicts were
announced. The Los Angeles Times and other media ignored a news
conference on the second day of the riots when Councilman Mike
Woo, Police Commissioner Mike Yamaki, and other Asian American
community leaders called for justice for Rodney King. (62)
Today, it is clear that being visible or invisible is the same for Asian
Americans as both of them have negative consequences on their lives. For Fong,
Asian Americans are “only visible as stereotypes, and invisible due to widespread
ignorance of their distinct histories and contemporary experiences” (qtd. in Ty 24).
127
It is evident that America takes advantage of the image of Asian Americans
whether it is positive or negative to keep and protect its fake image as the land of
promises and equality where non-white individuals will be treated fairly and be
able to achieve their dreams without any obstacles. The idea of America’s ability
in absorbing people with different cultural backgrounds and beliefs still exists until
now. However, this comes out to be just a lie. If America is accused of treating
minorities unfairly, it will use the “model minority” myth to show how Asian
Americans have achieved many accomplishments in America and that it has no
hand in the failure of other minorities. But, if Asian Americans fight for their rights
to be visible and have their problems solved, they will fall as victims of racial
discrimination and face violence from other minorities, especially African
Americans. So, Asian Americans are confused and get lost whether to run after
their rights to show their true identity and correct their distorted images for their
dignity and their duty towards the younger generations or to be invisible and accept
their current position for their safety.
Asian American playwrights are clear and straightforward in their decision
about which side they should take. They chose to be heard and visible. They do not
believe in compromises but they rather prefer to struggle to reveal their true
identity and fight for their rights to be appreciated and respected. They believe that
struggling for their image is a part of their duty towards the younger generations.
128
Asian American playwrights believe that the respected treatment should be applied
to the majority of Asian Americans not just the well-educated or rich people
because it is their right and it should not be regarded as a gift from the American
government. Although theatre is not as influential as cinema and television, Asian
American playwrights continue their struggles to show the true identity of Asian
Americans as they are deliberately disallowed from using other powerful means of
media managed by the whites. Judi Nihei observed that the very existence of Asian
American theatres means that
Asian Americans have not been embraced by the mainstream.
However, to preserve Asian American identities and to educate this
new global village about the unique Asian American sensibility,
history, and experiences, there will always be a need for Asian
American theatres, writers, performers, actors, directors, and
designers as beacons to challenge the established patterns of the so-
called mainstream and to continue to lead the theatre world in new
directions (qtd. in Hong, Asian-American Almanac 593).
Unfortunately, Asian American playwrights’ efforts to make their ethnic
group visible with their true identity and to be represented in a respectable way in
media is fiercely resisted by some Asian American citizens who believe that being
invisible will cause them less problems and make them live in peace. This
129
challenging situation puts most Asian Americans in a semi-visible state. In other
words, invisible till the American system requires their visibility. This does not
mean that Asian American playwrights stopped their attempts but this creates a
bigger challenge for them and they become confident that they chose the right side
when they find that the new generations of Asian Americans begin to realize the
problems of their groups, fight for their survival and appreciate their achievements
in the American society. Asian American playwrights believe that in addition to
the theatrical productions of their literary works, Asian Americans must make
more efforts to show their true identity through self-esteem and self-confidence.
They must pay attention to their personal mistakes and break the ethnic boundaries
between them and other ethnic groups or between them and the American
mainstream society. They must begin to be proud of their contributions to the
welfare of the American society. Also, they must appreciate their cultures, values,
and traditions and passed them to the younger generations.
130
End Notes:
Chapter I:
1- Sansei: a Japanese word literally means third generation. (Merriam-
Webster.com. Merriam-Webster, 2011.Web. 1 January 2011).
2- Nisei: a Japanese word literally means second generation. (Merriam-
Webster.com. Merriam-Webster, 2011.Web. 1 January 2011).
3- Issei: a Japanese word literally means first generation. (Merriam-
Webster.com. Merriam-Webster, 2011.Web. 1 January 2011).
4-Actors Equity: a labor organization established in May, 1913. it directed its
initial efforts toward obtaining a standard contract for its members which would
provide for free transportation to and from New York city, two weeks notice of
dismissal, curtailed rehearsal time, pay for actors dismissed without
compensation after more than a week of rehearsal, limitation of extra
performances without wages, and pay for all weeks actually played. (Louis B.
Perry and Richard S. Perry, A History of the Los Angeles Labor Movement,
1911-1941, 1963) p 377.
131
Chapter III:
5-
Tiananmen Square Massacre: were a series of demonstrations in and near
Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989. Dozens of tanks and thousands of Chinese
troops entered the Square and brutally slaughtered killing thousands of unarmed
students and civilian protesters. This massacre was ordered by the leader of the
Communist Party of China, Deng Xiaoping, who thought that these protests would
threaten his power and his party. (David Curtis Wright, The History of China, 2nd
ed. 2011) p 188.
Conclusion:
6-Linear Plot Structure: in this structural pattern, one event anticipates, causes, or
leads to another in a progressive, forward-moving timeline and cause-effect
progression. Events are linked together to form a beginning that builds to a
middle and then is resolved in the ending. (Soe Marlar Lwin, Narrative Structure
in Burmese Folk Tales, 2011) p 31.
132
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