i

POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF

BARADARIES IN DISTRICT

KHUSHAB (1982-2008)

NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS

ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004

SESSION: 2009-2012

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY

LAHORE

ii

This thesis is submitted to GC University

Lahore in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the award of degree of PhD

in

History

By

NAME: MUHAMMAD WARIS

ROLL NO: 03-GCU-PhD-HIS-2004

SESSION: 2009-2012

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

GOVT. COLLEGE UNIVERSITY

LAHORE

iii

iv

v

DEDICATION

To the Loving Memory of My

Father MUHAMMAD HAYAT AWAN and My

SISTer SHAHNAZ AKHTAR (Late)

vi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all I am extremely thankful to Almighty Allah who gave me strength

and commitment to accomplish this monumental task on much debated issue of

“POWER POLITICS AND ROLE OF BARADARIES IN DISTRICT KHUSHAB

(1982-2008)”. I express my profound gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Farhat Mahmud.

He provided me valuable support to accomplish this huge task.

I am highly thankful to Dr.Tahir Kamran, Chairperson Department of History

GCU Lahore and former Chairperson Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim for sparing time out of

their very busy schedule and giving me highly pertinent and valuable pieces of advice,

which helped me to overcome my shortcomings related to this thesis. I have deep

feelings for Dr. Tahir Mahmud, Coordinator PhD Programme, Dr. Hussain Ahmad

Khan, Dr. Tahir Jameel, Dr. Irfan Waheed Usmani, Mr. Noor Hussain, Madam

Farzana Arshad, Mr. Ayyaz Gul, Madam Shiffa, Madam Naila Pervez, Department of

History GCU Lahore for their kind guidance in organizing this task in practical

manner. Madam Humma, Additional Controller of examinations GCU Lahore, She

always listen patiently my quiries and immicably solved all technical issues relating to

research and examinations. I am thankful for cooperation and support by the

administrative staff, GCU Department of History, Muhammad Ilyas and Fahad

Sohail.

My special thanks are due to Dr. Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, Dean of Social

Sciences and Chairman, Department of History, University of the Punjab Lahore,

whose special help and care always proved for me a blessing in disguise.

I also pay special regards to my well wishers and personal friends in various

universities and institutions, Dr. Rizwan Ullah Kokab GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Akhtar

Hussain Sandhu, Professor PG College Township Lahore, Dr. Ghulam Ghaus,

Registrar GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, Chairman Department of

History & Pakistan Studies GCU Faisalabad, Hassan Sanwal, Department of History

GCU Faisalabad, Dr. Faraz Anjum, Dr. Mehboob Hussain and Dr. Maqbool Ahmad

Awan, Department of History PU Lahore, Dr. Sajid Mahmud Awan (NIHCR) QU

Islamabad and Prof(R). Muhammad Saeed Saggu(My college Teacher and Mentor),

former Director Budget and planning DPI Office Lahore, Prof(R) Malik Gulzar

Ahmad Awan former Controller of Examinations BISE Sargodha and EDO Education

vii

Khushab, who gave me the ideas in right direction and motivated me to complete this

task. The help and support of my MPhil and PhD class fellows at GCU Lahore, Mr.

Khalid Naseem, Mr. Basharat Elahi Jamil, Mr. Amir Khan Shahid is highly praise

worthy.

I appreciate the cooperation and favour extended by political leadership,

acdamicions, lawyers, and members of civil society of 51 union councils of District

Khushab for sparing time to conduct interviews for my research.

My thanks are also due to Dr. Tanvir Anjum ,Quaid-i-Azam University

Islamabad, Dr. Rahat Zubair Malik (NIHCR), Dr. Samina Awan ,Chairperson

Department of History AIOU Islamabad, Dr. Mussarat Jabeen Asif, Coordinator and

Professor University of Lahore Sargodha.Dr.Addil Saleem Department of Economics

UOS,Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti Incharge Chairman Department of Political Science

UOS, Dr. Kausar Perveen Department of History & Pakistan Studies UOS, Ms.

Ghazala Hayat, Deputy Director ORICS UOS, Dr. Muhammad Shafique Bhatti,

Chairman Department of History BZU Multan, Dr. Akbar Malik and Dr. Aftab

Hussain Gillani, Department of History, Islamia University Bahawalpur. Dr. Allah

Nawaz Khan, Gomal University DI Khan, Dr. Moosa Kaleem Baloach , Muhammad

Mustaqeem ,Lecturer Chemistery, Sargodha University Bhakkar Campus.

I am really indebted to my colleagues and friends specially Mr. Ghulam

Qadeer Gondal GC Phularwan(Sargodha), Mr. Muhammad Bakhsh Gondal GC

Kotmoman(Sargodha), Mr. Amir Hussain Alvi, Makhdoom Muhammad Bilal, Raja

Muhammad Jamraiz, Muhammad Sarwar Khan, Muhammad Tanvir Khan, Adnan

Saeed Khan,Gulzar Ahmad, Mazhar Iqbal Lak, Khalid Sardar, Muhammad Aslam

Anjum, Tariq Aziz, My class fellow Ch. Zulfiqar Ali Warraich (The Staff Secretary)

G.C.Bhalwal , Haq Nawaz Awan, Dr. Mushtaq Ahmad Jura, Dr. Nazar Abbas Gondal,

Zafar Iqbal Harral, Ghulam Abbas,Sultan Haider Ali,Shujat Ali,Ahmad Munir zia,

Muhammad Akram, Raja Muhammad Sarwar (Head Clerk), Manzoor Elahi (Clerk).

Muhammad Yar Kahoot, Vice Principal G.C. Bhalwal (Sargodha), always encouraged

and inspired me to complete my research as earlier as possible and join university. I

am highly grateful to Mahr Khalid Mehmood Sipra, Associate Professor, Principal

GC Bhalwal (Sargodha) for his special coopration and interest in my work. He always

extended his full support whenever I requested.

viii

My MPhil students in the Department of History & Pakistan Studies University of

Sargodha, Miss Rehana Iqbal SS History GGHS Chak 88 SB Sargodha, Syed Najam

ul Hasnain Shah SS History (former Teaching Assistant Department of History

University of Sargodha and presently SS History GHSS Nehang Sargodha),Malik

Muhammad Qayyam Awan (late) Deputy Cmmissioner Attock District. Col. Malik

Saif Ullah Awan (Incharge Security Mushif Air Base Sargodha), Mr. Nadeem Ahmad

Farooq, UOS, Mr. Muhammad Tahir Headmaster GHS Raitri, Sahiwal, Mr. Mumtaz

Kalyar from village Dera Jara Sargodha. They always helped me in my research

work.

Last but not the least, my deepest feelings for my sons , Muhammad Shehryar

Awan Muhammad Asfand Yar Awan and Muhammad Zavyar Awan (The Yars). My

sisters for their enormous prayers for my success.My nephews and nices,Muhammad

Yaqoob Awan,Muhammad Ayub Awan,Naeem Iqbal Awan,Muhammad Janbaz

Angra,Muhammad Shabaz Angra.Maqbool Fatima(Her son Muhammad Aafan),

Laraib Zafar and Zunaira Rubab. Alas my father, Muhammad Hayat Awan, my

younger sister, Shahnaz Akhtar my maternal uncle,Haji Alam Sher Awan and my

cousions:Zafar Iqbal Awan, Muhammad Mumtaz Angra and Muhammad Iqbal Angra.

(May God bless their souls) could not see my success in academic circles during their

life time.

ix

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi-viii

LIST OF TABLES xi-xvi

LIST OF GRAPHS xvi

LIST OF MAPS xvi

ABBREVIATIONS xvii

ABSTRACT xviii-xix

INTRODUCTION 1-42

1.1 Statement of the Problem 1

1.2 Theoratical Framework 2-3

1.3 Democracy: The Mehanism of Power Distribution 3-4

1.4 Signifacance of the Study 4-5

1.5 Objectives of the Study 5-6

1.6 Research Questions 6

1.7 Conceptual Framework 6-7

1.8 Methodology 7-10

1.9 Chapterisation 10-11

1.10 Litrature Review 11-27

1.11 Limitations of the Study 27

1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People 27-31

1.11.2 Condition of Punjab 31-34

1.11.3 Khushab 34-39

1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab 39-41

CHAPTER 2 42-92

BIRADARI AND POWER: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 43

2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars 44-45

2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources 45-48

2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution 48-49

2.3 Biradari and Power 49-51

2.4 Biradari in Indian History 51-52

2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab 52-53

2.6 Biradari and Power in British India 53-68

x

2.7 Biradari Elite in Punjab 68-86

2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan 86-93

CHAPTER 3 94-132

INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI IN STATE INSTITUTIONS

3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy 94-99

3.2 Biradaries in Pakistan Army 99-120

3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries 120-132

CHAPTER 4 133-159

BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER ECONOMIC RESOURCES

4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth 133-135

4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaries 135-136

4.2.1 Forest Land 136-137

4.2.2 Cultivated Land 138-139

4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries

in Conflict with Kammis 139-142

4.2.4 Mines and Minerals 142-145

4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaries on

Labour Force 146

4.2.6 Transport Business 146-147

4.2.7 Important Economic Positions 147

4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and Usher

148-151

4.2.9 Dominance of Biradaries on Market Committees in

District Khushab 151-153

4.2.10 Dominance of Biradaries on District Bar Council

Jauharabad/Khushab 153-159

CHAPTER 5 160-205

BIRADARI IN POWER THROUGH ELECTORAL POLITICS

AND POLITICAL PARTIES 160

5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab 160-163

5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections 163-174

xi

5.3 Affiliation of Biradariesand Political Parties 174-176

5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections 176-177

5.4.1 Awan Biradari 177-179

5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari 180-181

5.4.3 Baluch Biradari 182-183

5.4.4 Bandial Biradari 183-184

5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari 184-185

5.4.6 Joyia Biradari 185-186

5.4.7 Other Biradaries 186-187

5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab 187-189

5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982 189-191

5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983 191-192

5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987 192-193

5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992 193

5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998 193-194

5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002 194-195

5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005 195-205

CONCLUSION 206-216

BIBLIOGRAPHY 217-236

APPENDICES 237-246

Appendix A District Wise Ranking of Social Development

in Pakistan 236

Appendix B Third Quartile Districts and Khushab 237

AppendixC Local Bodies Election 2005 (Khushab District) 238-39

Appendix D Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008) 240-243

Appendix E National Assembly Results (1962-2008) 244-245

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LIST OF TABLES

T/NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE NO.

Table 1 Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District 36

Table 2 Literacy and Gender in District Khushab 36

Table 3 Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to

Three Big Cities (2008) 37

Table 4 Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011 (Khushab in

Comparison to Big Cities) 38

Table 5 Khushab – Social Performance Ranking – 2008 38-39

Table 6 Household in Khushab – A Survey 39

Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results 79

Table 8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC 83

Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections 83

Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab) 84

Table 11 Officers in Pakistan Army from Major Biradaries 115-117

Table 12 Army Officers from Various Biradaries 118

Table 13 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Air Force 118

Table 14 Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Navy 119

Table 15 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by

Government and Biradaries 135

Table 16 Possession of Forest Land by Biradaries 136

Table 17 Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaries 137

Table 18 Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric

Tons for 2009-10 142

Table 19 Production in possession of Local Biradaries 143

Table 20 Labour Force in Factories 145

Table 21 Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees

Khushab 1982-2008 148-150

Table 22 Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in

District Khushab 151-152

Table 23 Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaries 154-155

Table 24 Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat 156

Table 25 Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar 156

xiii

T/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.

Table 26 Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008 163

Table 27 Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in

National Assembly Elections Khushab 164-65

Table 28 Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab 166

Table 29 Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 166

Table 30 Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167

Table 31 Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 167

Table 32 Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 168

Table 33 Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169

Table 34 Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections (Khushab) 169

Table 35 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National

Assembly Elections 170

Table 36 Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial

Assembly Elections 171

Table 37 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections

Khushab (1970-2008) 174

Table 38 Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and

National Elections 176-177

Table 39 Awan Biradari Electoral Performance 177

Table 40 Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 179

Table 41 Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 181

Table 42 Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance 181

Table 43 Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 182

Table 44 Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance 183

Table 45 Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 183

Table 46 Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance 184

Table 47 Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections 184-85

Table 48 Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance 185

Table 49 Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections185-86

Table 50 Other Biradaries Electoral Performance 186

Table 51 Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab 188-89

Table 52 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 190-191

Table 53 Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab 194

xiv

Table 54 Local Govt. Khushab (2005) Awan Majority

Union Councils 195-196

Table 55 Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in

Alliance with Other Biradaries. 196-197

Table 56 Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 - Khushab 198

Table 57 Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council

Election (2005) 199-201

Table 58 Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union

Councils 201-02

Table 59 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government

Elections 2002-2005 -202

xv

LIST OF GRAPHS

GF/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.

Graph 1 Army Officers from Biradaries 117

Graph 2 Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government

and Biradaries 136

Graph 3 Net Land Sown by Biradaries 138

Graph4 Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 143

Graph 5 Production owned by Major Biradaries 144

Graph 6 Major Offices held by Biradaries in Bar Association 156

Graph 7 Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections 170

Graph 8 Winners and Runner Up of Biradaries in Provincial Assembly

Elections 171

Graph 9 Biradaries’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies 172

Graph 10 Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections

(Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008) 175

Graph 11 Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983) 191

Graph 12 Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local

Government Elections 2002-2005 202

LIST OF MAPS

MP/No. DESCRIPTION PAGE No.

Map 1.1 Map of District Khushab 34

xvi

ABBREVIATIONS

All India Muslim League AIML

Central Legislative Council CLC

Civil Service of Pakistan CSP

Civil Society Organizations CSOs

Independent Monitoring Organizations IMOs

Indian Civil Service ICS

Indian National Congress INC

Islami Jamhoori Ittehad IJI

Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam MAI

National Progressive Party NPP

Pakistan Muslim League (N) PML (N)

Pakistan National Alliance. PNA

Pakistan People’s Party PPP

Peoples Democratic Alliance PDA

Punjab Legislative Council PLC

Shiromani Akali Dal SAD

Unionist Party UP

xvii

ABSTRACT

This study presents a blend of applied and theoretical approaches of Biradari

significance and the elite power dynamics.The research design lays down the

objectives with pertinent questions to be explored from the pages of history of region

and Pakistan. A deep insight into the role of Biradari in the local power elite groups

and their characters is essential to understand the mechanism of power in Pakistan.

Therefore, this research provides a discourse of the interplay of Biradari and politics

and their relationships in Pakistan in general and in district Khushab particularly.

These concepts and themes bear special standing in modern social and democratic

cultures. Special emphasis is given to examine their impact upon political and social

norms of equality and decision-making.

The socio-economic considerations on the Biradari role in Punjab and

Khushab have been studied in detail. The introduction and political standing of major

Biradaries in Khushab has been studied with emphasis on Awan, Tiwana, Bandial,

Ganjial, Bandial, Baluch and other important Biradaries.

The electoral performance of the Biradaries of Khushab from 1937 to 2008,

gives their thorough profile in all political episodes of power struggle. A

comprehensive review of the results of these elections has also been given to present

each Biradari in its exclusive political positioning in the Khushab district. This

analysis establishes the link of the local character of the power and Biradari to the

national character of the democratic institutions and the Biradari influence on their

making and functioning.

This study elaborates the need to strengthen the political parties in the real

sense through political working and promotion of democratic culture in their ranks

and files. Unless and until the democratized political parties are autonomous in

selecting their candidates, Biradari will continue to hold sway over power and its

dynamics on different local, provincial and national levels. Political parties are

concentrating to encash Biradari influence to widen their majority in the elected

institutions. That is why Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial, Bandial, Baluch, Qureshi and others

are present in these institutions both as independently elected members (MNAs,

MPAs and Senators) and on tickets of different political parties. This study

recommends changing the course of party politics. Political parties must behave as

xviii

strong social institutions as well. The continuous lacking of this character would be

benefiting Biradaries for long.

1

INTRODUCTION

Biradari,1 in its essence, is a blood relation forum with a social hierarchical

standing and strongly dedicated following, welded in cultural and traditional bond.

Since independence, Biradari based politics has manipulated power and authority in

such a manner to make it very difficult for a non-elite, non-traditional politician to

continue with his or her performance. The Biradari based politics in Pakistan holds

scary over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based

politics.

1.1 Statement of the Problem

How did Biradari play a significant role in power politics of Pakistan

especially in Punjab is the research problem that this study will try to resolve. The

role of Biradari is very much alive as well as extended to influence the larger games

of power in the province of Punjab and there is always a need to study and analyse

this role. How Punjab is a feudal2 society where Biradari affiliation supersedes party

affiliations and people are subjected to elect the Biradari lords despite the application

of the democratice system. The accumulation of economic resources due to the

Biradari connections and establishment of the relationship on the basis of wealth

leads to the concentration of power in the hands of Biradari eleders and heads is a

mechanism. The power3 enhances the wealth of Biradari heads that become more

powerful and inherit the wealth as well as power to their generations. This power

mechanism needs to be explored and the present study makes an effort in this regard.

This study explores the historical backgrounds and linkages of the Biradari

System in Pakistan in general. It also explains the events in Pakistan with special

reference to the history of power politics in District Khushab (1982-2008). There is a

need to develop a knowledge base to specify and delineate the basic concepts and

theoretical approaches towards power and its dynamics.

1 Biradari means ‘’brotherhood’’ originated by the Persian word ‘’baradar” meaning ‘’brother’’

among South Asian Muslims especially India and Pakistan, a number of social classes are segrageted

on the bases of Biradari. 2 Feudal means landlords.

3 It is the ability to influence or control behavior of people.Term Authority is used for power. There are

five bases of power, Legitimate power, Reward power, Expert power, Coercive power, Referent power.

2

What is power? How does it act in a society or community? What is the nature

and distribution of power? These and many other questions are asked in this regard.

Simply, power is the regulator in a society. It regulates social interactions, relations

and functions. It does so as it leads the society to have a certain framework for legal

and contractual relationships. Power, while resting in the hands of certain people,

renders them accountable before a system of law and morality to uphold certain duties

and responsibilities. This accountability is honoured only when people who are being

held accountable follow the system of law and moral obligations. One opts for

personal or a group privilege seldom follows any rule of law. He or she exerts power

and influence to set aside any accountability. Likewise, Biradari influence takes away

the just distribution of collective resources to the individualistic benefits. It so

happens that few elite people gather and enjoy the whole benefit and even the

members of their Biradari are exploited to that benefit they even gets peanuts only, to

the maximum.

Feudal system, elite groups concentrated in various parts and districts of

Pakistan in general and Khushab in particular have been given critical evaluation in

order to clearly understand the work of nepotism, caste-based policies, Biradari

driven objectives and the implementation of development programmes under these

constraints and pressures.

1.2 Theoratical Framework

Theorists have weighed and viewed power differently. There are pluralist

theories of power, resting power in the hands of a variety of people or different

groups. They are competing for taking full hold of the affairs and building certain

checks and balances to exercise power in a democratic system of governance. The

elite theory4 advocates a conservative form of governance as Mosca

5 and Pareto

6

explain it or a radical form as C. Wright Mills7 put it. There are certain other theories

4 It is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationship in contemporary

society. 5 He was an Italian political Scientist. He introduced the doctrine of the political class. He has also

developed ‘’Theory of Elitison’’. He established the Italian School of Elitists along with Pareto and

Robert Michels. The Ruling class is one among his famious writings. 6 He was an Italian engineer, sociologist, economist, political scientist and philosopher, now also

known for the 80/20 rule, named after him as the Preto principle. 7 Charles Wright Mills was an American sociologist, and a Professor of sociology at Columbia

University from 1946 until his death 1962.

3

of power as well; ruling class theory;8 instrumental theory;

9 structuralist theory

10 as

forms of ruling class theory.

Ethnic theory11

of Paul Brass12

is based on two focal arguments: one that

ethnicity and nationalism are not "givens" but are social and political constructions;

and, two, that ethnicity and nationalism are modern phenomena inseparably connected

with the activities of the modern centralizing state. The theory of elite competition is

presented to show how both ethnicity and nationalism arise out of specific types of

interactions between the leadership of centralizing states and elites from non-

dominant ethnic groups, especially in the peripheries of those states.

Dynatic political theories and ethnic theories with relation to the power

theories together make the theoratical framewok of this study. Having discussed the

theories of power on one hand and the ethnic theories on the other the researcher has

tried to establish a link with power and relationship in terms of ethnic and kinship

basis.

1.3 Democracy: The Mechanism of Power Distribution

In a society, people interact to produce relations. These relations are often

determined in effect and direction through the exercise and distribution of power.

Society devises and adopts mechanisms and modes to this effect. The relations are the

expression of the desires and needs of the members of that society. It depends upon

the ability to satisfy these desires and meet the needs. This ability to satisfy and to

cope with the emerging circumstances defines how the mechanisms and modes of the

distribution of power are being developed and exercised. The effects this ability

produces are the influence, resistance, cooperation and obedience etc. These and other

effects determine to what extent and how power is being utilized, exercised and

institutionalized to be equitably understood by majority of the society.

Though Biradari influences mostly yet it cannot provide everything to

everyone in its fold. But the collective social power of the Biradari turns the decision

8 It is the social class of a given society that decides upon and sets that society’s political agenda.

9 An instrumental theory focuses on people’s uses of technology, rather that on the technology itself.

10 It works to uncover the structures that underlie all the things that human do, think, perceive, and feel.

11 It says that race is a social category and is but of several factors in determining ethnicity. Some other

criteria include religion, language, customs, nationality and political identification. 12

He was a Professor emeritus of political science and international relations at Henry M. Jackson

School of International Studies University of Washington where he taught since 1965.

4

of the people in that sense. Biradari has no actual ways to play fairly with the desires

and the needs of everyone in its influence. So in that sense, Biradari is not

representative of any democratic culture. Despite that, Biradari holds the balance in

its favour to promote its interests in democratic systems. The freedom of the people is

manipulated by the representatives or the electable of the Biradari. In that sense,

democracy loses its power and the society suffers. Whenever Biradari holds power,

one outcome is certified: the freedom of opinion is mostly sacrificed. In absence of

such a freedom, it is very hard to assume that someone’s desires, needs and

aspirations can become a priority. Decades have passed in the form of experiences

gained. The message is still same democracy is fabricated and is not delivered at all.

1.4 Significance of the Study

District Khushab is at border line of developed and under-developed Punjab.

Its boundaries touch the developed district of Sargodha and Mianwali, Jhang while

Bakhar, Jehlum and Chackwal are under developed districts of the province of Punjab

are also linked with it. Earlier Shahpur had been the resource center for the British Raj

in terms of human as well as capital ends. Tiwana and Noons helped the Raj for

benefits and privilege in return. This significance is of special value when the reader

finds and understands that the Tiwana Biradari was at the helm of affairs. It was the

platform of Unionist Party13

that enabled the elite structures of the Punjab rural to

shake hands with establishment forces of the colonial power until and unless 1946

elections were decided in favour of independence forces. This study examines such

political backgrounds and scenarios to look into the power play before and after

independence of Pakistan. So, it is significant to study history to suggest a future of

fair play in power and its application and to seek solution of development hazards

faced and being faced by the people of Khushab in particular and Punjab in general.

The development of the political system in Pakistan on a district and

provincial level is an area which has been relatively unexplored. The scant researchers

prevalent within this context have highlighted the linkages between social interaction

patterns in Punjab, and its deep rooted implications for the constitution of political

context of the province. The Biradari system dominates the social, economic and

political aspects of the lives of individuals residing in various regions in Punjab,

13

It was established by Sir Fazal Hussain in 1923 in the Punjab.

5

district Khushab being one such area. However; no research study has still validated

this point within the context of district Khushab.

The study intends to outline the effect of Biradari system on the politics

within the region, using the framework of power politics as the basic tool for

comprehending the phenomenon. The power politics is not only maintained and

enhanced by the presence of Biradari based representatives in the district and

provincial level government, but also served as a means of further accumulation of

wealth. The Biradaries members who were selected as a part of the government

constituted the elite class in district Khushab. On the other hand, the individuals

belonging to Biradaries having middle or low level economic positions are not

provided with the same opportunity. The affluent and powerful Biradaries strive to

maintain their dominance and control in district Khushab, while the Biradaries having

weak position are forced to oblige to their directions. One manifestation of the efforts

to maintain such dominance is the prohibition of establishing higher education

institutions in the region. Furthermore, the landowners also retain adequate control on

the voting behaviour of the people who work on their lands. Since majority of the

people in Khushab are farmers, the decision to cast vote is influenced by the

instructions of the elite Biradaries.

The study intends to make clear the role of power politics and Biradari in

district Khushab from 1982-2008. It also examines the critical elements of the power

politics and its relation with political, social and economic life of the district Khushab.

It will be an attempt to analyze the ways in which these legacies have monopolized

the political development in the district. This study examines the colonial roots of

Biradari system and defines how it had influenced the socio-economic interests of the

inhabitants in relationship of the state to Pakistani society.

1.5 Objectives of the Study

The following research objectives have been identified for the study:

1. This study develops a knowledge base for the readers and delineates the basic

concepts and theoretical approaches towards the term power politics. It offers

a framework for study and analysis in the historical perspective of the

contemporary regional politics in Pakistan

6

2. This study investigates the relationship of power politics with the economic

conditions and Biradari affiliation.

3. It provides an understanding about Biradari based control over the

institutions of the state of Pakistan. This is a case study of the district of

Khushab and the assumption of important positions in the state institutions by

the heads of Biradaries from that districts have been studied.

4. It identifies the currently existing within Khushab region that had

representatives during the period of 1982 to 2008 in electoral politics. It

describes the dynamics of the electoral politics and role of Biradaries from

1982 to 2008 in district Khushab.

5. This research explores the degree of influence and implications of Biradaries

on the outlook of National, Provincial and District power politics of Pakistan

in the light of one particular district.

1.6 Research Questions

Based on the research objectives, the following research questions have been

formulated for the study:

1. What is relationship between Biradari affiliation and power politics in district

Khushab?

2. How is Biradari affiliation more significant than the economic condition as

determinant of power in Khushab?

3. How do the positions in institutions of state support the Biradari politics and

how do the Biradari affiliation help in getting positions in powerful

institutions of state?

4. How the local elite emerged to dominate the local politics, administrative

setup and socio economic affairs of district Khushab.

1.7 Conceptual Framework

The concept of power has long played a significant role in political thought,

and recent decades have witnessed many attempts to analyze power and provide

criteria for its measurement. In spite of this impressive literature, however, our

understanding of power remains inadequate. Specifically, no fully comprehensive

conceptual framework exists within which questions about power connected with the

7

groups formed on the lines of kinship can be formulated precisely and dealt with

systematically. In the absence of such a framework it is difficult to investigate

emPirical questions, such as the extent to which an area is dominated by a 'power

elite,' formed on the basis of the affiliations of kinship. 14

Biradari affliliation becomes crucial in the formation of the structure of

Power. This study has been conducted to analyze the role and dynamics of power in

the light of the Elite Theory of Power. The role and significance of ‘Biradari’ in the

Sub-continent and then in Pakistan has provided the framework to elaborate and

establish the practical implications for the national and local political culture. This

theoretical and thematic background has helped the researchers to unfold and explore

the events, incidents, processes and procedures through which common citizens have

been kept away from realizing their aspirations into concrete actions, projects and

programmes.

The conflict on the basis of Biradari affiliation needs to be addressed. Inter

Biradari and intra Biradari conflicts lead towards both harmony and rivalary in the

society. The Biradari then becomes an important instrument for controlling and

manipulating the power horizons of the area. The impacts and mechanism of the

Biradari associated with the power, therefore, need to be studied.

1.8 Methodology

This study has enabled the researcher to develop historical perspectives of the

subject with an analytical and descriptive approach. The researcher is not intended to

propose any theoretical assertions nor any generalized theoretical constructs.

Researcher intends to explore themes underlying the exercise of power and authority.

A post-independence thorough understanding has been developed to look into the

subject matter in the context of history. Biradari’s role in power politics in the

subcontinent and in district Khushab in the Punjab have been studied, critically

analyzed and searched for. Following two basic assumptions have been stated:

a) Firstly, the study has developed a knowledge base for the reader and future

research and has elaborated the concepts and theoretical approaches towards

the term power politics with a particular exploration of the difficulties for non-

14

Alvin I. Goldman, “Toward a Theory of Social Power,” J. Stor https://www.jstor.org>stable.

Accessed on 22 Feb, 2014.

8

elitist politicians to perform or continue to perform for the prosperity of his or

her constituency;

b) Secondly, the study has applied the explored concepts and themes to examine

critically how and to what extent or strength the Biradari politics hold sway

over power and authority to limit the opportunity for performance based

progressive politics.

The study design was based upon the critical style of evaluation of the

historical backgrounds and scenarios to ascertain the outcomes of the Biradari

influence in the light of elite theory of power with generalizations drawn from the

popular as well as general doctrines as well. In this context and the limits of the study

design, following aspects and objectives have been explored, reviewed and evaluated

to reach conclusions:

i) The study and analysis of the role and significance of the Biradari as

representative of the elite groups in the subcontinent in general and in

Pakistan and Punjab in particular.

ii) The investigation into local character of the two above mentioned

objectives to find out how regional and local politics under influence

of Biradari culture have shaped developments and power politics.

iii) The significance of the role of the Biradaries in the Khushab district in

the electoral politics from 1982 to 2008.

The study analyses the situation and scenarios of how the local, provincial and

national electoral politics in the district Khushab have influenced the overall outlook

of power politics.

The study is thoroughly descriptive in nature. It evaluates and explains in

Khushab. Therefore, this study is based on the fact that the dominant Biradaries like

Awan and Tiwana have played an important role in the power struggles in the region

under study, Khushab and Shahpur. These Biradaries were used by the British in the

sub-continent and by the governments in Pakistan mostly as organs of control to

protect and project their interests. In order to trace out the role of the Biradari system

in the electoral contexts in Khushab has been examined.

This study has followed the critical evaluation style as research methodology.

The focus of the study has been narrowed down from the macro level of national to

9

the micro level of the local politics valuable literature from multiple sources of books,

journals, magazines, research articles and internet research databases corresponding to

related issues has been studied to reach conclusions, assertions and suggestions.

Researcher has consulted following sources.

a. In order to understand the direct and indirect influence of Biradari in power

politics through elections, the data about federal, provincial and local elections has

been collected, analysed and classified. The Biradari’s role raises in significance in

local government elections because of comparatively small size of constituencies.

Therefore the local government elections have been studied separately and specially.

b. For the sake of having eyewitness account of politics in the past the retired

politicians of Khushab have been interviewed. While current position of Biradari

phenomenon at present has been understood and analysed through the interviews of

presently active politicians.

c. Journalism of the time provides important sources for the research. Therefore

newspapers have been consulted and some professional journalists have been

interviewed.

d. The opinion of general public is much important in determining the influence

of Biradari in the power politics. It gives insight into the response of general public to

the election campaign. Moreover it offers information about how control over

economy and state institutions gave politicians opportunities to enhance their

impression in the public and gain control of power politics. The interviews of general

public, therefore, form major portion of primary data in this study. For obtaining

public opinion from different areas of Khushab a questionnaire based survey was

designed.

e. As wealth is major determinant of power in politics another important source

was the data concerning the wealthy people of the area. These wealthy people

comprised of the two groups: feudal or landlords and industrialists or businessmen.

The data about wealth in the area was obtained through land records, tax records, and

assesment of general position and views of public. The use of wealth by certain

Biradaries for gaining influence in power politics has been assessed through

interviews of a sample of wealthy people in Khushab district.

f. The institutions of army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary have been very

important factor in the power politics in Pakistan. In order to understand the support

10

of influential individuals in these institutions for the strengths and weaknesses of

various Biradaries in the power politics data about influential people in these

institutions from Khushab district was collected from official records. The affiliations

of these individuals with the Biradaries were assessed and a sample of such

individuals was interviewed with the help of open questionnaire.

g. Some information has been gathered through observation and conversation

with personal contacts and also through participation in the meetings of some

Biradaries.

h. The data was also collected from the documents like the reports on land

distribution, land settlement and census. Moreover books, journals and research

reports from various libraries in Pakistan.

1.9 Chapterisation

First part of the study throws light upon the background, history and

conceptual understanding of the topic. Second chapter of the thesis, “Biradari and

Power: Historical Bachground” reveals the history of power politics under

influence of biradri in India, Pakistan and Punjab as a background of the period under

study. The biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule has

been explored. Later on British continued to rely on elite politics. This historical

continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistanni Punjab on the basis of affiliation

and kinship of Biradari. In this chapter history of this legacy has been re-explored.

Third chapter, “Infiltration of Biradaries in State Institutions” deals with

major research question, how the Biradaries infiltrate as well as transform the

workings of the formal and federal institutions of the state of Pakistan? Although the

research is a case study of one district of Pakistan, Khushab, this broadly tries to make

the understanding in the political system of Pakistan how Biradaries have penetrated

in the executive, legislative, and judicial institutions of government. In this chapter

the infiltration of the members of various Biradaries in the major administrative

institutions of the state namely army, civil bureaucracy and judiciary has been

examined. The way of gaining power by infiltration in these institutions has also been

explored with the help of data collected from district Khushab.

Fourth chapter, “Biradari’s Control over Economic Resources” covers

details of another phenomenon of Pakistani politics as it is not about policy or

11

ideology. Even it is not based on political parties’ manifesto. It revolves around the

elites of some big Biradaries who have controlled the power through social and

economic means. Power politics is result of bargaining among some major Biradaries

who have economic resources in their disposal and who can manage to compel other

Biradari chiefs to follow their directions with the help of economic maneuvering. This

chapter discusses how the conflict and influence in the economic field leaves impact

in the power politics of District Khushab. This chapter is divided into two parts. In

first part it has been described how land has concentrated in the hand of some chiefs

of some Biradaries and how they have used it to overcome power politics. Second

part mentions how Biradari elite assumed control over major business enterprises and

activities and then with business support managed to subdue power.

Fifth chapter, “Biradari in Power through Electoral Politics and Political

Parties” is a deep rooted study of Electoral institutions and electoral process to a

large degree in the light of the data collected from district Khushab. It has been

observed that the victories and failures in the elections take place only on the grounds

of Biradari affiliations in Khsushab district. The analysis of parliamentary and Local

Bodies electoral results and the widespread failure of political parties to gain power or

apparent presence of political parties in the district provides stories of interesting

power play among the selected Biradaries of the district Khushab. This chapter is

reserved for the analysis of electoral results in Khushab district. It highlights the

impact of Biradari affiliation on the power gained through electoral politics. This

chapter is divided into two sections. First mentions Biradari’s influence in politics of

parliamentary and local government elections. Second section discusses how Biradari

acts in place of political parties.

1.10 Literature Review

Two major concepts are the focus of this study. One is power and second is

Biradarism. Both have been the studies separately as well as in relatins with many

other concepts. In some of the studies both of these concepts in mutual relationship

have been studies but the area of the study is not Punjab. The theory has been applied

on any area other than that the focus of this study

Biradari or clan has been subject of studies internationally. Kathleen Collins

in his study about the political role of clans in Central Asia observes the politics of

12

family and kinship gives us an outline under which role of a Biradari can be studied

in Pakistan. The chapters of this thesis, therefore, have been formed under the idea

taken from the study of Kathleen Collins.

There is a rich literature on colonial Punjab and much has been written at

national level about Pakistani Punjab but there is very limited and available on

biraderi politics because very little work is done on local micro level district analysis

in that kind of study. Thus, there is a major gap with respect to local level studies

about the origin and domineering dynamics of biraderies and their politics.

Tahir Kamran has focused on the role of election commission in the elections

of Pakistan. He partially but importantly touches the 1985 elections and comments

that the contenders in these particular elections tried to win the election on the basis of

prejudices based on the biraderi and other such affiliations rather than on the basis of

manifesto of the parties or on the grounds of national or international issues.15

Thair Kamran maintains that after the birth of Pakistan the founder of Pakistan

discarded all distinctions on the basis of caste and creed. His paper sheds light on the

electoral politics of Scheduled Castes Federation during the early phase of Pakistan.16

In a scholarly study Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, Tahir Kamran

has discussed the challenges to the democracy and governance in Pakistan. While

describing the social connections with the state of democracy in Pakistan he contends

that biraderi holds a lot of significance as social institution and locus of political

authority in certain areas of Pakistan. Patrilinial descent is central to the configuration

of a Biraderi however bonds of marriage, reciprocal obligation and the common

political interests also play significant part in determining its contours. Biraderi

solidarity is the strongest among the peasant proprietors of the Punjab. He also

realizes the feudal structure in the power game of Pakistan saying that feudalism

impacts the power politics of Pakistan more than either Islam or Biraderi.17

Tahir Mahmood sheds light on the patron-client relationship and the way it

impacted on the recruitment process of the British Army. The paper, while taking the

15

Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan , Role in Politics (Lahore: South Asia Partnership-

Pakistan, 2009), 144 16

Tahir Kamran, “Early Phase of Electoral Politics in Pakistan: 1950s,” South Asian Studies, A

Research Journal of South Asian Studies, (257-282) vol. 24, No.2, July-December 2009, 259 17

Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan,

2008),

13

Shahpur District of Colonial Punjab as case, sheds light on the functioning of

collaboration in rural and urban settings in Punjab. It argues that patron-client ties

were stronger in the rural areas but did not have the same power and density as in the

rural setting. It was in the countryside that ‘voluntary’ recruitment to the British Army

was most clearly tied with social hierarchies and above all the patron-client

relationship between landowners and tenants, clan leaders and their less powerful

kinsmen.18

According to Ian Talbot, biraderism was the main cause of the British to rule

over Punjab administrated and successful.19

He thinks that this domination of Biraderi

through some influential families has later been continued in Pakistan. These families

consider the money spent on the elections as an investment and after the victory in

elections they not only get back the expenditure on elections but also accumulate huge

wealth from the government treasury. He thinks that Noon, Daultana and Tiwana had

been ruling over Pakistan in the past.20

Talbot also has studied the evolution of an

important biraderi in Punjab ‘Tiwana’ in his book on Khizar Hayat Tiwana, the prime

minister of the colonial Punjab. While highlighting the biraderi affiliation in Tiwana

he mentions that the people of one biraderi did not differ each other on the basis of

religious affiliations and Tiwana of different areas whether they were Sikhs, Hindus

or Muslims would vote and support for Khizar Hayat Tiwana.21

Gilmartin’s studies, on the other hand, are looking towards the distinctiveness

of colonial administration and says the British had no option other than to rely on

local groups’ loyalties to rule.22

David Gilmartin views that the British official

considered the Punjabi society as simpler and more deeply rooted in patriarchal and

tribal authority than other parts of India. Though British policies that singled out

Punjab’s “martial races” and “martial tribes” for army recruitment excluded more

Punjabis than they admitted to army recruiting pools, they nevertheless fed into a

18

Tahir Mahmood, “Army Recruitment and Patron – Client Relationship in Colonial Punjab: A

Grassroots Perspective,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 16 No. 2 19

Ian Talbot. Punjab Ghulami say Azadi Tak, (Trans) Lahore: Takhliqat, 1999 20

Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History 1947-1997 (London: C. Hurst & Co., 2003) 21

Ian Talbot, Khizar Hayat Tiwana Punjab Unionist Party and Partition of India translated by Tahir

Kamran (Lahore: Fiction House, 1998), 39 22

David Paul, Gilmartin. (1979)Tribe Land and Religion In the Punjab: Muslim Politics and the

Making of Pakistan, PhD Thesis: Berkeley; University of California. Chapter. 1

14

strongly paternalist British vision of the distinctive character of Punjabis in general as

men who valued loyalty and order above all else and who understood power.23

Ibbetson writes a book on the statistical basis of the 1881 Census report of

Punjab. In that book he describes his hypothesis and consistency of international and

evolutionary history in the way that Punjab’s tribal societal set up was comprised of

various races and classes. The whole social fabric is interwoven by caste and creed

system. He debates in very detailed and explicit on the matter of caste system along

with its relation of the economy as he says that ‘occupations is the primary basis of

caste-The whole diversity of caste is the diversity of occupation’. 24

Muhammad Waseem reveals the penetrating theoretical explanation of

Pakistan’s politics. Waseem highlights the undemocratic role of political parties and

argues about the elections 1993 that they had no contact with the masses at door steps

rather they developed links with local power holders (Landed aristocrat biraderies)

and they in turn delivered a huge number of votes.25

Samina Awan also believes in the same manner when she maintains that the

Ahrar also believed in Muslim community as a separate unit in British India and they

while taking the caste system of Hindus and their belief of ‘untouchability’ (achhout)

as a hurdle to the filling the gaps between Hindus and Muslims.26

Subaltern studies overlook the diversities based on ethnicity, regional

affiliations, lingual base, class and caste.27

In the aristocratic society of Punjab if the

landlord had to ensure unwavering and perpetual support of the followers his need is

to establish very much responsive and close links with local bureaucracy, i.e. police,

revenue officials and courts. Umar Ali quotes a landlord who confirms that the people

in Punjab vote for a person who may help him in the release of his nephew from

23

David Gilmartin, “The Strange Career of the Rule of Law in Colonial Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol.

10 No. 2, 3 24

Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, Lahore: Mubarak Ali Publishers, 1916. This book was translated in

Urdu language in 1998 by Yasir Jawad with the title of Punjab key Zatain from Fiction House, Lahore. 25

Waseem Mohammad.(1994) The 1993 Elections in Pakistan, Lahore: Vanguard Books,Pvt,Ltd,p.235 26

Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with

Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54)

Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52-53 27

Samina Awan, “Subaltern Studies or Regional History: Explorations in Nationalist Movement with

Special Reference to the Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, (41-54)

Vol.XXVI/2 (2005), 52

15

prison. Therefore the land-owning castes in Punjab are easily able to grasp the

power.28

Biradarism is most important winning factor in electoral politics which is

being exercised throughout the electoral history of Pakistan In such an approach, the

candidate has to take into account the social composition of the constituency. In

Pakistani electoral politics it is crucial to identify the influential people and the

Biradari or clan/caste composition of the areas concerned. At the time of elections,

inter- and intra-clan or Biradari schisms are invoked for mobilization. There have

been instances of community leaders negotiating favours from candidates and, in

return, offering their Biradari or clan votes. Given the importance of this aspect,

political parties often take into account social and ethnic dynamics of constituencies

before nominating candidates.29

Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry and Hafeez-ur-Rehman Chaudhry have studied the

power structure of a Punjabi village named Sacha Soda. Having explained the term

power in the light of the definitions of western scholars they have taken in

consideration the concepts of panchayat, dhara, dera and dereydari in great extent.

The researchers establish that Biraderi’s decisions regarding voting in local,

provincial and national elections the people used their votes for candidates from their

Biraderi without any consideration political party. Moreover, there was no

consideration like education. The conclusion is that Biraderi was prominent and

dominant in almost all matters. In the village, leadership role was played by dominant

castes.30

The change in the role of traditional leaders in Punjab not only brought

fragmentation within population whose aftermaths were far-reaching. The caste based

bond was strengthened which was further reinforced by the muqami-mohajir

dichotomy.31

28

Umar Ali, “Bureaucracy and Political Parties in Pakistan, 1947-1958 A Case of Differing

Perceptions and Ideals,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, ( 27-34) vol xix/1 (1998), 30 29

Muhammad Abrar Ahmad “Electoral Politics of Pakistani People’s Party in Punjab With Special

Reference to General Election 2008,” JPUHS, Vol.26, No.2, December, 2013, 30

Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A

Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,

92 31

Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A

Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,

80

16

The power brokers manipulated and attempted their best to influence the

socio-cultural life of area and also development work in order to put their group allies

to be the largest beneficiaries of development schemes. The current research focuses

upon dynamics of power politics and role played by power brokers in the area to

influence the newly established development approach titled ‘devolution of power’ to

maximize their interests and social power.

The membership of Dhara32

is beyond the family and caste matters. Usually

the Dhara deals with the electoral process. The Dhara is most commonly functional

in the days of National or Local bodies’ elections. During the elections the candidates

contesting the elections usually contact the heads of the Dharas for having a support

in the elections. The support of Dhara leader means that allpersons coming from a

particular Dhara will be casting votes for the same candidate. Usually, the Dhara

leader is supposed to be wealthy and influential so that he may be confident in

contacting the politicians for having favours for the Dhara members in terms of jobs,

loans, settling the police and court issues, etc.33

Ilhan Niaz in his article “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in

Pakistan,” discusses the power structure of Pakistan as it leaves an impact on the

norms of human rights in Pakistan. The power is defined and human rights have been

discussed.34

In the article “Voting Behaviour of Educated Youth in Pakistan: A Study of

Multan City,” the writers have studied the electoral behavior in Multan city. In the

course of writing the biraderi as one of the major criteria of the liking of voters has

been mentioned. It is stated that PML-N and PPP both used the elements other than

party affiliations to convince their voters. One of those other elements was caste or

biradri. It is maintained with the citation of M.G. Weinbaum that in the elections of

1977, PPP too relied on traditional rural elites to counter the opposition.35

32

Politics of heaps. 33

Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry ans Hafeez ur Rahman Chaudhry, “Power Brokers in a Punjabi Village: A

Case Study of Power Manifestation,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXXI, No.2, 2010,

86 34

Ilhan Niaz, “The Culture of Power and Human Rights Abuse in Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of

History & Culture, (65- 74) Vol.XXVI/2 (2005) 35

Lubna Kanwal, Abdul Razzaq Shahid, Mahwish Naeem, “Voting Behaviour Of Educated Youth In

Pakistan: A Study Of Multan City,” JRSP, Vol. 53, No. 2, July-December, 2016, 94

17

The paper entitled “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the

General Elections 2008” focuses on the malpractices in the elections but touches the

concept of biraderi in the way that in Pakistani parliament the faces change as

constituencies and loyalties remain entrenched. The elite of the Pakistan, according to

the writer, consists of politicians, bureaucrats and army. The politicians are comprised

of landlords and industrialists. After reading the argument of the paper one can

understand that there have been few biraderi elites who have been ruling over

Pakistan. The writer also establishes that Pakistani politicians have not pursued the

power with responsibility and all including biraderi elites have consider elections

nothing but means to power.36

In the paper “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and Policy

Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972-

1977) from the Punjab” the writers have given data of the landlords who took hold

over the power in Pakistan during all elections. The paper also introduces a number of

landlords who had opportunity to be in the parliament and were there to protect the

landed elites of their respective Biraderies. Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Pir Syed Safi-

ud-Din, Nawabzada Mian Muhammad Zakir Qureshi, Nawabzada Malik Muzafffar

Khan, Mehr Ghulam Haider Bharwana, Sardarzada Muhammad Ali Shah, Sahibzada

Nazir Sultan, Sadiq Hussain Qureshi, Syed Abbas Hussain Shah Gardezi, Mian

Mumtaz Muhammad Khan Daultana, Mian Riaz Ahmad Khan Daultana, Rana Taj

Ahmad Noon, Sardar Sher Baz Khan Mazari, Ghulam Muhammad Mustafa Khar,

Malik karim Bakhsh Awan and Shehzada Saeed-ur-Rasheed Abbasi are major

landlords. Most of these landlords belong to the Awan, Daultana, Noon and Qureshi

Biraderies who were dominating the politics.37

Altaf Ullah assesses the role of political parties in the elections 2002. He

realizes the role of Biraderies in the politics. He writes that the politics of biraderies

played a pivotal role in generating contempt for Nawaz Sharif, chief of one of the

major parties of Pakistan. When Mian Azhar, an Arain by caste, nominated his

brother-in-law, Mian Nasir Jabran for Lahore’s lord mayor in the 1998 local bodies

elections, the Sharif Brothers disliked it and favoured the Kashmiri Khwaja Hasan,

36

Iffat Humayun Khan, “Electoral Malpractices in Pakistan: A Case Study of the General Elections

2008” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, vol. 31, No. 2 (2010), 166 37

Mazhar Abbas and Abdul Qadir Mushtaq, “Role of Elected Landed Aristocrats in the Legislation and

Policy Making in Pakistan: A Case Study of Members of the National Assembly (1972-1977) from the

Punjab” JRSP, Vol. 52, No. 2, July-December, 2015, 96-113

18

who got victory in that contest. In the like manner the Chaudhry Brothers from Gujrat

turned their eyes towards PML (like minded) when Mian Shahbaz Sharif became the

Chief Minister of the Punjab and totally ignored Chaudhry Pervez Elahi. In the

meanwhile, Ejaz ul Haq, son of former military ruler, too joined them and rejected the

offer of Nawaz Sharif for ministership in his cabinet. The lust to accumulate absolute

power by Sharif also worked as a cohesive force in bringing together dissidents.

However, when Nawaz Sharif was deposed, the PML (like-minded) was formed with

Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, Mian Azhar, Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri, Sikandar Hayat

Malhi, Ghulam Sarwar Cheema and Abdul Sattar Lalika as its leaders. With the

passage of time, several Nawaz loyalists such as Chaudhry Akhtar Rasool, Mian

Munir and Tariq Aziz also joined the like-minded group. Though this like minded

faction of Muslim League was renamed as PML-Q prior to the 2002 national elections

yet it had no grass roots in the general masses. The PML-Q mostly depended on the

incumbent establishment’s support in order to stay in the electoral race of 2002 with

great hope of success.38

Rukhsana Iftikhar in her paper “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556-

1605),” has made an effort to trace out the history of working class in India especially

during Mughal era. She maintains that “Political environment and caste system played

a vital role in checking commercial expansion during Akbar raj. She has uncovered an

establishment of an unalterable division of labor based on caste system with the

irresistible authority of law ofnature, the hereditary individual artificer, the smith, the

carpenter and so on. She mentions that This specialization brought about by a socially

set division of labor which was influenced by caste system in India. There was a fixed

caste for every skilled work which extended their work from father to son as observed

by Babur. Max Weber argument," caste created segregation of skills and prevented

inter-craft mobility was to Indian environment." This thesis was challenged many

times but the caste domination in working classes would not be denied in India even

today. This domination is a hurdle in scientific developments.” 39

Mughees Ahmad in his paper defines the term biraderi. He says “Biradari is

derived from Persian word “biradar” means brother. Biradari (literally ‘brotherhood’)

38

Altaf Ullah, “The Role of Political Parties in the 2002National Elections of Pakistan,” Pakistan

Journal of History & Culture, (97-121) Vol.XXIX, No.1 (2008), 98-99 39

Rukhsana Iftikhar, “Working Classes in Mughal India (1556-1605 A.D.),” (185-200) JRSP, Vol. 52,

No. 1, January-June, 2015, 199

19

is commonly argued that ‘primordial’ group identities such as family, kinship and

caste, or membership in a village faction, play a more important role in determining

voting behaviour in the sub-continent, than individual political preferences.” He

concludes that “The British used this social arrangement to amplify their rule.

Divisions of agriculturists and non-agriculturists, and titles of Martial and non-

Martial nations proved helpful in strengthening this division. In this way, the

inferiority and superiority complexes gripped Muslim nations of subcontinent, and

survival was considered to be in Biradarism. Unfair treatment continued with the

newly turned Muslims from inferior castes, and due to pride and conceit on their own

Biradari, instead of encouraging these new Muslims, they were called by the insulting

names like religious, prayerful and riffraff; even though these titles had positive

meaning in the literal sense.

There were many other titles like these which played a key role in creating

differences among the castes and Biradaries. Like the people working for

agriculturists were called “Kammi”. When this style of inferiority and superiority

complex influenced the cultivators, then these feelings were expressed through words

like feudal, agriculturist, cultivator and farmer. Biradarism gained strength in Punjab

during the British rule, and it remained in the same form in Pakistan after they left. By

studying about the history of races of Pakistani Biradaries, it is learned that the social

system of caste-Biradari has been used for obtaining financial and political objectives

from the time of invading tribes till present day.“Dharras” are non-political elements,

which play vital role in the success of any political party in elections. Biradari seems

to be stronger than political fidelity.

These non-political elements are required for the victory Dharras are groups

of it or opposite Biradari or clan, which established in villages to maintain their

political importance and social status and have no political fidelity but clan/Biradari

loyalty of a candidate and political party. So, political parties have close relationship

with Biradaries. Biradaries determines voting behaviour in the rural areas of India

and Pakistan, especially in Punjab from British era. The influences of Biradarism are

present abundantly in Punjab. Political parties could not get out of this group politics.

Caste politics often passes off as democratic politics.

20

Caste is a permanent feature of mobilization, dividing the country on the basis

of birth and ascription without giving citizen a chance to establish it self. Caste then

becomes an immutable category. In fact, social prejudice is the outcome of resisting

reaction. The people of any peculiar race or Biradari take the assistance of biases to

maintenance and confirmation of their benefits; and with the help of this prejudice

they join together with the threads of hearer, nearer and deep relations. It is a social

reality that such concepts by which consolation and aid are given to individual and

collective ego. Man is not ready to abandon them absolutely.” 40

Mughees Ahmad, making an analysis of the Local Bodies elections 2008,

contends that in the elections the personality or ideologies are snubbed because of

relationship with Biradari; and the members of every Biradari gather instantaneously

or somewhat latter, in the tent of their Biradari’s head. Whether the candidate is of

district chairman Faisalabad or Toba Tek Singh, Biradari majority is shown to the

common lot and the newspapers. The election alliances are made among the major

and the minor Biradaries. The central point of the election campaign seems

Biradarism. Candidates contest in groups and panel. If the candidate of District

Nazim belongs to major Biradari the Naib Nazim will be from second largest

Biradari and this tendency fluctuates district to district. Though these alliances have

no ideological base but nevertheless succeed.41

Mughees Ahmad’s doctoral research work on “Faisalabad Division key

Siyasat per Biraderism Kay Asrat” also shows the glimpses of biraderi politics at

regional level. He and Fouzia Naseem in their joint effort describe that “Castism and

Biraderism are the main component of the culture of sub-Continent that had a deep

impact on the political alignment of the people.”42

It concludes that culture has deep

rooted effects on the political system process. The biraderi politics is the leading

feature of Indian and Pakistani political process. Comparing the Pakistan and Indian

social system the study points out, that “biraderism” in Pakistan is a political

phenomenon as it is promoted by the non-party based elections and non-democratic

40

Mughees Ahmed, “Political Out Fits of Political Parties in British India: A Case Study of Unionist

Party,” South Asian Studies A Research Journal of South Asian Studies (531-541)Vol. 29, No.2, July -

December 2014, 41

Mughees Ahmed, “Local-Bodies or Local Biradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Biradaries in

the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol.XXX, No.1, 2009 42

Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative

Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10

21

forces. Whereas in India these features are not considered even though the social

system does impact on the political system. The Caste system gives shelter to elite

Biraderies that provides shelter and identification that promotes Hindu nationalism, as

this elite Hindu class focused on revitalisation of religion that creates inter-caste

discriminations. They are in view that biraderi is the guiding element of an

individual’s life in the social and political arena. An individual’s free will does not

matter as it is a family issue of prestige, and family is a part of biraderi it is nothing

without it. Biraderi plays an environment in decision making. This study develops

link between local politics with biraderi politics and argue that in local level elections

biraderies play a pivotal role. They are right in their argument that biraderism the

main component of the local culture’ does influence the local bodies’ electorate and it

does affect the political system of the state. They offer a new dimension of

comparative study of political science. But it is limited and addresses the national

level comparison. This can be very helpful in micro local level study.43

Nabila Akhtar has examined district vise dynamics of biraderism in the

electoral politics of district Toba Tek Singh. She views the concept of biraderism

different from that of the caste system prevailing in Hindu society. She also does not

fit the traditional class of spiritual Peers in the definition of biraderi. She highlights

that the biraderi affiliation forces one to vote according to the wishes of other

members of the biraderi but she also reveals the antagonism present in the biraderi

that prevents whole biraderi to vote for a side. 44

Oscar Lewis writes that in a kinship structured society the large extended

family is the basic component of most decision making. So voting becomes an

extended family process.45

A detailed work on the politics of Pakistan has been done by Muhammad

Waseem in his book, State, Society and Politics in Pakistan. That book shows the

theoretical explanation of Pakistan’s politics but Biraderi politics has not been

attended in great deal.46

43

Mughees Ahmad and Fouzia Naseem, Social System Influences Political System: A comparative

Study of Sub-Continent, in Berkely Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.1, N0.1, (Jan 2011 ),1-10 44

Nabila Akhtar, “Dynamics Of Biraderism In Electoral Politics of District Toba Tek Singh,” JPUHS,

Vol.29, No.2, July - December, 2016 45

Oscar Lewis, Village Life in Northern India (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), 149 46

Muhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan (Lahore : Progressive Publishers 1994), 82

(Chap.1)

22

A. R. Wilder has produced a valuable study titled “The Pakistani Voter:

Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab”. He notes the election process

through its dynamics and trends. His focus is specifically on Punjab. His

comprehensive historical view about the electoral processes of Punjab is that in

Punjab biraderi is the main social determinant in setting the voting trends of people

and also highlights the entirely change pattern of electoral behaviour in Central and

Southern areas of Punjab. He points out that politics was subjugated by clientilism i.e.

Biraderi linkages. Book infers that the non-party base elections promoted biraderism

and there is no room for individualism. He interprets that political dynamic of voting

behaviour like party based in urban areas and in the rural paternalistic orientation and

the social dynamic is rising. 47

Theoretically Dynastic politics occupies over the three major political

institutions of Pakistan and few families abduct the economic resources. These

families do not only occupy the economic resources but also deliver the economic

fruits according to their own will. For instance, political institutions patronized by

feudal lords give employment to their Kins. This top to down hierarchy of

employment keeps the decision-making in the hands of feudal lords who run this

country. This nepotism travels in civil and military bureaucracies who in return help

the major political institutions. It is true that in military and civil bureaucracies most

of the employees recruited on merit but top positions are filled on political grounds. It

create mess in the longer run as those individuals who even do not belong directly to

feudal lineage but enjoy the authority and power they could never attain on merit.

They become such individuals who believe in wagging their tails after incapable top

elite of the country for sustaining status quo. They are usually educated individuals

who assist the major political institutions by suggesting different legitimate acts that

has been inherited from the British rule.48

Ahmed Usman maintains that in rural Punjab caste hierarchy and biraderi

system are the decisive factors which determine individual’s right to the participation

in politics. He has examined the political marginalization of members of service-

providing caste groups residing in villages because of their subordinate position in

47

Andrew R Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behaviour in the Punjab

(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999)177-185 48

Rana Eijaz Ahmad, Abida Eijaz and Bushra Hameedur Rahman, “Political institutions, Growth and

Development in Pakistan (2008 - 2013),” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 21, Issue - 1, 2014, 257:269

23

caste hierarchy. The inferior caste status of service providers restricts their rights to

political participation including rights to vote, contest election; participate in election

campaign, and opportunities to acquire leadership roles. Consequently, they are

excluded from the system of political patronage that connects villagers with

politicians through their Biradari representatives. This system of patronage serves the

interests of villagers by providing them access to state institutions, especially police

and courts, welfare funds and job opportunities. It is found that with decline in caste

system, members of service-providing caste groups have started to exercise their

rights to vote in elections.49

L.C. Tupper puts forth the treatise of the mind-set of the colonial power of

Punjab and the argument of Punjab’s social system which is served in the preservation

of customary law and said that was a “Patriarch” lineage that encapsulated the

offspring of common descents and support them in other words supports biraderi

system.

The paper entitled “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba

Tek Singh” applies the theory of rational choice and investigates the financial and

economic dynamics of biraderi politics in Punjab. The paper examines the dynamics

that empower the individuals or disempower them in using their free will. It tries to

know the extent of the pecuniary dynamics which are the significant predictors of

biraderi politics in order to create hindrance in the democratization process of the

Pakistan.50

Maqbool Awan partially discusses the phenomenon of feudalism in the society

of Punjab during the British Raj. He maintains that Punjabi landlords dominated the

politics of the Punjab during British raj. The landed families possessed massive part

of the agricultural land of Punjab. In 1893 the Tiwana of Khushab had 15,000 acres of

estate at Kalra which with the passage of time increased to 30,000 acres. In 1908, the

Nawabs of Mamdot's estate in the Ferozpur District were over 60,000 acres. In 1910,

the Dultanas of Multan had about 20,000 acres of land at Ludden. This data proves

that the landlords, whether they were Muslims or Hindus were big land holders. Some

49

Ahmed Usman, “Marginalized Voters and Supporters: Biradari System, Caste Hierarchy

and Rights to Political Participation in Rural Punjab,” Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 23, Issue - 2,

2016, 607:616 50

Nabila Akhtar and Sadia Mushtaq, “Pecuniary Undercurrents of Biraderism in District Toba Tek

Singh,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

24

of the Punjabi landlords made their family alliances with one another just like Tiwana

and Noons. These landlords intermarried mainly with the neighbouring tribes, Tiwana

and Noons; they did not have widespread biradri links like Khattar tribe of Wah.51

An article titled “Feudalism Is a Major Obstacle: In the Way of Social

Mobility in Pakistan” highlights the grim situation developed by feudalism in

Pakistan. The writers claim that rural areas of Pakistan are severely damaged by it.

They maintain that in urban areas there is decline of feudalism due to industrial

development and education. But industrial sector is also going under the control of the

feudal lords as they are shifting their investment to industry instead of agriculture.52

Zulfiqar Ali summarizes the ideas of Focault in respect of power. He

elaborates the concept of power as clarified by Focault in great deal. Foucault believes

that knowledge and its various forms derive from different representations of power.

Different types of power produce different forms of knowledge. To Foucault, power is

something that brings about change or transformation in the conduct and thought of

individuals. According to Foucault, there is neither instrumental nor guiding

connection between knowledge and power. Instead, knowledge and power imply each

other. The writer also explains the nature of power.53

Mosca has linked the influential groups in society with the power. He notes

that an elite dose not simply rule by force and fraud, but ‘represents of important and

influential groups in the society. He was primarily concerned with the conflict

between holders of political power and those they dominate.29 He was perhaps the

first to emphasize the necessity of analyzing the growth, composition, and

organization of ruling classes. As a result of comparative studies, he concluded that

the ruling minority is selected in varying ways, but always in terms of creation desired

qualities or resources. Indeed, he believed that the power of a ruling elite (the legal or

moral principle or the “political formula”) was ultimately based on the extent to

which the qualities of the elite correspond to the peculiar needs in turn reflect

characteristic changes in religion, political though, scientific, technological and

51

Maqbool Ahmad Awan “Socio-Economic and Political Complexities, A Historical Survey: The

British Punjab,” Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1 52

Jahanzaib Khan, Humaira Arif Dasti and Abdul Rasheed Khan “Feudalism Is A Major Obstacle In

The Way Of Social Mobility In Pakistan,” Journal of Research Society of Pakistan, Vol. 50, No. 1,

2013 53

Zulfiqar Ali, “Birth and Rise of Management Science, Power and Knowledge Nexus. Dialogue, vol.

7 No. 1. 2016.

25

economic developments and new sources of wealth. Consequently, differentials in

power and political authority appear to rest on a wide range of socio-cultural

conditions (social forces). He also recognizes the circulation which consists in the

struggle between elites and replacement of an old elite by a new one, that other form

which consists in the renewal of the existing elite by the accession of individuals from

the lower classes of society; and he examines in a number of different contexts the

relative ease or difficulty of access to the elite.54

Following the study of Kathleen Collins who has worked on clans in Central

Asia we should assess Pakistan’s informal authoritArian convergence along several

dimensions, considering how the Biradaries have penetrated formal political

institutions, how economic resources are divided up along Biradari lines, how

Biradaries (rather than formal institutions) link state and society, and how regime

stability has declined in the country under both authoritArianism and democracy.55

Adrian C. Mayer in his book titled Caste and Kinship in Central India

mentions the evolution of caste and its role in an Indian village in the specific context

of Central India. The writer has discussed how the caste becomes important in the

landholdings and how the disputes over landholdings are spread to the frictions over

Biradari lines. The ways in which people of different castes can be linked as kin

through ritual castes have been highlighted. The writer also throws light on the

internal structure of caste highlighting the divisions of the caste and sub castes.56

The significance of Biradari in Indian society has again been discussed by

Prakash Tandon who in the second chapter of his book Punjabi Century 1857-1947

has seen the relations based on kinship and Biradari in the social setting of India

where marriages of the offspring force even a ‘strong man’ to defy before the

affiliation. The author has maintained that the British codification of law weakened

the Biradari system in India. He says that if the introduction of law courts deprived

the Biradari Panchayats of their function adjucate and arbitrate that Indian social

54

Farzana Rizvi, “Circulation of Elite in West and in Pakistan: Historical Perspectives,” Journal of

Punjab University Historical Society, Vol.28, No.1, January - June, 2015 55

Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13,

Number 3 July 2002, 146 56

Adrian C. Mayer, Caste and Kinship in Central India (London: Routeledge, 2002), 138-39, 151

26

setup had assigned them the growth of western education and the movement away

from home weakened the social importance of Biradari.57

The marriages in northern Pakistan as well as in Punjab are arranged on the

bases of the Biradari affiliations. A thorough discussion on this concept has been

made in the study of Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and

choice in Northern Pakistan. The author has conducted research on the marriage

choice and it is case study of a village in Murree areas. One of the choices for

marriage is Biradari affiliation and author has studied this choice as well.58

Another book Caste and Kinship in Kangra by Jonathan P. Parry studies the

effects and style of caste and kinship in Kangra, a village in Northern India. Likewise,

the Biradari in Kashmir has been discussed by Christopher Snedden in his book

Kashmir the Unwritten History. Though the book tells unwritten history of Kashmir it

highlights the Biradari affiliations in this state. The impact of Biradari on social life

of Kashmir has been highlighted in it.

Ethnicity and Nationalism, Theory and Comparison by Paul Brass highlights

interethnic conflicts, and secessionist movements. In the closing decades of the

twentieth century, such forces and movements emerged with new intensity. Drawing

examples, from a wide variety of multiethnic situations around the world, with special

emphasis on South Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union, the book presents a

distinctive theory concerning the origins of ethnic identity and modern

nationalism.The book test this theory and discusses the various patterns of ethnic

mobilization and nation-formation through case studies.59

The book titled Encounter of Meanings: The Biradari in Punjabi Culture as

Compared with Brotherly Love in the Gospel Message has considered the conflicts in

the Punjabi society that have been produced due to the shareeka element that has been

linked with the concept of Biradari.60

The shareeka is meant by rivalry. Instead of its

literal meanings of partnership in Punjabi culture it is a negative feeling that is

57

Prakash Tandon, Punjabi Century 1857-1947 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968).

58

Hasting Donnan titled Marriage among Muslims Preference and choice in Northern Pakistan (Delhi:

Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1988), 18 59

Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012) 60

Encounter of Meanings: The Baradari in Punjabi Culture as Compared with Brotherly Love in the

Gospel Message, Pontificia universitatis lateranensis, 1988

27

considered that a man who is close Biradari fellow is in fact the rival and in that

capacity, he uses such practices which might undermine the other Biradari fellow.

Biradari as well as the concept of power have been focus of a variety studies

in Pakistan. Particularly to mention are the PhD dissertations of Dr. Muhammad

Ibrahim and Dr. Mughees Ahmad. Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim in his dissertation on Role

of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post-Independence Period elaborates

the role of Biradari in Lahore’s power politics. Dr. Mughees Ahmad in his thesis

titled Faisalabad ki Siyasat per Biradarism ke asrat (The Effects of Biradariesm on

the Politics of Faisalabad Division) selected the area of Faisalabad Division and

studied the effects of Biradari on the politics of the division. Wilder argues that “the

role of kinship and Biradari as a determinant of voting behavior has received much

less scholarly attention.”

The studies, while discovering new vestas of the concept, focused on the

electoral politics to a large extent but there is still need to highlight how Biradari

based affiliations got the power through concentration and exploitation of economic

resources and how the infiltration of Biradari culture in significant institutions of state

affect the power politics in favour of Biradari affiliations. This study fills this gap and

an effort in this regard has been made.

1.11 Limitations of the Study

This study has been conducted in the critical evaluation style of the historical

importance. Khushab was the focus of this study. Analyses are drawn in an impartial

criticism of the concerned chapters of the history of colonial India, the emergence and

progression of Pakistan and the role of Biradari in power politics in Khushab (1982-

2008). The researcher has tried his best to keep the personal biases away from the

research work, evaluation of the historical data, drawing themes and suggesting future

course of action. It is, however, natural that the processes and procedures for making

opinions, drawing conclusions and reaching to consequent findings may be biased

because of the researchers own beliefs, thoughts and interpretations of the historical

data. There are chances of error and misinterpretation on the part while the researcher

has examined the data.

28

1.11.1 Punjab: Land and People

Punjab has many distinctive characters in the history of this Sub-Continent. It

has been the abode of civilizations whose impact and imprints still demonstrate the

unique past of this tract on human history. It is the land of five rivers, though known

as the land of seven rivers as well; it has witnessed the Vedic and Greek periods,

being cradle of Indus Valley civilization; and were the Tak Desh or the country of

Takas and the country of Sakas. Its fives Doab regions present a fertile land whose

inhabitants are strong in physique, rich in hard work and known for their worldly

wealth in the pages of history. Punjab has also been and still is the center of power

struggles, a love of the conquerors and a thrust for the invaders. British were also

invaders but they were the conquerors in the Machiavelli’s style and exercise of

power.

Punjab experienced the influence of Aryans. They came from the North-

Western Mountains of Central Asia and immigrated through the passes of Hindu Kush

Mountains. Hinduism claims its links with Aryans as their ancestors from which the

caste system was evolved with Brahmin as the highest of the Hindu castes and Shudra

the lowest in this strand of rigid thread of humanity. There is no clear proof in the

pages of the history of when the Aryans came to that region one can find the

continuation of the terms and institutions of ancient days in present-day Punjab, e.g.

Sabha, Samiti, etc centers of power and authority with modifications and

developments over the course of centuries and decades.

There is hardly other lands where civilizations had been influencing human

race one after the other and still the indigenous cultures survived and developed.

Punjab’s history presents this unique status. It was the abode of plurality of cultures

and civilizations. It remained under the influence of Egyptian, Jainism, Tatarism,

Buddhism and Hinduism. Islam, of course, transformed this cultural saga to new

Zenith. Punjab also came under currents of Persian influence.

“In fact, it lay at the fringes of the great Persian emPires

and therefore, came under their control from time to

time. In 6th

Century BC, Cyrus tried to invade the

region but failed. Later on, King Darius occupied some

parts of Punjab during his attack while Xerxes and the

King Gustasip (516 BC) fully invaded the region and it

29

became the wealthiest strategy and the heart of the

Persian Kingdom.”61

Alexander of Macedonia came in through the gates of Chitral and Swat

Valleys. His army was mostly soldiered by Greeks and Macedonians:

“In the Greek maps, it has been mentioned that the

mightiest river of the entire world is indos (Indus) and

its tributaries. Strabo and Arrian had described the areas

between Indus and Sutlej, as they were when the great

Macedonian marched through them.”62

From the beginning of the second decade of the 8th

century to date, Muslim

rule continued over Punjab with intervals. British ruled Punjab from 1849 to 1947,

almost for a century of struggle, and resistance from multiple frontiers and for a. In

Muslim rule long before British takeover;

“Economically, Punjab remained prosperous and rich.

Agriculture was the main stay of economy, which

gained the attention of rulers. Feroz Tughluk was the

real founder of canal irrigation system of Punjab. The

rural community was a working institution in full vigor

and determined the economic outlook of population.”63

The battle of Gujarat was lost by the Sikhs of Punjab to the British forces on

February 21, 1849. East India Company took the reign of power and annexed the

great land of Punjab on April 2, 1849. British Punjab was consisted of five divisions,

e.g. Delhi, Jallandhar, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Multan, covering an area of 97,209

square miles; a region of native states, including 17 large and small cities on an area

of 36,532 square miles. The collective area of both the divisions and the native

regions of Punjab were 133,741 square miles.

“Being vast fertile agricultural region of the Indo-Pak

sub-continent and meeting place of diverse people and

cultures since the very dawn of history, Punjab has

occupied a position of profound importance and has a

unique history of continuous change in South Asia with

rich cultural heritage.”64

The geography of Punjab has placed it in the strategic hub of the subcontinent.

It touches the boundaries of both Himalaya and Kashmir. Punjab presents different

61

. Khan, Temporal View of socio political changes in Punjab, Research Journal South Asian Studies

Vol 24 No. 2 July-December 2009, 296-321 62

. Ibid., 300. 63

. Ibid., 301. 64

. Ibid, 302.

30

tribes, castes and races as it enjoys the flavour and spiritual colour of Islam, Hinduism

and Sikhism. In geographic details, Punjab consists of six regions on both sides of the

border between India and Pakistan. The first region is consisted of four districts of

Sialkot, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur and Ambala. Only Sialkot is included in Pakistani

Punjab. The region relies mostly on rainfall for irrigation of lands. That is why the

economic belt of the people of this region remains tightened. Small industry in Sialkot

has contributed a lot in the economic uplift of its inhabitants. The peasantry is mostly

chained by the moneylender elites.

Second region or the central region in the geography of Punjab comprises the

lands extending from Jhelum in the North to the districts in the South. Its districts are

fertile and include Gujrat, Gujranwala, Lahore and Sheikhupura in Pakistani Punjab

while Amritsar, Jalandhar, Ludhiana and Ferozepur in Indian side of the province.

The third region is unique in its landscape and is known as Pothohar plateau.

Rawalpindi, Attock and Jhelum are its districts. This region is the centre of sturdy

manpower. Aridity makes the living of its people difficult. There is little water

available for cultivation.

In the fourth region there are Karnal, Rohtak, Hissar and Gurgaon around

Delhi. This region is distinguished from the rest of Punjab due to its lifestyle and

culture. Rainfall is unpredictable.

Multan, Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzaffargarh and Mianwali are the four districts of the

fifth region and make the South-West of Punjab, all in Pakistani area. It is an area of

sand dunes, having desert in it. Its people have traditional sPiritual networks with

infertile lands and 9 minimum of rainfall. There are Sardars, Tumandars and Pirs

governing the whims and wishes of the inhabitants. Their authority is in flinching and

merciless and character. The sixth region comprises four districts of Shahpur,

Lyallpur, Jhang and Montgomery.

There is yet another identity of these regions owing to their locality in proximity

of five rivers. These are the Doabs of the Punjab. Each Doab is lying between the

confluent rivers of Punjab. These Doabs are identified by their names as follows:

Sind Sagar Doab: It lies between the Indus and Jhelum rivers.

Tech Doab: It lies between the Jhelum and Chenab rivers, also known as chaj

Doab.

31

Rachna Doab; It lies between Chenab and Ravi rivers.

Bari Doab: It lies between Ravi and Bias rivers.

Bist Doab: It lies between Bias and the Sutluj river.

This study focuses the Khushab district in Sargodha division, formerly known as

Shahpur, in the sixth region of Punjab. Khushab was formerly a tehsil of district

Shahpur. Shahpur was initially one of the six districts of Rawalpindi. In terms of

geography, its latitude was between 31-32 and 32-34 North and its longitude was 71-

37 and 73-17 in east. River Jhelum flows between Shahpur district and Pind Dadan

Khan. In the east is the river Chenab which separates Shahpur from Gujranwala. The

Jhang district is in its South and Mianwali in the West.

Punjab’s 36 districts, Chaj or Jech Doab is the region in which district Shahpur

situated. Other districts of this Doab are Jhang, Gujrat and Faisalabad (Lyallpur).

Tehsil Khushab of district Shahpur was situated in Sind Sagar Doab. It was renamed

as district Sargodha in 1960.65

1.11.2 Condition of Punjab

Punjab had never tasted the company rule. It became in British control directly

to the crown. Analysts had pointed out the difference between the company rule and

the British Raj in that the crown, to some extent, ensured equal rights and

opportunities to its subjects. History tells the story otherwise as the selective rights

were awarded to selected segments of the society in the sub-continent. British

executive machinery was also selective and different for different regions of the

colony.

“The Provincial Governments were already divided into

the different categories under the Regulating Act 1773.

In the first category, there was the designation of the

Governor of province to that of the Governor General.

The provinces in the second category remained under a

Lieutenant Governor appointed under an Act of

Parliament by the Governor General in the council from

amongst the servants of the company in India. He had

no Executive Council the third form of Provincial

Government was in practice in Punjab, which was being

65

J. Wilson. District Gazetteer of Shahpur, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1897) 30.

32

run by the office of a Chief Commissioner, created by

Lord Dalhousie in 1853.”66

Punjab was divided into seven divisions. Each division was further divided

into small adistricts with Deputy Commissioners as the executive head of each

district. Each district was sub-divided into Tehsils, administered by Tehsildars. British

Raj introduced a second phase in the administrative set up of the Punjab from January

1859 with the appointment of a Lieutenant governor to replace the Chief

Commissioner. In other parts of the sub-continent under the Indian Council Act of

1861 in Bengal in1863 and United provinces in 1866 respectively.

“In Punjab the Council was not formed until 1897. In

these councils, there was no Indian member, Hindu,

Muslim or Sikh. Then in 1892 came in effect the Indian

Council Act to increase the numbers of members of

Legislative Councils from 16 to 20.”67

The 1947 reminds the readers and students of history the concluding episode

of colonialism over geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pak sub-continent. The birth of

Pakistan and India was a seal to the culmination of the British Raj in this strategically

important region of South Asia. Confining this study to the research objectives,

domestic front in Pakistan was more diverse, complicated and difficult as compared to

that of India. Punjab was the center of major activity of the social, economic and

political stakeholders. It was the home of grain and tool as the larger share of

agricultural and industrial production had belonged to this province for long. Either

the sultanate of Delhi or the Mughals in past or the British Raj were all focused to

harvest the benefits and retain their circles of influence and prestige. Dr. Ishrat

Hussain gives a comprehensive review of the situation obtaining just after partition of

the sub-continent. He writes:

“Pakistan came into existence as a mouth-ridden

country at the time of the partition of India. The British

controlled provinces of Punjab and Bengal were each

divided into two parts. East Punjab and West Bengal

formed part of modern day India; West Punjab and East

66

. Azhra Ali, Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab: 1849-1947 (PJSS) Vol 29 No.

1 (June 2009), 65-78. 67

. bid., 67.

33

Bengal, along with three other provinces, together

formed Pakistan.”68

East Bengal and West Punjab were two distinct arms of the newly independent

Pakistan. West Punjab or the Punjab in Pakistan is the area of research to explore the

power dynamics and the power of the Biradari here.

“Traditionally, agriculture makes the Punjab the

“breadbasket of Pakistan.” This explains in parts why

the province is so important for Pakistan’s economy. In

Pakistan, with more than 20 per cent GDP, agriculture

is the single largest sector of economy.”69

East Punjab or the Punjab in India is a significant contributor of agricultural

production to the exchequer. Indian Punjab has been more productive and resourceful

than the Pakistani Punjab. The United Punjab was a strategic instrument in domestic

as well as external policy planning for the British Raj. Indian governments paid

special attention to the development in Punjab, to retain and sustain the productive

benefits of the province.

“During the post-independence period, farmers in

Punjab also were helped by a large inflow of resources

from the national government for both rehabilitation

and infrastructural investment. Indian assigned the

public sector a crucial role in the development of rural

and urban infrastructure. This enabled Punjab to make

substantial investments in infrastructure, primarily in

irrigation, power, roads, and communications.”70

It was the strategically planned mode of investment in Indian Punjab which

produced returns in kind. The land reforms were introduced in Indian Punjab. The

infrastructural investments proved helpful to broaden the span of both agricultural and

industrial development. Statistics reveal that during thirty years since 1960s to late

1980s, State Domestic Product (SDP) had been 5.3 per cent, compared to 4.3 per cent

68

. Ishrat Husain, “Pakistan & Afghanistan: Domestic Pressures and Regional Threats: The Role of

Politics in Pakistan's Economy,” Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 1(2009): 2.

http://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/role-politics-pakistans-economy-0. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 69

. Reszat Beate, “Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritage, Institutions and the

Regional Dimension of Growth,” Journal of Pakistan Vision 9, no. 2(2008): 43.

http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/studies/PDF-FILES/3-

Beat%20Reszat%20Preliminary%20Version%20paper.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 70

. Bhalla G. S., and J. W. Mellor, "Agricultural Growth and Industrial Development in Punjab,"

Agriculture on the Road to Industrialization (1995): 68.

http://www.ifpri.org/sites/default/files/pubs/pubs/books/mellor95/mellor95ch03.pdf. Acccessed June

17, 2013.

34

of Indian the per capital income rose by 3 percent annually in Punjab while 1.97 per

cent for the whole India. Same has been the case with other vital statistics.

The land reforms like those in India never took place in the West Punjab that,

on the other side, remained a major exploitative tool in the hands of influential elites,

bureaucratic adventurers and political figures. Their collaborative and explicit

interests kept the cycle of development moving with jerks and jolts.

Farmers in Pakistan faced difficult days. Provincial governments lacked vision

and understanding of the problems and prospects in the way of growth and prosperity.

The lack of understanding of the real issues farmers in particulars, and rural

population in general were facing especially with the distribution of lands and

possession of their farms prevailed upon since long. Farmers were treated as a

commodity purchasable and saleable by landlords of their territories.

“In the opening chapter of his book the Elusive Quest

for Growth, William Easterly gives an account of a visit

to rural Punjab where people lead a life in extreme

poverty – in malnutrition and poor sanitary conditions,

without roads, schools, electricity, running water and

telephone. Easterly mentions the example of Punjab

several times in his book. He points out not only to its

dark sides, but also to the vitality, for instance, of its

capital, Lahore.”71

1.11.3 Khushab

Map 1.1: Map of District Khushab

Source: Khushab District Google Map

Khushab is a typical district of Punjab where traditional Biradari power is an

established phenomenon. In British Punjab, Khushab was mostly the Shahpur district.

71

. Reszat, Economic Prospects of Pakistani Punjab: Historic Heritige, Institutions and the Regional

Dimensions of Growth. Pakistan Vision Vol 9 No. 2, 29.

35

Khushab’s location is 229 kilometers away from Lahore and 246 kilometers from

Islamabad. This district comprises of beautiful plains, green mountains with natural

beauty of its valleys, especially the Soon valley and the desert. Quaid Abad,

Jauharabad, Nowshehra and Mitha Tiwana are its populous regions. The lakes of

Uchali, Khabbaki and Sodh Joy Wali, are adding flavor of tourism to this region.

People of Khushab speak Shahpuri, Pothohari, Balochi, Majhi and Jandai dialects of

Punjabi language. Khushab achieved the status of district on 1st July 1982.

72

Khushab was a home to 151,627 residents in 1891, 161,885 in 1901 with a

population of 11,403 of the headquarter town of Khushab. There were approximately

more than 200 villages in this district. British authorities with the support of Tiwana

of Shahpur had been collecting 2.4 lakhs as revenue and leases. Salt Range runs

through the North of Khushab and culminates in the peak of Skaser. Its southern

plains are salt-impregnated and give place to sand hills of the Thal. There lies fertile

lowland along the Jhelum River.73

In Shahpur district, Khushab town was the headquarters. Khushab municipality

was created in 1867. It is situated in 32o 18N and 72

o 22E, on the right bank of the

Jhelum River and on the Sind-Sagar branch of the North Western Railway. Grain is

an important food crop in Punjab. Khushab produces 28 percent of total grain

production in Punjab. Khushab has the privilege of being second district in grain

production both in Punjab and Pakistan. In grain exporting countries, Pakistan is the

third largest producer. Its main trading commodities of export quality are cotton,

wool, and ghee. Wheat grown in the Salt Range is also of export quality. Punjab

enjoys the status of home of wheat in Pakistan. Approximately 77 percent of wheat is

being produced here. Wheat crop covers two-third part of cultivated land in Pakistan.

Khushab figures low in wheat production. The production of wheat is about 35 to 40

lac maunds in Khushab. Cotton is another big crop, cultivated over 17 thousand

Acres. Cotton is only one percent of total cotton yield of Pakistan. Khushab is the

second largest rainy district of Pakistan. As the historical pattern was the Khushab

farmer dominantly cultivates patches on rental basis. Big farmers, zamindars and

landlords hold 91 percent of agricultural land in their possession in the district of

7272

J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18 73

. Hunter, William Wilson, James Sutherland Cotton, Richard Burn, and William Stevenson Meyer,

eds. The Imperical Gazetteer of India

.http://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/gazetteer/pager.html?objectid=DS405.1.I34_V22_217.gif.

Accessed: March 20, 2013.

36

Khushab. Remaining 9 percent agricultural land has an equal share of 50 percent of it

by small farmers alone and the rest with bigwigs and peasants jointly.74

In historical context, Shahpur was the area where Sher Shah Suri defeated

Mughal emperor Humayun. When Humayun returned from Iran, he was accompanied

by Syed Sher Ali Sherazi, a descendent of Hazrat Imam Jafar Sadiq. His two sons

Hazrat Shah Shams Sherazi and Hazrat Syed Jalal ud Din became known for their

nobility and spirituality. Shah Shams broke away with Mughal rulers when Akbar

invented Deen-e-Elahi. He settled in Rampur more than two miles away from the

Jhelum River. People of Rampur and adjacent areas embraced Islam on his invitation.

He changed the name of Rampur and declared it Shahpur. He is laying buried in

Shahpur. British Raj elevated the status of Shahpur to a district. Shahpur played an

important role in supporting British Raj politically, economically and militarily. After

independence in Ayyub’s regime in 1960, Sargodha was made district and Shahpur its

Tehsil. Sargodha is the strategically significant for Pakistan. It is largest air bases

located in this district for which it is known as the ‘city of Eagles’ in Pakistan.

Today’s Khushab is mostly rural as 74.80 per cent of its population lives in

villages while only 25.20 percent are residing in urban areas. Rural population is 8,

35,192 persons while urban are 2, 81, 375. In this population 47.14 percent are males

(526252) while 52.86 percent (590315) are females. Khushab’s 44 percent population

(491289) is under 15 years of age. Its 22 percent women are in the 15-49 years age

group while the married child bearing age women comprise 16 percent of the

population.75

In Khushab, Tehsil wise population distribution is given in the following table:

Table 1: Administrative Divisions and Population of Khushab District

Tehsil Number of UC Population

Khushab 32 7,02,163

Noor Pur Thal 10 2,14,695

Quaid Abad 09 1,99,709

Source: Standard Demographic population groups based on DHIS

74

. District Khushab Development and Politics, Lahore: Punjab Lok Sujag, 2013.

http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html Accessed: March 27, 2014. 75

J. Wilson. District Gazeteer of Khushab, (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications 1984), 16-18

37

The literary rate in urban and rural Khushab on gender basis is given below:

Table 2: Literacy and Gender in District Khushab

Literary Rate Male Female

Urban 65.41% 38.32%

Rural 57.67% 17.76%

Overall District 59.8% 21.8%

Source: EDO Literacy and Non-formal education Khushab.

The above statistics show that a rural woman is still kept away from schooling.

More than 50 percent of male population is literate and nearly 78 percent women and

girls are illiterate. Surprising to note is the literacy rate that is 22 percent in urban

Khushab and 58 percent in rural areas. Equally surprisingly is the female literacy that

is 26 percent in urban and 53 percent in rural Khushab.

Some excellent educational facilities / schools such as Dar-ul-Islam Trust

Institute, Government College, Government and Johar Memorial High School,

Government Technical Model High School, Dar-e-Arqam School, Fauji Foundation,

Divisional Public School, and the Educators have branches in the city. Rashid Minhas

Public High School is one of the major institutes providing quality education to the

citizens.

A multiple Indicator cluster survey 2007-2008 places Khushab in comparison

to three big cities, Multan, Rawalpindi and Lahore badly away from development

standards with respect to rampant poverty, literacy, population per health unit, sewage

facilities and provision of clean drinking water. Urban and rural Khushab present

alarming situation as 41 percent of rural population is living in astute poverty as

compared to 26 percent in urban areas. Following table gives the detail statistics in

this regard.

Table 3: Social Sector Indicators – Khushab in Comparison to Three Big Cities (2008)

Urban Punjab Rural Punjab

Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab Multan Rawalpindi Lahore Khushab

Poverty 35 03 07 26 41 39 41 41

Mean

Income

30 09 04 43 02 54 10 45

38

Literacy 51 03 02 22 57 25 49 58

Female

Literacy

29 03 02 26 56 30 46 53

Population

PerHealth

Unit

32 26 30 14 56 48 52 59

PopulationPe

r School

35 33 41 30 63 68 64 53

Sewage 8 06 03 34 42 41 50 50

Tap Water 38 04 02 06 49 28 34 18

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all

There are certain levels of social development in these 94 districts of Pakistan.

In top quartile, the best levels are the most developed districts. According to the

second level or the 1st Quartile, there are 10 districts in it, the top ones. Then are the

2nd

Quartile with 20 districts in the list and the 3rd

Quartile with 24 districts in this

level of ranking Khushab is in this 3rd

Quartile.

The ranking of districts of Pakistan is performed on the basis of WFS

(Weighted Factor Score) and Z-Score. The correlation between the two rankings is

0.988. This indicates the robustness of the results which is also highlighted by the fact

that except for Gujranwala, the top ten districts in WFS are also in the list of top ten

districts indicated by the Z-Score. This ranking also presents that at the lower end of

the distribution, seven out of ten districts are the same in both the ranking. According

to WFS ranking, Dera Bugti and Jalmagsi are the least developed districts while the

Nasirabad and Kohistan emerge as the lowest two districts in Z-Score ranking.

Table 4: Multi-Dimensional Poverty Indices – 2011

(Khushab in Comparison to Big Cities)

District

Poverty

Existing poverty

rate

Gap Severity

Khushab 42.75 6.20 1.65

Gujranwala 15.54 1.77 0.37

Lahore 10.58 1.50 0.37

39

Multan 78.33 26.43 12.93

Rawalpindi 15.04 1.73 0.39

Sargodha 45.25 8.86 2.90

Source: Extracted from Haroon, J.

Health facilities in this district are also a major setback for the better quality of

living. For every 10,000 population, only less than 4 doctors are available who treat

only 0.273 patients. There are far less than 0.5 beds available for this number of

patients. Following data reveals the sorry picture of the district in this regard.

Table 5: Khushab-Social Performance Ranking – 2008

Social Indicators

(Health)

`Rate Social Indicators

(Education)

Rate

Doctors Population Primary Enrollment

(10000 Pop) 3.613 Rate Boys 0.908

Rate Girls 0.504

Nurse Population

(10000 Pop)

1.694

No. of patients Treated per

population

0.273 Secondary Enrollment

Rate (Boys)

0.383

Rate Girls 0.104

Total Hospital Beds Per

Population

0.435 Literacy Rate (Male)

Literacy Rate (Female)

30.040

9.300

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

40

Table 6: Household in Khushab – A Survey

Households

Major City Other Urban Rural Total

Punjab 10464 21360 59456 91280

Khushab District 0 360 768 1128

Tehsil

Khushab 0 276 400 676

NoorPur Thal 0 84 368 452

Source: Extracted from Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08.

1.11.4 Political Landscape of Khushab

Political landscape of Khushab is occupied mainly by the Biradari power

politics. The Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Bandial, Gunjial and Qureshi, etc. are the

important Biradaries of the district. Tiwana Biradari is mostly present in most of the

plains of Khushab. This Biradari has a history of collaborations and alliances with the

British Raj in the sub-continent. Biradari stalwarts had been on the leading fronts of

the Unionist Party of India, a political platform of landlords and Biradari elites in

close relation to the colonial rulers. Other Biradaries of Khushab are scattered in the

mountainous valleys. The politics in the Soon valley is dominated by Kursi Nasheens.

Awan are another of the largest Biradaries in Khushab. In post-independence period,

Awan held more representation in national, provincial as well as local elected bodies.

Baluch, Bandial, Qureshi, Gunjial and other Biradaries are also taking their share in

electoral politics, though very far from the share of Tiwana, Awan and Baluch.

Apart from the names mentioned above, the power struggle between Awan and

Tiwana can be traced back to the historical context as well. During the colonial era,

these two Biradaries had a dominant position and struggled to dominate the region.

Within District Khushab in Punjab, the leading clans (Biradaries) have played a

dominant role in the power politics. Initially, the British colonial bodies had utilized

the presence of various clans for the purpose of gathering support and maintenance of

effective coordination with public in the districts Sargodha and Shahpur. As noted by

Talbot, Noons and Tiwana have offered considerable amount of support to the British

41

colonial rulers during the conflict between Sikhs and British Raj in 1845-1846 and

1848-1849.76

The support from local Biradaries had facilitated the development of the

future colonial administration in the localities. These Biradaries have now become

more important in the protection of the personal motivations of the politicians and

government officials rather than administrative supporters. Furthermore, the influence

of Biradaries in shaping the dynamics of power politics in these districts has become

clearly evident. After the partition, the initiatives such as formation of Tanzeem-ul-

Awan for strengthening the Awan Biradari are a notable example of the effort to

maintain more power.

The researcher believes through analysis and evidence from the pages of

history that the Biradari system has been one of the major factors influencing every

election which has taken place since 1947. Biradari system is still playing a very

important role in the economic and political life of Khushab. The elections held in

1970s sent Tiwana, Awan, Baloch, and Khokhar Biradaries as representatives in the

Punjab Assembly.77

In the election held in 1985, the emergence of weaker Biradaries

threatened the previous control Awan and Tiwana held over the political positions in

Khushab. As a strategy to sustain their dominance, they collaborated with the

Biradaries such as Aahir, Baloch, Janjua, Khokhar etc. From 1985 onwards, the

struggle for dominance, family prestige, control over power and regional resources

had paved the way for power politics in district Khushab. This situation has not only

affected the dynamics of the local politics, but also had implications for the provincial

and national politics till the elections of 2008.

In contemporary Punjab the hierarchal structure of the caste system is plainly

breaking down to some extent but in politics, the significance of caste has increased

rather than declined.78

The formation of Biradari and the emergence of various

Biradari status groups and dynamics of landholding are the historical phenomenon

that came into existence at certain stage of social development. Traditionally the

castes and Biradaries have been connected with vegetable growing and dairying.

Recently, gradually they have been entering into other occupations like large scale

76

Talbot, Khizr Tiwana, the Punjab Unionist Party and the partition of india, London: Rutledge, 2013,

26. 77

. “Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan.” www.ecp.gov.pk. Accessed on 25 July, 2014. 78

. Mughees Ahmed, “Relationship between Political Parties and Non-Political Powers: An Analysis

with Reference to Pakistan,” Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no.1 (2009):

http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical10.pdf : Accessed March 23, 2013.

42

business, semiprofessionals, politics, white-collar jobs, small scale business, skilled

jobs and unskilled works etc. Despite shifting towards diversifying occupations they

have their active Biradaries.79

This study has explored the role, share and influence of these Biradaries in the

Khushab district at length. The Biradari in political landscape has been discussed as

well as to ascertain what dynamics of power have been produced and activated by this

power politics in Khushab.

79

. The main Baradaries of District Khushab are comprised, Syed, Awan, Gunjial, Aaheer, Tiwana,

Baghoor, Baluch, Janjauas, Bandials, Joyia, Kalus, and Boranas etc.

http://khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes : Accessed March 20, 2013.

43

Chapter 2

BIRADARI AND POWER:

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

This chapter reveals the history of power politics under influence of Biradari

in India, Pakistan and Punjab in the period prior to (1982-2008) which is focused by

this study. The Biradari factor in determination of power politics during Mughal rule

has been explored. After the Mughals the British continued to rely on elite politics.

This historical continuity kept on the power politics in Pakistani Punjab on the basis

of the affiliation of kinship and Biradari. This historical course has been reexplored in

the following pages of this chapter.

Power politics has two facets; international and domestic. Originally power

politics is a term of International Relations where it is achieved by nations after a

harsh competition among them. The German word Machtpolitik serves as an origin

for the term ‘Power Politics’ that means ‘international diplomacy in which each

nation uses or threatens to use military or economic power to further its own

interests’.80

The nations who get more power are in fact in possession of sources which

enable them to harm or benefit other nations. Power thus gained enables them to get

their national interests in face of the national interests of other nations.

In domestic sense it is referred to the competition in the elite to gain power.

For the target of gaining power they use several tactics like political bargaining,

cooperation, pressure, coercion and containment through various social groups like

caste, kinship alliances, and Biradaries. Power politics at national level can be of two

types in terms of its aims. Public power politics is attached with the betterment of

people and it aims at welfare of the people through control over resources and policies

for good governance. On the other hand personal power politics is a negative work in

which the politicians try to take the destiny of the people in their hands in order to get

monetary benefits and personal interests.

80

.Knapp, R. D. German English Words: A Popular Dictionary of German Words Used in English

(USA: Kessinger Publishing, 2005), quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 1.

44

2.1.1: Power Explained by Various Scholars

In modern thinking, power as a theory has been and is being presented in a

variety of ways, having different meanings and varying scopes. Theoretical

explanations have been offered to justify every concept and theory.

“Machiavelli (1469-1527)81

represents the strategic and

decentralized thinking about power and its organization.

He sees power as a means, not a resource, and seeks

strategic advantages, such as military ones, between his

prince and others.”82

Power dictates rulers to expand their borders and annex the occupations.

Ruling elites use power to prove their authority over masses. Such authority overrides

the liberties of citizens and coerces them through the imposition of laws, rules and

regulations.

Hobbes (1588-1679)83

sees power as hegemony to strengthen and expand the

sovereignty over an unlimited or unspecified span of time and space. If one compares

Machiavelli to Hobbes with respect to the influence in the late nineteenth and the

twentieth centuries, the outcome would be a hegemonic and supreme power. Hobbes

appears more practical and pragmatic in conceptualizing power and its dynamics.

Last two centuries have witnessed the wars for both hegemony as well as

liberty. The Western forces from the seventeenth century through next two centuries

set the course of colonization. They invaded overseas nations and territories to

exercise their might, harvest various benefits and transfer raw materials to produce

value-addition culture. They exerted power in their benefits.

Max Weber (1864-1920)84

was a social scientist who theorized power in his

organizational thinking. He developed rational Hobbesian thought and weighed

bureaucracy to exercise authority and rule. Whereas Weber discussed power in the

81

He was an Italian Renaissance historian, politician, diplomat, philosopher, humanist and writer. He is

called the founder of modern political science. His famous book is the Prince. 82

Stewart R. Clegg, Frameworks of Power. (London: SAGE, 1989), quoted in Elisheva Sadan,

Empowerment and Community Planning, Theory and Practice of People-Focused Social Solution,

Trans. Richard Flantz (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz, 1997), 34,

http://www.mpow.org/elisheva_sadan_empowerment.pdf. Accessed: June 10, 2013. 83

Hobbes was an English philosopher and considered one of the founders of modern political

philosophy. His famous book is Leviathan. 84

Max Weber was a German sociologist, philosopher, jurist, political economist and the husband of

Marianne Schnitger. His ideas profoundly influence social theory and social research.

45

context of the organization and its structures Robert Dahl (1915-2014)85

connected

power to a concrete human factor. Dahl located the discussion of power within the

boundaries of an actual community. However, the major importance of Dahl is in the

development of the interest in understanding ruling élites, which came to the fore after

the Second World War (1939-45).”86

The most common sense of political power derives from Weber's widely used

and popular notion of power. Weber suggests that power is

"The probability that one actor within a social

relationship will be in a position to carry out his own

will despite resistance". In other words, power is the

ability of A to bend R to his or her will.87

The ethnographic record suggests the existence of a "political person" whose

goal in life is to maximize political power. The gender-sensitive idea of a '"political

person"88

complies with the fact that political power is not the exclusive property of

men.89

2.1.2 Idea of Power as the Control of Resources

In politics, as opposed to other contexts in which ideas of power may have

relevance, the power of any political agent does indeed derive fundamentally from the

control of resources.Acquisition and maintenance of these resources endow political

agents with power, and political power from this perspective may be fruitfully defined

as the control of resources. In general, political agents who control more resources

tend to win out against those who control this. However, agents who control less

power but use it wisely and skilfully often win out against other agents with more

power, but who squander it. The resources that constitute the power of an agent-

driven politics can be subsumed succinctly without being reductionist, under material

(tangible, human) and ideational (ideological, symbolic, informational) resources.

85

He was a political theorist and a professor of political science at Yale University. 86

. Mills, 1956; Hunter, 1953, quoted in Elis Hevan Sadan, Empowerment and Community Planning,

(Translated from Hebtrew by Richard Flantz, 1997) Til Aviv, 36. 87

Donald V Kurtz, Political Anthropology Power and Paradigms (Cambridge: Westview Press, 2001),

22 88

Political person: A person who deals with affairs of Govts. 89

Ibid. 23

46

Lasswell90

and Kaplan91

suggested eight resources, largely ideational, that are the

basis of political power: power itself (an ambiguous redundancy), respect, rectitude,

affection, well-being, wealth, skill, and enlightenment. Dahl distinguishes resources

that are more material; these include social standing, distributions of cash, wealth, and

credit, access to legal means, popularity control over jobs, and information.92

Political power is more highly centralized in specialized institutions of

governments than is the case among the stateless formations where political

institutions consist of less centralized arrangements of political statuses and roles, and

power is more diffuse and uncertain. The totality of resources that provide power that

is available to leaders in state polities is quantitatively and, to some extent,

qualitatively different from that which is available to leaders in stateless formations.93

James Adams (1723-90) developed idea of power as "a relational quality that

exists contingent on controls that can be exercised over elements of the external world

[and exists] differentially and independent1y for all men and may be extended to

many things.94

In trying to provide a universal model of power that includes politics,

Adams obscured the idea of power and the relationship between power and politics.95

Michel Foucault (1926-1984)96

parses power as a noun that he disguises in a

variety of contexts. Power is a force, a sphere, moving strata, an instrument, a

multiplicity of forces all of which function as "force relations" that affect individuals

as mechanisms of control. Power is not a force controlled by agents in Foucault’s

scheme. Indeed, agents are not important to him for power is not something held by

someone. In effect, his "'Power"' is an anthropomorphized agent that exists in many

shapes and forms and comes from many directions as a vector, an instrument, a

technology a technique, or a discourse that produces effects, such as knowledge,

90

Harold Lasswell: he was American Political Scientist famious for his book’’Power and

Personality’’. 91

Abraham Kaplan: He was American philosopher famious for his work in behavioural sciences ‘’The

Conduct of Inquiry’’ is his novel work. 92

Ibid., 22-23 93

Ibid., 24 94

Ibid., 27; 95

Ibid., 27 96

Michel Foucault: He was a Frence philosopher and historian of ideas. His theories addressed

relationshio between Power and Knowledge and how they are used as a form of Social

Control.

47

reality, and regimes of truth. As bio-power, Power influences matters of life and

death.

As a micrcophysics of power, perhaps his most original and best idea, power

inserts itself into the actions, attitudes, discourses, knowledge, learning, and prilctices

of people in everyday life.

Foucault dazzles with his relentless kaleidoscopic rcsconstitution of ideas of

Power's myriad causes and effects. Ultimately, for Foucault, Power is "the overall

effect that emerges from all these motilities." Regardless of the complexity of

Foucault’s visions of Power, his Power also is Weberian in essence. It relies on

Weber’s notion that power provides A the ability to force B to do things.97

The identification of political power with the control of resources can be

accommodated in five common resources. Besides human and material resources

identified by Nicholas J. Spykman (1893-1943),98

ideology, symbols, and information

provide three other critical resources of political power. The five resources that

constitute political power may be divided into two domains-the material and the

ideational - to help distinguish relationships among them.

The material domain includes human and of as tangible sources, Human

resources refer to allies and supporters – people - that any political agent requires to

be a leader. Tangible resources provide the culturally defined goods, such as money in

the United States, pigs in highland New Guinea, cacao beans among the Aztecs, and

the like. Politics is obvious when agents compete for human and tangible re- sources

and use them to attain their goals.

The ideational domain of power includes ideology, symbols, and information.

The power they provide is more subtle. Ideational, resources, especially symbols, are

used largely to impose meaning on political actions. Ideologies and information are

used to manipulate that meaning. In concert, ideational resources help leaders to

convince others of the legitimacy of their authority and to enhance the leaders'

abilities to acquire additional material resources. Political power does not exist apart

from agents who forge it creatively out of the resources available in their

environments. From the perspective or cultural relativism this is obvious in the

97

Ibid., 29 98

Nicloas J. Spykman: He laid the foundation of classical Realist School in American foreign policy.it

is concerned with balance of power. He is regarded god father of Containment.

48

politics of particular societies. Some agents always have more power than others, and

agents with less power tend to lose out to those with more.

It is less obvious that these power resources exist and are available in different

degrees in different types of societies. The office holders and political aspirants in

state governments and chiefly polities have access to more resources than do leaders

in nomadic hunting and gathering societies or big man polities. Between the

extremes-nomadic hunting and gathering societies and state formations-political

power resources vary greatly in abundance, accessibility, and distribution. The

variations depend largely on the institutional and environmental complexity of the

society in which politics transPires. These differences demonstrate the evolution of

political power.99

But whether explored from a relativist or cross-cultural bias, the resources of

power are inextricably intertwined in complex equations and can be separated

practically only for analysis. It is difficult to say without fear of contradiction which

resource of power is most fundamental. But a case can be made that human resources

are the most basic.100

There had been various ways and means adopted and exercised by rulers to

hold sway over human race in different periods of time and space differently.

Hegemony101

has been one of the objectives of the ruling elites, groups, imperial

states and others. Economic harvesting would be second objective as domains

expanded, resources transferred and utilized to earn economic means to expand and

reinforce hegemony. Settler economies were designed to this effect.

2.2 Biradari: A Social Institution

A Biradari is a group of families who have blood relations and who are,

generally speaking, living in a community or in neighbouring villages. It is larger than

a social group that is composed of many families. The members of a Biradari may not

be residing at one place or village. The Biradari is, mostly, endogamous i.e. marriage

can only take place within the same Biradari. The informal moves and customs of a

Biradari are very rigid and each member is expected to follow them. Conflict,

99

An authority held by a group within a society that allows for the administration of public resources

and implements policies for the society. 100

Ibid., 31-32 101

It is political or cultural dominance or authority over others.

49

competition and co-operation, all these processes go hand in hand with a Biradari.

‘Biradari ties have been weaker among the manual castes (kammi) who provided

service and they are dependent on the village landlords or even small land owners.

Similarly large landlords have tended to be less susceptible to Biradari influence

locally than smallholders, but have developed in some cases more geographically

extensive Biradari networks, rooted in more widely dispersed marriage patterns and

in broader networks of communication.102

In rural Punjab, the zamindars103

or

landowners usually assume the role of high-ups. They take the fate of fellow villagers

and kammi for granted. Power and privileges associated with power invoke sense of

their own esteem and honour in the minds of lower Biradari leaders to rise and

contest representation for their selves.

The institution of Biradari contrasts the traditional role to modern political

institutions like political parties, elections and parliamentary supremacy. The local

Biradari chiefs have the numerical strength of voters and electables for playing vital

role in the success of any political party in elections.104

These are nonpolitical

elements which settled in villages to maintain their political and social status. They

have no political fidelity but are loyal to the clan and Biradari. The political parties

seem to be divided into local groups and Biradaries instead of ideology. Political

parties give tickets to the candidates according to the Biradari influence in the

constituencies. Major Biradaries in Punjab are Jatts, Awan, Rajputs, Araiens, Gujjars,

Sayads and Balochs.105

In northern Punjab, Rajput Biradari looks dominant. Jatts are

leading in central Punjab and also sharing in southern Punjab. Arains are sharing

influence in central Punjab while Balochs are dominating in southern Punjab. The

politics in Sargodha and Khushab are dominated by Awan, Tiwana, Baloch Bandial,

Gunjial, Syed Qureshi, Joyia and other Biradaris. In Punjab, Biradari networks

provide an effective source of social and political affinity, which can also be exploited

for political purposes.

102

. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 103

Land-owing nobility in India holding large tracts of land and control over their peasants. 104

. Gilmartin, Biradari and Bureaucracy, 10, quoted in Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 161. 105

Awan, Baloch, Syed and Arain are the foreign or non-Indian castes while Jatt, Rajput and many

Kammi castes are sons of the soil as perceived by the paper presenter. Akhtar Sandhu, “The Voice

from the Rural Areas: Muslim-Sikh Relations in the British Punjab, 1940-47,” paper presented in PRG

Meeting, Coventry University on 28 June 2008.

50

2.3 Biradari and Power

At the point when one studies the character and structure of expansionism in

different parts of the world, particularly the Islamic areas, he or she reaches to some

irritating normal conclusions. Such conclusions bring to light the formation of nearby

elites around area and property, chose force gatherings to advance frontier plan of

predominance, end of neighborhood safe components, debilitating the groups through

strict and separated enactment and obviously, weakening the impact of religious and

political indigenous circles. The instance of Indo-Pak subcontinent is of no special

case. Land possessions were made along Biradari lines, families and tribes were dealt

with diversely yet to augment results for pilgrim experts.

Professor T. C. Hodson (1871-1953)106

expressed that class and standing stand

to one another in the connection of family to species. The general characterization is

by classes, the nitty gritty one by ranks. The previous speaks to the outer, the recent

the inward perspective of the social association." Class had its one of kind

implications as Karl Marx (1818-1883)107

and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895)108

put it.

Then again, rank remained for diverse particulars. In spite of the fact that both were

expressive of same social or social remaining of some specific faction or gathering in

the general public, yet there remained a distinction in that similitude.

David Gilmartin109

notes “Indeed despite clear pre-colonial origins, the term

Biradari gained increasingly common political currency in the twentieth century,

reflecting the contradictions inherent in the structure of the colonial state….the

language of Biradari – suggesting reciprocal relationships forged through political

transactions – thus allowed villagers and local village leaders to penetrate into the

larger bureaucratic and political arenas outside, whilst maintaining the inner essence

of their own struggles for status within the village context.”110

106

He was a professor of social Anthropology at University of Cambridge he has published his work on

Indian anthropology. 107

He was a german philosopher, economist, journalist and revolutionary socialist. 108

He was a German philosopher, businessman and social scientist. He founded Marxist theory with

Karl Marx. 109

He is a professor of History at North Carolina State University. His famous book is Empire and

Islam: Punjab and the making of Pakistan. 110

. David Gilmartin, “Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in

Twentieth Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): quoted in

Ibrahim, Role of Biradari System, 4.

51

“The word Biradari gained gradually more common

political exchange in the twentieth century, showing the

contradiction inbuilt in the formation of the colonial

state the language of Biradari, suggesting give and take

relationships forged through political dealings, thus

permitting villages and local village influential to enter

into the bigger bureaucratic and political arenas outside,

while maintaining the central sPirit of their struggles for

positions within the village context.”111

How bararadaries can be influential in power politics can be understood by

what Kathleen Collins112

has mentioned about clans. Collins observes that

“If clans can be seen as “horizontal” by virtue of their

capacity to bind members through relations of mutual

trust, they can also be seen as “vertical” by dint of their

tendency to include both elite and non-elite members

from different levels of society and the state. Clans

boast powerful and often moneyed elites consisting of

members who have risen to prominence through

distinguished birth or notable accomplishment. These

leaders may be regional governors and chairmen, or

simply village elders. Whatever their formal stations,

elite members are normatively and rationally bound to

foster the well-being of their clan. They provide

political, social, and economic opportunities to the

members of their respective networks, and in return

count on these members’ personal loyalty and respect to

maintain their status.”113

2.4 Biradari in Indian History

History of Hinduism and the Hindus in India uncovers the prevalent status of

the Brahmin standing. Rather, one finds that the dominant part however in no way,

shape or form all, of rulers were Kshytria and infrequently Vashnia. This recommends

that in spite of the fact that the Brahmin rank had control in other worldly matters,

their energy and control inside the material world was constrained to the measure of

impact that they could pick up with individual rulers. Undoubtedly there were cases

when this was very impressive yet there is additionally little uncertainty that there

were times when Brahman impact was exceptionally feeble and immaterial.

111

. David Gilmartin, "Biradari and Bureaucracy: The Politics of Muslim Kinship Solidarity in 20th

Century Punjab,” International Journal of Punjab Studies 1, no. 1 (1994): 1-29. Accessed April 20,

2013. 112

She is a Assistant Professor of political science at University of Notredam. She has done her Ph.D

thesis from Standford University, America.’’Clan Politics and Regimes Transtion in Central

Asiis’’.She has extensively published her work on political role of clans. 113

Kathleen Collins, “Clans, Pacts, and Politics in Central Asia,” Journal of Democracy Volume 13,

Number 3 July 2002, 142

52

Keeping in view the class and cast distinctions in Hindu society it is not hard to

envision a circumstance where, Brahmans, seeing the command of British force,

unified themselves to apparent new managing class and endeavored to pick up impact

through it. By making themselves as powers on the rank framework they could then

tell the British what they accepted the British needed to hear furthermore what would

most improve their own position. The British would then take this data got through

the channel of the Brahmans, and translate it in view they could call their own

experience and their own social ideas.

The Mughal line, before British Raj, was an appearance of domain. There

were no political social affairs or the structures of representation even in the court of

the Mughal rulers. In such an unfortunate inadequacy, there was most likely of

affiliations or the associations based upon reasoning, normal venture or the need of

the people. The breakdown of the Mughal EmPire (1526-1857) was an end of the

Muslim lead over Punjab, both Eastern Punjab of India and the Western Punjab in

Pakistan. Muslim principle was an endeavor to acquire fairness social terms among all

religions of the territory.

2.5 Major Biradaries in the Punjab

In India, each occupation brings with itself a social and monetary chain of

importance in an unbendingly characterized manner. The brewers, smiths,

hairdressers, bricklayers, performers, woodworkers are the low position individuals

on one side while Bhats, Gujjars, Kambohs, Ahirs, Aroras are inferiors on the other

side. Despite the fact that such inflexible order did not develop in Muslim

Communities in India, yet solid Biradari and family conventions and associations did

created among Muslims self importance of positions and a fanatic awareness of class

predominance. Social and monetary status was sought after and took after via arrived

classes of Awan, Tiwana, Syed, Qureshies, Rajputs, Jatts, Gakhars, Arians and Virks

and so forth. Indian society was divided into various Biradaries.

“Jat was the Chief farming tribe. Muslim Jats were

mainly confined to western districts; Sikh Jatts were to

central and Hindu Jatts to south eastern districts of

Punjab (Salamat 1997:350). Arians formed another

important Muslim agricultural tribe in Central Punjab.

They were recognized as the most skilful and

53

industrious farmers, mostly settled in Lyallpur

(Faisalabad), Lahore and Jallandhar.”114

Muslims in the Rajput Biradari were the aristocratic face among the landed

elites in Punjab province. They were mainly settled in Rawalpindi, Jhelum and

Kangra. The rest of the Rajput Biradari was scattered in Jhang, Montgomery

(Sahiwal), Bahawalpur, Hissar and Karnal. The Census of India, 1911 confirms this

account.Awan were settled in different parts of Punjab with predominantly moved in

Salt Range, possessing places in military and including a real piece of the populace.

Gujjar had been spotted in Gujrat, Gurdaspur and Hoshiarpur. Gurdaspur and

Hoshiarpur were incorporated in the India by the Boundary Commission. Gujjars

were cows reproducers and dairy individuals, having almost no enthusiasm for

Cultivation. Dera Ghazi Khan, Bahawalpur State, Multan, Jhang and Muzaffargarh

were to a great extent possessed by Baloch tribes. Syed and Qureshi Biradaries

carried on as the respectable race among Muslims. A few history specialists brought

up their unexpected direct in that carried on as Brahmans of the Muslims, the

prevalent rank. They were generally individuals of Shrines and holding religious

respect in their adherents. Syed held focuses in Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi

locales. They were landowners too.

Tiwana family of Shahpur got extra privilege and benefits for its services to

colonial masters. Tiwana presented their land and resources to British Raj. Nephew of

Malik Sahib Khan presented his land and constructed private canals over his personal

lands. Mubariz Khan was risaldar-major in Indian Army. He left army to serve the

British. He further extended his private canal to irrigate 8000 acres of land.115

“Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana provided valuable

services to the British Administration in the recruitment

and enlistment of soldiers from Jhelum, Gujrat and

Bahawalpur District. For his services he received Sword

of Honour in 1917 and fifteen rectangles of land in

1919. Similarly Malik Umar Hayat Tiwana worked as

Assistant Recruiting Officer Shahpur and member of

Provincial Recruiting Board.”116

114

. Ibid., 308. 115

.H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011,

342-343. 116

H Hassan, Class, Power and Patronage: Landowners and Politics in the Punjab,PhD thesis 2011, 46.

54

2.6 Biradari and Power in British India

English Raj117

delayed the Mughal imperial government into their pioneer set

up. India turned into a piece of a realm in which the whites were getting a charge out

of every last one of apples and oranges of flexibility and freedom under the shadows

of industrialist economy. Then again the Indian individuals encountered the inverse

with no balanced governance over their rulers, a controlled legal and a brutal official

with colossal authoritative independence. The ideas of present-day common society

were not relevant. Brokers, landowners and entrepreneur classes were seeking after

advantages and benefits from the British elites to change themselves into Indian elites.

The UK ruling elite with the established and practical supremacy of the Queen

and the Throne do the business of governance. In British Raj in India, those were the

“people of the crown” who held every power and authority, behaving as the ruling

elite with other groups as their clients, thus forging a relation of Patron-Client.

A critical review of the policies and practices of the British Raj reveals the

patterns of power and the exercise of power in India. British rulers behaved as single

ruling elite, deciding the vital issues of state and society with authority and discretion.

Local middle classes were given the minimal mandate to decide the petty issues of the

masses. Common man was totally deprived of the decision of life and death as the

British rule was grossly unjust and inequality was enforced in the distribution of

power.

Proponents of the pluralist theory of power believe that:

Groups compete each other and their competition produces public policy.

Power remains scattered throughout society. This distribution of power causes

resources to be enjoyed by the society. No single group can monopolize whole

power as an absolute power.

Resources are almost available to everyone in the society.

There emerges a relation between the potential power and the actual power.

Potential power wins this equation anytime or sometime during its exercise.

This clearly reveals that power absolution is a phenomenon more theoretical than

practical. No ruler or a group of people is an all-powerful in actual. The influence in

117

Raj means rule. This word is used for the period of British rule in India (1858-1947)

55

one realm or situation may be lost in another realm or situation. In this way holding

power is not enough to have a relatively unlimited scope and span of influence. There

is no single elite personality or a group which can dominate the whole social fabric.

Multiple groups or plurality of groups act to exercise power with better and effective

organization and the availability of funds. In the same manner, equality is not an

actual value to be given or enjoyed. Theorists believe that it is political equality that

potentially be sought in the form of political opportunity. Groups in their collective

exercise of power may not be equal in their tendency. They contribute and share

advantages and benefits to remove their lacking in one manner or the other.

In the discourse of power and power elites,118

Pareto was of the view that it would

be or would have to be an unrestricted political mobility in which such elites might

consist of the most talented and deserving individuals in a society to govern masses.

The experience and history present evidence, as Pareto himself points out as well, in

actual social set-ups; the elites are the most adept at using force and persuasion.

Pareto points out the significance of wealth and family connections as two important

aspects in elite structures. Such two aspects one can find in the local elites, the

hereditary wealth of the Zamindars and Landlords, of Biradari Chiefs and bigwigs.

Pareto found his political elites more likely on the lines and figures drawn by

Machiavelli and termed them lions and foxes.

Michels (1876-1936)119

stresses the efficiency as an operational objective rooted

in the need of larger organizations for the leaders and experts to gain control of the

funds, information, promotions and other functional necessities of the set-ups. So

power becomes centralized and concentrated into few hands. Here Mosca, Pareto and

Michels agree in that the democratic and egalitarian aspirations for such a set-up

constitute a futile outcome. In critical socio logical term, it is the futility theses.

Democrats and social radicals reject this thesis and advocates democracy and

egalitarianism as essential ingredients.

Democrats and social radicals believe that the elitism can be defeated by removing

and terminating the social and monetary benefits that those elites enjoy. They also

stress to abolish the power connections that spur competition among elites. When one

118

Those people in society who have strong influence on public officials. 119

He was a German Sociologist. He is best known for his book “Political Parties”. He has contributed

to “elite theory” with Pareto and Mosco.

56

see these points and arguments in the context of the British India, it becomes obvious

that the local elite scale was much smaller and regional than larger or national. Those

were pseudo elites whose advantages were at the will and mercy of their British

masters.

Indian elites, much like to others in other colonies, were belonging to a

fundamental and social life with large or influential followings concentrated in certain

regions of Punjab in special. They cultivated benefits from the British masters in the

absence of some collective and robust common interest. They claimed and acquired

status and privilege for their clans and Biradaries, for their kin and friends, and to

some extent, for their allies. They were allocated and re-allocated possessions of land

and perk and won tasks and statures. They were gathered as clients as they already in

possession of large and complex identities and influences. They were cohesive,

consPiring as well as self-conscious in the conduct of a local elite group. They had

been the product as well, of certain inseparable consequences, emerging out from

conflicting interests in political and social circumstances in which their British

masters were caught and sought support from amongst the masses.

In colonialism, as in pioneer India, political investment was firstly denied and

after that enthusiastically controlled by the British. Data was held far from the

colonized. Political restriction smothered and additionally disparaged and the

dissemination and activity of force were misused, consumed and controlled through

state contraption, customers in local populaces and a strict guideline of law formed to

meet the finishes of dominion.

History specialists have contended that British supreme character all through the

entire history of abroad development was that there had been unequivocal vested

parties behind it. They called such gatherings as "courteous industrialists" of the

London and that of the "nations of origin". Those industrialists were residents of

London and other prosperous urban communities of the Great Britain. English

government in India was backed and advanced by the consolidated investments of

landowners, dealers and nearby administration. English Raj in India was no place

without military matchless quality over neighborhood warlords and armed forces. The

military vicinity was a financial errand met by the incomes removed from the Indians.

The extraction helped Britain to keep up solid equipped vicinity in the sub-mainland

while returning to claim history of government, Ryon Brown composed that. For two

57

centuries, Britain was the expert of the oceans and pioneer in industry. The impressive

preferences permitted this modest, island country to have an unbalanced measure of

quality at their charge.

Ryan Brown120

terms this magnificent destination to the battle for survival of

Britain and connections it to the past to give a basis for such supreme outlines. He

states,

"all through the period of Absolutism, England

attempted to make due against the harsh outlines of

mainland rulers and rose up out of these contentions

with worldwide dominion".

Further clarifying the unexpected and captivating character of the EmPire,

Ryan guarantees authority in the words that deny the truths to secure something

unconvincingly nonsensical when he says that "England did not utilize her

amazingness to oppress the world. Rather, she utilized her monetary and political

quality to extend standards of opportunity around the globe." Such a feeling of

flexibility and recognition for the British Raj was the offer the masses needed and the

neighborhood elites delighted in.

"Obviously, there were segments of the populace who

were charmed with their prospects under the British

decide, a reality that clarifies the energy for the Raj that

persevered well into the twentieth century."

Tapan Ray Chaudhuri (1926-2013)121

further clarifies this unexpected point of

the British and Indian's advantage and brings up how neighborhood elites, and what

nearby elites had been constituted from amongst, appreciated the "enjoyments"

offered to them by the Raj in the accompanying words as a bare reality:

"The Indian sovereigns and the enormous proprietors,

secure in their belonging and benefits, never lost that

energy. The new expert classes and the individuals who

had the profit of western-style training likewise since

quite a while ago held their confidence in the

beneficence of the British standard, however they

critized numerous gimmicks of that lead from the 1820s

onwards."122

120

He is famous for his work The British Empire in India (1913). 121

Famous Indian historian. His writings cover social history. He was awarded Padma Bhoshan for his

services for history in India. 122

Ibid

58

As one thinks go into the history how East India Company had established the

frameworks for the safety of the warlord privileged, he or she figures out that British

speculation had been detailing another parcel of the high and high working classes

into reliable apparatus to serve its numerous goals incorporating business and social in

particular. These classes, absolutely illustrative of new nobility of dealers, landowners

and the organization under the British order and control framework, worked well

before the takeover of the Bengal. Nobody was permitted to turn into an equivalent to

a British in any style or status. They presented tenure society in the farming terrains.

The tenure was a multi-layered method. The substantial and persuasive families,

positions and Biradaries were given the summon of their particular towns as occupant

in-boss. They kept on reaping advantages from the grounds under their impact. They

were given security not to be removed, acquired their heritance in tenure and to get

rental advantages witho0ut any raise. A progression of position framework was

energized and families from low-ranks were never urged to turn into occupant in-

boss, rather they were sub-inhabitants to the inhabitant in-boss.

"The average Zamindar bequest toward the end of the

British Rule appears to have been altogether different

from that toward the end of the eighteenth century. In

Bengal the aggregate number of landowners which did

not surpass 100 at the outset of Hastings' organization in

1772, rose sometime during century to 154200. In 1872

there were 154,200 domains of which "533 or 0.34

every penny, just are extraordinary properties with a

territory of 20,000 sections of land and upwards; 15747

or 10.21 percent, range from 500 to 20,000 sections of

land in zone. While the quantity of states which missed

the mark regarding 500 in no under 137,920 or 89.44

every penny of the entirety."123

Nehru (1889-1964)124

composed on this wonder too: "In the United Provinces, so

far as I can recollect, there are million and a half persons delegated Zamindars. Most

likely more than ninety percent of these are pretty much on the same level as the

poorest occupants, and an alternate nine percent are just tolerably fortunate. The

greatest landowners are not more than five thousand in the entire area, and of this

number, around one-tenth may be viewed as the huge zamindars and taluqdars."

123

Ibid 124

He was the first Prime Minister of India.

59

English Raj energized the industrialists in the towns and disheartened jagirdars125

due to their absence of impetus in putting resources into the horticulture.

Industrialist behavior of the Government thought that it was ideal to help

moneylenders to find wasteful landowners. As Nehru expressed the developing

landowners were not sufficiently rich to turn into a piece of the technique to

enhance methods of profit.

The tip top society was a colossally powerful one in both models of colonization

and colonialism. The British model demonstrated trickier after freedom as it has been

keeping a huge experience political and financial action. The first class landowners

were termed as "feudatory boss" who had gigantic states, military limit and legal and

in addition authoritative character. Their territory incomes were overseen through

Jotedars, securing inhabitance privileges of the terrains at standard rents.

These circumstances never demonstrated supportive for dynamic cultivating. It

was a routine matter to lease the grounds to others. Others further sub-let the patches

and the outcome would be a chain of delegates in the middle of Zamindar and the

rancher. In Permanent Settlements, the occupants stayed frail and unprotected from

rent, different increments and removal.

Thomas Munro (1761-1827)126

Reforms pronounced that Indians ought not be

rejected from the upper levels of the legal. "In India, Munro accepted, government

must secure the individuals, and his legal suggestions had three fundamental

destinations: the utilization of conventional Indian structures that the individuals

comprehended, insurance of the cultivator from degenerate authorities and severe

social bosses somewhat to guarantee his income framework could work successfully

and the business of Indians in legal organization in light of the fact that they

comprehended nearby demeanor and would profit, ethically, from partaking openly

benefit. In giving judges' forces to income gatherers, utilizing Indian judges and juries

for minor criminal acts and common trials, and utilizing Indians to regulate the police,

Munro stimulated the hostility of British legal authorities, and it took two years and

weight from London to prompt the Madras government to order the obliged

enactment." So the gatherer was given a focal part in common locale organization.

125

This feudal System of land ownership was introduced in India during Muslim Rule (1206-1857)

which British ruler continued (landed Elites) 126

He served in India under East India Company in various capacity. He is rewarded as the founder of

Ryotwari system.

60

That Raiyatwari System127

was reinforcing the exclusive classes. The exclusive

classes held a generous measure of area. The understanding was not with a definitive

cultivator. The framework compensated the Zamindars and landowners as "Inam"128

that was a substantial scale landholding, accused of low expense rates with the

distinguishment from the East India Company. Raj approaches were intended to made

such stations and elites to overwhelm the nearby political and social scenes to serve

the rulers consequently.

“From the 1880s, for example, caste identity became

central in the recruitment policy into the army, in line

with the “martial race theory: some castes and “races”

were seen as being more martial, more “warlike” and

more disciplined than the others, thus making better

soldiers.”129

There is other side of the British mentality:

“Along the same lines, the Criminal Tribal Act of 1871

put entire caste groups under the suspicion of being

criminal. The Punjab Alienation Land Act, with its

implicit view that caste identity is to define one’s

occupation, is clearly part of this move towards caste

directed legislation. However, contrary to recruitment in

the army or suspicion to be a criminal which where of

concern for only a minority, it affected deeply the life of

vast majority of the inhabitants of the Province of

Punjab, and thus created a strong incentive for caste

identity manipulation.”130

The Biradari impact was advanced and ensured by the British Raj in Punjab

particularly to fortify the political adequacy of the arrived elites. The dispossession of

the working class and its overwhelming obligation were effective instruments in the

hands of the provincial forces on the grounds that the arrived elites, the Biradaries

impact was instrumentally practical in the financial and additionally social abuse of

proletariat. The authoritative measures further vested power in the hands of arrived

elites. The Punjab Descent of Jabir Law, the Punjab Pre-emption law, the Punjab

Tenancy Act 1887 and the Punjab Alienation Act 1900, were the illustrations of how

127

In India this system for revenue collection was introduced by Thomas Munro in 1820. Under it,

owernship rights were handed over to peasants.Govt collected Tax directly. 128

Inam means reward in service of colonial rulers. 129

. Guilhem Cassan, “British Law and Caste Identity Manipulation in Colonial India: the Punjab

Alienation of Land Act,” 2010, 8, http://www.econ.upf.edu/docs/seminars/cassan.pdf Accessed April

20, 2013. 130

Ibid, 8.

61

the arrived elites had been getting a charge out of the support of the British Raj.

Consequently;

“The landed aristocracy stood aloof from the nationalist

and revolutionary movements and continued to work

against such political endeavours made by the

intelligentsia and masses to mobilize action for the

benefit of the community and ambitiously copied

British customs and manners. They had their own

organization, which met annually and reiterated its

pledge of loyalty to the Raj. The organization of

chieftains and other influential members of the landed

aristocracy were called Association of Landed

Aristocracy in the Punjab. Later it was named as the

Punjab Chiefs Associations.131

The Biradari in Punjab legislative issues stayed instrumental in administration

and applause of the British Raj. The arrived elites framed a political stage when they

assembled to make Unionist Party. They did changed their Biradari Associations to a

political Party, yet they couldn't express for a solitary minute their own particular

feelings and choices. They had been looking towards the Raj to do what they would

have been advised by the Raj to do Biradari was a restricted gathering. Such a

structure could hold a city or locale for long yet its adequacy was constantly reliant

upon their supporters. It might be said that they upheld the provincial and magnificent

outlines.

They reaped more and put just their devotion in stuff and status. They

permitted their British benefactors to amplify their investments and profits at the

expense of their kindred natives. They marked settlement with Muhammad Ali Jinnah

yet kept their fidelity to the British Raj in place. It should as pointed out that national

developments do think that it hard to cruise easily when gatherings like Biradaries,

tribes and tribes seek after their own particular motivation. It might be troublesome

yet not unthinkable.

Thinking once more at the social scene of British India, there seem enormous

families with aspirations bigger than customary living. They imagined that the credit

was there to be picked up as the normal social components had been oblivious of the

social and financial open doors display on account of provoking the reason for the

rulers. They could listen to and appreciate the music of force consequently. The

131

. Khurram Mahmood, Iqbal and Politics of Punjab (1926-38) Lahore: Royal Book Co. 2010, 43.

62

Biradari elderly folks, the arrived first class pioneers and influentials were getting to

be procuring apparatuses of pressure and restrictions in the hands of rulers to farthest

point the flexibilities and to extend the spaces of force. They may have been

uninformed of the truth that the unequal appropriation of social power regularly

prompted the climax of flexibility in any social set-up. When they embraced ways and

intends to amplify their benefits and profits, even their Biradaris, their own energy

base, couldn't reap any great however to get misused by their elderly folks. So the

Biradari was changed into methods, rather than stage or the reason, to win the

greatest from the British rulers and return least to the individuals from the Biradari.

It is self-evident, that arrived elites and their powerbases, the Biradaris, were

permitted deliberately by the rulers to play their fortunes without those limitations and

pressure their kindred nation people had been encountering. It would be expressed

with no trepidation of foreswearing that the elites forced themselves even over their

Biradari colleagues to advance the unequal medications. They changed their impacts

and relations inside their own particular Biradaris to make them to do what they

would not do with their freedom of thought. At the point when increased to the

coercive force of the British guideline and its relations to themselves, they set aside

the standards of social obligation. They had less apprehension of ability and more

insatiability for prizes. Their connection to their kindred nation people was secured to

trade or deal engages. Biradari people were crashed into a perpetual risk of hardship

of their family advantages.

There were different ramifications of the Biradari impact to gain and pay a

traded profit. Biradari older folks won distinction through the control of their

positions and the misuse of the circumstances all that much ready for the individuals

who could use their behavioral demeanors. Their benefactors connected power in

overabundance to make circumstances. They utilized circumstance to pass on the

message that anything shy of political savagery may be endured yet with a certain

value would need to be paid. The outcome was clear too. Pioneer rulers practiced their

energy relations to change neighborhood observation into a feeling of compliance.

Nobody could even consider disregarding the principle of law in any capacity.

Biradari control over their individuals was additionally fortified in such a situation of

intimidation and control. Biradari elderly folks were in full control of chances and

dangers for their kindred Biradari individuals in kind and in human relations.

63

English Raj was instrumental and reactant in procuring more incomes, gaining

political mileage and keeping up social request all the while. The arrived first class

was serving the Raj in return of impact, status and monetary profits. Political hobbies

were shielded by these elites also.

More stunning gives extremely extensive record of the part of Biradaries as he

calls attention to that Biradari was a vital contraption of the pioneer principle. He

refers to Land Alienation Act of 1900 as the evidence of centrality of Biradari in the

British strategy making, even in drawing and delineating the limits of areas. Such

strategies were utilized to "make nearby fortresses for arrived elites and tribal and

Biradari pioneers who co-picked to keep up political solidness in their general

vicinity of control."132

English received certain approach destinations on vital and strategic premise

to keep up, manage and afterward delay the pioneer principle. Such strategy targets

were to create and gather incomes to meet the capital needs to run the legislative

hardware, take measures to unite regulatory and financial set-ups and to reinforce the

political economy of their Indian state. The hegemonic points incorporated a vital

powerbase in Asia to assume a world part.

English Raj took measures to segregate assets for the individuals who had

been ready to collaborate consequently to livens, benefits and distinction with a

specific end goal to hold anything they thought valuable to their end. The locale

organization will likewise go under examination to search for the system and

strategies of force governmental issues at this level. This will be useful in

discovering the linkages and parts of different vested parties as a rule and that of the

Biradari and the position frameworks specifically. Similarly vital will be the

investigation of the character and the part of the neighborhood persuasive as they had

been forced to bear the benefits and profits picked up from organization

consequently for income accumulations and political matchless quality for their

supporters. The association and administration of area possessions, the advancing

periods of station framework in degree to power, the fortifying of the Biradaries, the

debilitating of the social fabric in the sub-landmass, and obviously, the combined

132

Ibid

64

political effect created through these and different means are all indispensable

portions and elements history unfolds before a sharp eyewitness.

The courses of action and structures received by the British standard to

support and draw out their Raj in the sub landmass are crucial in understanding the

system of the British to make and solidify relations with indigenous elites and force

circles. English principle used these relations to debilitate the local safety. As a

consequence of such measures they empowered Biradari structures in financial and

political areas. Biradari assumed the huge part in accomplishing their hobbies.

Biradari likewise turned into a device in supporting the British guideline to

accomplish frontier targets in the sub landmass.

The British utilized their earnest attempts and assets to change the social and

social characters of their Indian settlement. In spite of the fact that they couldn't do

what they had been seeking after on these fronts, yet they were fruitful to such a

degree as to set up a class of individuals who introduced themselves as valuable

chumps and sidekicks. They would not like to teach the masses in India in the

genuine feeling of that Endeavor. They essentially embraced ways and intends to

make cluster of Faithfull. Hindus progressed quickly and grasped new chances to

instruct themselves and their future eras. Muslims kept themselves away and

standoffish in suspecting the terrible signs and squandering of their prospects.

Macaulay (1800-1859)133

place it in basic however in effective words as

"It is outlandish for us, with our constrained intends to

endeavor to instruct the collection of the individuals.

We should at present try our hardest to structure a class

who may be translators in the middle of us and the

millions whom we represent; a class of persons, Indian

in blood and shading, however English in taste, in

assessment, in ethics, and in mind."

Strategists in the sub-landmass supported the rise and improvement of the

associations with neighborhood persuasive's deliberately. They created fellowships

with local people. Such creating of the companionship was not enthusiastic. It was

clearly instrumental with the destination to respond neighborhood and local

administrations with prizes and grants that was really the improvement of clientage

on pretty much a compensation premise. The clientage was obliged to respond with a

133

He is famous for his educational reforms in India.

65

quick support. The fundamental normal for such supporter customer relationship was

that it was an intentional employment. The summon was in the hands of the

"benefactors" who were British. The progressive system was basically held by the

leaders of the time. This relationship was administered by force, however willful.

This force made controls. Lukes explains such powers as:

“…is it not the supreme and most insidious exercise of

power to prevent people, to whatever degree, from

having grievances by shaping their perceptions,

cognitions and preferences in such a way that they

accept their role in the existing order of things, either

because they can see or imagine no alternative to it, or

because they see it as natural and unchangeable, or

because they value it as divinely ordained and

beneficial?.134

Patron-Client135

relationships, either seen as natural, or divinely ordained thus

not changeable, they were beneficial. The Management of land according to the local

realization of colonial objectives, clients was wealthy, influential and politically

established entities, either individually or as a group in the form of clan, caste or

Biradari. They earned funds and peace for their patrons and were reciprocated in

securing vast patches of land, winning awards and titles and finding place in

“Durbar136

”. Clients were not completely handicapped or paralyzed in such

relationships. “…those clients have ‘power’ over their patrons and they have

“weapons” to ensure that patrons not only satisfy their obligations, but restrict their

demands. Patrons have public power mechanisms, which are easily equated to the

powers that the state tries to monopolise, clients must rely on other power

mechanisms which may go unacknowledged but which nevertheless may have

considerable influence on behaviours”.137

Each powerful was not received as a customer by the British Raj. A customer

was one who could further the goals of the supporter. The Biradari older folks were

picked particularly on the grounds that they had their following in their Biradari and

in zones in impact notwithstanding serve the monetary and managerial investments of

the British Raj.

134

. Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1974), quoted in Stephen,

Power and Patronage in Pakistan PhD thesis, 2002, University of Kent. UK 19. 135

A person seeking the protectionor influence of some one ownership. 136

This term is used for a court in Urdu from the Persian. 137

. Ibid., 26.

66

British employed tactics to create their clients. They disposed of old nobility and big

zamindars especially in Southern India. They encouraged dominant groups to share

the burden of revenue collection and other administrative tasks. “Most of those who

acquired land titles belonged to the traditionally dominant castes in villages. Lower-

caste cultivators became their tenants.”138

These dominant castes and Biradaries got

capital and influence as “Over time, two forces raised the income of landowners. One

of these was the increasing scarcity of land as population expanded. This raised land

values and rents. The second was the decline in the incidence of land tax.”139

Everyone of any Biradari was not privileged as a client, as mentioned earlier. British

Raj kept reshuffling the power basis of her clients. Rules and Regulations were

introduced off and on with respect to local power needs to upset the established

landlords and jagirdars. Any jagirdar could lose his holdings and someone else would

be signaled to replace the loser. Colonial rulers “removed the class of jagirdars who

had no incentive to invest in agriculture, and gave land rights to rural capitalists who

could buy and sell land fairly freely and enjoy an increasing portion of the

product.”140

The organization and the British Crown advanced Zamindar as its customer

right from the earliest starting point. One can see that the Zamindar was the customer

of the rulers and the customer really taking shape too. There were other secured

customers also. Zamindar was getting a charge out of legal powers in his regions,

however not on a congruous character all over India. Such powers changed them into

masters of their region. Their court was Zamindar Adalat. They required fines, got

blessings and advantages and now and again, some offer in the administration of

common and criminal equity.141

Under changeless settlement strategy, the landholders of all aforementioned

classes were announced proprietors of area. Zamindars needed to pay a settled

assessment and could exchange or home loan their property possessions; the property

138

. Angus Maddison, Class Structure and economic growth: India and Pakistan, Routledge, (2005) 8. 139

. Ibid, 9. See particularly R.C. Dutt, op. cit. Dutt was a spokesman of landlord interests who argued

strongly against ‘excessive’ land taxation. He was one of the early leaders of the nationalist

movement whose spurious arguments still unfortunately carry some weight. 140

. Ibid., 10. See D. Thorner, The Agrarian Prospect in India, Delhi School of Economics, 1956, p. 12:

“The primary aim of all classes in the agrarian structure has been not to increase their income by

adopting more efficient methods, but the rise in social prestige by abstaining insofar as possible from

physical labour.” 141

Ibid

67

was then inheritable among the successors of the zamindars. They needed to come

back to the pioneer control the income consistently else they would be stripped of

their territories as the possessions would be sold. In spite of reservations and open

apprehensions, zamindars had no choice yet to comply. The customer had nothing to

revolt. Lasting settlement had the real effect in the responsibility for area. People

profited from that plan of possession as the families did. Landholders were given the

property rights in the involved area.

English clients were using the hardship of the workers and workers to pay to

their supporters by snare or by law breakers. The anguish was that the same Biradari

or area had truly diverse fortunes for two individuals. The Biradari boss were

fortunate to such a degree as to collect every profit either through working class and

Biradari individuals or through the advantages and benefits from their British

benefactors. This was the distinction in the fortune of individuals that had been

putting intolerable weights towards the end of the nineteenth century.

English utilized strategies as diverse overseeing plans of the area possessions

in distinctive parts of the state. They urged nearby families to a certain breaking point

through recompenses and prizes. In the meantime, the litmus test was to be passed in

restricted or the other to show and demonstrate steady devotion to the Raj. Support

was given to Biradaries and clientage was to be practiced in the give and take hit and

trial and separation and principle governmental issues.

In compatibility of the arrangement, British continued disposing of and

devastating the secured classes and making new sharks with flurry and waste of local

impacts. New arrived elites were likewise made from amongst the common

bureaucracy, shipper classes and other capital diversions. The investigation of

European pilgrim history clarifies that the concentrate in doing as such was to attain

to land-work degree to expand the income gathering at the expense and remnants of

the local populaces. English did this with the assistance of the arrived elites. They

made private area holders, honored titles and unfathomable patches of grounds to win

loyalties of the Biradari Chiefs. The private property rights were pertinent in

restrictive domains. Such rights were honors or blessings for substantial families,

Biradaries and gatherings having endogamous relations. Property rights fortified the

blood ties and made theocracy of landowning elites. The hardships were for the

individuals who were not proprietors. They were compelled to go into shoddy work

68

power different artisans were left with no alternative to serve the arrived world class.

The inhabitant was left on the kindness of the Biradari senior citizens, the landowner

as a Kammi, doing begaar, a work without profit.

Land proprietorship constituted a town chain of importance. That progression

was special to call Panchayats142

, choose insignificant debate, remove or urge

approximately occupants from the agrArian or residential area. That pecking order

was additionally engaged to distance area, experience the agrArian produce, rights to

watered or not to inundate area to their rebellious occupants, and so forth. In

Sargodha, Shahpur and different ranges contiguous the region, the occupants, artisans,

workers and individuals from the poor classes couldn't have their creatures touching,

having, and so forth. They were completely depended and entirely handy-caped.

2.7 Biradari Elite143

in Punjab

“At one level, the British reliance upon Punjab’s rural

elites was not entirely unexpected. When the Sikhs

established their rule over Punjab in 1799, following

decades of instability, war, and peasant rebellion

directed against the Mughals, the potential had existed

for a complete transformation of the political order.

Instead, while the upper echelons of the political

formations were reshaped, the hereditary landowning

elites who had formed the core of the Mughal

administrative system at the local level were

incorporated within the new regime.”144

Biradari society was particularly solid in the Punjab. At the point when British

attacked Punjab in 1849, Biradari came to reinforce the British lead in Punjab.

English secured private property in area. Another area arrangement was actualized;

cultivators were the managers of their properties until and unless challenged in an

unexpected way, inhabitants until and unless challenged in an unexpected way,

occupants were announced as inhabitance inhabitants or the occupants to exchange

freely.

British held both economic and military backing, yet they required the

assistance of the landed elites to make sure the collection of revenues, recruiting

142

A village council in India consist of 5 influential older men acknowledged by the community as its

governing body. 143

A selected group that is superior in term of ability or qualities to rest of a group of society i.e.

intelligence, social standings etc. 144

. Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”

PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 338.

69

soldiers for defense and maintaining order in Punjab. They were clearly mindful of

the influence and tendency to serve the local elites, consisted of the rich landowners

and traditional aristocracy of their localities, also instrumental to the effective exercise

of power and authority. They held monopoly in the politics of the province and

bolstered their political positions relatively more efficiently than other groups and

classes in the society. They were well equipped to serve the interests of the colonial

rule. They proved themselves instrumental in transforming the political environment

in Punjab.

As a result or reward, British Raj reshaped the political hierarchy by

incorporating the landed aristocracy within the regime’s machinery. Although British

were well aware of the opportunism, yet they accommodated those elite groups to a

significant degree of continuity. Punjab’s landed aristocracy and Biradaries politics

remained in the central core of the system of governance. These elites entrenched

themselves in the political, economic and social structure of Punjab. They developed

their young generations to hold position in the bureaucracy as well by educating them

on western patterns.145

Those measures fortify British hang ashore administration. Arrived nobility

was recompensed new Jagirs and authoritative powers too. Arrived elites were

showered profits through the approach of cooption. That approach fortified Legharis,

Mazaris, Mamdoots, Noons, Maliks, Khattars, and Daultanas and so on. They had in

their positions Zaildars, Sufedposh, Honourany Magistrates and Durbaris also.

Such regulatory and financial measures were made effective through reason

situated companionships with neighborhood elites as an instrument of administration

and control. Such nearby elites were enormous proprietors, devoted and rank based

influentials. Those companions were individuals from a club with British rulers and

authorities their benefactors. So a persuasive and workable clientage was developed

and creates from amongst those British companions. In Shahpur, for case, Tiwana

family was furnished with colossal influence to increase capital and area assets and

improve enrolled troopers for the British armed force and gathered income. Tiwana

family broadened their territories for the development of private channels. Mubraiz

145

Ibid

70

Khan was Risaldar-Major in the eighteenth Bengal lancers, finished his vocation. His

private channel watered 8,000 sections of land.

English system was backed for empowering present day settled farming

especially in West Punjab. Sargodha and Shahpur were likewise included all the

while. The technique was to expand rural create and keep up political control over the

locale. One manifestation of open was to put resources into watering system. Second

part was lucrative. It was area stipend program. That program was gone for settling

towns on waste grounds. Around then, there were towns in little numbers neighboring

the Jhelum and Chenab streams. In Sargodha and Shahpur, Biradaries were utilized to

evacuate the imperatives in the best approach to advance agribusiness. The area

allows and leases were reached out to Tiwana Biradari to build rural populace. It

extraordinarily served to increment both populace and agrArian area. The region

under development was multiplied in 20 years.

An alternate strategy used to disposses' proletariat from the area. Workers

were left helpless before enormous landowners, accordingly abuse a political prize for

the rulers and the elites and a direct discipline for the regular laborer. That joint effort

was commensurate to structure political tip top. The innate landowning elites of the

Mughal period were the indispensable piece of the British Raj also and freely.

Another social chain of importance was produced to practice a squeezing social

disparity. The approach of dispossession left the proletariat in vigorously obliged

circumstances and helpless before cash banks for the most part Hindus and Sikhs.

Few Muslims positions like Khawjas, Parachas, Khokers, Sheikhs and Pathans were

little scale dealers. Jats, Arians, Rajputs and so on were Muslim throws. They were

the area nobility of the Punjab Awan, Gujjars, Syed, Qureshi were additionally

enormous Muslim Biradaries scattered in different urban areas of Punjab.

The micro-management in governance was an outcome of the power. The

infrastructure had given to the British rulers. The other benefit was the military

independence. The combining effect of the infrastructural power and the military

independence was that the need to rely upon the local elites, landowners and others

was reduced to a little with the passage of time and enhancement in power dynamics

in the hands of the rulers.

71

Anil Seal146

and Christopher Bayly147

have strong argument that indigenous elites

never lost their role and character and these classes remained instrumental in the

colonial governance. Both agree that those elites were the local power brokers and

holders to whom British Raj could not ignore for long. They were part and parcel to

the colonial hegemony. The revenue system was much more dependent upon them as

they were the practical access to the land and agriculture and deeply rooted in the

traditional framework of kinship and followings in the peasantry.

English Raj embraced administrative and managerial measures to develop the

country urban clash in Punjab. A trio of measures was particular to this impact. The

authorization of property rights, new land administration and presentation of another

legal set-up to guarantee peace. The accomplishment of these measures and a strict

managerial effect upon masses was the way to achievement. English authorities were

sharp in provincial urban or rural and non-horticultural part in Punjab. That part was

embraced to make spaces and adequately actualize land income strategies. The mind

dominant part of Punjab populace was country with substantial reliance upon

horticultural.

When someone goes through the policies and practices of the British Raj in

Punjab through 1860s, it becomes apparently fundamental to the governance strategy

that a coherent policy framework was chalked out by the rulers to accommodate the

landed elites. Measures were taken to protect the interests of those landed elites. The

enactment of the Land Alienation Act of 1900 was an example in that direction. That

was the Act to align the interests of the elites. That measure was a part of strategy to

get greater amounts of revenue, recruit more and more for the military, influencing

Punjab’s social life and supporting the castes, clans148

and Biradaries in Punjab. The

outcomes were encouraging for the Raj as it emerged enough confident in allowing a

limited representative system with local governance in the early years of the 20th

century. The electoral process invested power into the hands of the landed elites,

helping the Raj to have local neUtralizers to the political challenges the political

powers had been posing. British introduced legislative assembly and district board

set-ups. It was all favourable to strengthen the Unionist Party, the political platform of

146

. Anil Seal was an Indian author. He wrote The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and

Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century. 147

. C. A. Bayly is Professor of Imperial and Navel history at the University of Cambridge. 148

It is an informal Social institution in which actual Kinship based on blood or marriages. Clans are

identity networks consisting of an extensive web of horizontal and vertical Kin based relations.

72

the landed elites and their respective Biradaries in Punjab. That was the institutional

patronage in practice to further the interests of the Raj through providing political

opportunism to Biradaries.

“British agrarian policy in the Punjab was geared to

maximize revenue collection, through high, fixed and

rigid land revenue. Extension and commercialization to

further colonial interest, led to large scale indebtedness

met by half-hearted remedial measures and

‘legitimization’ of moneylenders and a series of serious

problems in the region. It was certainly not bene4ficial

to the farmer who was burdened by debt. In 1865, only

6 percent cultivators were in serious debt, by 1879, 80

percent were indebted, which increased up to 87 percent

in 1923 as a direct consequent of British agrarian

policy.”149

The divisions of individuals along the Biradari lines was changed into

divisions of warriors and workers to serve the British principle both in the field of war

and the field of wheat and cotton.

“One of the first measures taken by the British after

annexation was to establish private property in land. For

this purpose all the land was carefully surveyed and

individual rights were defined and recorded. The basis

for determining individual rights was generally as

follows: First, cultivators were entered as owners of

land in their possession, unless ownership was contested

by other members of the village to the satisfaction of the

settlement officer, in which case the cultivator was

entered as a tenant, second, tenants were divided into

two categories (occupancy ten ant and transfer at

will).”150

British were preparing the ground for their political and economic objectives

in Punjab to gain maximum benefits from the land and people of Punjab.

“So as to strengthen and consolidate their rule, the

British made the landed aristocracy more powerful than

ever before. Jagirs151

were bestowed upon them and

even magisterial powers were given to them in their

149

. Kewal Krishan Amrohi, “Land Revenue Policy in the South-Eastern Punjab under Colonial Rule,”

International Journal of Management and Social Sciences Research (IJMSSR) 2, no. 5(2013):18.

Accessed April 20, 2013. 150

. Naved Hamid, “Dispossession and Differentiation of the Peasantry in the Punjab During Colonial

Rule,” The Journal of Peasant Studie 10, no. 1 (1982): 53.

http://www.creb.org.pk/images/drnaved/publish%20paper/6-

Dispossession%20and%20Differentiation%20.%20.%20.%202.pdf. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 151

Estates

73

areas. In Western Punjab, the British co-opted the rural

elites into their administrative system. Following the

policy of cooption, chieftains like the Legharis,

Mazaris, Mamdots, Khans of Kasur, Noons, Maliks,

Khattars, Daultanas, Syeds, Qureshi, Gilanis, Gardezis,

Qizilbashis, Chatthas, Sials, Gaurmanis, Cheemas and

Tiwana were all tempted to offer their allegiances to the

Raj. They were incorporated into the administrative

system by offering them the semi official posts of

Zaildars,152

Sufedposh,153

Honourary Magistrates and

the members of the Durbar.”154

On the other hand the common farmer or the peasant was deprived of its land

and other belongings through a systemic dispossession policy of the British rule in

collaboration of the landed elites and capitalist elements.

“At the beginning of the British rule it was calculated

that of the cultivated area, nine-tenth is held by

cultivating proprietors and only one-tenth by landlords

(great and small) who do not themselves cultivate the

land. Thus we may assume that the tenant-cultivated

area in 1855 was around 1.5 million acres. In 1890-91

the tenant-cultivated area in Punjab was 46 per cent of

the total area, i.e., about 12 million acres. In other

words, the tenant-cultivated area increased by about

10.5 million acres, which is greater than our estimate of

village common land, brought under cultivation during

this period. Thus we may conclude that not only was the

peasantry dispossessed from a large part of its share of

the village common land but it also lost some of the

cultivated land in its possession.”155

The dispossession of the worker from area was an entrepreneur pattern that

created the laborer to leave the area and to acknowledge obligation. The presentation

of an assemblage of enactment in Punjab brought about putting the property and

credit in the hands of the cash banks. The configuration was obtained from the Great

Britain and the formulae were nearby in their application. Laws identifying with the

area issues were the duplicate of the laws being utilized as a part of Britain with their

strategies and examples were unfathomable for the nearby rancher. That industrialist

group of the enactment took the area tariff framework into its overlap too.

152

It was a feudal title, and a grand Jagirdar of the area, incharge of a zail under colonial ruler

administration. Each zail was consist of forty to hundred villages. 153

Colonial ruler in India created an honorary post for the special people in response to their services

for the British. 154

. Mahmood Khurram, “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938,” PhD Thesis, Quaid-i-

Azam University, 2005, 42. eprints.hec.gov.pk/2449/1/2315.htm. Accessed: April 20, 2013. 155

. Hamid, Dispossession 56.

74

A settled area duty was entirely upheld that expense was obligatory to pay without

impact of the nature of the harvest and changes in the business sector costs in spite of

the profit of the worker. Settled area assessment wiped out the little worker into the

ocean of obligation.

The entrepreneur, the moneylender and the official of the pioneer apparatus

were associates to one another in indebting the worker, denying him of his territory,

making him to pay usurious premiums and rendering him completely powerless

through controlled records to making the moneylender's grasp both excruciating and

decimating the law made the deal and exchange of private property a round of the

huge landowners, the moneylenders and the state bureaucratic device. So another area

business sector created and the dispossession of working class was made simple.

Dispossession was an instrument of syndication and controls over the harvest

and in addition the area proprietorship. In precolonial time, the offer in the town land

for the laborer or his family was unmistakably characterized. That impart was

perceived and would never be grabbed from the worker or the crew. English Raj

acquainted laws and strategies with change the course and an area business was

produced. Area overviews were completely done and a method was embraced in

determination of individual rights cultivator was pronounced the holder of the area. In

the event that he was not tested or challenged for that possession, he would be an

occupant. Inhabitant may be an inhabitance occupant on the off chance that he had

been developing the area for most recent 12 years on the off chance that he was an

inhabitant. The length of time would be 20 years for a non-inhabitant cultivator,

inhabitance occupant had the privilege to acquire, exchange or be a perpetual holder

subject to paying the settled rent or Malikana to the state. The other inhabitant was an

occupant voluntarily.

English or British colonization through its promotion of capitalism embraced

approaches of cooption, dispossession, and joint efforts for promoting their operations

via land governmental issues and Biradari controls. The prosperous Punjab was

utilized to boost the goal of income gathering by the British and Biradari. It was the

position and Biradari with their various leveled nature and practice of force strategies

that had been gravely hampering the political safety of the prevalent patriot outskirts.

Biradari boss attempted to backing the Raj and to gather various prizes, Jagirs and

political status. They bought impact to seek after their elitist plans

75

British authorities introduced a Zamindar land taxation system in Northern India. In

these areas the land tax was fixed 20 to 30 years. The land tax was to be paid by each

owner. The system defined “the share of the produce of an estate ordinarily receivable

by the landlord either in money or in kind”156

“soon after the establishment of the British rule two

basic conditions for the development of the land market

had been created. Land lord not only been converted

into private property and thus could be freely sold or

mortgaged, but it also yielded an increasing rent to its

owner. As a result the ownership of the land became the

object of struggle in rural society, which gave rise to a

process of dispossession of the peasantry.”157

So the dispossession was made a business sector capacity. Laborer was

compelled to deal the area to pay obligation of the moneylender. The Zamindars

seized the greater part of the town basic area. That diagram helped the pilgrim powers

to make new customers in provincial society. They were fat cats of their provincial

imparts and they were adjusted to the bigger landowners. They were belittled and

made lumbardar158

of their ranges of impact. They were area charge gatherers for the

state hardware and recipients in town land up to 75 sections of land of the waste area.

The lumbardars made another club of syndication and got to be instruments of the

state mechanical assembly against their own particular kinsmen, relatives and town

colleagues. They misused the nearby conditions, supplanted the Punchayati

framework and interceded the contentions between the pilgrim powers and the

villagers. They were obviously playing the round of the pilgrim experts.159

The land Revenue Act of 1900 was promulgated to reshape the politics of the

land. That Act forced the landed elites of all three major religions, Islam, Sikhism and

Hinduism to secure their prestige and power at the cost of their fellow castes, tribes

and Biradaries. The landlords were compelled, or to say encouraged becoming part of

a new political platform. The new political platform was actually a club of the elites.

They named it as the Unionist Party of India. It was formed in 1923. Sir Fazl-i-Husain

156

Sir James M. Douie, Punjab Settlement Mannual, Chandigarh-India: Controller of Printing

Department, Govt. of East Punjab 1974, 27 157

. N. Hamid, Dispossession and Differenciation of the Peasantary in the Punjab during colonial rule,

Journal of Peasants Study, 1982 Issue I pp 52-72. 158

Village headmen. 159

Ibid

76

was the representative of the interests of Muslim landlords, Biradari chiefs while Sir

Chhotu Ram was leading the Hindu interests.

The Hindus were mostly Jatt agriculturalists. They stood for the interests of

the rural agriculturalist classes. They were in practice a direct challenge and obstacle

at the same time for the nationalist political aspirations led by All India Congress and

All India Muslim League. So they were not simply representing the rural folks but

dividing the political process on the urban-rural patterns. Their most prominent

feature was their hold on the respective caste and Biradari systems in their religious

denominations. The rural population was a direct target to be kept away from the

popular anti-British sentiment or the quest for a national aspiration.

They state in their writings that the urban was mostly or predominantly a

centre of Hindu interests. They claim this on the basis that Indian National Congress

was the single and sole representative of the urban voices in the sub-continent. Even

in the unionist party, Hindu landlords felt the need to hit an alliance both with the

Muslim as well as Sikh counter parts to yield to the interest in status and power.

Castes, Biradaries and alike groups in the Unionist party managed to keep the people

of their regions away from the national sentiment for three long decades they were

custodians of regionalism, caste system and Biradari culture in their own and that of

the colonial support. They were self-proclaimed vanguards of the interests of landed

elites and peasant proprietary. Their claim was also that they had the symbolic

significance of a cross-communal alliance in times when two nations theory was at it

full swing.

The Muslim Biradari elders joined hands in hands with the Hindu caste

leaders. Their alliance is declared a plague for the rest of the sub-continent by

historians. Their politics helped the colonial authorities to benefit from the

ineffectiveness of both the Indian National Congress and All India Muslim League in

meaningfully mobilizing the rural communities in their programmes of national

character. Unionist Party managed this separation in Punjab. That alliance was broken

by the Hindu elements in it exactly when they thought that their time to harvest

benefits with the Unionist Party was no more fruitful. So the cross-communal alliance

of the unionists was challenged by the Hindu Jatts.

77

The fortifying of Biradaries and getting power by the arrived elites had the

political drop out on the basic reason for the Muslims in the sub-landmass. Biradaries

legislative issues was mainstream in nature, internal practically speaking and

antagonistic to the national assumption that was the means by which and why the

Unionist Party of India, the political stage of major Biradaries won decisions in 1923,

1926 and 1930 with 33, 31 and 37 seats individually for the Punjab Legislative

Council Party won 1937 decision with overwhelming larger part and left just two

seats for the Muslim League. In these races, Noon, Syed and Qureshi Biradaries won

1 seat every while the Tiwana Biradari won 3 seats. These outcomes were for the

Sargodha area for the participation in PLC. Biradaries got decent footing in the

neighborhood and in addition common legislative issues of Sargodha. The Biradari

Party or the Unionist Party rose fruitful with 88 seats out of an aggregate of 175.

Khizar Hayat Tiwana succeeded too.

In 1946, Biradaries confronted political reality shockingly. From Sargodha,

Shahpur and Khushab, 4 seats were open for the challenge. Tiwana Biradari won 2

seats while Piraccha and Nagiana won 1 seat every fro PLC. Tiwana applicants were

part among political gatherings. Unionist Tiwana won 1 seat, Muslim League Tiwana

additionally won an alternate seat. Unionist party lost from Khushab one Tiwana and

one Nagiana seats. Sir Siukandar Hayat Khan shaped the Punjab Government when

felt potential risk from Centeral Government, he got organization together to advance

Jinnah's reason. The 1946 races were challenged for this reason with the personality

of 'Pakistan Vote'. Muslim League won 73 out of 86 Muslims seats. Unionist Party

was lessened to 13 seats. So the Biradari legislative issues was a configuration to

annihilation the more noteworthy reason. Thus, it might be inferred that:

i) The expansion in the role of Biradari underminded the greater and collective

role of the Muslim community in the subcontinent, thus promoting the British

objectives at the cost of political standing;

ii) Common man and the peasantry were deprived of the belongings and force to

share the burden transferred by the British Raj to the elite classes;

iii) The policies of cooption and dispossession immensely hindered the balanced

development for the prosperity of the Muslim population on economic,

educational as well as social fronts.

78

Keeping in mind the end goal to win the loyalties of the nearby boss the

British Raj did strategy of belittling the Biradaries by favoring and regarding their

boss with prizes and honors. The persons who were given the legislature

employments were for the most part the persuasive individuals of their particular

Biradaries. In every decision particularly from 1920 to 1946, Biradaries were given

most extreme significance. While drawing constituent bodies electorate, British

deliberately endeavored to join country zones with a piece of urban terrains so that the

nearby landowners could control the urban focuses. They minimized the urban voting

demographics, and deliberately expanded the quantity of rustic electorates to exceed

the developing white collar class in the urban areas.

The individuals who challenged from urban focuses were not permitted to

challenge from a country supporters. Such arrangements of British rulers fortified the

part of Biradaries in the force governmental issues of pilgrim South Asia in which

rustic first class were favored over the urban elites. In the races of 1946, the British

authorities made it a strategy to consider the Biradaries and property of the

competitors while deciding qualification of the hopefuls. So the hopefuls of

persuasive families were favored.

It might be expressed that the home human advancement, the fruitful Punjab,

turned into the powerhouse involved by the trespassers that had never been

completely possessed by them. The intrusion was monetary, social, political and

regulatory. Nearby persuasive's carried on and double-crossed the famous supposition

of the larger part of the people groups, religions and societies of indigenous character

in working together with the British Raj to stack and harvest diversions and prizes. It

might be seen too through the dynamic part of the Biradari controllers. Biradari was

scattered and spread in Punjab with unfathomable assets accessible to them to win

political and monetary space for the activity of force and power by the British Raj.

Two-countries hypothesis of Muslim patriotism and Hindu patriotism got

responded by a third strand of common patriotism. The legislative issues of the nearby

tip top gatherings grasped third strand in spite of the way that they were completely

without any kind of hypothesis. Their sole destination was to win the status of the

customer from their benefactor who was the British. In the Sub-Continent, Muslim

populace was walking towards solidarity guided by the conclusion of a different

country from that of the Hindu country.

79

Interestingly the defenders of two country's hypothesis were not religious

pioneers. They were advanced in their training, dynamic in their social character and

dynamic in their political aspirations and national feeling their correspondence from

the Muslim group was the Biradari legislative issues, common in nature, internal by

and by and unfriendly to the national assessment. English disparaged that kind of

governmental issues to stance test to the legislative issues of the different nationhood

and country, or the legislative issues of patriotism.

The arrived elites composed a political stage to defend their hobbies in the

changing environment of the sub-landmass. The tip top gatherings were watching the

result of the British measures nearly. Three Biradari Chiefs, in particular Sir Sikandar

Hayat Khan (1892-1942)160

, Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir Chhotu Ram established the

political front with the target of advancing their diversions by supporting and serving

the British Raj.

A new political chapter expended in Punjab in the early

twentieth century and was dominated by leaders like Sir

Muhammad Iqbal (1875-1938), Lala Lajpat Rai (1865-

1928), Sir Muhammad Shafi (1869-1932), and Sir Fazl-

i-Husain (1877-1936). It was a new phase in agitation

politics, and it began to impact the people at large These

political stirrings resulted in the creation of political

organizations, such as Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam (MAI),

Khaksars, Mahasabha, Unionist Party and Akali Dal.161

Individuals, particularly authorities of the Muslim urban intellectuals in the

Punjab were feeling denied of any political representation. The Indian National

Congress (INC) couldn't fulfill the politically irritated Muslims because of its

inclination and preference for the prevalence of Hindu attitude. A religion situated

character was crawling under the aspirations and goals of the Congress

administration. The MAI union with the All India Muslim League (AIML) couldn't

get by for long, overall the course of Muslim legislative issues would have changed

emphatically. The missing connection was that the Muslim authority barely perceived

the hugeness of the Muslim vote in Punjab. The Unionists had their energy base in the

ranges of their control. Their Jagirs were their supporters. They challenged for the

160

He was the premier of the united Punjab from 1937 to 1942. 161

. Awan Samina, “Nationalist Politics in the British Punjab: An Alliance between Muslim League

Parliamentary Board and Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture (December

2009), 68.

http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/3.%20Nationalist%20Politics,%20Samina%20Awan.

pdf Accessed May 3, 2013.

80

Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) and Central Legislative Council (CLC) when the

fundamental patriot gatherings, AIML and INC, were on appointive blacklist. That

blacklist coupled their prosperity with the British backing ruled the PLC.

“It may not be outlandish to suggest that the Unionist

pressure also played a critical role in making MAI to

reserve its alignment (with AIML). Another unresolved

point of conflict was the Ahrar insistence that there

should be a clause in the Oath of the Punjab Muslim

League candidate that he would struggle for the

expulsion of Ahmadis from the Muslim Community.

Interestingly, the Unionists were not willing to accept

that as well. Still another point of conflict was that in

some cases, the candidates of both the parties wanted to

contest the same constituencies in urban areas.”162

Unionists were united in a gathering to get chose to secure position and status

in the force passages. The union was comprised at first of 24 Muslim proprietors and

6 Hindu Jats. Rao Bahadur Lal was the pioneer of the Unionists with Nawab

Muzaffar Ali Qazilbash, Nawab Shah Nawaz Mamdot, Malik Khizr Hayat Khan

Tiwana,163

Malik Atta Muhammad Khan Nawab of Kalabagh and Mian Ahmed Yar

Khan Daultana were the proprietors in the Unionist Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain and Sir

Muhammad Zafarullah Khan were Unionist pioneers too. They kept their bodies

electorate in place in decisions from 1921 to forward.

Here is the detail of the performance of each winner group in elections of

1921, 1926 and 1930 in Punjab Legislative Assembly (PLC).

Table 7 Punjab Legislative Council (PLC) Results

Year Winning Party Total Parties in

the election

Seats Won

1921 Unionist Party 4 33

1926 -do- 6 31

1930 -do- 3 37

162

. Ibid., 77. 163

He was the Premier of the united Punjab from 1942 to 1947.

81

“The strength of the Punjab Legislative Council was

increased to 94 members out of which 23 members

were to be nominated and 71 elected. These reforms

also enlarged the functions of the Legislature….

Though the franchise was direct but was limited under a

strict criterion of qualifications and disqualifications for

voters, eventually a little over 3 percent population was

enfranchised in Punjab at the time.”164

English Raj about quiet and fulfilled on the event of 1921 Punjab Legislative

Council (PLC) races. There was no political danger as the political gatherings or the

gatherings alike failed to possess any far reaching motivation for individuals on both

sides of the contention. Races in 1921 were an individual fighting for the challengers

in the region. The outcomes were likewise not undermining deliberately or on the

strategic justification for the Raj. In races, 35 Muslims, 21 Hindus and 15 Sikhs were

risen as PLC individuals. In a place of 71 chose individuals, Unionists were effective

in the races as the larger part party with most extreme seats won. Independents were

second in number of seats while Swaraj Party won 12 seats in 1923 as a second vast

gathering, Hindu Mahasabha with 12 seats in 1926 and National Progressive Party

with 20 seats in 1930. In PLA decisions the story continued as before in 1937 when

Unionist Party won 98 seats out of 175, with Indian National Congress 18 and

Muslim League just 2 seats.

The 1937 decisions were unique in relation to the races of 1921 in that the

political fronts had been dynamic as the years progressed. Sikhs were spoken to by

Shiromani Akali Dal, the Chief Khalsa Diwan. It was the Khalsa National Party that

was a piece of the 1937 decisions as a stage for the Sikhs of Punjab. In 1946 decisions

the discretionary situation changed for AIML as it won 75 seats, Congress 51 and the

Unionists were fruitful on 19 seats in the place of 175 individuals. In 1937 elections,

Unionist Party was led by Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan.

“The only party present in all the five elections was

the Unionist Party. It could be possible for the central

parties of the Muslim League and the Congress to

develop their vote bank in Punjab only after the

introduction of 1935 Act, that too with the support of

local bodies. Entrance of these central political parties

164

. Ali Azra Asghar, Awan Sajid Mahmood, “Political Development and the Political Parties in Punjab:

1849-1947,”Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences (PJSS) 29, no. 1 (June 2009), 68.

http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJSS/vol29no1_2009/PJSSArtical06.pdf. Accessed: April 13, 2013.

82

in Punjab resulted into the communal divide of the

politics and of the political parties of Punjab.165

Congress Party (1885)166

had been demanding that the Central Government

would be solid. Party pioneers realized that they had been preparing for a Hindu

larger part focal government. Party plan couldn't meet the goals of the zones ruled by

Muslim lion's share. In Central and Southern India, Hindu held the numeric dominant

part while the Muslims were in minority. Congress and different gatherings were

proliferating that the Muslim League had been working for the foundation of a

country or a Muslim country state at the expense of Muslims of the Hindu larger part

regions.

“In the 1937 elections the Unionist Party was able to

win a heavy mandate of the Muslims of the Punjab. On

the other hand the Punjab Muslim League was able to

win only two seats in the Punjab Assembly. One of the

winning candidates, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan deserted

the AIML as soon as the results were officially

announced. Raja Sahib was offered a position of

parliamentary secretary ship of the ruling Unionist

Party. Sir Fazl-i-Husain died in 1936, leaving the way

clear for Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan to become the Chief

Minister of the Punjab….”167

Congress pioneers were in force in the Central Government their most extreme

exertion was to topple Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan's (1892-1942) Punjab Government to

introduce a congress service. Nehru's talk was coordinated towards defaming Hayat

service by terming it the durbar of the British Raj. It was genuine that the Unionists

were most extreme faithful to the British yet Hindu themselves were different

durbaries. Nehru's political mottos were telling very much an alternate story. Nehru

was asserting over and again that there were just two powers in India and those were

the Congress and the British Government. Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948)168

answered to Nehru.

“I refuse to line up with the Congress, Jinnah insisted,

when he heard Nehru’s simplistic analysis in Calcutta

165

. Ibid., 73. 166

It was established by A. O. Hume in 1885. 167

. Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,”

http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf

Accessed: May 3, 2013. 168

Founder of Pakistan.

83

early in January. There is a third party in this country

and that is the Muslims.”169

Nehru’s campaign fired back. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan felt the threats. Nehru

opened the doors on the Muslim League and the Unionists to get allied to promote the

Jinnah’s model. A Sikandar Jinnah pact was signed in October 1937 during the

Lucknow session of the Muslim League.

“It may be pointed out that Sikandar – Jinnah agreement

was more in favour of the Muslim League but the

Unionist leaders like Sikandar Hayat and Khizr Hayat

Tiwana misinterpret the agreement to suit their own

definition. “By early 1946, the Muslim League had been

able to secure the support of many leading families of

Punjab and also eminent Pirs170

and

Sajjadanasheens171

. Quaid-i-Azam MA Jinnah issued

statements criticizing what he called “shameless

interference” in the election by Unionist Party and

criticized Governor’s bias in favour of the ruling

Unionist Party.172

Punjab Legislative Council had a quality improved from 94 to 175 under the

Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms in the Act of 1935. The 1937 decisions were a race

among Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs through their tip top identities. From the Muslim

side were the Ahrar, Ittihad-i-Milat from the arrived world class front the Unionist

Party was in the run, having landowners and Biradari elites in its crease. It was

rightly called the Zamindara gathering of the Punjab. Congress was likewise there.

In Unionists, the biggest inlet was evident in the middle of Tiwana and Noon

Biradaries. Both were generally hailing from Shahpur. They were the Jagirdars,

medieval masters and the fat cats of arrived privileged there. The Tiwana of the

Unionist Party had restricted the arrangement of Nawab Muzaffar Khan as Revenue

Member. Tiwana and Noons delighted in backing in distinctive regions. Nawab

Muhammad Hayat Qureshi was a nearby companion of Sikandar Hayat Tiwana.

Tiwana gathering had arrangements to thrashing this companion in races for the race

of top opening in Punjab. There were different clashes and divisions in the Unionist

169

Ibid., 89. 170

It is a title for a Sufi master or spiritual guide. 171

A hereditary administrator of the shrine. 172

Q. Abid / M. Abid, “Unionist Muslim League Relations and the Punjab Administration,”

http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/history/Current%20Issues/Q.%20Abid%20%20M.%20Abid.pdf

Accessed: May 3, 2013. 106.

84

positions. The Unionist proclamation was less huge that the pioneers in the battle for

the Legislative Council Membership.

The 1937 decisions were limited as in just the landowners of particular

positions, moms or the dowagers of military officers or general society hirelings could

get to be possibility for decision. The Biradari seniors of the Unionist Party had no

belief system aside from decision the masses. Congress and Akali Dal were in seat

conformity in different parts to thrashing the Unionists whom the two considered a

Muslim-commanded front. The decision results were as given here:

Table8 Party Position in 1937 Elections for PLC

Party Seats

Punjab Unionist Party 98

Khalsa National Party 13

Indian National Congress 18

Hindu Mahasabha 12

Shiromani Akali Dal 11

Ahrar 02

Muslim League 02

Congress Nationalist Party 01

Source: KC Yadav, Election, P133, 134

Following table gives a picture of Biradari position in Sargodha in 1937

elections for the Punjab Legislative Council. Tiwana won 3, Noon, Syed and Qureshi

Biradaries won 1 seat each. All the 6 successful were Unionists – the strong hold of

the Biradaries.

85

Table 9 (Khushab) Biradari Position in 1937 (PLC) Elections

Election

Year

Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1937 Punjab

Legislative

Council

Noon

Tiwana

Syed

Qureshi

1

3

1

1

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

All 6 winners belonged to Unionist Party

Region: Sargodha

Unionists = 6 out of 6

The 1937 decisions sent Biradari possibility to the agent organization. The

Unionists, really the proprietors and Biradari candidates succeeded immensely and

they caught 88 seats from a sum of 175. The figured out how to secure loyalties of 8

more chose individuals and got 96. It is barren to note that such a win was exceptional

as the Unionists crushed both All India National Congress and All India Muslim

League competitors. Biradari had demonstrated that it held the force both in Punjab

and Shahpur, Khizr Hayat Tiwana developed successful because of the impact of his

Tiwana Biradari in the zone. His gathering sacked 77 every penny votes in Shahpur.

Lord Wavell (1883-1950),173

the Viceroy of British India (1943-47), announced

on 19 September 1945 the schedule for elections, known as 1946 elections. Those

elections were fought by All India Muslim League as “Pakistan vote”. The results

produced the following outcomes:

Congress won 923 while Muslim League 425 seats, with a percentage of 58.23

and 26.81 respectively, out of a total of 1585 seats;

In Assam, Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Madras, NWFP, Orissa and

United Provinces, Congress formed the governments;

The Muslim League formed governments in Bengal and Sindh; while,

The Congress, the Unionist Party and the Akali Dal constituted government in

Punjab.

173

Penultimate Viceroy of India.

86

The Unionists were confined to the Punjab politics only

Table 10 Biradari Position in 1946 Elections (Khushab)

Election

Year

Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1946 Punjab

Legislative

Council

Tiwana

Pracha

Nagiana

2

1

1

Tiwana

Syed

Qureshi

1

1

1

Winners: Tiwana, Piracha from Muslim League

Tiwana from Unionist Party

Runner – ups: Tiwana, Nagiana from Unionist Party

Syed, Qureshi from Muslim League

Unionist Winners- 2 PM Winners -2

On 4 seats from Sargodha, Shahpur and Khushab, Tiwana Biradari won 2

seats while Piracha and Nagiana Biradaries won 1 seat each. The vital peculiarity

was that the Tiwana Biradari changed faithfulness from the Unionists on one seat.

The other Tiwana seat was unquestionably won by the Unionist Party. Muslim

League won 2 seats as Piracha Biradari was supporting the Muslim League. It was

the defining moment for the Unionist Party as it lost 5 seats as a gathering and one

seat as a Biradari of Tiwana lost one and agreed with Muslim League on the other.

The 1946 races were won by the Muslim League on the 'Pakistan Vote'. Party

got 73 seats from a sum of 86. Unionists succeeded on 13 seats. On the subject of

Pakistan six of the victor Unionists changed their gathering after triumph and joined

Muslim League with respect to interest for Pakistan. Muslim League measured the

Biradari applicants in Sargodha and honored tickets to three noteworthy Biradaries

e.g. Tiwana, Noons and Pirachas. The accomplishment of Muslim League was

likewise because of the Biradari vote.

2.8 Biradari and Politics in Pakistan

Pakistan is a mixed feudal and capitalist society. By the powerful we mean, of

course, those who are able to realize their will, even if others resist it. No one,

accordingly, can be truly powerful unless he has access to the command of major

institutions, for it is over these institutional means of power that the truly powerful

are, in the first instance, powerful. Higher politicians and key officials of government

87

command such institutional power; so do admirals and generals, and so do the major

owners and executives of the larger corporations. Not all power, it is true, is anchored

in and exercised by means of such institutions, but only within and through them can

power be more or less continuous and important.174

Biradari has its congruity in force progress after autonomy of Pakistan to

some degree in the comparable example with the change of watchmen in the Patron-

Client connections. It has created and is delivering impacts that gravely undermine the

smooth working of the political organizations including chose bodies, political

gatherings and the fair culture overall.

The establishment of Biradari is basic peculiarity of Pakistani society. It

differentiates the conventional part to current political foundations like political

gatherings, races and parliamentary matchless quality. The nearby Biradari boss have

the numerical quality of voters and electables for assuming indispensable part in the

achievement of any political gathering in races. These are nonpolitical components

which settled in towns to keep up their political and economic wellbeing. They have

no political devotion yet are faithful to the group and Biradari. The political

gatherings appear to be separated into nearby gatherings and Biradaries rather than

philosophy. Political gatherings offer tickets to the hopefuls as per the impact of

Biradari in the electorates.

Rustic life is particularly tolerating the impact both of theBiradari and the Sufi

request. A Sufi might either be Chishti,175

Qadri,176

Suharawardi177

or Naqshbandi,178

different in methodology and activity of the convictions. The Biradari requests in

Punjab likewise change from each other in appearance, otherworldly standing,

considerations on socialization and their political affiliations. An alternate normal

peculiarity in Biradari elites and Sufi elites is their proceeded with ownership of ripe

terrains, denying indigenous agriculturists of their produce and in addition patches of

174

C. Wright Mills. The Power Elite, New Yark: Oxford University Press, 1956, 9. 175

This Sufi order was found by Abu Ishaq shami in village Chist near Herat Afghanistan. In India

Moinuddin chisti introduced it Suffi of this order kept them from worldly power. Famous practice is

Sama and Qawali. 176

This Sufi order derives its name from Abdul Qadir Gilani (1077-1166). 177

This Sufi order was founded by Diya-al-din(1097-1168) in Balkh area of Kurdistan.They fellow

Imam Shafi.This order was spread by founder nephew Abu Hafs al-Suhrawardi(1145-1234).In india,

Baha-ud-Din Zakaria of Multan spread it. 178

This Sufi order was founded by Bahaudin Naqashband Bukhari (1318-89).

88

area. Castillejo sees it through the viewpoint of rejection of the individuals from the

rights, benefits and necessities of life. She contends.

“Pakistan has a feudal land system in which 2% of the

population owns 45% of the land. These big landowners

form the country’s main political power. Meanwhile,

half of the rural households are landless and experience

profound economic, social and political exclusion. This

population is entirely dependent upon the landlords for

whom its members work as tenant farmers and

labourers in exploitative conditions.”179

This medieval area framework appreciates the nexus created among

administration, military foundation, representatives of force, sanctum elites and

arrived elites. With the progression of time the separating of the medieval elites from

the mechanical elites has diminished and a collusion of the elites has risen. This

cooperation incorporates entrepreneur strengths, patrilineal linkages and Sufi

hallowed places, hence barring the center, lower center and the denied classes of the

general public. The imposing business model and matchless quality of such collusions

generally and broadly owe to their proficient and also bureaucratic support by the

strengths of foundations, Biradari solid footings in common society and other

association too.

The development of such unions and classes drove the country through poor

execution and control of force and resulting politicizing of the strategy making. The

power of the state vanished consistently and quickly. These nexuses and systems

turned the tables on the normal man. Their load was an aggregate work of amazing

nepotism, standing based strategies and waywardness of the destinations and

execution of improvement projects. The normal man was viewed as a piece of steady

the less wealthy. The administration framework declined as well as the way of life

and society was crumbled so seriously that the will to improve would have been

extremely tested.

The debilitating of the average workers in urban focuses, the wickedness of

the lower class and country society moved ahead on parallel lines as the dictator

administrations got stronger and quicker witted. That two sides decrease in good,

monetary and political spaces vanquished the will of the basic man. Furthermore, safe

179

. Castillejo Clare, “Exclusion: A Hidden Driver of Pakistan’s Fragility,” NOREF Policy Brief, 2012.

http://www.peacebuilding.no/Regions/Asia/Pakistan/Publications/Exclusion-a-hidden-driver-of-

Pakistan-s-fragility. Acccessed: June 17, 2013.

89

houses, enclaves and supports were offered to stall the democratization even in times

of constituent legislative issues. A study investigates the flow of the shortcomings of

the individuals and getting power in close to outright terms in different urban

communities and provincial ranges in Pakistan. Watching distinctive neediness lists

(Po, P1, P2), with Po as the Poverty Incidence, it peruses:

“Overall results ascertain that poverty is absolutely a

rural phenomenon in the Punjab province. Overall Po

declined in Divisions across all levels, except DG Khan

at its overall urban levels and rural Lahore.

Corresponding P1 and P2 also declined across all levels,

except urban areas of DG Khan Division… Maximum

decline in overall Po was observed in Rawalpindi,

followed by Faisalabad and Sargodha Divisions, while

maximum decline in corresponding P2 was observed in

Faisalabad, followed by Sargodha and Rawalpindi

Divisions.”180

Castillejo in her finishing up comments on the examples of prohibition holds

the perspective as the provincial poor get to be urban poor they may be less compelled

by primitive Patron-Client relations and better ready to assemble and make requests

for consideration. Kaplan is not as hopeful as Castijello in view of the developing

disparity in urban rustic separation and in both locales too. Kaplan states:

“Such dynamics are hard to change, given the relative

dearth of strong independent intermediate institutions,

such as media, Independent Monitoring Organizations

(IMOs) and Civil Society Organizations (CSO) that are

able to hold government accountable. More often than

not, existing ones are either too small to make a

difference or as elitist as the rest of society. As a result

they either lack resources to confront the elites or are

beholden to more powerful interests, as in the case of

the media, or the government itself in terms of

funding.”181

The force, power and the benefits are those fixings in the hands of such world

class structures that control even the procurement of bread and margarine to regular

individuals, regularly named or called as "Kammies". These elitist structures make

180

. Ikram Ali, A. Saboor, S. Ahmad, and Mustafa, "A Profile of Regional Contribution of Rural

Poverty in Punjab: Some Hidden Dynamics," Pakistan Journal of Life and Social Sciences 8, no.

1(2010): 37. http://www.pjlss.edu.pk/sites/default/files/8.%20Ikram%20%2835-41%29.pdf.

Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 181

. Kaplan Seth, “Power and Politics in Pakistan” NOREF Expert Analysis,

2013.http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/07f02d6b2e01427f1ece

edc9cf4f4e14.pdf.Acccessed: June 17, 2013.

90

circumstances or reason degeneration in circumstances of need. They enable their

instruments or apparatuses to improve or diminishing the probability of a family

reliant upon them. It so happens too that a world class gathering looses control in a

certain interim of time. In the meantime, the living principles of the individuals and

families relying on that aggregate's support face serious circumstances including evil

and craving.

“This effect does not appear to be long lasting, as

households who are eligible for assistance may be the

target of this clan effect.”182

Diverse examinations and studies uncover that 33% of the family units

accepting any help, in kind or overall, from such first class structures, particularly

Biradari, have a place with the same gathering of patrilineal linkages. The elites or

the supporters in such circumstances, control the voting conduct to such an extent that

they consider heads every family their voters. Any deviation by same individual from

such families may bring him or her to earnest results and disciplines.

In post pioneer period, Pakistan was a home of about two dozen world class

families at the time of autonomy. Those families were really the players in force

legislative issues prior and then afterward autonomy, reinforcing and growing the part

and offer of neighborhood Biradaries, particularly in the Punjab area. Pakistan kept

on securing honest to goodness foundations in the entire nation while, prevailing

Biradaries crushed this move roughly to keep up their power and control framework.

The presence and sustenance of these Biradaries are further fortified because

of the vicinity of casual correspondence designs that attest the force held by these

tribes over the administrative organizations. With the progression of time, the level of

inclusion of different Biradaries inside Punjab has upgraded essentially. Biradari

legislative issues has brought on various hardships even to the individuals from those

Biradaries that have been holding power in their districts. Underdevelopment,

absence of training and wellbeing offices and supported destitution are the yields of

such Biradari structures. Unlimited trusts and improvement ventures couldn't change

the urban and additionally social living.

182

. Vybomy Kate, Chaudhary Azam, “Patronage and the Poor: Evidence from Rural Punjab, Pakistan,”

Working Paper Presented in Oxford, 2013, 8.

http://dial2013.dauphine.fr/fileadmin/mediatheque/dial2013/documents/Papers/69_UK_Vyborny_Chau

dry.pdf. Acccessed June 17, 2013.

91

The primary component that has prodded this pattern is that the nearby

decisions were challenged on the premise of the Biradari framework as opposed to

the political partisanship. General Zia's neighborhood bodies framework further

united the strength of Biradaries thus the character and control of political gatherings

over force legislative issues was minimized an excessive amount of more noteworthy

degree. It was in 1985 when the non part races occurred in Pakistan. These decisions

were turned out to be a noteworthy help for the Biradari framework at the grass root

levels. In 1985 Punjab Assembly was contained 240 individuals while 124 were

Biradari based individuals.183

That procedure acted as it had worked for the frontier bosses who were

supplanted by military administrations in Pakistan. Biradaries served the both in both

periods. National plans were traded off and present day political and social

foundations were debilitated. That technique additionally attempted to kill religious

force and verbosity to leave mosque as a position of simple ceremonies. An all the

more socially subordinate society of Thana184

and Kachary185

was elevated to aid

Biradaries and groups to practice their impact over masses for the determination of

their trivial issues. Individuals have been rendered debilitated so they look for

salvation. This salvation gets to be as a separate gift from Biradari delegates.

Same has been the situation of nearby economy. Nearby bodies were

instrumental being developed approaches, projects and tasks, again equipping the

Biradaries, groups and neighborhood influentials to augment their control over

neighborhood improvement reserves and different assets. That was the structure of

legislative issues to battle the political establishments, parties and the group too. The

outcome was an increased political and social segregation for non-political on-screen

characters, Biradari was the most compelling portion of such supported performing

artists.

Punjab is the breadbasket of Pakistan and Biradari is the force administrator in

Punjab. The populace is overwhelmingly country and agrArian. There are huge

landholdings in Southern locale of Punjab. In focal Punjab, landholdings are littler.

The social structure rotates around family for personality, insurance and socialization.

183

. Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan data.http://ecp.gov.pk/GE/MNAs7297.aspx.

Accessed March 20, 2013. 184

Police Station. 185

Courts

92

The voting conduct is additionally represented and decided on the Biradari or faction

premise Biradari linkages are participial basically.

Punjabi population is predominantly rural and agricultural in background.

Broadly speaking the main characteristics of the southern districts of the Punjab is big

landholdings and feudal social structures. The central districts are characterized by

relatively smaller landholdings of peasant proprietors.186

Social life in Punjab is organized and circles around a certain kinship and family

structure. Family, in its extended forms, is very much significant. The identity,

protection and socialization depend upon family and its culture.

“Descent is reckoned patrilineally,187

those related

through male ancestors are considered relatives. The

Biradari or group of male kin (the patrilineage) plays a

significant role in social relations. Its members neither

hold movable property in common nor do share

earnings, but the honour or shame of individual

members affect general standing of the Biradari within

the community.”188

Andrew R. Wilder189

writes:

“It is commonly argued that ‘primordial’190

group

identities as family, kinship and caste, or membership in

a village faction, play a more significant role in

determining voting behavior in the sub-continent, than

individual political preferences.”…191

“In theory, members of a Biradari are co residents of

a single village. In some areas, however, land

fragmentation and generation of out-migration have

led to the dispersal of many members of the Biradari

among various villages, regions and cities. Patrilineal

kin continue to maintain ties with their natal village

186

. Muhammad Azam Choudhary, “Religious Practices at Sufi Shrines in the Punjab,” Pakistan

Journal of History and Culture 31, no. 1(2010): 1-30, 3.

http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/1.%20Religious%20Practices%20at%20Sufi%20Shri

nes,%20Azam%20Ch.pdf. Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 187

Tracing Kinship and descent through the male line. 188

. Pakistan Traditional Kinship Patterns,

http://www.photius.com/countries/pakistan/society/pakistan_society_traditional_kinship_~10381.html.

Acccessed: June 17, 2013. 189

He is a famous author of the book “The Pakistan Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting behavior in

the Punjab (1999) OUP Pakistan. 190

Giving origin to something derived or developed. 191

. Andrew Wilder, The Pakistani Voter: Electoral Politics and Voting Behavior in the Punjab

(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 177.

93

and enjoy the legal rights of first refusal in any

Biradari land sale.”192

In Punjab, biradri systems give a powerful wellspring of social and political

liking, which can likewise be abused for political purposes. Major Biradaries in

Punjab are Jatts, Awan, Rajputs, Araiens, Gujjars, Sayads and Balochs. In northern

Punjab, Rajput Biradari looks predominant. Jatts are driving in focal Punjab

furthermore offering in southern Punjab. Arains are imparting impact in focal Punjab

while Balochs are ruling in southern Punjab.

An importance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the center of a nexus of

organization, military foundations, intermediaries of local and also nearby power,

sanctums and arrived elites with characterized political diversions. Feudal lords lead

such nexuses and organizations together. This may be termed tip top that spins around

the Biradari culture and force. Such collusions and linkages control territorial

divisional and locale legislative issues. These structures control land, capital assets,

state choices and arrangement making procedures and systems, to such an extent that

the non-Biradari substances think that it troublesome and regularly close to difficult

to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the motivation behind why change

plans wilt away and assets assigned for those changes go waste or can't be used

whatsoever.

192

. Traditional Kinship Patterns,

94

CHAPTER 3

INFILTRATION OF BIRADARI

IN STATE INSTITUTIONS

In this chapter we will address the questions how the Biradari affiliation

helped the scions of some biradaeris getting power through the institutions of the state

of Pakistan. In Pakistan generally power has been converged in the institutions of the

state other than parliament. Especially the army and bureaucracy have been stronger

than other institutions of the state. During the period under our study also the army

either was enjoying power directly or was controlling the country from back ground.

This chapter will highlight the fact that the affiliation of Biradari gave to many people

of major Biradaries in Khushab district the chances to enter and progress in the

institutions of state which had power in their control. We examine how far Biradari

plays important role in army and civil bureaucracy which are major power centres in

Pakistan.

Another Point to explain is the role of army in Pakistan. This chapter will

address the question how army is powerful in Pakistan and how Biradari is associated

with the army and bureaucracy? The chapter will maintain that most period under

study remained under military rule. Even during democracy the role of military

cannot be denied. The major Biradaries of the district succeeded to get positions in

the army and thus power could be got by them easily. Thus the major Biradaries

automatically were able to get power.

3.1 Biradari in Army and Bureaucracy193

Army bureaucracy is informal keystone of power politics in Pakistan. Major

policy issues and the government’s overall strategy are supposed to be decided

through consultations or directions from the army. Of course the Prime Minister or

President has a pre-eminent place as the chief executive of the county but army

general has such power that exactly forces the chief executive to make decisions in

the light of his directions. Thus chief and generals of Pakistan army are very powerful

figures in Pakistani political context. They are not required to share power with any

193

It is a way of administratively organizing large number of people who need to work together (an

administrative policy making group).

95

other political entity of the country. They command and are the members of

controlled centralised bureaucracy whose principle is

the defence and loyalty of the state of Pakistan.

Power in Pakistan, as Khushab has been selected as a case district of Pakistan

for this study, has been mostly in the control of major institutions of Pakistan namely

army, bureaucracy and judiciary. Within the machinery of state of Pakistan, the army

and the bureaucracy as opposed to the political elites in Pakistani civil society have

often been combined ‘as co-sharers of the piece of the power cake’. 194

Stephen P. Cohen mentions in his work The Idea of Pakistan that Pakistan is

controlled by a small but “culturally and socially intertwined elite” comprising about

five hundred people who form part of the establishment. Belonging to different

subgroups, these people are known for their loyalty to the “core principles” of a

central state. The elite to which Cohen has pointed out is not formed of politician

altogether. The subgroups which form these elite are, along with land lords, retired or

in service army officers, former or present bureaucrats, and judges in various courts.

In the modern democracies the military is one of many organizations of

government that is assigned with the goal of defence and security of country and it

struggles to fulfil its targets. However in Pakistan it is the most powerful institution.

In 1988 major newspapers were calling it ‘the backbone of the nation’.195

Ayesha

Siddiqa terms military as the most powerful institution of Pakistan. It is so larger in

number of members (700000 personnel) that there appears no single democratic

institution in country may claim to have this number of members. In comparison of its

strength the democratic system and other institutions of the state are weaker.196

The institution of Pakistan army has ruled over Pakistan directly through

military governments for more than half of Pakistan’s existence since its birth in

1947. For the remainder, army has ruled indirectly by undermining and manipulating

other civilian institutions and political parties and by pro-actively manipulating the

194

Mushahid Hussain and Akmal Hussain, Pakistan Problem of Governance (New Delhi: Vanguard

Books, 1993), 195

The News, Lahore, 15 January 1988 196

Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:

Palgrave, 2001), 55-56

96

domestic political developments.197

In Pakistan the office of the Chief of the Army

Staff has emerged as the focal point of power. The bearer of this office calls the tune

in military as well as political matters of country. This particular position holder has

always been instrumental in imposing military rule.198

During the period under consideration i.e. 1982 to 2008 the Army enjoyed an

ultimate power position in Pakistan’s power politics owing to martial law government

from 1977 to 1985 and military’s take over from 1999 to 2008. This had a long-

lasting effect on the political environment and, as a result, successive political

governments, despite the restoration of democracy in 1985, have existed under the

psychological and political domination199

of the Army.200

In some cases the army

chief himself plays the role of the head of the state. More than half of the period under

our discussion (1982-2008) witnessed chief of army staff as the chief executive of

Pakistan.

The structure of the state of Pakistan evolved in such a way that politicians

and political parties were weakened due to interplay of international, regional and

domestic factors and the institutional balance was tipped in support of the army as

well as the civil bureaucracy.201

During the period under study army in Pakistan took

prominence for gaining power due to some major factors. Firstly during this period

army had been busy with international conflict in Afghanistan. During eighties it was

helping USA to divert Soviet advance in Afghanistan. Then In nineties army was

significant in dealing with Mujahideen and Taliban in post-USSR Afghanistan. In the

first decade of twenty-first century army had prominence due to the war on terrorism

waged in Afghanistan by US led international forces. Secondly in Pakistan army is

also powerful due to its role in defence of country from its traditional and larger rival

India.

Along with the assumption of responsibilities of guarding the frontiers of

Pakistan, during eighties Army also got the responsibility of defending the Islamic

ideological identity of Pakistan. The policy makers in Pakistan have always been

197

C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of

Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 63 198

Ayesha Jalal, The State of Martial Rule (Lahore: Vanguard, 1991)

200

Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:

Palgrave, 2001), 61 201

Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial

Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989

97

under sheer fear of Indian hegemony in region. Actually on some occasions the very

existence of the country was on stake under the military threat of India. This threat

from stronger neighbouring state has forces Pakistani policy makers to build a strong

military.

The anxiety from Indian threat has oriented obvious ideological grounds.

Pakistanis are bound to have an idea that India with its predominantly Hindu

population and religious extremism cannot accept the existence of an Islamic state of

Pakistan. Therefore Pakistan needs a defence establishment that may be able to

provide external security to this ideological state. Even internal insecurity in Pakistan

is viewed by the policy makers as the continuity of external threats. 202

Moreover during US led war on terror in Pakistan’s adjacent areas of

Afghanistan and infiltration of combatant militants from Afghanistan to Pakistan and

vise versa Pakistan had to face a threat for internal security from military

organisations which were rival to USA as well as Pakistan. It was only army of

Pakistan more than other institutions of state that was able to ward off this threat to

internal security of country because no formal institution had the capacity of fighting

militants within the borders of country. Army, therefore, became the focus of

attention and ultimately it was prominent power holder in Pakistan.

The path dependent nature of military intervention has made the persistence of

military power in Pakistan possible.203

In fact the military had involved itself in the

government and activities of government in the earlier years of Pakistan. This

involvement made the military able to form not only its own political orientation204

but also the institutional framework of politics so that repeated rounds of entry of

army in to the political system might become easier. Every coup of the military

increased its capacity to embed itself in power. It thus has been able to impose

restrictions on unmanageable political rivals and it could also provide patronage to its

political allies. This process and political work of army endured the de facto army

power even when there were civilian rule. Thus military continued its control not only

over issues related to the internal security, foreign policy and defence but also over

202

Ayesha Siddiqa, Pakistan’s Arms Procurement and Military Buildup, 1979–99 (New York:

Palgrave, 2001), 56 203

M. Aziz, Military Control in Pakistan: The Parallel State (London: Routledge,2008)

98

the issues of economy through threat of intervention.205

Army’s power also has been

ensured through legal and legislative cover with the assistance of flexible courts and

puppet assemblies. This cover ensured legitimacy of army’s power that was required

to fulfil its political agenda.206

Writing in the context of Pakistan’s military in power Ayesha Siddiqa has

divided the period from 1977 to 2005 in three phases. She establishes that during first

decade i.e. 1977 to 1987 the military engaged in coercion. From then onwards it

negotiated the partnership with select members of the dominant classes through the

use of subtle coercion and bribery. The last seven years are more noticable for the

consolidation of military’s power.207

Though Pakistan has been under direct control of military from 1977 to 1985

and from 1999 to 2008 the remaining period from 1985 to 1999 did not see army less

powerful in Pakistan. When in 1985 Gen. Zia-ul-Haq lifted martial law he had got

himself accepted himself as president of Pakistan in democratic setup also. After

eighth amendment in the revived constitution of Pakistan 1973 president had been

centre of power and army chief Gen. Zia remained on this powerful position till his

sudden accidental death along with a number of other generals in 1988. After his

demise notwithstanding democracy in country military, in order to sustain its own

power base, kept on replacing one set of allegedly corrupt politicians with another.208

Benazir Bhutto was elected prime minister of Pakistan after the demise of

Gen. Zia. Though she was a democratic leader yet she had to make adjustments with

the army leadership at that time. The differences between army and Benazir marred

within two years of her rule to such an extent that on 6th August 1990209 Pakistan

army supported then president Ishaq Khan to depose Benazir. The army had such

influence on president that Lawrence Ziring termed that it was Pakistan army who in

205

Samad, Y 1994 ‘The Military and Democracy in Pakistan’, in Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 3,

No. 3 206

Newburg, P 2002 Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics in Pakistan, Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. 207

Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 82 208

Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 95

99

collaboration with president deposed Benazir just after four days of American

invasion in Iraq.210

New elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif also retained leverage with Pakistan

army.211

In 1993 Nawaz Sharif saw his influence with the army diminished. However

his target was President Ishaq who then dissolved the assembly as well as the

government of Nawaz Sahrif. The army command came forward unified in support of

presidential action, and it joined ranks against the Prime Minister.212

The judiciary

gave verdict against the dissolution of assembly but the resolved prime minister was

not accepted by the president. The tussle between the prime minister and president

prevailed. The power of army chief as arbiter of power manifested itself when its

chief General Waheed Kakar213

intervened and called upon both the President and

Prime Minister to resign their positions. Under pressure from the army both leaders

tendered their resignations on 18th July 1993.

Again Benazir was elected as Prime Minister and she assumed this office on

17 October 1993. Before starting her tenure she had decided to co-exist with the army

and would not challenge the authority of Army in certain sectors. Her entire focus was

to eliminate potential threats to her continuity in office.214

Thus during the

government of Benazir Bhutto army was quite free to exercise its control over all of

the matters which military considered its area of prestige.The power of army in no

way weakened.

In 1997 Nawaz Sharif again returned to power. During his tenure though

Nawaz Sharif dismissed two army chiefs yet the power and status of army did not fall

before democratic leaders. The army was kept engaged in the vital activity of census

taking and operation against corruption in WAPDA.215

The army’s influence on the

government was also reflected in the decision of government for nuclear tests on the

direction of army. The army’s strength in the country was evident on the removal of

Nawaz Sharif who lost power in 1999 due to his open confrontation with the Chief of

210

Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003),

216 211

Ibid, 218. 212

Ibid, 226. 213

Ibid, 227. 214

Sartaj Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities (Oxford: OUP, 2009), 147. 215

Ibid, 342

100

Army Staff General Musharraf, whom he had removed from office. Dismissal of

Nawaz Sharif brought the military directly back into the seat of power.216

3.2 Biradaries in Pakistan Army

Having come to know that the institution of Pakistan army is major centre of

power in Pakistan the induction as officer in army means the assumption of power.

Now it is discussed how Biradari mattered in getting important positions and to what

extent major Biradaries in district Khushab got significant positions in the most

powerful institution of the country namely Pakistan army.

Historically the leadership of Pakistan army is constituted with the aristocrats.

Guided by their quest for greater revenue, as well as their increasing dependence on

Punjab as a recruiting ground for the Indian army and informed by their perception of

Biradari in Punjabi society, the British actively cultivated the support of

agriculturalist Biradaries and local chiefs, making them a focal policy concern. Thus,

when the British established the canal colonies in central Punjab at the end of the 19th

Century, bringing into cultivation millions of acres of hitherto barren land, or when

they began to include Punjabis within the formal administrative apparatuses of the

state, priority was given to the inclusion of landholders within these schemes 217

of

canal colonies as well as induction in army.

The policies of British were to prefer aristocratic Biradaries in army. The

major Biradaries of this district like Awan and Tiwana got the chances to enter into

army. During and after the war of independence in 1857 Tiwana got recruited one

thousand cavalry men in the British Army.218

This area has been major source of

recruitment in British army and police.219

Direct military rule in Pakistan is often accompanied by attaching of military

officers in top positions in the civilian administration, semi-government organisations

and autonomous institutions of state. The first step of military rule, thus, is to locate

216

Ayesha Siddiqa, Military Inc. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 96 217

Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”

PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012,10 218

J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha:

University of Sargodha, 2014), 55. 219

Ibid, 88.

101

proven loyalists to military institution in upper places of the economy of country.220

The landed families have already proved loyalties with army institution. Therefore it

is very easy for landed Biradaries with retired army and civil officers in there fold to

get higher positions in the country again.

Many officers of Pakistan army had come from the land owning families or

they have been landowners, notwithstanding dispute on the size or extent. Analysing

this situation in 1950s Janowitz reported that Pakistan army was one of only two

armies from the sample of fifty three where a significant number of officers had been

recruited from aristocrats or land-gentry groups at the time of national

independence.221

Despite the admission to the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) (the training

centre for officers in Pakistan army) is very competitive officer222

candidates

generally are selected for the PMA based upon on merit223

but it is a fact that the

leading Biradaries had opportunities to get commission in the army more than other

population. The accumulation of many officers in one family where son of the

commissioned officer also got the commission and his son was also a general shows

that the kinship was preferred in the process of recruitment. Moreover it is unwritten

convention that the candidate whose near kin has already served the army is preferred

to other candidates by the selectors especially in the interview. In Bio Data form, the

very first form that the candidates have to fill for the commission, there is one full

page that asks the candidate about his relations in army. Answers to such questions

help the selectors prefer such candidates whose near relation is already in army. One

question is related to the caste and sub caste of the candidate. This also shows

preference as candidates from lower Biradaries are not selected. If someone from

lower Biradari wants to join army as commissioned officer, he has to forge his

Biradari otherwise he is rejected during the process. This notion is supported with the

argument that army has special traditions and the person from the family that already

knows these traditions is most suited for the army.

220

Ayesha Jalal, “Pakistan: a dialogue between history and politics,” Fifth Manzur Qadir Memorial

Lecture, Lahore Pakistan, December 1989. 221

Raymond A. Moore, “The Army as a Vehicle for Social Change in Pakistan,” The Journal of

Developing Areas 2 (October 1967-July 1968) : 59 (57-74) 222

C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of

Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 68. 223

Ibid, 70.

102

The kinship with the army officer supports the candidate in the interview in

this respect also that he can easily get guidance from one or many who always have

gone through this process. Another convention in the recruitment process that prefers

the kinship in the army is the reward to the martyr. One of the rewards to the martyr

that army gives is the provision of same or superior job to his near kin in the army.

Ten of his near relatives are passed through the recruitment process and one of them

is selected for the job.

At the time of independence the recruitment base of Pakistan was centred on

the Potohar Plateau of northern Pujab. After the separation of Bangladesh army has

tried to broaden its recruitment base. Since the 1990s, the Army followed an explicit

policy of broadening its recruitment base.224

According to the Pakistan Army’s ten-

year recruitment plan launched in 2001, by 2011 the Army hopes to increase Pashtuns

from 13.5 percent to 14.5 percent; Sindhis from 15 to 17 percent, and the Baluchis

from nearly nil to 4 percent. In addition, the Army hopes to increase the numbers of

persons from Azad Kashmir and Northern Areas from nearly zero to 9 percent of the

force. Punjabis would make up the balance of 55.5 percent. Minority recruitment

would be increased marginally.225

However major Biradaries from district Khushab

were able to get induction as army officers during the period under discussion.

Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz observe that from 1982 to 2005, an average of

1000 officers annually were inducted in Pakistan Army.226

From 1984 to 1994 1 to 3

percent were commissioned from district Khushab. It means estimated average of 2

percent of total officers (i.e. 20 every year) in army was commissioned from Khushab

annually. Figures 3, 4 and 5 in the work of Fair and Nawaz depict that this percentage

was less than 1 for next decade (1995-2005) which means that less than 10 army

officers annually were taken from Khushab district.227

This rough estimate shows that almost 300 officers were inducted in Pakistan

army during 1984 to 2005. We have found the names of more than 75 officers only

from leading Biradaries. Almost 125 others whose names could not be collected have

224

C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan Army Officer Corps,” Journal of

Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 225

Sher Baz Khan, ‘Punjab’s dominance in army being reduced: ISPR’, The Dawn, 14 Sept. 2007,

www.dawn.com/2007/09/14/top13.htm4. C. Christine Fair and Shuja Nawaz, “The Changing Pakistan

Army Officer Corps,” Journal of Strategic Studies vol. 34, No. 1, pp 63-94 (February 2011) : 79 226

Ibid, 80. 227

Ibid, 82-84.

103

been commissioned from the leading Biradaries. Thus two third of the number of

officers from very few Biradaries and one third from all other population points out

the convergence of the army power positions with some powerful Biradaries.

Lt. Gen Muhammad Saleem belongs to Padrahr Awan family of Soon Valley.

He was retired in 1998 as Major General. He is son of Brig. Rtd. Malik Sanwal Khan

who was first officer commissioned in British Army from Khushab has played major

role in unification of Awan tribes under the slogan of Awan kari (Awan Brotherhood).

He was one of those leading personalities who made Awan united and motivated them

to enter into struggle for power. Lt. Gen. Saleem is the real brother of Malik Naeem

Khan Awan who was elected as an MNA in 1985, 1988 and 1993 consecutively.

Malik Naeem was also Federal Miniter for Communication, science and technology

during premiership of Mian Nawaz Shareef. In 1985 elections Malik Naeem Khan

Awan appeared as a new dynamic politician from Awan tribe of Padhrar family and

defeated Tiwana supported candidates in consecutive elections from joint

constituency of Khushb/Sargodha.228

Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen. Saleem, later on entered in political

arena and he submitted his nomination papers for election of National Assembly from

constituency NA 69. He failed to get support of Awan Biradari and found no other

way except to withdraw his candidature against Umar Aslam Awan, his maternal

cousin and former MNA. Another contestant of elections in the same constituency

was Sumera Malik Awan who was wife of Tahir Sarfraz Awan, serving Deputy

Commissioner at the time of elections and cousin of Umar Aslam Awan and maternal

nephew of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and former Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan.

Heads of Biradari including Lt. Gen. Saleem supported Sumera Malik and she won

the elections. 229

Lt. Gen. Saleem and Malik Naeem, two sons of Brig. Sanwal Awan, differed

with each other on the division of huge mine business in salt range set up by their

father during military rule of Ayub Khan. Malik Naeem did not marry and he

nominated his nephew Malik Umar Aslam as his heir in politics when he left politics

due to falling health in 1997 instead of Muhammad Ali Sanwal, son of Lt. Gen.

228

Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014. 229

Ibid.99

104

Saleem. Second cause of the difference between two brothers was that Malik Naeem

handed over all of his assets, mines and business to Umar Aslam, shifted his residence

in Lahore with Umar Asalm and neglected his brother. Traditionally in Awan Biradari

it is disliked that someone should reside in his sister’s house and Umar Aslam was

son of the sister of two brother. So Malik Naeem and Umar Aslam not only lost the

support of Lt. Gen. Saleem but also lost the support of other Biradari elders. Though

Umar Aslam won one election of 1997 cashing overwhelming popularity and

performance based politics of Malik Naeem yet in the long run he could not remain in

power due to Awan Kari and consecutively lost elections against Sumera Malik who

got support of Lt. Gen Saleem along with other elders of Awan family.230

Brigadier Malik Hayat Khan, maternal uncle of Malik Naeem Awan and Lt.

Gen. Saleem Awan, served as Director General Military Intelligence in 1956. He was

elected senator of Pakistan on 21st March 1991 and retired on 20th March 1997.231

He

is only senator elected from the area of district Khushab till now.232

Brigadier Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan, brother of Brigadier Malik Hayat

Awan, maternal uncle of Lt. Gen. Saleem Awan and Malik Naeem Awan, served as

Director General Pakistan Rangers Punjab from August 1975 to March 1980.233

After

retirement he contested elections from NA 69 with pitcher as election symbol. He lost

elections but he remained influential due to wide range of kinship and ownership of

mines that he had established during his tenure. He also was influential in power

politics to weaken Malik Naeem’s political influence because he had personal and

family grudges and grievances with Malik Naeem. Though he lost elections yet he

was successful in gaining his political goal of weakening and strengthening the

political position of Karam Bux family, another important branch of politicians from

Awan Biradari of Padrhar.234

230

Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher,

District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015. 231

Senate Secretariat, Senate of Pakistan, LIST OF SENATORS RETIRED ON 20-3-1997 SHOWING

THEIR PERMANENT ADDRESSES, 232

Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher,

District Bar Office, JauharabadJauharabad, January 27, 2015. 233

www.pakistanrangerspunjab.com, on 03 February 2015 234

Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, fomebr Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA 70 (Memebr of

National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10

February 2015.

105

Malik Arif Hayat Awan, son of senator brigadier (Rtd.) Muhammad Hayat,

brother of Malik Asif Hayat Chairman FPSC, maternal cousin of Lt. Gen. Saleem

Awan and Federal Minister Malik Naeem Awan, maternal uncle of MNA Umar Aslam

and Tahir Sarfraz, Secretary social welfare Punjab was Lt. General in Pakistan Army.

He remained CEO and Managing Director of Fauji Fertilizer Company March 2009 to

March 2012. This post marks his position and status in Pakistan Army that is hub of

power in Pakistan. Not to mention of this position he remained Director General at the

General Headquarters of Pakistan army during Musharraf regime and he was on the

key position making important decisions for the government of Pakistan.235

His power

easily could strengthen his Biradari fellows and kins as he himself was able to get

such powerful positions as well as entry into army with the help of his senator and

brigadier father. The head of Fauji Fertilizer Company becomes instrumental in the

arena of power as it supplies and gives economic benefits to the farmers through

supply and availability of fertilizers, benefits to the businessmen though allotment of

fertilizer agencies and advantages to the common man by providing them jobs

throughout the country. This is what power defines and does.236

Muhammad Mumtaz Awan from Noshehra Soon Valley was commissioned in

army and he was excelled t o the rank of Brigadier. His brother Muhammad Aziz

Awan was commissioned in Pakistan army and he was excelled to the rank of

Brigadier. Brig (R) Malik Aziz also served as the Director General Pakistan

Agriculture Storage and Service Corporation (PASSCO), an institution that ensures

the affordability, accessibility, and availability of food grains, especially wheat all

over Pakistan and for the institution of army as well.237

Thus both brothers became

influential in power circles of Pakistan and they were able to make relationships with

other power players in the country.

The sister of Malik Naeem (Federal Minister) and Malik Saleem (Lt. Gen.)

was married with Brigadier Aziz Awan. His son Faisal Aziz Awan, later on, was

commissioned and excelled to the rank of Major in Pakistan army. Then he moved to

Pakistan Rangers as GSO II training. Faisal Aziz Awan got married with daughter of

Senator (2003-06 and re-elected in 2012) Farhatullah Babur, another influential and

235

Dawn, 11 January 2007, Dawn, 9 October 2006. 236

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 237

http://www.passco.gov.pk/introduction, Accessed 5 February 2015.

106

powerful figure in Pakistan. Senator Farhatullah Babur had served as president of

Pakistan Engineering Council for more than ten years. During Zardari regime he was

very close to President Zardari and worked as press secretary and spokesman to

President Asif Ali Zardari. Formerly he had been very close friend to Pakistan Atomic

Energy Commission Chairman Munir Ahmad Khan and played vital political role in

formulation of Pakistan’s policy for nuclear safety.238

These positions in the Army, Rangers, and power circles enabled Faisal Aziz

Malik to popularize in the area by giving benefits to his favourites and linkages

especially Biradari fellows. The psyche of the people of Pakistan in general and

people of Punjab in specific is attracted automatically to a person who is son of a

military officer, son-in-law of very close friend of the president and himself is also

army official. This haunts the minds of the people and they become prepared to accept

the power of such a man. Due to supporting his family fellows he was called Awan

Prast (the sponsor of Awan). His cousin opponents, who were affected by his

positions, filed enquiry against him and he resigned and opted to enter in electoral

politics at provincial level. 239

A power grasping family of Awan through institutions of the state is notable in

the respect that five members of the family were key officers in army and civil

bureaucracy. Four brothers Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique Awan, Col. Muhammad Iqbal

Awan, Muhammad Safdar Superintendent Police and Col. Muhammad Jameel and son

of Col. Jameel, Brigadier Aftab belong to Noshehra sub tehsil of District Khushab and

head quarter of Soon valley. All four brothers got married within their Biradari and

close kinship. In this way they continued the link within the Biradari and did not

detach themselves from their relations.240

Lt. Gen. Qazi Shafique remained the

Chairman Overseas Employment Corporation Pakistan. They were caring for their

Biradari and helping to the fellows of their Biradari. They were also source of

insPiration for other people of the area. Notwithstanding their impartiality they were

the members of the Biradari and remained in the institution of Army that is the most

powerful institution of Pakistan. One can easily understand that five members of a

238

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farhatullah_Babar, Accessed 5 February 2015. 239

Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office Khushab) interview

by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral

Distt: Khushab 240

Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.

107

family are able to get senior posts in army and bureaucracy and they can influence on

the power game.241

Maj. Gen. Mahboob Alam Awan belongs to Dhaka village very adjacent to

Noshehra. He was military secretary in GHQ for posting and transferring of officers

during 1993-94. He supported his Biradari fellows to such an extent that he did not

care for his post. He was committed to his Biradari and worked for his fellow men on

the basis of Biradari. The employment to the people was major need of time. His son

also got commission in Pakistan army and is major presently.242

Maj. Gen Tariq Saleem Malik belongs to Awan family of Noshehra

commanded 12 Div of Pakistan Army as GOC. He also served as military attaché in

Saudi Arabia. His brother Brig. Badar Awan also served as central commandant

Armerd Corps Nowshehra (KPK) and Military Intelligence.243

Major Muhammad Latif Awan was commissioned in British Army. The name

of mohalla Latifal, one of four major parts of city Noshehra sub tehsil headquarter

was coined on the name of Maj. Latif. This aspect shows the importance and prestige

of Maj. Latif in the city. His son Col. Muhammad Iqbal Awan served and was retired

from Remount Veterinary & Farms Corps (RV&FC). The power continued in the

third generation as the son of Col. Iqbal, Muhammad Hayat also was commissioned in

army and was retired as brigadier. He also got the position of Director General Fauji

Fertilizer Company.244

Muhammad Sarfraz Khan Awan, from village Khaliq Abad, got commission in

army and promoted till the rank of brigadier before his retirement. He also served as

2-Commando Colonel at Mangla. He was teacher of President Pervez Musharaf when

he got commando training. He was well wisher of Biradari and a social person.

Though his student became president of the country yet he did not accept any post in

reward to his teaching in prestige. This man, however, was influential in power

241

Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 242

Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015. 243

Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)

Khushab, March 02, 2015. 244

Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)

Khushab, March 02, 2015.

108

corridors and people of the area converged around him whenever he visited his home

village residence.245

Malik Meer Baz Khan from a small village Pindi was a captain in British

Army and he purchased one hundred and twenty five acres of fertile agricultural land

in the area. His grandson Brigadier Ghulam Hussain Awan was promoted as the

commandant Baloch Regment Recruitment Centre Abottobad. He became

instrumental in recruitment of the people of whole district Khushab and was famous

as Brigadier Khushabian. He also served in Fauji Fertilizer Company. He was also

granted with fifty acres of agricultural land near Head Sulemanki as a reward to his

services in the army. His brother Meer Baz Khan Awan also got commission in army

and excelled to the rank of major.246

He became chief security officer of Fauji Cement

Factory Nizam Pur Taxila. Another brother Muhammad Ali Awan supervised

agricultural land of the family in village Pindi Union Council No. 17 Waheer. He

takes part in the local politics and won elections of Nazim Union Council. Colonel

Khuda Dad, son of Brig. Ghulam Hussain, is serving in Baloch Regiment.247

Ahmad Nawaz Zafar Awan got commission in army and was promoted to the

rank of Brigadier in Air Defence. He also served as incharge army recruitment

artillery centre Attock. He is from village Dhokari where his real brother Malik Haq

Nawaz Awan is active in local politics and he wins the elections at the Union Council

level. He has been elected as the chairman Union Council Choha. Muhammad Amir,

the maternal nephew of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz, is serving as Lt. Col. in Pakistan

army.248

Muhammad Aziz Sagu was retired Lt. Colonel from Artillery in 2006. He

belonged to Sagu (Khokhar) tribe scattered in about seven villages in tehsil Nurpur

Thal. He married in Awan Biradari of Khaliqabad. During service he qualified MBA

and after retirement he was appointed as registrar Vutural University Islamabad and

later on he taught in National University of Science and Technology Islamabad. His

245

Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher, village

Khaliqabad (Distt: Khsuhab) February 03, 2015. 246

Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha, interview by

researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04, 2015. 247

Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015. 248

Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.

109

father in law was XEN in irrigation department. One of his brothers in law is the son

in law of Lt. Gen Ata Muhammad Utra (Khokhar) of village Utra. Colonel Ghulam

Muhammad Utra, from village Utra, was cousin of Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra,

former MPA from PP 34 in 1997. Hayat Utra remained active in electoral politics for

more than a decade and he contested continuously three elections, 1993, 1997 and

2002. Hayat Utra won the presidency of district Bar Khushab in 1978 and in 1981.249

Muhammat Hayat Sagu joined education core of Pakistan Army and was retired as Lt.

Colonel in 2008. He had passed the degree of MSc Mathematics that helped him after

retirement get job in administration branch of National University of Science and

Technology. He assisted many of his Biradari fellows in joining Army Medical Corps

(AMC) and other corpses of army. He is regarded a very valuable personality in his

Biradari due to this service to the Biradari. He is often respected in settling disputes

in the Biradari as well as in the community.250

Zuhar Khan of Gunjial Biradari got commission in Pakistan Army and was

promoted to director General Directorate of Federal Government Institutions

Islamabad that operates the schools and colleges run under auspices of Pakistan Army

throughout Pakistan. He is relative of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who was elected

MPA for two times in 1993 from PP34 and in 2002 from PP 40.251

Captain retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana belonged to village Hamoka (Hasan pur

Tiwana). He was the younger brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who became the

provincial minister in various governments. Malik Khuda Bux was also first elected

Chairman District Council in 1982. He is head of Tiwan group in Khushab. Another

brother is Malik Saifullah Tiwana who was also an MNA and District Nazim

Khushab. Another brother named Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was elected as

MNA. Another brother Malik Ehsanullah Tiwan was elected as district Nazim. Thus

all brothers enjoyed power in one or other way. 252

249

Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher

Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village

Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015. 250

Ibid.87 251

Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of

Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,

2015. 252

Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher,

village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15, 2015.

110

Ata Muhammad Malik Awan from village Soddi Jay wali joined Pakistan

Army and promoted up to the rank of brigadier. He was appointed first centre

commander of air defence wing in Pakistan Army.253

Brigadier Sher Jang Awan of village Mardwal is serving in GHQ. Two of his brothers

are also officers in Pakistan Army. One is Lt. Col. Naeem Awan and second is Major

Shahid Awan. They are not directly linked with politics but obviously they have got

power in institution of army and they are member of Awan Biradari.254

Brigadier retired Muhammad Akram Awan belongs to village Anga Soon

Vally. He served in Special Services Group of Pakistan Army. His maternal nephew

Brig. Umar Awan is serving in Pakistan Army as incharge Mujahid Centre. He is also

people friendly and Biradari supporter. The cousins of Akram Awan take part in local

politics.255

Group Captain retired Saeed Malik belongs to village Mardwal. He was

influential in recruitment of his Biradari fellows in Air Force. Another of his brothers

Lt. Col. Saifullah Awan is serving in DSG. They are the sons of Malik Ameer

Abdullah Awan who was retired in 2000 as deputy controller Pakistan Broadcasting

Corporation Peshawar Centre. Another member of their family is Colonel Ahmad Yar

Awan from village Mardwal. He serves in Missile force Attock.256

Major Nadeem and Major Asad are brothers belonging to village Mardwal.

Major Nadeem joined politics after retirement. He came very close to MPA Asif Bha.

This boosted his power as well as the political power of the group of Tahir Sarfraz

Awan that he joined after association with Asif Bha.Lt. Colonel Sadeeq of Kufri runs

SOS village in the Sargodha. He has three daughters who are doctors. He has strong

bent to the social welfare. Notwithstanding he did not take part in politics he could

assert power in the area if power is defined as the influence.257

253

Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by researcher

village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015. 254

Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview

by researcher, April 27, 2015. 255

Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015. 256

Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by researcher ,

Awan Marble Near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015. 257

Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley) Khushab,

interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.

111

Wing Commander Rizwan Ahmad Awan is a medical specialist PAF Hospital

Sargodha belongs to village Jabba Khushab. He family members are active in the

politics of union council. As a doctor he is respected in the area to much extent. Lt.

Col. Tipu Sultan belongs to village Nowshehra is serving in ISI. Major Babur belongs

to village Dhaka is serving at Lahore. He is son of ex Major General Mahboob Alam

Awan. Lt. Col. Nasrullah Awan from village Mardwal bears many relatives who are

officers in Pakistan army. Major Qasim Ali also belongs to this family settled in Wah

cant. Lt. Col Imran and Major Muhamamd Iqbal are brothers from Mardwal. They are

from Awan Biradari and assert much influence in power circles of the district.258

Baloch Biradari also has one officer in the high ranks of army. That officer is Maj.

Gen. Chiragh Haider who belongs to village Girote Khushab. Air Comodore Amjad

Malik from Khushab city served in PAF Peshawar. Lt. Gen. Maqsood Ahmad belongs

to Khushab city from Jatt Biradari. Col. Tauqeer Qazi belongs to Jauharabad. Col.

Arshad Malik belongs to village Maardwal. His father Ata Muhammad Awan was a

retired subedar. He was awarded land in Badin Sindh during Ayub’s reign. Col.

Qasim from village Anga is a nephew of famous writer Ahmad Nadeem Qaasmi. Lt.

Col. Ghulam Shabeer from village Bola Shareef also is from Baloch tribe. He is close

friend to Jahangir Badr, General Secretary of Pakistan Peoples’ Party.259

He has

acquired land in district Sajjadanasheenan. Lt. Col. Muhammad Iqbal belongs to

Sodhi served in artillery recruitment centre. Brig. Ghulam Muhammad of Awan

Biradari belongs to village Sodhi. He served in Air Defence Centre Karachi. Lt. Col.

Moazzam Iqbal Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana, Captain Muhammad

Rafique was retired from Pakistan Navy. He belongs to Awan Biradari. Maj. Gen.

Muhammad Tariq Awan from village Nowshehra. He served in ministery of Defence

Islamabad.260

Col. Mahmood ul Hasan Awan son of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan, a member

elected for Punjab Assembly in 1946 and 1951 on the ticket of Punjab Provincial

Muslim League, is influential in the power corridors. Nasrullah Awan is another scion

258

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 259

Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher,

General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015. 260

Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra (Soon Valley)

Khushab, March 02, 2015.

112

of Awan Biradari from Mardwal who progressed to the rank of colonel. He married in

a family of Awan of village Lava who were active in local politics.261

Tiwana Biradari relies much on farming and less on the buearucratic

positions. Even then there are important bureaucratic positons in control of Tiwana

Biradari. Brig. Azam of Tiwana Biradari (village Hidali) was excelled as the Director

General of Airport Security Force (ASF) that is part of the Ministry of Defence and is

responsible for protecting the airports, air facilities and the aeroplanes. It safeguards

the civil aviation industry against unlawful interferences, adopting counter terrorism

measures, preventing crime and maintaining law and order within the limits of

Airports in Pakistan.262

Sher Ahmad Tiwana, the brother of Brig. Azam Tiwana, is

serving as Deputy Superintendent in Sargodha Police range. The influence of police

in the government and society is, thus, evident of the power of Tiwana.263

Malik Ahsan Tiwana (village Hadali) also reached the rank of Brigadier. After

his retirement he also served on important positions of Punjab government serving as

head of vigilance Cell of Punjab Irrigation Department formulated by Punjab

Irrigation Minister Ch. Amir Sultan Cheema to facilitate the complaints of farmers all

over Punjab against water theft,264

Managing Director of Cholistan Development

Authority,265

and Chairman of Punjab Information Technology Board.266

Though he

was considered an honest officer yet his affiliation with Tiwana Biradari cannot be

ignored to show the power in the hands of his Biradari in Khushab district.267

The General Manager Admin and Security of Mari Petroleum Company that is

one of Pakistan’s largest Energy and Patroleum companies operating Pakistan’s

second largest gas reservoir at Mari Field at Ghotki Sindh was the scion of Tiwana

Biradari Malik Nazar Tiwana who was retired as Brigadier from Pakistan Army

before joining this company. He belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. Lt. Gen.

261

Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, interview

by researcher, April 27, 2015. 262

http://asfpakistan.weebly.com/join-asf.html 263

Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha

Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 264

Dawn, 01 November 2003 265

The News, 31 March 2008 266

World Times, 01 May 2008 267

Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha

Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.

113

Muhammad Arshad who belongs to village Jabbi is serving in GHQ of Pakistan

Army. He is member of Awan Biradari.268

Brig. Retrired Muhmmad Saleem belongs to Araen family. His brother is

elected as Nazim of UC 22 Khushab. One of his sons is major in Pakistan Army. Maj.

Gen. Maqsood son of Ch. Aish Muahammad Arain belongs to village 47 MB. One of

his counsin Muhammad Sarwar has been chairman of State Life Insurance

Compony.269

Maj. Retired Shahadat Tiwana belongs to village Mitha Tiwana. His

brother Muhammad Deen Ayub Tiwana contested elections for MPA from PP40 and

got considerable votes. He also became one of the factors for the defeat of his rival

Umar Aslam Awan in elections 2013.270

Besides the Lt. Generals in Pakistan army from major families, 9 Lt. Colonels

from Khushab District belonged to Awan Biradari only. Likewise Awan Biradari took

a major share from the officers of the rank of major. 21 officers of Pakistan Army

from Awan Biradari rose to the rank of majors. When we compare these numbers

with the officers of other Biradaries Awan statnd at the top and many Biradaries even

do not have any officer in the Pakistan army. Only two officers, one Lieutenant

Colonel and one major, was found from Tiwana Biradari. Two majors were from

Utra family while 2 majors from Baloch family. Only seven officers could be found

out from other biarderis.271

Maj. Rtd. Ubaidullah Anwar belongs to village Chanki Shareef. Two of his

brothers, Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub Awan and Maj. Muhammad Yaqoob Awan, were

granted commission in army. He was son in law of Malik Gulbaz Khan Awan, retired

district attorney Sargodha and Colonel Rtd. Shah Muhammad Awan village Mardwal.

Lt. Col. Muhammad Ayub got married in village Khoora with the daughter of Malik

Akmal Deen Awan (Retired DIG Police). Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan is elder brother

of Ubaidullah. He got married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of village

268

Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab)

interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 269

Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as

Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt:

Khushab, February 12, 2015. 270

Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha

Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 271

Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of

Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,

2015.

114

Padrhar, former MNA and member of Shoora formed during period of Zia ul Haq.

Another member of this family Munawar Awan was elevated to the rank of Colonel.

He is younger brother of Malik Karam Bux Awan of Padrhar. Daughter of Col.

Munawar is cousin of Malik Shakir Basheer Awan MNA as well as Malik Javed Awan

MPA, Amna Malik was active worker of PML-N in Khushab. She was appointed as

media coordinator for election campaign of Mian Nawaz Sharif (Prime Minister of

Pakistan) in elections 2013. Two sons of Malik Karam Bux, Malik Basheer Awan

(Late) and Malik Javed Awan and brothers in law of Malik Akhtar Hayat Awan were

MPA in Punjab Assembly. Son of Malik Basheer Awan is Malik Shakir Basheer Awan

has been former District Naib Nazim and is MNA now. Major Muhammad Yaqoob

also served as head of Pakistan Chapter of World Bank in Islamabad.272

Major Retired Malik Ikram Awan from village Chanki has been nazim of UC

city Jauharabad, Khushab. His brother Muhamamd Ehsan Awan is a dealer of

currency on international level.273

There is another major family of Awan Biradari from the villages Jabbi and

Dhokari which has accumulated military and political power in their family as many

members of this family elevated to high ranks of army and others were active in

electoral as well as local politics. Mehr Muhammad from village Jabbi was

commissioned in Pakistan army and rose to the rank of major. He was married with

the sister of the wife of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Zafar of village Dhokari. The son of

another sister of their wives, Amir Nawaz reached to the rank of Lt. Colonel.274

The

brother of Brig. Ahmad Nawaz Awan, Malik Haq Nawaz played active role in local

politics of Union Council Warhcha and was elected as chairman unopposed. The

unopposed election means that he had such links which could influence other

interested candidates of the area to withdraw in his favour. He was able to achieve

such links definitely with the help of power that his Biradari fellows had assumed in

army.

272

Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 273

Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015. 274

Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab) interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10, 2014.

115

Gunjial Biradari also shared power in the officers of Pakistan army.

Interestingly the officers in Pakistan army from Gujial family were also associated

with the prominent political family of the area. Col. Alam Sher Gunjial and Major

retired Nawaz Gunjial are the brothers of Saleh Muhammad Gunjial who had been

elected as member of the provincial assembly from his constituency PP 34 later on

PP40. The son of Muhammad Nawaz Gunjial, Malik Hasan Nawaz Gunjial contested

elections in 2008 from PP 40 and got 24190 votes while winning candidate Malik

Karam Elahi Bandia bagged 26494 votes. Malik Hasan, thus, lost the election by a

very narrow margin.

The clusters of major political figures as well as civil and military officers in

one family of major Biradaries highlighted the path dependence of political figures

with the officers of army. Army officers and bureaucrats belonging to the families

who took part in electoral politics mark the fact that power was converged in the elite

of major Biradaries. The major Biradaries were in politics and they managed their

kins to be inducted in officer cadre of army and civil bureaucracy or the civil or

military officers made the figures of their Biradari to be successful in the politics.

Thus power in one type also helped the assumption of power from other type of

power.

A junk of officers and politicians can also be traced in other Biradaries which

were comparatively smaller than Awan, Tiwana and other major Biradaries. Syed

Biradari’s scion Muhammad Iqbal from village Sat Shahani Union Council Khai

Khurd No. 47 rose to the rank of Lt. Colonel. The first maternal cousin of this army

officer was elected as Nazim Union Council named Nusrat Ali Shah in elections of

2002. He also served as chairman public safety committee district Khushab. Another

first cousin of these personalities, Ali Ameer Shah became the deputy superintendent

Jail Raheem Yar Khan. Syed Enayat Ali Shah, the uncle of Col. Muhammad Iqbal,

was elected as chairman Union Council in local bodies’ election in 1984. 275

Malik Munawar Ahmad Majoka was a CSP officer who rose to the position of

secretary revenue Punjab. The son of his maternal uncle, Ibraheem Majoka, remained

the chairman Union Council and a cousin of Munawar Majoka was elected as nazim

275

Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, recently serving as

Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt:

Khushab, February 12, 2015.

116

Union Council Sat Shahani in opposition to the Syed Family. Another brother of

Malik Munawar Majoka, Ameen Majoka reached the rank of Lt. Colonel. Ameen

Majoka’s son also reached the rank of major in Pakistan Army. 276

There are some instances of the social alliance of powerful Biradaries with

each other through matrimonial relations. Major Ahmad Nawaz Bandial belonging to

village Bandial is the son of Malik Alam Sher Bandial famous founder of Bandial

Bus transport. Ghulam Muhammad Bandial, another son of Malik Alam Sher was

PCS officer. In order to establish relationship with other powerful Biradari Ghulam

Muhammad Bandial was married with the daughter of Malik Karam Bux Awan of

Padhrar. Another family member Malik Pervaiz Bandial elevated to the position of

Additional Director Local Government. They are close relative of Fateh Khan Bandial

and Malik Ata Muhammad Bandial former PCS officer in British period. They are

also cousins of members of Provincial Assembly Malik Khaliq Dad Bandial and

Karam Elahi Bandial. Other cousins of this group of powerful personalities are Malik

Farooq Bandial and Malik Muzaffar Bandial who is the executive of the Biggest

Transport Company of Sargodha Division namely Bandial Bus Service. Malik

Muzaffar Bandial also had been elected as vice chairman of District Council

Khushab. Another son of this family Shairi Bandial established links with the royal

family of Bronai Darussalam and married a princess of royal family. He resides in

Bronai and supports his kins economically as well as politically.277

Uncle of Brigadier retired Malik Kabeer Ahmad Joiya, Ata Muhammad Joiya

was retired Honourary Captain in British Army. His cousin Lt. Col. Ahmad Khan

Joyia and Maj. Retired Muhammad Azam Joiya served in Pakistan Army.

Every major Biradari that had control over the electoral politics had some type of

officers in Pakistan. It can be observed that number of officers in the army was

changed according to the political position of the respective Biradari.278

Table 11: Officers in Pakistan Army from MajorBiradaris

276

Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil Noorpur Distt:

Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014. 277

Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,

February 19, 2015. 278

Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science, University of

Sargodha, interview by researcher , village Golly Wali, Tehsil Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12,

2015.

117

No. Name Position Biradari Village

1 Muhammad Taj Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri

2 Muhammad Munawar Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar

3 Ata Rasool Colonels (retired) Awan Kabeki

4 Muhammad Aslam Colonels (retired) Awan Kufri

5 Sarfraz Malik Colonels (retired) Awan Padrhar

6 Sher Muhammad Colonels (retired) Awan Jabi

7 Fakhar Husain Colonels (retired) Awan Jabba

8 Jamshed Akhtar Khan Colonels (retired) Awan Anga

9 Muhammad Iqbal Colonels (retired) Awan Soddi Jay Wali

10 Alah Bux Awan Colonels (retired) Awan Pindi Waheer

11 Dost Muhammad Major (r) Awan Jabbi

12 Ameer Afzal Khan Major (r) Awan Bhukki

13 Mansabdar Khan Major (r) Awan Khabeki

14 Basheer Ahmad Malik Major (r) Awan Khabeki

15 Muhammad Zafar

Saeed

Major (r) Awan Kufri

16 Muhammad Qasim Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City

17 Shahnawaz Malik Major (r) Awan Jauharbad City

18 Shahjahan Major (r) Awan Khurra

19 Nizamuddin Malik Major (r) Awan Kufri

20 Muhammad Zafar

Alam

Major (r) Awan Uchala

21 Qazi Mukhtar Ahmad Major (r) Awan Jauharabad City

22 Muhammad Aziz-ur-

Rehman

Major (r) Awan Hadali

23 Abd-ur-Rasheed Malik Major (r) Awan Noshehra

24 Fateh Khan Major (r) Awan Jabbi

118

25 Zia-ud-Din Major (r) Awan Jauharabad

26 Abd-ul-Ghaffar Major (r) Awan Noshehra

27 Muhammad Aftab

Alam

Major (r) Awan Kufri

28 Muhammad Khalid Major (r) Awan Jauharabad

29 Ahmad Sher Major (r) Awan Kufri

30 Gul Nawaz Major (r) Awan Bhanaka

31 Major Ahmad Khan

Malik

Major (r) Awan Khushab city

32 Ahmad Nawaz Awan Major (r) Awan Pindi Waheer

33 Mehr Muhammad

Awan

Major (r) Awan Jabbi

34 Altaf Hussain Lt. Colonel Tiwana Hadali

35 Mureed Sultan Major Tiwana Mitha Tiwana

36 Ahmad Yar Major Utra Qaidabad

37 Alamgir Khan Major Utra Utra

38 Gul Haider Khan Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal

39 Nazar Hussain Major Baloch Jamali Balochan Thal

40 Shafeeq Ahmad Lt. Colonel Qureshi Tiba Qaim Deen

41 Noor Muhammad Major Araeen B

42 Muhammad Shafeeq Major Gunjial Gunjial

43 Muhammad Ramzan Major Burana Nurpur Thal

44 Fida Muhammad Major Wattoo Watwan

45 Muhammad Khan Major Bandial Bandial

46 Muhammad Qasim Major Khokhar Rang Pur Bhagoor Thal

Sources: District Soldier Board opposite Fawara Chowk, Khushab City

119

Table 12: Army Officers from Biradaris

Ranks Awan Tiwana Utra Baloch Other Total

Lt. Colonels 10 1 0 0 1 12

Majors 23 1 2 2 6 34

Total 33 2 2 2 7 46

This data shows that out of 12 Lt. Colonels from District Khushab 10

belonged to Awan Biradari only. Two belonged to other Biradaries out of which one

was also a Tiwana, that was one of the major Biradaries of the district. As the ranks

go downwards the share of other Biradaries rise. This can be seen on the rank of

majors. Total 34 majors were retired from district Khushab. Out of those 23 were also

Awan and 11 were from biaraderis other than Awan. Again 6 were from major

powerful Biradaries (2 each from Tiwana, Utra and Baloch Biradaries). In the total

70 percent of officers of Lt. Colonel and major ranks were from Awan Biradaries.

Share of all Biradaries other than major ones was 16 percent and major Biradaries

including Awan, Utra, Baloch and Tiwana was 84 percent.

Table 13: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Air Force

Name Rank Biradari Village

1 Nazir Malik Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali

2 Haider Khan Wing Commander Awan Soddi Jay Wali

3 Zia-ud-Din Squadren Leader Awan Jauharabad city

4 Gul Nawaz Squadren Leader Janjua Katha Sagral

5 Javed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali

6 Rasheed Akhtar Squadren Leader Baloch Jamali

7 Tariq Javed Squadren Leader Tiwana Hadali

Awan 72%

Baloch 5%

Utra 4%

Others 15%

Tiwana 4%

Graph 1: Army Officers from

Baradaris

120

8 Sultan Ali Squadren Leader Tiwana Mitha Tiwana

9 Arshad Majeed Group Captain Majhoka Jauharabad city

10 Muhammad Shafeeq Group Captain Baloch Khushab City

11 Saeed Akhtar Group Captain Baloch Khushab City

12 Tahira Shah Jahan Group Captain Awan Jauharabad city

13 Muhammad Haneef Group Captain Awan Anga

The inclusion of officers from major powerful Biradaries on officer ranks is

not special with Pakistan army. The major Biradaries were able to get officer rank

positions in Air Force and Navy as well. One can see the Awan, Tiwana, Baloch from

district Khushab as officers in Pakistan Air Force and Pakistan Navy. There is very

small share of other Biradaries in these armed forces as well. Awan are forward in

this respect also. Thus Awan are leading in this aspect of power in the district.

Table 14: Biradari Affiliation of Officers of Pakistan Navy

Name Rank Biradari Village

1 Mian Muhammad Lt. Commandar Awan Jauharabad city

2 Naveed Masood Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Noshehra

3 Altaf Hussain Shah Lt. Commandar Syed/Qureshi Pail

4 Muhammad Ashraf Lieutenant Tiwana Mitha Tiwana

5 Noor-ul-Haq Shaukat Lieutenant Syed/Qureshi Jauharabad city

6 Muhammad Afzal Lieutenant Bhatti Mitha Tiwana

7 Muhammad Javed Akhtar Lt. Commandar Awan Khoora

8 Khursheed Ahmad Malik Lt. Commandar Awan Khushab city

9 Muhammad Taj Lt. Commandar Baloch Khushab city

10 Muhammad Munawar Lt. Commandar Baloch Jamali

11 Fakhar Hussain Lt. Commandar Baloch Boonga

The discussion in this section highlights that major ranks and positions in the

institution of army were got by the members of major Biradaries in the area. These

ranks were achieved often under the influence of kinship. The ranks afterwards helped

the biaraderies in getting the hold in the power politics and the major ranks in the

army made the person who was holding them as the powerful in the politics as well.

3.3 Civil Bureaucracy and Power with Biradaries

Like army though less than it the higher bureaucracy in Pakistan had been

holding enormous power.279

So long as the army had been controlling the process of

policy-making, the privileged bureaucracy got assured of its status in power circle.

The presence of army in the corridors of power remained a guarantee for the share of

279

Lawrence Ziring and Robert LaPorte, Jr., “The Pakistan Bureaucracy: Two Views,” Asian Survey,

Vol. 14, No. 12 (Dec., 1974), 1086-1103, 1087.

121

power for the bureaucracy. Lawrence Ziring opines that whenever the direct or

indirect and conscious or subconscious support of army got removed, the higher

bureaucracy became unable to protect itself from the combined opposition of

politicians, intellectuals and common citizens.280

Thus the share of power for

bureaucracy during the support of army has not been denied by any one. However the

powerful position of bureaucrats in Pakistan even without the support of army cannot

be altogether ruled out.

It was in the words of Mohammad Waseem “bureaucratic paternalism” that

was central to the British imperial project in the Sub-Continent.281

At the time of

creation of Pakistan the power transferred to the bureaucracy was not as result of any

‘overt coup’ but quite imperceptibly. In view of the enormous difficulties the state of

Pakistan had to grapple with some institutional changes were made, enabling the

bureaucracy to operate independently of the political leadership. The most significant

of the all such changes was the subordination of the entire bureaucracy under newly

created post of the Secretary General.282

Resultantly in the fifties bureaucrats were

preponderant with Army acting in a subsidiary role.

The authoritarian rule of Ayub Khan inverted the relationship between army

and civil bureaucracy and army assumed greater significance. Nevertheless the Army-

bureaucracy nexus sustained and politicians were given a rough shod.283

Bhutto also

tried hard to clip the wings of bureaucracy whom its many critics called the ‘Sultans

of Pakistan’ and ‘the best organized political party in Pakistan’. While announcing the

civil service reforms, Bhutto emphatically said “No institution in the country has so

lowered the quality of our national life as what is called “Naukarshahi”.284

Subsequently Bhutto was left with no other option but to rely on bureaucracy

particularly during the latter part of his rule.285

Instead of dominant position of the past, in the eighties bureaucracy emerged

as junior partner in its alliance with army over control of state power. Civil Service

Reforms of Z. A. Bhutto in 1973 that mixed the CSP cadre into a mobile and

280

Ibid, 1086-1103, 1087-88. 281

Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan (Lahore: South Asia Partnership Pakistan,

2008), 15 282

Ibid, 34 283

Ibid, 11 284

Ibid, 90 285

Ibid, 92

122

hierarchical framework of twenty-two scales weakening elite status of CSPs had

reduced the power of bureaucracy. Gen. Zia-ul-Haq, during his regime, strengthened

this status quo and let the power of bureaucracy remain diminished. Although during

this period the reliance of the military over bureaucracy stopped the declining of the

status of bureaucracy yet some steps like the induction of army officers into civil

service, movement of officers across cadre and rise in the number of government

servants due to free hand in their recruitment weakened the bureaucratic power more.

After sudden death of President General Zia-ul-Haq on 17th August 1988, it

was Pakistan’s bureaucracy that assumed the power. Power was not altogether

unknown to the bureaucracy but now accidentally bureaucrats had to manage the

country by filling the breach that had emerged due to sudden crisis. An old

bureaucrat, Ghulam Ishaq Khan assumed the power as President of Pakistan. Ishaq

had personal record of long service in Pakistan and he was aware of almost all matters

relating to finance and defence, therefore, he was most suitable person at that time to

take the control of country.286

His friends, colleagues and juniors in the civil services

were nonetheless relieved from the falling status of bureaucracy. Again the

bureaucracy shared the cake of power during his presidency.

Control over local government has been one feather in the cap of bureaucracy.

Notwithstanding loosening of de jure control of bureaucracy over local government

during Zia period, the deputy commissioner of the district kept de facto control over

local government. Musharraf’s devolution process abolished the office of deputy

commissioner and reassigned large proportion of its functions to elected local

government. The process also made District Coordinating Officer that replaced

Deputy Commissioner accountable to elected nazim that apparently weakened the

provincial bureaucracy. This, for a small period, showed the weakness of bureaucracy

with respect of local government but de facto control of bureaucrats remained intact.

Moreover the weakening of the provincial bureaucracy was limited because the

provincial secretariats still retained considerable administrative authority over district

bureaucrats.

286

Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: At the Crosscurrent of History (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2003),

207.

123

Apparently it looked that devolution process during Musharraf period

deprived the bureaucracy of the absolute powers it had been enjoying previously.287

However while the bureaucratic control over power before Musharraf is obvious, after

devolution too the wings of bureaucracy could not be clipped altogether. The

bureaucrat remained a powerful person as he had links with army and ruling elite as

well as more awareness about the affairs of the state. The bureaucracy itself did not let

it subdued for a long period as local government institutions were demolished in the

democratic setup following Musharraf. The bureaucrats had very tight clutches over

the state machinery and rising to the high positions as bureaucrat is definitely not only

a sign of power but is actual assumption of power.

Though there is no preference for the kinship in the selection of bureaucrats as

a very competitive examination is held for induction of officers in bureaucracy.

Federal Public Service Commission and Provincial Public Commissions arrange for

those examinations annually for the selection of gazetted officers (high officers of

above grade 17). Unlike army there is no apparent preference for the candidates who

have already kinship in bureaucracy. The officers are selected apparently on the basis

of their personal capacities. The preference takes place on the highers stages where

choice is very few. However corruption and approaches to the members of service

commissions as well as the personal bent of the member of commission towards his

Biradari fellows cannot be completely ruled out.

Members of political Biradaries either occupy important positions in

Pakistan’s federal or Punjab’s provincial bureaucracy or have close relations through

marriages with families of bureaucrats and police officers. Thus these civil and

military officers have a prominent role in electoral success of the members of their

Biradaries. The honesty and impartiality of a number of senior bureaucrats, police

and army officers is above board, therefore such officers of political families have

been performing their duties creditably, no matter who held the reins of power.

Nonetheless the way of their public dealing and contacts with the people have

definitely, even though indirectly, benefited the political personalities of their

families.288

287

Tahir Kamran, Democracy and Governance in Pakistan, 191. 288

Maqsood Awan, “Scions of Political Families Occupy Important Positions in Federation, Punjab,”

The News, 19 November 2012.

124

In district Khusab a large number of civil servants who remained on high

positions belonged to major Biradaries of the district. Kinship becomes a source of

alliance between the bureaucracy and politics. Strong Biradari affiliation gives

chance for easy alliance of bureaucrat, army officer and politician who mutually

grasp, hold and continue power in their control. A very prominent example of such

alliance can be found with Captain (R) Tahir Sarfaraz Awan who rose to the position

of Secretary Social Welfare Department Punjab. He was the husband of PML-Q

MNA and former woman minister Sumera Malik. He is also the nephew of former

minister Malik Naeem Awan, brother of Farhana Afzal, MPA from Punjab, and also

the brother-in-law of former MNA Aaila Malik.289

Another instance of the alliance between bureaucrats and politicians due to

Biradari affiliation and on the basis of kinship is that of Mohammad Ali Nekokara,

Senior Superintendent Police (SSP). He is the son-in-law of Lt Gen (R) Saleem Malik,

brother of Malik Naeem Awan, former MNA from Sargodha. Again one can give

example of Retired IG Police Punjab and currently Secretary to President of Pakistan

Malik Asif Hayat who was the son of the late senator Mohammad Hayat Khan, who is

uncle of Malik Naeem Awan.290

Malik Asif Hayat Awan, son of Brig (R) Mohammad Hayat Kahn Awan,

Senator, was one of leading personalities of Awan Biradari who got bureaucratic,

military and political power as he was commissioned in army, transferred to civil

bureaucracy and his father became a senator. His father was close friend of President

Ayub Khan. Likewise he was close to to Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Brig. Hayat Khan

remained chief of Military Intelligence Karachi. On that position he helped Ayub

Khan to be saved from a plan of sacking made by Iskander Mirza. Due to this help he

got confidence of Ayub Khan and was able to get post of advisor to the President.

Later on he got the pleasure of Bhutto to be nominated for the seat of Senator. His son

Asif Hayat was commissioned in Pakistan Army in 1968 but took early retirement

when he was major in 1975. Then he joined Civil Service of Pakistan and was

inducted in Police Service where he rose to the highest office in police and became IG

in 2002. Prior to that, he had served as Director General of Federal Investigation

Agency (FIA) from 1999-2002, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Crimes for Govt of

289

She is grand daughter of Lagharis of DG Khan and daughter of Nawab Muzzafar Awan of Kalabagh

estate. 290

Ibid

125

Punjab, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Pakistan Railways Police in Lahore,

Deputy Inspector General (DIG) for NWFP Police, Deputy Director and Joint

Director of Intelligence Bureau (IB) Islamabad. During his tenure in Pakistan Police,

he was also sent as Counsellor at the Pakistan Embassy in Abu Dhabi, UAE. During

his appointment as the first SSP of Islamabad, he was able to create the police force

for Islamabad. He was promoted to position of Additional Secretary Prime Minister's

Secretariat and then as Federal Secretary of the Railways Division. He was retired

from the civil service as Federal Secretary for Labour and Manpower Division. After

superannuation, he remained re-employed on contract as Secretary to the President of

Pakistan Mr. Asif Ali Zardari at the President's Secretariat (Public). On 26 December

2012, he was appointed the Chairman Federal Public Service Commission of

Pakistan.291

Malik Muhammad Ashraf Awan belongs to village Nara was promoted to the

post of DIG and was murdered by his gunman in 1997. His son was commissioned in

Pakistan army and was serving Pakistan army as captain. The brother of Malik Ashraf

is Muhammad Sher Awan, DSP. One of his sons, Khalid Mahmood Awan is inspector

in Punjab police. They have considerable influence and political worth in the area

where they reside.292

Malik Asim Tiwana was another member of Tiwana Biradari who was

inducted on the powerful positions of bureaucratic institutions of Pakistan. He

remained Director Trade Development Authority Pakistan and Deputy Secretary

Punjab Public Prosecution Department.293

Haq Nawaz Tiwana,belonging from village Hadali, DIG Punjab Police, a

founding DG of FSF with Masood Mahmood during Bhutto era. He also established

Pakistan Rangers. This bureaucrat of Tiwana family remained too powerful in

Pakistan’s bureaucracy. He gave benefits to his biaraderi and got their support as

well.294

291

http://www.petaro.org/cadets%201957-69/605-MalikAsifHayat.htm, Accessed 03 February 2015. 292

Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former DSP (Deputy

Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by researcher September 10, 2014. 293

Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer Sargodha, interview

by researcher, on December 17, 2014. 294

Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana

House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014.

126

Tiwana Biradari got bureaucratic power through many officers of this

Biradari. Rab Nawaz Tiwana had been Senior Superintendent Police. Malik Afaq

Tiwana was Director General Excise Punjab and Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana, was

appointed as Director Excise and Taxation. He was married with sister of Captain

retired Abd-ur-Rehman Tiwana, Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana, provincial minister in

different governments, Malik Saifullah Tiwana MNA as well as District Nazim

Khushab, Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana, MNA and Malik Ehsanullah Tiwana

district Nazim. Shafaat Tiwana was inducted in the civil services after special age

relaxation was managed for him by Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana who was minister of

prison department at that time.295

Malik Saifullah Tiwana, (Hadali village) Senior Superintendent Police was

retired in 1979. Though he was retired before the period under study yet his influence

after retirement continued and he was able to get his works done by the links he had

established during his service. Malik Muhammad Afaaq Tiwana from Mitha Tiwana

had been Director Excise & Taxation. This officer enjoyed bureaucratic power as his

family members and Biradari fellows were enjoying political power. Malik Amjad

Zubair Tiwana (Village Hamoka now Hasan Pur Tiwana) served in grade 20 FBR. He

is close relative of Tiwana elders of village Hamoka. These Tiwana were politically

powerful as well. They combined the political and bureaucratic power in one

Biradari.296

Malik Khair Muhammad Tiwana, retired deputy commissioner, village Ghous Pur

Tiwana. He owns agricultural land in Sargodha and Khushab districts. He belonged to

powerful Tiwana Biradari and being land owner economic as well as bureaucratic

power was combined in his personality. Abdul Majeed Khan Tiwana, (Hadali) started

his career as judge of lower courts and was retired as justice Punjab High Court,

Rawalpindi Bench.297

295

Malik Zian-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village Mittha

Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015. 296

Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by researcher, Tiwana

House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab, October 13, 2014. 297

Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health Department,

Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. (It is important to mention here that Malik Kher

Muhammad Tiwana has a vast agriculture land in village 58-NB and Malik Abdul Majeed Khan

Tiwana, Justice (R) has also agriculture land in village 34-NB about 6 Km east from village 58-NB)

interview by researcher, December 09, 2014.

127

Awan were not behind in getting bureaucratic power. Maula Bux Awan, CSP

belongs to village Dhamak Thal Awan tribe’s headquarter in Thal. He is advocate

having degree of LLB. He was class fellow and close friend of Malik Muhammad

Waris Kallo (Joyia) MPA and Muhammad Saeed Sagu (Retired Director Planning in

the office of DPI Colleges Punjab Lahore). He was dismissed from service due to his

political affiliation with PPP. He started practice and contested election for provincial

Assembly and lost the election because he was unable to get support of Biradari. He

registered case in Federal Tribunal and was reinstated and became the Registrar of

Unversity of Sargodha. Now a days he is serving as Director General of Federal

Government Housing Employment Society Islamabad. During his whole career he got

his Biradari fellows recruited in various departments.

The political and social figures of Padhrar have their repute in the politics and

social welfare of the District Khushab. Many of the political and social figures of

Padhrar are well known at the district as well country level. Many of them have their

role in the politics of Pakistan. Some of the political figures of Padhrar are: Malik

Karam Baksh Awan (Ex-MNA, Ex-President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Malik

Naeem Khan Awan (Ex- Federal Minister), Malik M. Bashir Khan Awan (Ex-Avisor

to Chief Minister, Punjab, Ex. President Tanzeem-ul-Awan, Pakistan), Brig. Malik

Hayat Awan (Ex. senator and ambassador), Malik Umer Aslam Awan EX. MNA,

Sumera Malik (MNA NA-69, Ex Federal Minister), Malik Shakir Bashir Awan (MNA

NA-70, President Tanzeem-ul-Awan Pakistan, Ex-Dist Naib Nazim Khushab), Malik

Javed Iqbal Awan (MPA PP-39), Malik Asif Hayat (Secretary President Secretariat

Pakistan, Ex. IG punjab, bureaucrat), Malik Saleem Awan (Ex. Maj. General Pak

Army), Malik Arif Hayat Awan (Ex. Lt. General Pak. Army), Malik Riaz Awan (Ex-

Nazim Jauharabad) Malik Tahir Sarfraz Awan (bureaucrat, , Malik Shah Muhammad

Awan (Ex. Nazim Padhrar), Malik Muhammad Nazir (Nazim Padhrar), Malik

Saifullah Khan Awan (Member Youth Parliament of Pakistan), Malik Imran Bashir

Awan (PhD Scholar & caretaker youth wing PML(N)Khushab).Sub.Ghulam Hussain

(Welfare Officer of Padhrar). Malik Sikendar Khan (Ex.Ps to President of Pakistan)

and now a day Chairman Zakat & Usher Committee of khushab.298

Malik Muhammad

Shafi Awan, collector income tax Quetta region and his son served in Pakistan army

as captain.

298

https://m.facebook.com/Padhrar?v=info&expand=1&nearb , Accessed 03 February 2015

128

Awan Biradari assumed power through many civil officers from this Biradari.

Some of them can be mentioned here. Malik Khuda Bux Awan belongs to village

Uchali, Soon Valley. He is also CSP officer. He started his career as ASP, served on

various posts in Punjab and KPK. He also served as Director Anti Corruption

Peshawar. He served as IG Azad Kashmir. Malik Nasir Awan, former Medical

Superintendent DHQ Khushab, was elder brother of Malik Khuda Bux. Malik

Sikandar Hayat Awan, CSP joined police service as ASP in Sindh Province. He

belonged to village Uchali. He served as SP Rawalpindi now.299

Malik Akbar Hayat Awan, MSc psychology, cousin of Malik Khuda Bux

Awan and Malik Nasir Awan. He joined education department and started his career as

lecturer on adhoc basis. His service was terminated and he started politics at district

level. He was elected as member district council Khushab. Later he was reinstated on

the orders of court and again continued his service in education department and

presently serves as Assistant Professor at Govt. Post Graduate College Jauharabad. He

is good and famous horse rider.300

Malik Fateh Khan Bandial, former Chief Secretary Punjab, Federal Secretary,

belongs to village Bandial. His Biradari is Khokhar Bandial. He is cousin of Malik

Khaliq Dad Bandial who was elected as MPA. He is also very close relative of Malik

Muzaffar Khan Bandial, owner Bandial Bus Transport Service and former member

District Coucil Khushab.301

Malik Amjad Ali Noon, former district Nazim Sargodha, and Chairman

Pakistan State Cement, member Prime Minister Inspection Team. He is son in law of

Fateh Khan Bandial. Umar Ata Bandial, rose to the post of Chief Justice Lahore High

Court. He is son of Fateh Khan Bandial. Malik Kamran Awan, CSP income tax

department, former PA to Speaker National Assembly, Fahmida Mirza. Malik Habib

Nawaz Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, was a CSP in Trade and Commerce

Department. Malik Zafar Iqbal Awan, belongs to village Jabbi, serving as DPO.

299

Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab, now serving as

Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad, interview by researcher, October 19, 2014. 300

Dr. Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad, telephonic interview

by researcher, December 2014. 301

Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,

February 19, 2015.

129

Adbdul Jabbar Shaheen, village 22 MB, Secretary Schools education Lahore is from

Araen family.302

There are also such cases where a family became a web. Different members of

the elite family of a particular Biradari got positions in various power centers i.e.

bureaucracy, army, judiciary, bar council, local government and lagislatures. Their

mutual collaboration heightens the power of the family as well as Biradari. Kazim Ali

Gujjar, Advocate, started his practice as lawyer in Khushab district courts place at

Jauharabad. He contested elections of president Bar Coucil during 1970s. He is

famous for his honesty. He joined judiciary as additional session judge in the period

of Justice Falak Sher, Chief Justice Lahore High Court. He was appointed as incharge

monitoring cell to check the performance of judges in courts of Punjab. Later on he

was appointed as judge of of High Court at Rawalpindi bench. He also served as

Director General Anti Corruption Punjab in 1997. He served as judge of Punjab

election tribunal. He belonged to Nurpur Thal city. His brother Nazim Ali Gujjar rose

to the position of manager of United Bank Limited. His uncle Mahboob Ali Gujjar is

active in local politics. Mostly as the leaders of Gujjar Biradari they support Sardar

Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch, former MNA, MPA and head of Baloch Biradari in

district Khushab.

Baloch Biradari also shared the power in the institutions as the Awan got it

proportionally more than the Baloch Biradari. Two major instances of Baloch

Biradari are Brig. Muhammad Javed Iqbal and Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan. Brigadier

Muhammad Javed Iqbal belonged to village Jamali Balochan. He belonged to Baloch

tribe. He was able to get powerful postion of Director General in NADRA Punjab. He

is very popular in the area for his public service and helping people in getting jobs to

his hins. Again Muhammad Ikhlaq Khan who was retired as DSP in 2007 was a

Baloch.

A large number of civil bureaucrats belonged to the Awan Biradari. The

proportion of the population can be one factor but one is surprised to see that majority

of the bureaucrats belonged to those few villages which could be called the power

centre of the Awan Biradari.Mardwal, Padhrar, Jabbi, Anga and Suraki were major

302

Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office, Higher

Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore, interverview by researcher, village

Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt: Khushab, April 10, 2015.

130

villages where major elite families of Awan Biradari reside. Malik Sher Afzal Awan

from village Mardwal, served as deputy secretary civil secretariat Islamabad. Ata

Muhammad Malik, Awan belongs to village Panja, retired as DSP Legal on 13th

December 2011. Malik Muhammad Iqbal Awan SP Punjab Patroling Police belongs to

village Jabbi. Malik Farooq Ahmad Awan, belongs to Suraki Soon valley presently

serving SP Karachi. Likewise Ghulam Ali, DSP Headquarters, Jauharabad was Awan

and belonged to Jabbi.303

Abdul Malik Jasra belongs to village Peelon Wans. He became CSP Income

Tax Thal. Jasras and Kaloos are dominating Biradaries of this village. Literacy rate of

this village is 100 percent that is the highest in district Khushab. It is called the village

of judges as about thirteen judges of different courts come from this village. Jasras

and Kalloos are opponent to each other in union and tehsil politics. Abdul Basit Jasra

is serving as Deputy Accountant General Punjab who belongs to this village. Israr

Ahmad Jasra, former member Punjab Bar Council also remained UC nazim of Peelon

Wans. His younger brother Muhammad Safdar Jasra is serving as additional session

judge. Malik Muhammad Hayat Jasra, CSP, retired Additional Accountant General of

Pakistan also belongs to this village after retirement he served on deputation and

commerce department Government of Pakistan.304

The institutional power in the grip of a family through powerful positions

helped the families to get political power and sometimes the powerful positions in the

institutions became the destiny of the same family due to the political power that the

family enjoyed. Malik Mian Muhammad Awan served as commissioner Income Tax

Lahore. He was from village Mardwal. His brother Malik Rab Nawaz Awan was a

famous contractor who later on was elected as the member of district council

Khushab. Rab Nawaz was popular in the area and people would regard him as patron.

Malik Gulbaz Awan served as district attorney Sargodha. He was from village

Mardwal. His son was elected as Nazim Union Council Mardwal. He has strong

Biradari hold and was active in politics. Again there is another instance of Malik

Ahsan Akhtar Awan from village Khabeki. He was raised to the position of federal

secretary to Federal Government. He was son in law of Qazi Mureed Ahmad Awan,

303

Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt: Khushab)

interview by researcher, January 29, 2015. 304

Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad, interview by

researcher November, 2014.

131

former MPA in 1951. One of his brother in law was colonel in the Pakistan Army.

Khuda Dad Joiya retired Magestrate belongs to village Aano. His father Muhammad

Bux remained a chairman of union council. Joiya Biradari is fourth number in

population after Baloch, Tiwana and Sagu Biradaries in tehsil Nurpur Thal.305

The powerful position holder in one institution also helped his family kin to

get another powerful position in another institution. Thus a family remained in the

power through continuity of getting powerful positions in the institutions. In this

regard the family of Sher Muhammad Awan from village Hadali can be mentioned.

He was retired from police as Dypurty Suprintendent Police. His elder son Khalid

Mahmood Awan took the opportunity to join the police department and is serving as

SHO Jaura Kalan. Notwithstanding the son might be capable enough to get the post of

SHO the continuity of the power position in a family rose the prestige of the family in

the area.

In politics Biradari often become faction and fight amongst each other.306

The

officers of dominant birderies discriminate the kammis in their pursuit to power.

There are certain ways to suppress the kammis. The officers of dominant parties make

the kammis remain busy in false litigation. The kammis having no resot in thane

darbare (police station and courts) are bound to bow before the influence of dominant

Biradaries. The decisions and contests in the courts produce a numbr of problems for

the kammis. Their financial position weakens due to which they have to bear the

burden of debt that transferred to their generations. They also use the kammis in their

personal and professional rivalries with other dominant biraders. In the result of this

the rivalry of the kammis with other group develops and thus the permanent enemities

take place. That did not let the children of kammis get higher positions.

Family disputes among the kammies are aired by the officers and rulers of

major families. The big and dominant Biradaris incite one faction of the kammis to

fight or start dispute with other faction which is supported by other bigh and dominant

Biradari. Kidnapping of the girls is common practice in the kammis. Dominant

Biradaris highlight such issues that generate enemity. The dispute in the court

305

Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at Awan Market

Naushehra October 06, 2014 and Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan,

interviewed by researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014. 306

Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism Theory and Comparison (London: Sage Publications, 2012),

43

132

diminishes the position of the kammis more and they become more dependent on the

big Biradaries. The fight of the Kammis307

give the opportunity to the big and

conflicting Biradaris to give and take in the existing conflict between the big

Biradaries.

In this way the big Biradaris settle their political disputes on one hand and in

contrary also overcome the position of kammis. Such dominance to the big Biradaries

become possible for them due to their powerful positions in civil and military

bureaucracy.

The given data shows the picture that the army officers and bureaucrats from

the district Khushab were converged in some families. These in turn were the leading

families of very few Biradaries. Thus the power that was vested with major

institutions of the state of Pakistan came into the control of Biradaries. The powerful

Biradaries not only became powerful through getting the positions in the powerful

institutions they also got political power with the help of institutional power positions.

Sometimes it too happened that the politically powerful families got the powerful

positions in the inistitutions. This trend ultimately intermingled the biradri affiliation

with the power.

307

Working class.

133

CHAPTER 4

BIRADARI’S CONTROL OVER

ECONOMIC RESOURCES In this section of thesis we will try to answer two major questions. At the first

place we shall compare whether riches or kinship is significant in relation to securing

power in the area of our case study – Khushab. Second aspect of the question is that

wealth has been concentrated in major Biradaris who in turn manage to grasp the

power in the area. Thus the alliance between wealth and Biradari has emerged as

major power broker in the politics.

Democratic power is achieved due to Biradari numbers which is then

translated into other forms of power. The leaders of Biradaries manage to win the

power through counting the voters of their families in their support. The political

power then gives them chance to get wealth that strengthens their power position even

more. The wealth is generated through contracts, lease and jobs etc. The numerical

strength of the Biradari enhances the supremacy of the Biradari chiefs in respect of

prestige, dominance as well as economy.

4.1 Importance of Biradari vs Wealth

As far as the answer of the question whether riches is significant for getting or

determining power or Biradari is significant for retaining the power it is evident that

there are many instances where affiliation of the Biradari made a poor or middle class

person able to get high power position in politics or institution. One can see that Malik

Karam Bakhsh Awan basically belonged to business class family before entering into

active politics during sixties. He established Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organisation for

the restoration of Awan Biradari’s power and prestige in the power politics of tehsil

Khushab. When Malik Karam started his work for the upbringing of his Biradari the

numerically less but more in wealth Tiwana were dominating the power politics of

district Shahpur (now distt. Sargodha). Awan Biradari was in majority but that

majority was politically powerless. Malik Karam mustered the support of Biradari,

collected the people on the name of Awan Kari (Awan brotherhood) and challenged

the hegemony of Tiwana in the area. He started to publish a monthly magazine titled

“Tanzeem-ul-Awan. In that journal he included the stories of the great personalities of

Awan tribes, the history of their conviction, courage, loyalty, bravely and

commitment. He also focused on the concepts of brotherhood and solidarity with

134

Awan Biradari. He raised the slogan of the superiority of the Awan Biradari. He also

managed to publish the genealogical history of the various sub-castes, clans and

various branches of Awan. He developed the studies of tribal configuration of Awan

Biradari. He highlighted the military services of Awan soldiers that could nourish the

Biradari affiliation among the people.

Malik Karam Bakhsh focused on the deprivation of the Awan people and said

that despite the area of Soon Valley inhabited by Awan possessed three lakes as well

as scenic beauty and could be developed as a public resort. This area was neglected

because of the rule of Tiwana tribes. He filled the Awan with the sense of deprivation

and pushed them that the wealthy Tiwana had kept them in backwardness and poverty

with the help of their control of politics. He succeeded inculcating in them the sPirit

of self help, self confidence and self reliance for getting the power. That sPirit

ultimately made easier for him to win the elections of 1970 notwithstanding he

possessed less wealth than his wealthy competitors - Qureshies and Tiwana. On the

basis of Biradari affiliation this middle class man also got the membership of shura

during Zia regime while there were many wealthier candidates for the post. This

middle class man founded a political dynasty as his son Malik Basheer Awan got

power on various occasions and then his grandson Shakir Basheer Awan also became

a successful politician in power struggle of the district Khushab.308

Mian Sultan Awan started his career as a transporter. He entered in political

arena during 1960s and won elections for MPA against the wealthier Tiwana

candidate. The majority of Awan Biradari supported him and he not only got the

power but also was able to develop his business and became owner of Awan Bus

Transport later on.309

Another example where the affiliation with the Biradari defeated the wealth

for grasping the power can be presented from elections of 2002, 2008 and 2013 that of

Waris Kalu Joyyia in contest of Shuja Muhammad Baloch. Waris Kalu had the

support of Biradari behind him although he was not a wealthy person in 2002. On the

contrary Shuja Muhammad was a wealthier person but could not rally Biradari behind

308

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interviewed by the researcher, village Jabba (Distt: Khushab) November, 15,2014. 309

Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian Sultan Awan

(Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company (Awan Express)

135

him. Therefore later though wealthier lost and former on the basis of the Biradari won

the power.310

Ameer Mukhtar SAngah, well known owner of the mines and mineral

resources in the district Khushab, who used all of his resources in order to win the

sympathies of his tribe, lost the elections for the provincial assembly in 2008 against

Malik Javed Awan of Padhrar family of Awan tribe because the heads of Awan tribes

decided to support the their Biradari fellow, Javed Awan as padhrar family of Awan

had made their marks in civil, Military and politics.311

Malik Mukhtar Ahmad from village Khabeki Soon valley emerged as a new

opponent of Malik Karam Baksh Awan family. Mukhtar was less wealthy in

comparison with Karam Bakhsh but he managed to get the support of the heads of the

Awan Biradari of the area. Though Karam Bakhsh family who with the passage of

time had become richer could win the elections with the help of their riches and

resources but when the decisions of family heads went against them they could not

survive politically. The support of Biradari chiefs again changed from Mukhtar Awan

to Malik Basheer who won the elections of election of provincial assembly in 1990

with very close margin. Again the wealth lost and Biradari factor won the power. 312

In the elections of 1993 Malik Mukhtar Awan had to contest two wealthier

contestants. One Malik Tanveer Sultan Awan was the owner of Hajveri Airlines. The

other Ifthikhar Awan belonged to commercial wealthy class and he used his riches

during the elections in form of giving scholarships, dining parties, employment

promises, publicity and media. The wealth of the contesting candidates could not

prevent the victory of Biradari affiliation with Malik Malik Mukhtar.313

4.2 Concentration of Wealth in Influential Biradaris

It is hall mark of the politics of the area that affiliation of the Biradari affects

the riches in elections as well as in society. When it not possible that richess may be

310

Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November 30, 2014. 311

Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab, interviewed by researcher

Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road, Jauharabad, September 08, 2014. 312

Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014 313

Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.

136

defeated Biradari affiliation makes it easy for middle class man to get riches on the

grounds of links formed on the basis of Biradari affiliation.

“The area of Salt Range is major economic source in

district Khushab as most part of Salt Range 47 miles is

situated in present district and old tehsil Khushab.

Along with the fertile land there are the mountains of

sandstone. The salt produced from Warhcha district

Khushab is better in quality than that of Kheora.”314

The economy of the district relies over the agriculture, forests and mineral

resourses. The industry shares less in the income of the district. The possessors of the

fertile land, forests or the mines in the district hold almost ninety percent of the source

of production and income in the district.”

The major Biradaries also have been able to acquire major sources of

economy in their hand. The acquisition of the resources thus enables them to enjoy

the power that economic resources promise.Major Biradaries of the district have

managed to acquire the forests in the area. They are major share holders in parallel to

government administered forest areas in the district. Following table shows the figures

and proportion of the total land in the area and ownership of the forest land by

government and non government entities which are mostly major Biradaries.

4.2.1 Forest Land

Table 15: Forest Land of District Khushab Occupied by Government and

Biradaris

Tehsil

Total Forest Area

(In Acres)

Government

occupied area

Area under

Biradaries

Khushab 80540 42213 38327

Nurpur Thal 1178 567 611

Quaid Abad 19450 11322 8128

Total 101168 54102 47066

Source: District Forest Officer Jauhar Abad (Khushab), Official Record

314

J. Wilson, Shahpur/Sargodha Gazetteer 1897, translated by Naeem Ullah Malik (Sargodha:

University of Sargodha, 2014), 11, 13, 23.

137

Graph2: Forest Land of District Khushab occupied by Government and

Biradaris

One can see that Biradaries of the district share major portion of the forest

land with the government. The share of the Biradaries in the forest land of the district

is 46.52 percent. Thus major bararadries of the area occupy a major source of income

as well as the means of production in their control. Following table shows the share of

the different Biradaries in forest land of the district.

Table 16: Possession of Forest Land by Biradaris

Area

Total

Forest

Land

Governmen

t Occupied

Land

Area Occupied by Biradaries

Bandia

l Awan

Tiwan

a

Gunjia

l

Joya/Kall

u

Baloc

h

Khusha

b

80540

42213 7123

1533

0 6245 4530 0 5099

Nurpur

Thal

1178

567 0 0 387 0 64 160

Quaid

Abad

19450

11322 2076 1427 3513 764 0 348

10116

8 54102 9199

1675

7 10145 5294 64 5607

Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Annual Land Use (Milan-e-

Raqba) 2013-14

0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000

Government occupied Area

Baradris' occupied area

Khushab

Nurpul Thal

Quaid Abad

138

4.2.2 Cultivated Land

Table 17: Cultivated Land Occupied by Major Biradaris

Area

Total

Land Others Bandial Awan Tiwana Gunjial Joya/Kallu Baloch

69567 264 211423 45140 5047 3054 81294

Nurpur

Thal

516314

88234 0 856 299660 0 53242 74322

Quaid

Abad

128545

45837 5580 24978 49872 870 443 965

1060648 203638 5844 237257 394672 5917 56739 156581

Source: Additional District Collector Khushab, Latest Register Haqdaran

Zameen (Land possessors) and Recorded in Lal Kitab (Red Book) District

Khushab 2013-14 NTO 868, 20-11-2014

The situation of occupation of other cultivated land that is sown area in district

Khushab also marks the domination of big Biradaries. The landlords of the district are

Tiwana Biradari. These landlords have been owner of major part of the land of

district since colonial period. The income from mines have been collected with Awan

Biradari. Tiwana Biradari and Awan Biradari both together possess more than half of

the fertile agriculture land. Eighthy-one percent of the agricultural land is in

possession of five major Biradaries of the district namely Tiwana, Awan, Baloch,

Bandial and Gunjial and Joiya. The possession of these lands enables major

Biradaries to control the most important source of income in the area that proves

major source of economic power. The land helps them get political power as well as

social prestige in terms of provision of livelihood to poor farmers and labourers.

Thecultivators of the land are work force for the land owners. Along with their

agricultural services they also become vote bank for their land owner in elections.

Moreover they virtually are the ruled ones in their daily social affairs. In the life of

village the land owners become the lords and they drive all matters of the society

according to their will. This may be called the social or economc power that the land

owners possess.

139

Graph 3: Net Land Sown by Biradaris

4.2.3 Power Struggle between Feudal Lords of Biradaries in Conflict

with Kammis

The landlord-tenant relation is what Pakistani writers generally refer to as

‘feudalism’. Landlord earn their living from the surplus they extract from the tenant in

the form of the share. Landlords mostly extract labour from landless share croppers,

but they may also utilize the labour of poor or middle peasant. In addition they may

also employ wage labour, especially during the harvesting and planting season when

the need for labour is high. However, even though land is owned in large estates, it is

actually cultivated in small parcels because landlords rent or lease land out to share

croppers in parcels averaging about 15 acres.315

Traditionally, landlords belongs to the higher Biradaries of the zamindar

caste. For instance, landlords in the Punjab belong to the Syed Rajpoot, Jaat castes.

The Syed claim area descent and trace their linage back to the prophet Muhammad.

Rajpoot literally means “the king’s son”. Some of the influential tribes of the Punjab

that are part of the Rajpoot caste includes the Bhattis, Punwars, Chuhans, Minhas,

Tiwnas, Noon, Chibs, Ghebas, Jodhra, Janjua, Siyals, Wattoos etc. Similarly a large

number of Punjabi zamindars belong to the Jatt caste.316

During the pre-colonial period the jagirdars was the representative of the state.

Similarly the landlords of the contemporary Pakistan retain control not only over the

village panchayat but also over the instrument s of the modern state. Hence, to gain

access to the organs of the state for social services, law and order or other concerns

315

Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115 316

Ibid

Others 19% Bandial

1%

Awan 22% Tiwana

37%

Gunjial 1%

Joya/Kallu 5%

Baloch 15%

140

villagers have to mostly go through the landlords. Landlords are able to retain a

despotic status in relation to the peasants by maintaining monopoly control over

modern state institutions.

Traditionally, non-agrArian rural work was mostly done by the members of

the various kammi castes. More recently the development of commodity production

has given rise to a market driven non agricultural rural sector that is often dominated

by small capitalist enterprises employing wage labour or petty commodity

producers.317

In Pakistan Biradaries are broadly divided into two distinct systems: land-

owing Biradaries are known as zamindar Biradaries, and laboring class Biradaries

are known as kammi Biradaries. Zamindar Biradaries include those that work their

own land as well as those who mainly live off the rent from their share cropping

tenants. The more powerful zamindar Biradari tends to dominate village life.

Working Biradaries are known as kammi Biradaries. There are numerous kammi

Biradaries. These working Biradaries making up over a quarter of the population,

were largely composed of “the great mass of such aboriginal element [tribe] still to be

found in the Punjab”.

Today state appears simply as one element – whose functionality is

historically specific and contextually variable – in multitude circuits of power,

connecting a diversity of authorities and forces within a whole variety of complex

assemblages.318

Such ideas of diversity have been advocated by Akhil Gupta who shows that

“the state” in Indian area is composed not only of the three branches of government

(administrative, legislative, and judiciary), but also of multiple levels (federal, state,

district, sub-district, and block) and numerous bureaus and programs (dealing, for

example, with education, medical care, housing, agriculture, and commerce). Far from

operating as a seamless, purposeful, and well-integratedwhole, the Indian bureaucracy

instead bumps along in fragmented, uncoordinated and decentralized fashion.319

317

Taimur Rahman, The Class Structure of Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2014), 115-

123 318

Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom Reaffirming Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2003), 5 319

Akhil Gupta, Red Tape: Bureaucracy, Structural Violence and Poverty in India Durham, (NC: Duke

University Press, 2012. 384

141

Kammis320

– the circuits of power – bear the vote bank as they are large in

numbers. On one hand the kammis are the resistant force in the war of power but on

the other hand they become instrumental in the achievement of power by leading and

ruling Biradaris. The Biradari that is successful in bagging the majority vote of

kammis wins the power. A new trend is that kammis also move from village to the

cities or towns in search of their living and by this act they get out of the influence of

major Biradari and become independent in the game of power. Such kammis take the

form of resistant element for the control and hegemony of ruling Biradaries.

This element, rather modern in many aspects, is problematic for Biradari

domination on the basis of modern education as well. The kammis get education and

are able to get jobs that make them go out of the sphere of influence of ruling

Biradaries. Such lower caste people are becoming pivotal in the decisions of

elections. To counter such kammis the Biradari waderas use the feudalism as a tool to

get the support of their tenants in the elections. Their tenants, due to their economic

compulsions are forced to support their feudal lords and thus power economic as well

as political remains in the control of major Biradari chiefs.

In district Khushab the best example of the support of tenants for the lord of

major Biradaris can be presented in the victory of Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan of

Khabeki as member of provincial Assembly of Punjab. There were two major factors

responsible for his victory; one was the affiliation with the Biradari and second is that

the number of his tenants is large who supported Malik Mukhtar. He also has

distributed temporarily the land free of cost to the kammis to build up his vote bank.

The kammis have built their houses over that land of which the rights of ownership

had not been given to them.321

Malik Javed iqbal Awan, an elected member of the Provincial Assembly, use

tact to win the electoral support of the kammis and lower Biradari. He and his family

members have taken the contracts of major coal mines in district Khushab. The

kammis and low-Biradari men take jobs in these mines and being the labour

employees they are bound to give votes to their employer politicians. The lower

Biradari workers also work in the goods transport and hoteling business of this

family. They, therefore, are bound to support their political masters. These

320

Working class 321

Malik Khuda Dad Awan, Interview by researcher.

142

arrangements have made the government of this family so permanent that they are

ruling over the area from three generations.

In the local government system the hegemony of the Biradari elites could be

eclipsed with the reserved seats of tenants, labourers and non-Muslims. However the

electoral college of these members remained the elected members who belonged to

the ruling Biradari or who were under direct influence of the ruling Biradaries. In this

way the kammis and tenants again remained under the hegemony of ruling Biradari.

However the devolution plan of General Musharraf empowered the kammis and lower

caste people by raising their seats and by changing the mode of election into direct

form in the union councils, tehsil councils and district council and municipal

corporations. . The constituency of the seats for all was broadened to the Union level,

tehsil level and district level. These steps empowered the kammis much. In 2005 the

major Biradaries were alarmed and on their initiation the number of seats were

decreased in the next local bodies elections in 2007.

In the result of reforms in the local government system it became likely to

essential for the kammis to contest elections on general seats. The zamindar

Biradaries, in order to win the important seats of chairmen and in order to satisfy the

kammis, let the kammis contest the elections but the opponent of that kammi is also

selected from the kammies by the opponent zamindar group. In this way the kammies

are not empowered.

4.2.4 Mines and Minerals

There are huge coal deposits in whole Salt Range. District Khushab is one of

those districts (Mianwali, Jehlum, Attock and Chakwal) where main coal deposits

exist. In this area thickness of coal seams generally ranges from some centimeters to

one and half meters. The coal found in this area is of sub-bituminous quality.Salt

Range Coal fields extend from 12.5 miles north of Khushab to about 15 mile north of

Khewra within an area approximately 100 square miles. Coal occurs in the Patala

Formation. Coal seam ranging in thickness from few inches to a maximum of five feet

is available in the whole Salt Range. The coal has been classified as high volatile

bituminous with high ash and sulpher contents. Its calorific value in BTU varies from

7100 to 11100. Reserves have been estimated to be 75 million tons. Moreover caol

143

reservoirs fireclay deposits are also found in District Khushab. Chambal, Padhrar,

Katha SAghral are important places where fireclay deposits are found.322

The production of minerals (in hundred metric tons) in Khushab district during

2009-10 marked that 2143 hmt caol was produced in district Khushab. The production

of lime stone stood at 16687 hmt. 9049 hmt rock salt was also produced from the area.

Land of mines and minerals is government property and cannot be sold and bought.

These mines and mineral resources are auctioned by the government. Different people

and companies acquire the mines through auctions. Different influential families of

major Biradaries struggle to keep control over the contracts of these resources. The

deposits from mines where less technicality or lower techonology is required are

utilized by the small enterprises of local people. For difficult and high technological

mines the companies from out of Khushab have the capacity to produce minerals.

However middle class production that is almost 46 percent of total production of the

minerals is in possession of major Biradaries of Khushab district. Following table

shows how much production of the mineral resources is in possession of the elite

families of major Biradaries.

Table 18: Mineral Production in District Khushab in Hundred Metric Tons for

2009-10

Minerals Production

(hundred

metric tons)

2009-10

Government Local

Biradaris

Companies

Outside

Khushab

Common

People

Argillaceous Clay 1909 0 1330 509 70

Bauxite 78 0 0 78 0

Bentonite 44 0 20 17 7

Coal 2143 0 1687 309 147

Fireclay 396 0 226 113 57

Gypsum 773 0 400 295 78

Lime Stone 16687 0 9345 3267 4075

Marble 30 0 30 0 0

Ochers 44 0 0 44 0

Rock Salt 9049 7450 1100 385 114

Silica Sand 348 0 301 0 47

322

http://punjab.gov.pk/mnm_dimop

144

Latrit 65 65 0 0 0

Total 31566 7515 14439 5017 4595

Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket

Book of the Punjab, 278.

Graph 4: Mineral Production in District Khushab 2009-10 (in hundred metric

tons)

Table 19: Production in possession of Local Biradaries

Minerals

Total

Production

Production

owned by

major

Biradaries Awan Gunjial Bandial Tiwana

Agrillacious

Clay

1909 1330

723

308 195 104

Bentonite 44 20 13 5 1 1

Coal 2143 1687 1454 114 34 85

Fireclay 396 226 180 46 0 0

Gypsum 773 400 103 90 107 100

Lime Stone 16687 9345 4453 4112 780 0

Marble 30 30 6 24 0 0

Rock Salt 9049 1100 686 219 195 0

Silica Sand 348 301 153 118 30 0

Government 24%

Local Biradaris 46%

Outside Khushab 16%

Common People 14%

145

Total 31379 14439 7771 5036 1342 290

Source: Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket

Book of the Punjab, 278.

Graph 5: Production owned by Major Biradaris

4.2.5 Ownership of Factories and Influence of Biradaris on Labour Force

The factories that produce heavy products in Khushab are less in number than

other districts of Punjab due to specific reasons of the districts. One of the reasons is

that during imperial rule the hilly part of Khushab was major source of recruitment in

the army on the persuasion of Tiwana. Secondly less industrialisation in this area is

because of shortage of raw material sufficient for the attraction of industrialists.

Thirdly less quantity and quality of the raw material is a major cause of less

industrialization.323

During the Ayub and Zia regimes the tax holiday was declared for the district

Khushab and process of industrialization started on slow paces in jute sector and

sugar and cotton sectors. This industrialization stopped due to the declaration of

323

Malik Muhammad Azam Khan Rajar, Awan, former Member Punjab Assembly & President District

Bar Council Khushab, Interviewed by researcher, 13 December 2014

Awan 54%

Gunjial 35%

Bandial 9%

Tiwana 2%

Production owned by major Baradaris

146

industrial zone of Chunian during the government of Nawaz Sharif in 1993 and the

industrialists diverted their attention from Khushab to Chunian.324

The powerful Biradaries did not let the industry develop in the area despite

having resources to establish the industry. They thought that the industrialization

might weaken their power and control of resources in the area because

industrialization needed the coalition with other people and labour unions could create

problem for them.325

There are only 29 factories in the district till 2009.326

Table 20: Labour Force in Factories

Total factories

(1947-2009)

Factories where Labour

is less than 100

Factories where Labour is

more than 100

Total Labour

force

29 16 13 11095

Source: Bureau of Statistics GOP, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab,

235, 270

Despite less industrialization in the area, again major Biradaries got control of

some of the factories established in the area.

4.2.6 Transport Business

One of the major sources of income of Khushab district is business of goods

transportation and travel transport. This business was occupied by major Biradaries of

the district. Two routes - Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Chakwal,

Sargodha to Rawalpindi via Khushab and Talagang – cover vast hilly and backward

areas of whole salt range and provide a lot of money to the transport companies which

dominate over the business of transport. Two dominating transport companies are

Awan Bus Service and Super Awan Bus Service. Even the names of the companies

mark the Biradari culture that dominates major economic source. Awan Bus Service

is owned by Mian Sultan Awan of village Khura Soon valley Khushab who later on

became MPA. Super Awan Bus Service is owned by Malik Gul Zaman Awan of

Uchali village Soon valley. Thus transport was dominated by two Awan who got the

possession of all other smaller routes and companies in the district. No transport

company thus can operate in the district and in adjacent areas without the cooperation

324

Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interviewed by the researcher at village Khaliq abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015. 325

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad (Khushab) interviewed by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014. 326

Bureau of Statistics Government of the Punjab, 2011 Statistical Pocket Book of the Punjab, 270.

147

of Awan. This transport business thus became a weapon in the hands of Awan to

compete the hegemony of Tiwana.

The development of Awan in the transport business was a direct threat to the

hegemony of the Tiwana who resorted to make differences in the Awan and they

supported the second group of Awan led by Gul Zaman Awan. The rivalry of the

Awan groups resulted in the murder of so many people and finally Gul Zaman Awan

was killed by Mian Sultan group. But soon after the heads of Awan Biradari realised

the density of this consPiracy against the Awan rising status and they reconciled the

rival Awan groups and Mian Sultan group became dominant in the transport business.

This was used by Mian Sultan for promotion of his political stature.327

Bandial family too inserts its control on the transport business. Lahore

Mianwali via Sargodha and Khushab is in their professional control because their

village Bandial is located at the Khushab Mianwali Road and that area is influenced

by Bandial family. Malik Muzaffar Khan Bandial founded Bandial Bus Service and

organised the Bandial family in this business of transport. Thus he gained wealth,

fame, respect and ultimately the power and was elected as a member district council

Sargodha when Khushab was not district. After 1982 when Khushab became district

the role of Bandial family in the politics of district rose much more than previous

period that is still continued.328

4.2.7 Important Economic Positions

Awan of Khushab, especially from Padhrar village, got another advantage over

other Biradaries in respect of getting economic power that one of their Biradari

fellow Lt. Gen. Malik Arif Hayat was able to get the position of CEO of Fauji

Fertilizer Company (FFC), which is the largest urea manufacturing company in

Pakistan that creates over 50 percent of Pakistan’s demand of fertilizers. The

company, during the tenure of Malik Arif, also started to manufacture steel from

scrap.329

Such position that is crucial not only for the economic well being of the area

andBiradari but also for whole of Pakistan can easily make the person one of the

powerful figure in not only in area even in country due to socio-economic and

327

Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra (Soon valley)

Khushab , interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2014. 328

Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by researcher,

February 19, 2015. 329

Javed Mirza, “FFC plans venture in steel manufacturing, coal gasification,” The News, 11 March

2012

148

political linkages with other powerful people all over the country. This position also

enabled Malik Asif Awan to establish his Biradari fellows economically through

dealership of fertilizers and employment in FFC.330

4.2.8 Dominance of Biradaries on Economic System of Zakat and

Usher

Zakat is religious fund reserved for the needy and poor, neglected and down

trodden, cripples, disables and orphans as well as the non curable patients and

indebted people. In Pakistan General Zia ul Haq introduced the system of Zakat and

Usher in 1981. This was part of the reforms of Gen. Zia that he made for his

programme of Islamization. Therefore a system was introduced on the federal and

provincial level and an organisation was established for implementation of zakat

under ministry of religious affairs. The zakat and usher committees became a tool of

economic well being as well as the manifestation of the economic power in the eyes

of the common people on behalf of the state as well as the concerned committees. The

functions delegated to the zakat and usher committees also produced impression of

the power of the state in the economic field. It could boost up the image of the welfare

state.

The zakat and usher committees, therefore, were considered as the show of

power for the common people. The poor and needy would look to the members and

chairmen of the committees as the agents who could help and assist them in way of

dowry fund and student scholarship. They could enhance the economic activity

through the provision of training through handicraft and small loans and funding. The

image of the members of zakat committees in the eyes of common man was that of a

powerful personality at least equal to if not more than that of the chairman of local

bodies.

Owing to the image and impression of zakat committies in the public and

political spheres the powerful people were attracted to the membership of these

committies. Through that membership they could on one side equalize themselves

with other holders of power positions in politics as well as institutions of the state. On

the other hand such membership gave them control over a huge amount of funds and

they would find that fund on their disposal. Ultimately they could make many people

330

Prof.(R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College Sargodha, Interviewed by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) October 5, 2014.

149

bow before them for the sake of completion of their economic needs. Despite the

opportunities of corruption for the member they could also use those funds for the

increase of their support in the public. Thus the game for the achievement of the

membership of zakat committees made the members of powerful Biradaries enter in

the struggle of getting positions in the committees. They took keen interest for

achievement of such positions.

The village chairmen and the members of the Zakat committees were decided

to be elected in the public gatherings in the mosques of respective villages and town.

The members of Zakat committees in this way were representatives of the people in

one sense. The politics entered in the elections of the members and in this politics the

the powerful Biradaries of district Khushab penetrated in the zakat system too. The

powerful elite of the area, the powerful heads of the biradris in the district, could

induct their Biradari fellows in the zakat committees with the help of their social

influence on the basis of Biradari affiliations as well as their control over the

powerful positions in the state and politics.

Table 21: Chairmen of District Zakat and Usher Committees Khushab 1982-

2008

Sr.

No.

Duration Name Biradari Description

1 24-10-1982 to

10-07-1983

Haji Malik Dost

Muhammad

Awan Head of powerful faction of Awan Biradari

from village Sodhi Soon valley. His son was

Col. Hameedullah and he was son in law of

Brig. Aziz of Nowshehra who was brother in

Law of former federal minister Naeem Khan

Awan.

2 03-02-1984 to

13-04-1988

Hafiz Muhammad

Hasan

Awan His family was famous owing to the religious

services and were called Mianey. He was

resident of Khushab city where he had long

range of Biradari and social linkages.

3 14-04-1988 to

31-01-1992

Haji Abdul Quddus Awan Resident of village Kufri. He was respectable of

the Awan Biradari. He was real uncle of Malik

Tanvir Sultan Awan, owner of Hajveri Airlines,

who contested elections from PP 33 in 1993 and

NA 51 Khushab in 1997. In 1993 just after one

year of end of the term of Haji Abdul Qudus,

150

Tanvir Sultan was able to manipulate the

popularity that his uncle had gained through the

position of his uncle when he contested

elections. Tanvir Sultan contested elections

again in 2008.

4 15-12-1992 to

24-04-1993

Brig. Retired Ata

Muhammad Awan

Awan Village Khoora. Uncle of Wing Commander

Malik Safdar Awan. This family was staunch

supporter of his Biradari fellow and sitting

MNA Malik Naeem Khan Awan former federal

minister.

5 28-04-1993 to

30-06-1994

Muhammad Riaz

Dhuddi

Awan Village Waheer. His father Malik Ghaus

Muhammad was retired captain from British

Army. The maternal relatives of Muhammad

Riaz were Mianey of Khushab. His elder brother

Muhammad Yousaf was Xen in Irrigation

department. His brother Muhammad Aslam

Advocate was among the founding members of

Tanzeem-ul-Awan that was established in 1970s.

His brother Muhammad Akram was lawyer.

They possessed large patches of land in village

Waheer. Another brother of his served as

session judge. All of the brothers had strong

affiliation with their Biradari fellows sitting

MNA Naeem Awan and MPA Mukhtar Awan.

6 03-01-1995 to

13-10-1996

Muhammad Basheer

Awan Advocate

Awan Village Padrhar. He supported the Karam Bux

Awan faction that was anti to MNA Naeem

Awan’s faction. Therefore his tenure could not

prolong than to two years.

7 12-09-1997 to

16-05-2002

Brig. Retired Ata

Muhammad

Awan Again nominated as Umar Aslam, the maternal

nephew of Malik Naeem, won the elections for

National Assembly and Ata Muhammad had

affiliation with Malik Naeem Awan’s group.

8 16-05-2002 to

30-09-2004

Malik Ehsan Ullah

Rajar

Awan Village Rajar. Close relative of Malik Nazeer

Ahmad Rajar former member district council

Khushab and Malik Muhammad Azam Rajar

MPA and president district bar Khushab.

151

9 03-10-2004 to

10-11-2007

Syed Faiz ul Hasan

Gillani

Syed Gaddi Nasheen famous shrine of Gunjial

Shareef. He was sPiritual leader of Malik Umar

Aslam Awan, the runner up candidate of MNA

in elections 2002.

10 11-11-2007 to

29-10-2010

Mahr Muhammad

Basheer

Arain Resident of village Mitha Tiwana, headquarter

of famous Tiwana Biradari. He was retired

superintendent from education department. The

Tiwana needed the support of Arain Biradari

from 3 to 4 union councils of NA 70 in the

national elections of 2008 against Malik Shakier

Basheer Awan.

Sources: Office of the District Zakat and Ushar, Oppositte General Bus Stand (Old)

Khushab

4.2.9 Dominance of Biradries on Market Committies in District

Khushab

Mitha Tiwana, Jauharabad, Qaidabad, Rangpur Bagoor are four market

committees in district Khushab.

The market committees are assigned to establish any market facility connected

with the sale and purchase, storage and weighment as well as processing and pressing

of the agricultural products in the area. It is authorised to issue, renew, suspend and

cancel the licences to brokers, weighmen, measurers, surveyors, warehousemen, changers,

palledars, boriotas, tolas, tokrewalas and rehriwalas for carrying on their occupation in the

market area in respect of agricultural products and without the licence issued by market

committee any above mentioned businessmen cannot carry their business activity in the

specified market area.331

A market committee consists of 10-17 members from growers, dealers and

consumers.332

It can also levy fees on the agricultural productions bought or sold in

the market. Its multiple functions are also that it can aquire land for the establishment

of markets. Major economic activity is centred around market committee as it

maintains and improves the markets including construction of storages, platforms

small pullies, culverts and roads. It also collect and disseminate information regarding

all matters relating to marketing in respect of the agricultural produce and propaganda

in favour of agricultural improvement and thrift. It provides facilities such as cleaning

331

The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978 332

The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978

152

sets, plants for grading, standardization, packing and processing of agricultural

produce. Moreover for the benefit of growers it constructs cold storages, werehouses

and godowns.333

Being the member or chairman of the market committee means the

acquisition of major decisions of local economic activity in one’s control.

Chairmen/Administrators of the market committee thus would have vast influence

over the business activity in the area. In the ordinary law it was prescribed that the

members of the market committee would elect their chairman.When there would have

been duly elected local government in the area the chairmen of the market committee

would be elected and when there was no duly elected local government the

administrator would be appointed to look after the affairs of the market committee.

The influential Biradaries took firm hold of the market committees most of the time

whenever there was a chairman.

Table 22: Administrators/Chairmen Market Committees in District Khushab

No. Name Post From To

1 Malik Shafaat Ahmad Tiwana Chairman 29-11-1982 10-12-1983

2 Nisar Ali Malik Administrator 11-12-1983 30-06-1984

3 Ch. Nazir Ahmad Administrator 01-07-1984 23-10-1984

4 Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan Chairman 23-10-1984 18-05-1987

5 Muhammad Sharif Kasana Administrator 19-05-1987 11-10-1988

6 Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan Chairman 12-10-1988 05-06-1993

7 Muhammad Ameer Khan

Niazi

Chairman 06-06-1993 30-10-1993

8 Maqbool Ahmad Khan DC

Khushab

Administrator 14-10-1993 20-04-1994

9 Haq Nawaz Tarar DC

Khushab

Administrator 21-04-1994 15-04-1995

10 Abd-us-Sattar Dyputy

Director Agriculture

Administrator 16-04-1995 25-12-1995

11 Tajamal Chatta Dyputy

Director Agriculture

26-12-1995 02-02-1997

12 Malik Muhammad Shafi Administrator 03-02-1997 31-07-1997

333

The Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Ordinance, 1978; Punjab Local Government Ordinance,

1979 (VI of 1979) and the Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 1979 VI of 1979); the Punjab

Agricultural Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 2001, (XXIII of 2001; Punjab Agricultural

Produce Markets (Amendment) Ordinance, 1984 (XXXIII of 1984; Punjab Agricultural Produce

Markets (Amendment) Act, 1994 (IV of 1994).

153

13 Haji Muhammad Mushtaq

Tiwana

Administrator 01-01-1998 19-10-1999

14 Imdad Ullah Busal AC

Khushab

Administrator 20-10-1999 01-02-2000

15 Shoaib Ali Syed AC Khushab Adminstrator 02-02-2000 01-02-2001

16 Haji Shahid Basheer Virk AC

Khushab

Administrator 21-02-2001 14-08-2001

17 Malik Ayub Bha Awan Administrator 05-09-2001 28-01-2002

18 Malik Masood Nazir Rajar

Awan

Chairman 29-01-2002 20-05-2005

19 Saifullah Khan Tiwana Administrator 21-05-2005 25-04-2008

20 Muhammad Tahir Agriculture

Officer

Administrator 26-04-2008 03-08-2010

21 Sheikh Muhammad Rafique Administrator 04-08-2010 .....

Source: Office of the Administrartor/Chairman Market Committee, Oppositte General Bus

Stand Jauharabad

Malik Shafaat Tiwana was the brother in law of Khuda Bux Tiwana, then

chairman of District Council Khushab. The affiliation with the Biradari helped Malik

Shafaat Tiwana to rise to the position of Exise and Taxation Officer and was retired as

director Excise and Taxation Sargodha and now a member Khushab Bar.

Malik Fazal Mahmood Awan has been chairman for three long years. He was Biradari

fellow and strong supporter of Malik Naeem Khan Awan, Federal Minister.

Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan, a big mine-owner belonged to the Biradari of Malik

Muhammad Azam Rajar Awan former MPA and president district Bar Khushab. He

also belongs to Malik Naeem Khan group. Malik Muhammad Ayub Bha Awan, later

on, became tehsil nazim Khushab and his nephew Malik Muhammad Asif Bha Awan

is continuously elected as MPA since 2002. Malik Masood Nazir Rajar Awan, the son

of Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Awan became chairman on 20-01-2002 to 20-05-2005. He

supports Sumera Malik group .

Saifullah Khan Tiwana (Ad) is brother of Malik Khuda Bux Tiwana former

Minister and heads of Tiwana in Punjab. Later he chose to becme MNA and district

Nazim Khushab. 21-05-2005 to 25-04-2008 he remained the administer market

committee.

154

4.2.10 Dominance of Biradries on District Bar Council Jauharabad

/Khushab

The practice of law is a major powerful profession that on the one hand

provides a wealth generating chance and on the other it deals with the significant

department of law that is associated with almost every person. The office bearer of

Bar Association then enjoys much power being the elected leaders of the advocates.

The Bar Associations were led by major Biradaries. The regular elections of the bar

also generate a political activity.

Bar Associations are well organised associations in Pakistan. The elections

within the associations every year replace the old leadership with fresh one with

mandate of the lawyers who belong to all vistas of the society. The candidates are

traditionally elected based on their Biradari or personal advantage to the voters.334

The importance of the position of the office bearer of Bar can be determined from the

fact that the traditional campaign for the Lahore High Court Bar Association

presidency usually starts in August and costs each candidate Rs 4 to 6 million.335

The respect, honour and dignity of the winner of the election put him in an influential

position in profession as well as in society. The practice of the winner flourishes as he

becomes famous in the clients and public spheres and their chambers become the

centre of political and social gatherings. The office bearers of the Bar are also

recognised as experts of law who may get the positions in the judiciary as the judges

of high courts and Supreme Court as well as the majority of MPAs and MNAs start

their political careers from bars and ultimately rise to the height of power.

The office bearers of the bars are highlighted in the various social gatherings,

especially arranged by their Biradari fellows. They are envied by the members of

Biradari in order to express pomp and show. Besides their influence in the judiciary

they also enjoy great respect and influence in the civil executive and bureaucracy. The

political parties also honour them and desire to give them important positions in the

party in case some office bearer becomes prominent in the Bar. The office bearers

also affiliate themselves with many NGOs working for the welfare of the masses.

Through such NGOs they make their roots within the public and also with the funding

sources. In collaboration with these NGOs they also play significant part in protection

of human rights within the society. As the issues of human rights have got much

334

Rizwan Ullah Kokab, Lawyers’ Movement in Pakistan (Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, 2013), 181. 335

Ibid, 182.

155

prominence on the international and national agenda the office bearers of the bars also

rise to the prominence.

The Biradari affiliations helped the elected office bearers of the bars in

winning the elections and mostly members of a few prominent Biradaries were able

to win the elections of the bar. During the election campaign the Biradari plays

significant role for attraction of the voters. This is evident with the mention of

Biradari of the candidate in the canvassing material namely the posters, wall

chalking, banners, public announcements, placards, stickers and media

advertisements.

The Bar Association of Khushab was Tehsil Bar Association in District

Sargodha till 1982 after which it was changed into District Bar Association. Available

record of this Bar Association from 1966 to 2011 mentions many important leaders of

major Biradaries who first won the powerful offices of bar and then were able to

achieve the social as well as political power in the district, province and country.

Table 23: Positions in Bar held by Major Biradaris

Year Presidents General Secretaries

1966 Qazi Muhammad Afzal Awan Muhammad Mumtaz Baloch

1967 Malik Sarfraz Khan Awan Malik Ghulam Sarwar Awan

1968 Malik Abdul Hameed Tiwana Muhammad Bashir Awan

1969 Ghulam Haider Syed Ghulam Muhammad Awan

1970 Ghulam Haider Syed Abdul Hafeez Tiwana

1971 Nazeer Alam Awan Abdul Hafeez Tiwana

1972 Ghulam Haider Syed Najm-ul-Hasan Syed

1973 Mian Nazeel Alam Awan Gul Nawaz Rajpoot

1974 Muhammad Razzaq Awan Gul Baz Khan Awan

1975 Muhammad Aslam Awan Muhammad Hayat Utra

1976 Muhammad Aslam Awan Kazim Ali Gujjar

1977 Muhammad Basheer Awan Jafer Khan Baloch

1978 Muhammad Hayat Utra Altaf Hussain Bhagoor

1979 Muhammad Riaz Mahil Altaf Hussain Bhagoor

1980 Jafar Khan Baloch Habib Nawaz Tiwana

1981 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Hussain Burana

1982 Zulfikar Ali Bhagoor Dildar Hussain Baloch

1983 Muhammad Hayat Utra Muhammad Afzal Syed

156

1984 Kazim Ali Gujjar Dildar Hussain Baloch

1985 Khan Muhammad Mahil Muhammad Irshad Rajpoot

1986 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Iqbal Awan

1987 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan

1988 Khan Muhammad Mahil Iftikhar Ahmad Awan

1989 Muhammad Hayat Utra Naimtullah Gahi

1990 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan

1991 Muhammad Hayat Utra Sakhi Muhammad Awan

1992 Inam Qadir Syed Muhammad Iqbal Utra

1993 Muhammad Hayat Utra Iftikhar Ahmad Awan

1994 Muhammad Azam Awan Mian Khan Awan

1995 Imdad Hussain Syed Ansar Hayat Naich

1996 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mukhtar Hussain Khokhar

1997 Muhammad Shareef Awan Muhammad Basheer Awan

1998 Khan Muhammad Mahil Abid Hussain Rajpoot

1999 Muhammad Azam Awan Abid Hussain Rajpoot

2000 Imdad Hussain Syed Ahmad Nadeem Awan

2001 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Shafqat Hayat Baloch

2002 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial

2003 Mian Khan Awan Shafqat Khan Baloch

2004 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot

2005 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Muhammad Arshad Rajpoot

2006 Habib Nawaz Tiwana Aman Ullah Gunjial

2007 Mian Khan Awan Azam Khan Awan

2008 Mian Khan Awan Fiaz Hussain Baloch

2009 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Mubashar Mahil

2010 Abd-ur-Raheem Awan Faiz Rasool Awan

2011 Azam Khan Awan Shafqat Hayat Baloch

Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab

Awan = 36 seats

Baloch = 9 seats

Utra = 9 seats

Syed = 8 seats

Tiwana = 7 seats

Rajpoot = 6 seats

157

Mahil = 6 seats

Bhagoor = 3 seats

Gujjar = 2 seats

Burana = 1 time

Gunjial = 2 seats

Khokhar = 1

Naich = 1

Gahi =1

Graph 6: Major Offices held by Biradaris in Bar Association

Table 24: Members Punjab Bar Council Khushab Seat

Dost Muhammad Awan 1984-88

Muhammad Riaz Mahil 1989-1994

Muhammad Hayat Utra 1994-99

Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab

Table 25: Members Executive Committee Punjab Bar

(Replacing the nomenclature of seat from member Punjab Bar Council)

Muhammad Hayat Utra 1999-2004

Muhammad Hayat Utra 2005-2009

Khan Muhammad Mahil 2008-09

Habib Ullah Tiwana 2009-2014

Awan 39%

Baloch 10%

Utra 10%

Syed 9%

Tiwana 8%

Rajpoot 7%

Mahil 7%

Bhagoor 3%

Gujjar 2%

Burana 1%

Gunjial 2%

Khokhar 1%

Naich 1% Gahi

1%

0%

0%

Major Offices in Bar Association

158

Source: Official record of District Bar Council Jauharabad/Khushab

Malik Sarfraz Ahmad Awan (President Bar in 1967) had been a Member West

Pakistan Assembly. Abdul Majeed Tiwana (President Bar in 1968) was promoted to

the powerful positions of Additional Session Judge, justice Lahore High Court. Malik

Gulbaz Khan Awan (General Secretary Bar in 1974) was elevated to the powerful

position of Lahore High Court. He was member of the bench that heard and decided

the trial that sentenced Z. A. Bhutto to death. Malik Muhammad Aslam Awan,

advocate of village Vaheer (President Bar in 1975 and 1976) was founder leader of

Tanzeem-ul-Awan, an organization that was organized for the purpose of restoration

of Awan prestige. He was staunch supporter of the unification of Awan Biradari

against Tiwana Biradari in Khushab.

Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra (Secretary Bar in 1977, President Bar in 1978,

1981, 1985, 1989, 1990, 1991 and 1993) was also powerful in the general politics by

being elected as MPA in 1990, 1993 and 1997. He was member Punjab Council

(1994-99) and member Executive Committee from 1999 to 2009, two consequtive

terms.

Malik Kazim Ali Gujjar (Secretary Bar in 1976, President Bar in 1984) was

elevated to the position of session judge and rose to the position of justice in Lahore

High Court. Then he was included in Service Tribunal. He then got the position of

member of Election Tribunal.

Malik Muhammd Azam Khan Advocate (President Bar in 1994, 1999, 2011

(unopposed) had been elected as MPA in 1970 before he won the elections for the

seat of President. Malik Muhammad Ameer Khan Niazi (President Bar in 2006) had

been administrator of Market Committee Khushab.336

It has been maintained in this chapter that Biradari affiliation has become in

district Khushab more significant in grasping of power than riches. Even if the riches

is more important, the riches can be increased due to links established on grounds of

Biradari affiliation. The economic resources in district Khushab were taken into

possession by major Biradaries in many ways. One was was the ownership of forest

as well as agricultural land that was acquired by major Biradaries of the district

historically in British period. Mines and mineralas are second major source of

336

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College Jouharabad

(Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad, October 10, 2014.

159

production in the district. These have also been owned by the members of major

Biradaries right from the British period.

Industry could not flourish in the district. Notwithstanding that major

Biradaries were able to secure control over little number of factories established in

the district. However major Biradaries, especially Awan Biradari, owns the business

of transport, third major source of income of the district. Influential people of major

Biradaries also can be instrumental to enrich themselves as well ass their Biradari

felllws through frunds of market economy by becoming members, chairmen and

administrators of market committees. They also could use the funds of zakaat at their

disposal by becoming the members and chairmen of zakat committees. The control of

major Biradaries on another important occupation, law, is evident by the fact that

major office bearers of bar belong to major Biradaries. Thus economic power is

concentrated in major Biradaries of the district.

160

CHAPTER 5

Biradari in Power Through Electoral Politics and

Political Parties

This part of the study explores significant issues and aspects of Biradari

bearing significance in electoral politics generally in Pakistan and particularly in

district Khushab. The electoral performance of different Biradaries in this district

from 1982 to 2008 will be studied, examined and its outcomes would be ascertained.

Another finding will be attempted to review and gauge the impacts of patronage

politics with respect to Biradari influence in particular and common voting behavior

in general. This chapter explores the electoral politics and the role of power brokers in

it in district Khushab. The context will be the method of gaining and exercising power

through electoral process. A review of electoral data from general elections 1985 to

the 2008 general elections in Pakistan will guide the study to ultimate outcomes and

differences in the voting and political behaviours.

5.1 Electoral Significance of Biradaries in Khushab

Elections are held in various countries at different levels to determine and

decide the representative authority to run the affairs of the state, province, city or even

the commune. There are different modes, different procedures and diverse rules and

regulations employed to ascertain in an impartial, just and independent environment

that holds the confidence of the electorate. This process seems simple yet bears

multiple aspects, variety of complexities and play of actors and brokers. Elections

connect the people to the political representatives, either elected or defeated. The

electoral behavior transcends the political behavior of any people, community or

nation. Likewise, the voting behavior determines the significance of elections as the

voter casts his or her vote to stamp the as Pirations, concerns, needs, demands and

utility requirements of subjective orientation and objective considerations. The social

life accepts the impacts and undergoes transformation in either constructive manner or

the otherwise depending upon the final effects of the whole process. This is equally

part of experience and practice that elections and its politics expose the underlying

predispositions in the system and society, explain relations of intra-party and inter-

party nature, reveal the ecological influences and political interests of not only the

161

political parties taking part in election but also those of other groups, structures,

regions, clans and tribes. Local Biradaries constitute an important impact on such

interests, issues, problems and considerations.

Political scientists have presented various models to describe and determine

the electoral behaviour. Such models include both proximity and directional models.

For the first time such model was produced by Anthony Downs. The model that he

presented was called the spatial and proximity models. He observed that

interdependence between the decisions of parties and voters can be judged. In this

model the positions for issues of voters as well candidates are translate into the

preferences of the voters and the strategies of the candidates. Other factors like the

direction of the movement of candidate away from the old status co to the new

according to the aspirations of the voters are also measured.337

In the local contexts of

Pakistan, as in any district as Khushab, the relation between voters’ preferences and

candidate’s strategy is a big question mark. The reason is that the way the candidate

adopts strategies the electoral fronts does not necessarily leads to fulfill or even to

address the voter’s preferences. This relation is affected by a plurality of other non-

political concerns. The non-political concerns may be the Biradari preferences,

individual-cum community decisions, elders’ directional voting patterns or the victim-

voter syndromes. A victim voter is one who yields to unseen pressures, open and

directed threats and contempt and other temptations of monetary value. Under such

circumstances of no-preference, voter casts the vote.

Dr. Mughees Ahmad explains the role of Biradari in voter-candidate

relationship in Pakistani culture. He observes that Biradariesm is the main component

of local political culture as well as voting behavior in Punjab.338

He draws three

conclusions from his discussion and analyses of the voting behavior in the rural

constituencies and finds Biradaries in numerical majority in Faisalabad as successful.

He counts ratio in favour of Biradari candidates 74 per cent. His second conclusion

points towards a trend in political parties to award tickets to candidates with Biradari

affiliation. His third conclusion also signifies the Biradari influence. He points

337

Akhtar, Elections and Social Scientists, 455. 338

Mughees Ahmed, "Voting Behaviour in Rural and Urban Areas of Punjab," Journal of Political

Studies 14,no. 1 (2008): 46.http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/pols/Currentissue-

pdf/voting%20behaviour.pdf. Accessed: June 25, 2013

162

towards the change of sides by candidates from the same Biradari to different

political parties in different elections to acquire political power.339

It is evident from the electoral history of Pakistan that such patterns existed

and vanished depending upon the political environment obtaining before and during

the electoral processes. For instance, in 1970 elections, a strong wave wiped out petty

considerations and Pakistan People’s Party emerged as the main destroyer for politics

of the Biradaries in the West Pakistan. Biaderis like Qizilbash, Noon, Tiwans, Syeds,

Gillani, which were representing in legislative institutions since the electios of 1921,

got defeated.”340

Craige Baxter also viewed the change in voter behavior in Punjab.

He observed that the election results in 1970 testified that in Punjab old order had

been changed. The politicization in rural areas had developed more than the

expectations and many residents of the rural areas sought the radical solutions to their

problems and the influence of major landlords was no longer the dominant factor in

the politics of Punjab and the connections of Biradari as well tribe which would

control voting behavior in past had broken. 341

But these patterns of voting behavior based on Biradari affiliations revived in

the next elections, which were held on non party basis in 1985. Zia-ul-Haq’s non-

party elections swept away the national thinking processes and replaced them with

localization of politics, breaking the party lines to give way regional, sectArian,

familial and tribal aspirations. “Rasul Baksh Rais observes that in the elections 1985

the interplay of traditional forces had an overawed influence in determining the

electoral decisions. … Party less nature of elections and the ban on traditional means

of electioneering prevented debate on national issues… for that reason, the election

campaign in rural areas were dominated by local issues, the personal influence of the

candidate, the ties to the clan, tribe or Biradari and feudal social bases in particular

largely determined the outcome of elections.342

Dr. Mughees Ahmed also draws similar conclusion stating that one of Zia’s

legacies was the ‘localization of the politics’ which changed the political attention far

339

Ibid., 47. 340

Baxter Craig, “Pakistan Votes—1970,” Asian Survey 11, no. 3(1971): 213. DOI: 3024655. Accessed: June 25, 2013. 341

Ibid., 213. 342

Rais Rasul B., “Elections in Pakistan: Is Democracy Winning,” Asian Affairs 12, no. 3(1985): 43-61, 47. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30171997 URL: Accessed June 25, 2013.

163

from national politics and local issues as well as local identities again emerged in the

politics of Punjab. Political loyalties were increasingly determined by family, faction,

and Biradari ties, and political power was determined by the amount of patronage at

one’s disposal.”343

Highlighting the Biradari role in elections he said that the alliances

in the elections were made on the basis of major and minor Biradaries and central

issue in the election campaigns seemed to be the Biradari affilitation.344

Localization of politics and dominant Biradari culture in legislative business

of the country fill the void created by Martial Laws and absence of national politics

resulted in the slow but steady demise of the democratic norms. Fresh thinking

retarded and the national discourse on issues and problems checked. An interesting

and eye-opening survey was conducted by S. Akbar Zaidi. That survey examined

various aspects and backgrounds of the members of the National Assemblies since

1970 elections. In addition to the stated objectives of this survey, another

phenomenon was evident that occasional breaks and designed accidents in the

political history of Pakistan damaged the smooth journey on the democratic high

ways. People elected for the assemblies without political or legislative expertise or

experience were mostly party candidates, rather than Biradari candidates. Biradari

candidates contested and won for more than one time.345

5.2 Biradari’s Influence in Politics of Parliamentary Elections

Elections have determined the power in Pakistan at many times but not

always. In more than half of the age of Pakistan the military takeovers and not the

elections determined the holder of power in Pakistan. The elections have not been

held regularly. This table shows the holding of elections after irregular periods and

varying nature of the experiences in governance from 1982 to 2008.

343

Mughees Ahmed, “Local Bodies or Local Baradari System: An Analysis of the Role of Baradaries

in the Local Bodies System of the Punjab,” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 30, no. 1(2009): 81-

92, 84. 344

Ibid., 87. 345

S. Akbar Zaidi, “Elected Representatives in Pakistan: Socio-Economic Background and Awareness

of Issues,”Economic and Political Weekly, Volume 39, No. 45 (November 6-12, 2004), pp. 4935-4941

164

Table 26: Power Decided on Elections from 1982 – 2008

Priod Election

Years

Description Elections Held Political Focus

1982-85 Military Rule Martial Law

1985-88 1985 Democratic

with military

ruler

1 Controlled Democracy

1988-1999 1988,1990

,1993,

1997

Democratic 4 Parliamentary

Democracy

1999-2002 Military Rule

2002-08 2002,

2008

Democracy

with military

ruler

2 Controlled Democracy

In the period under study 7 elections for national and provincial assemblies

were held in total. In all these elections, Biradaries prevailed either in individual

capacity or in alliance or candidature as political party ticket holders. Biradari leaders

held their seats fast both in the provincial as well as national election only with some

tilt in favour of or against personalities. The actual power had been held by the

Biradari.

Politics differs at different levels in elections pertaining to the mode and

nature of participation of key players. These players may be parties, elites, Biradaries

or other manifestations of influence and interest. It has often happened that there are

people or groups of people that remain away from the electoral presence but play

decisive roles through their support for certain candidates. In case of Biradaries, it

appears that every Biradari seldom takes part in every level of elections i.e. local,

provincial and national. Some of these players opt for only local bodies as the case of

Rajar, Baghoor and Saggu Biradaries in the Khushab local politics with some degree

of prominence. These three Biradaries are absent in national elections without any

presence in winners or the runner-ups. Likewise, Khokhars, Utras, Pathans, Arians,

165

Nangianas, etc are present at the provincial level but have no prominent role in the

national elections. It is, however, significant that their support for other players at

national level would be vital for the electoral victory. In this way the political process

gives space to primary, secondary and even tertiary players to have their influence

accounted for the success of the candidates of much strong Biradaries. In return they

either win some sort of agreements or the political bargain in the region. Such

influences often make or break the political success.

In Khushab, one can see that Biradaries like Awan, Balochs, Tiwana, Bandials

and Gunjials are almost present in every level of elections, either national or

provincial or the local one. They have their areas of influence in the form of Union

Council presence at the Nazim and Naib Nazim levels. Such presence helps them to

muster up enough support for victory at the provincial as well as national levels. They

have their members who served both national as well as provincial cabinets as

ministers.

Since 1937 to 2008, 7 Biradaries (Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Aahir, Bandial,

Qureshi and Gunjial) took part in elections on national scale; 14 Biradaries (Awan,

Tiwana, Baloch, Qureshi, Bandial, Syed, Piracha, Nagiana, Arian, Khokhar, Utra,

Pathan, Gunjial and Kallu were active on the provincial front; while 11 Biradaries

(Awan, Tiwana, Baloch, Bandial, Syed, Joya, Rajar, Baghoor, Saggu, Arian and Utra

were contesting elections of local bodies or local governments in the (Khushab region

now status of district) Khushab district.

Table 27: Biradari Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Assembly

Elections Khushab

Election

Year

Biradari

Winner

Political

Affiliation

No. of

Seat

Biradari

Runner-

up

Political

Affiliation

No. of

Seats

1985 Aahir

Awan

-

-

1

2

Qureshi

Awan

-

-

1

2

1988 Awan

Tiwana

IJI

Independent

1

1

Awan

Aahir

PPP

IJI

1

1

166

1990 Awan

Tiwana

IJI

IJI

1

1

Awan

Baloch

Independent

PDA

1

1

1993 Awan

Baloch

PML(N)

PML(N)

1

1

Awan

Tiwana

PPP

PML(N)

1

1

1997 Awan

Baloch

PML(N)

PML(N)

1

1

Awan

Tiwana

Independent

Independent

1

1

2002 Awan

Tiwana

NA

Independent

1

1

Awan

Awan

PML(Q)

PML(Q)

1

1

2008 Awan

Awan

PML(N)

PML(N)

1

1

Awan

Tiwana

Independent

Independent

1

1

The hold of Biradaries over electoral politics continued from the past. On the

national front in 1962 Zakir Qureshi, as independent candidate succeeded against

another independent Fateh Muhammad Tiwana. In the next elections of 1970, Awan

Biradari defeated Aahir candidate. Babu Karam Bakhsh Awan from Council League

defeated Nasim Ahmed Aahair of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). It was a big victory

because People’s Party was the most popular electoral party under the leadership of

Z.A. Bhutto. On the second seat, Zakir Qureshi was successful. He defeated Malik

Najib Ullah Borana of PPP. It showed the strength of the Biradari followings in

district Khushab. In 1977 elections, one Awan defeated the other Awan as Karam

Bakhsh was declared successful on PPP ticket against Qazi Mureed Ahmed of

Pakistan National Alliance. Nasim Aahir of PPP succeeded against Qari Abdul Sami

Gunjial of Pakistasn National alliances (PNA). The 1977 elections became highly

controverSial as serious charged of rigging were made and the anti-government

movement was launched by PNA, an alliance of 9 political parties.

The conditions at national level supported the Biradari in electoral politics

after Khushab was given the status of district. The 1985 elections were non-party

elections which produced new conflicts and cleavages in the society. The individuals

and their Biradaries were empowered. From Khushab, in Punjab Assembly elections,

Awan, Baloch and Tiwana Biradaries won 1 seat each. It was the re-entry of Tiwana

167

Biradari in list of elected politicians. Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir and Muhammad

Naeem Khan Awan were elected as Member National Assembly. In 1988, Malik

Naeem Khan Awan joined IJI and defeated Malik Sultan Awan of PPP. Malik Khuda

Bakhsh Tiwana won election as independent, defeating Nasim Ahmed Aahir who

changed side and joined IJI. In 1990 elections, Malik Naeem Khan Awan again

emerged successful on IJI ticket. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana joined IJI as well and

won his seat.

Table 28: Biradari Position in 1985 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election

Year

Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1985 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Baloch

Tiwana

1

1

1

Awan

Gunjial

Baloch

1

1

1

All winers and Runner-ups were independents and without declared party affiliation

The 1988 was another beginning of civil rule in Pakistan. General Zia was

killed in air crash on August 17, 1988. He had already dissolved Junejo Cabinet and

1985 parliament, levelling allegations of corruption and abuse of power. The 1988

elections produced a hung parliament and an unstable, uneasy and coalition

government. In 1988 elections, Khushab witressed once again the strong grip of the

Biradari phenomenon over electoral politics. The Awan Biradari won 1 seat out of 3

with Tiwana and Arian Biradaries one seat each. In the runner-ups, to Baloch

candidates and one Awan emerged.

Table 29: Biradari Position in 1988 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1988 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Tiwana

Arain

1

1

1

Awan

Baloch

Baloch

1

1

1

Party affiliations not specified.

168

In 1990 elections, again Tiwana Biradari won 2 seats for provincial assembly

from Khushab and one seat was won by Awan Biradari. One Awan and two Baloch

were in the runner-ups.

Table 30: Biradari Position in 1990 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1990 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Tiwana

Tiwana

1

1

1

Awan

Baloch

Baloch

1

1

1

In 1993, Malik Naeem Khan Awan from the PML (N) ticket won his seat in

National Assembly. The Islami Jamhoori Ittihad (IJI) was broken up and PML (N)

contested elections as a single challenger to PPP. Sardar Shuja Khan Baloch was the

first appearance as elected member of National Assembly in 1993 elections. He was

also a PML (N) candidate.

In 1993, Tiwana Biradari was defeated on its Punjab Assembly seat while

Awan, Khokhar and Arian won 1 seat each.

Table 31: Biradari Position in 1993 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1993 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Khokhar

Arain

1

1

1

Awan

Tiwana

Aahir

1

1

1

In 1997, the members for the National Assembly from Khushab were Malik

Umer Aslam Awan and Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch, both on PML (N) tickets. In

1997 provincial elections, Awan retained their one seat but Khokhar and Arian lost

their seats to Utra and Pathan Biradaries. In the runner-ups, in Khushab were Awan,

Tiwna and Naich Biradaries.

169

Table 32: Biradari Position in 1997 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

1997 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Utra

Pathan

1

1

1

Awan

Tiwana

Naich

1

1

1

General Musharraf held elections in 2002 and 2008. Musharraf era was very

supportive to Biradari politics and a disaster for the political parties. A PILDAT

Survey on 2002 general elections reveals that Biradari influence worked deeply in

election results. The voting behavior in Punjab suggests that 23.8 percent of the voters

cast their vote to the candidate belonging to their tribe, caste or Biradari. The

candidate of the Biradari and the political affiliation combined and got 55.36 percent

of polled votes. Thus the prospect of the Biradari candidate with certain political

party won almost double votes as compared to only Biradari candidate. It is important

that 37.8% voters had the opinion that their problems and basic service delivery in

Punjab. It is also impotant that 38 percent voters vote for the same candidate in every

election regardless of their record of services to the voting community.

From Khushab, Awan Biradari won two seats from the PML (Q) tickets. The

Awan Biradari was again going with the wind. Gunjial and Kallu Biradaries won also

one seat each for the Punjab Assembly. Awan, Bandial, Tiwana and Baloch

candidates were among runner-ups. Sumera Malik Awan won elections in 2002 and

2008 on PML (N) tickets. On the other seat, Malik Saifulah Tiwana won as an

independent. Malik Shakir Bashir Awan won on the other seat in 2008, defeating

Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana.

170

Table 33: Biradari Position in 2002 Provincial Elections (Khushab)

Election

Year

Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

2002 Punjab

Assembly

Awan

Gunjial

Awan

Kallu

1

1

1

1

Awan

Bandial

Tiwana

Baloch

1

1

1

1

Winners: Awan (PML(Q)

Gunjial independant

Kallu Independent

In 2008 elections, 2 Awan, 1 Bandial and 1 Kallu candidates won their

provincial elections with Awan, Tiwana, Gunjial and Syed were in the runner-ups.

Table 34: Biradari Position in 2008 Provincial Elections Khushab

Election Year Elected Body Biradari Winners Biradari Runner-ups

2008 Punjab Assembly Awan

Bandial

Awan

Kallu

1

1

1

1

Awan

Gunjial

Tiwana

Qureshi

1

1

1

1

Winners: All independents

Looking back at the history of Biradari in electoral politics for power since

1982 to 2008, the number of elected members for 15 seats of National Assembly from

Awan Biradari were 9, Tiwana were 3, Baloch were 2 and Aahir 1. Runner ups were

also from major Biradaries. They were 8 Awan, 2 Tiwana, 1 Baloch, 1 Aahir and 1

Qureshi. The Biradaries got control over the provincial electoral politics as well. 9

Awan, 4 Tiwana, 2 Arain, 1 Khokhar, 1 Utra, 1 Pathan, 1 Gunjial, 1 Kallu and 1

Baloch won the seats out of 21 contested seats for provincial assembly.

171

If we look at the total winners and Runner ups in five National Assembly elections

during 1982 to 2008 three major Biradaries, Awan, Tiwana and Baloch were

dominating then political system in the district. Out of these three Biradaries Awan

was at the top with 60% power positions.

Table 35: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections

Biradaries Winners in

NA

Runner Ups in

National

Assembly

Total

Awan 9 9 18

Tiwana 3 3 6

Baloch 2 1 3

Qureshi 1 1 2

Aahir 0 1 1

Total 15 15 30

Graph 7: Winners and Runner Ups in National Assembly Elections

Awan 60%

Tiwana 20%

Baloch 10%

Qureshi 7%

Aahir 3%

172

Table 36: Number of Winners/Runner Ups in Provincial Assembly Elections

Biradaries Winners in

NA

Runner Ups in

National

Assembly

Total

Awan 9 9 18

Tiwana 3 3 6

Baloch 2 1 3

Qureshi 1 1 2

Aahir 0 1 1

Total 15 15 30

Graph 8: Winners and Runner Up of Biradaris in Provincial Assembly Elections

There is diversity in the Biradaries at provincial level elections. The number

of power holding Biradaries has increased but the domination of three maor

Biradaries which were dominating in the elections at national levels was

unquestionable. Awan, Tiwana and Baloch Biradaries were dominating the elections

at provincial level. The collective ratio of three Biradaries in victors or second vote

holders in provincial elections (71 percent = Awan 38% + Tiwana 19% + Baloch 14

%) is obvious greater than total sum of all other Biradaries.

Awan 38%

Tiwana 19%

Baloch 14%

Qureshi 3%

Aahir 3%

Arain 5%

Khokhar 3%

Utra 2%

Pathan 2%

Ganjial 5%

Kallu 2%

Bandial 2%

Naich 2%

173

Graph 9: Biradaris’ Seats in National and Provincial Assemblies

The results of these elections show the following trends:

Biradari politics is not specific with any political party, trend or ideology.

Each of the Biradaries in Khushab, as may be the case elsewhere, evaluates the

circumstantial needs for contesting elections, so they choose their platform with ease

or otherwise fight as independents;

Biradari leaders with political affiliations seldom embark upon new journeys

with uncalculated risks;

Biradari voting behavior compels the political parties to award tickets to

Biradari influentials considering them potential winners, so the political philosophy

gets secondary or ever tertiary position in selection of candidates by the parties.

Political alliances among Biradaries cause great hurdle in the way of party leaders as

two Biradari might bargain on the provincial seats for the one and the national seats

for the other.

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

Winners in NA

Winners in Provincial Assembly

Runner Ups in National Assembly

Runners Up in Provincial Assembly

174

Running-up in elections is also a constant and on-going phenomenon as the Khushab

election results show that first and second position always went to the Biradari

candidates on the seats they contested.

There are many more power mongers who act as brokerage units including the

strong influences of Biradari affiliations, interest groups of social as well as capital

orientations and the power sharing procedures. Local orientation of needs and

delivery of such needs hinder the way to a more harmonious journey to democracy.

Influences, aspirations and predispositions all count but encircling them without a

clear and unambiguous role-playing as a representative needs more and exclusive

public support. When one represents only one institution, for instance, Biradari or

ethnicity, he or she may fall prey to the temptation of personal agenda.

5.3 Affiliation of Biradaries and Political Parties

The political affiliations, alliances or support for political parties also present

an interesting pattern. Aahir Biradari contested elections independently on one seat

while opted to fight on 2 seats with PPP. Awan were present in every sequence and

affiliation. They fought independently, with IJI, PML (N) and PPP. Baloch also joined

ranks of Peoples Democratic Alliance (PDA) and PML (N). Tiwana sided with IJI and

PML (J) in addition to their independent status.

Reviewing the political affiliations of the Biradaries in Khushab, their

candidates contested elections on party tickets as well as independents. In National

elections, for instance, Aahirs contested from 2 seats as PPP candidates while 1 was

independent. Awan were 20 in total in elections from 1970 to 2008 with 4 on PML

(N), 5 independents, 3 each on IJI and PPP tickets. Baloch were 3 with 2 from PML

(N) and 1 PDA tickets. Tiwana were 6 in total with 4 independents. A detail is given

here in the following table.

175

Table 37: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections Khushab

(1970-2008)

Caste/Political Affiliation No. of Candidates

Aahir 3

IND 1

PPP 2

Awan 20

Council League 1

IJI 3

IND 5

NA 1

National Alliance 1

PML(N) 4

PML(Q) 2

PPP 3

Baloch 3

PDA 1

PML(N) 2

Borrna 1

PPP 1

Gunjial 1

National Alliance 1

Qureshi 2

Council League 1

IND 1

176

Tiwana 6

IJI 1

IND 4

PML(J) 1

Grand Total 36

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Data

Graph 10: Affiliation of Winners and Runners-ups in National Elections

(Shahpur and Sargodha) Khushab (1970-2008)

5.4 Role of Biradari in Khushab Elections

In the provincial elections, Biradaries proved their political strength in each of

the elections held. Awan and Tiwana were well ahead from other Biradaries winning

most of the seats in all elections. Baluch showed up their political share with two seats

in elections in 1985 and 1990. They could have one seat in 2002 and then in 2008. A

Biradari-wise review of the results of elections since 1937 would explain the trends in

power politics with focus on the Biradari power display through those elections.

The Biradaries’ politics of alliances in the elections takes place in the pattern

of needs. The number of people and the resources are two major requirements of

1

2

1

3

5

1 1

4

2

3

1

2

1 1 1 1 1

4

1 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

IND

PP

P

Co

un

cil L

eagu

e IJI

IND

NA

Nat

ion

al A

llian

ce

PM

L(N

)

PM

L(Q

)

PP

P

PD

A

PM

L(N

)

PP

P

Nat

ion

al A

llian

ce

Co

un

cil L

eagu

e

IND

IJI

IND

PM

L(J)

Aahir Awan Baloch Borrna Gunjial Qureshi Tiwana

177

victory in the elections. In this respect three types of Biradaries are called major

Biradaries. One of these three Biradaries bears abundance of land. The second type

of these is more exceeds others in respect of number. Third type of Biradaries bears

abundance of land or resources as well as majority of the people in their fold. These

major Biradaries make alliances with each other and manage victory in the elections.

The alliances among these major Biradaries are established through kinship

network. The chiefs of large groups of voters make their dhara (groups) and make

alliances on the basis of kinship with those who are well off and possess big lands.

Kinship makes it easy for them to be affiliated with each other in the way that

contacts are easily established and it is not hard to convey and share the feelings of

each other. The honour of family elders becomes the cause of common prestige.

Every voter is easily attached to the group for the sake of honour of the elders as well

as the Biradari.

Let’s review and analyze the role of major Biradaries with special reference to

their political power in the district Khushab.

5.4.1 Awan Biradari

The Awan Biradari is the leading Khushab Biradari. The leaders of this

Biradari were insignificant in political arena of Khushab from 1937 to 1970. That was

a long period in insignificance in the national politics. Yet they remained in lime

lights just after independence in the provincial scenes. In 1951 and 1956 respectively

they won one seat in each elections while remained runner-up on the same number

since 1970 to 1977, they took part both on the provincial as well as national levels.

Following table shows the successful and runner-up candidates of Awan family till

2008.

Table 38: Awan Biradari’s Share in Provincial and National Elections

Awan Provincial Elections National Elections

Election

Years

Seats

contested

Winners Runners

Ups

Seats contested Winners Runner Ups

1937 , 1946 - - - - - -

1951 1 1 1 - - -

178

1956 1 1 1 - - -

1962 1 1 1 - - -

1965 2 2 1 - - -

1970 3 2 1 1 1 0

1977 3 3 0 2 1 1

1985 2 1 1 2 1 1

1988 2 1 1 3 1 2

1990 2 1 1 2 1 1

1993 2 1 1 2 1 1

1997 2 1 1 2 1 1

2002 3 2 1 3 1 2

2008 3 2 1 3 2 1

Total 30 21 8 24 12 11

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

In provincial elections Awan contested on 29 seats. They emerged successful

on 21 provincial seats and on 8 seats they stood as runner-ups. In National Assembly,

they got 12 seats and 5 of their candidates lost elections as runner-ups. These figures

were greater than the number of candidates of any other Biradari. Their overall

performance is given in the following table.

Table 39: Awan Biradari Electoral Performance

Natures of Candidature - AWAN Provincial

1937 – 2013

National

1962 – 2013

Total

Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 30 17 47

Winners (only) 21 12 33

Runner ups (only) 8 5 13

Total 29 17 46

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

179

These results show the dominance of Awan Biradari in the district politics of

Khushab. A one sided view may deduce that the people cannot decide their future

away from the monopoly of any particular Biradari or clan. A more balanced and

pragmatic approach may be altogether different from this one. There may or may not

a strong following on political as well as social terms, despite the economic constrains

hold significance that lead or pursued people to have a certain voting behavior in

favour of or against some specific Biradari.

It also happens that voting behaviours are influenced through a more personal

lens without any logical reasoning or mounting pressures to make voting decisions.

Yet another shade of opinion may be there. An urban viewer or even an analyst may

weigh the Biradari systems as a source or symbol of some particular identity with not

so preferable textures or flavours, yet such a symbolism stands significant in the life

and death matters for the followers of that particular Biradari. So it may be an unjust

way to denote bad omens to such symbols.

Looking at the history of the Awan of Khushab, all the factors and reasons

mentioned above hold credibility. The continuity is of significance. The

representation is continuous with some change. A Biradari for any Awan in Khushab

may be as sacred as for a Baluch or a Tiwana.

This so happens as well that the fame or reputation of someone may be an

issue of liking. Such a candidate may not be considered a very noble person as his or

her personality is concerned, yet voters would make rows and line up to vote for that

person on pure Biradari basis. So is the case with Awan in the Khushab district.

The local government elections of 2005 were contested mainly on the basis of the

Biradari. The alliances emerged on the grounds of Biradari. Two major political

alliances emerged on Biradari basis. In these alliances major and minor Biradaries

tied themselves to contest the major event of elections. First one was the Awan

alliance comprised of former federal minister Malik Naeem Khan Awan and the Chief

of Tanzeem-Al-Awan Malik Bashir Awan. The group was supported by Shuja Baluch

from the Baluch Biradari. Second alliance was that of Tiwana – Sumera alliance

comprised of former provincial minister Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana and State

Minister Ms. Sumera Malik and supported by Gunjial and Bandial Biradaries.

Analyses, before the holding of elections, declared no one favourite to sweep the vote.

180

Awan won 4 seats in the district council. In final episode, Malik Muzaffar Ahmad

Bandial turned up as Chairman while Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice

Chairman.

5.4.2 Tiwana Biradari

The Tiwana Biradari took part in provincial elections from 1937 to 2008 with

exceptions of 1962 and 1965. They fielded 21 provincial candidates of which 14 were

elected as members and others as runner ups. In the elections of National Assembly

they contested 7 seats and won 3 of those while they were runner up on 4 seats.

Table 40: Tiwana Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Tiwana Provincial Elections National Elections

Election

Years

Seats

contested

Winners Runners Ups Seats

Contested

Winners Runner

Ups

1937 ,1946 3 , 3 3 , 2 - - - -

1951 , 1956 2 , 2 2 , 2 - - - -

1962 , 1965 - - - 1 , 0 0 , 0 1, 0

1970 ,77 1 , 1 1 ,1 - 0 , 0 0 , 0 0,0

1985 1 1 - 0 0 0

1988,1990,

1993 , 1997

1,2,1,1 1,2,0,0 1,1,1,1 1,1,0,0 0,0,1,1

2002 , 2008 1 ,1 0 ,0 1 1 ,0 0 , 1

Total 21 14 7 3 4

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

Except for 1962 and 1965, Tiwana Biradari held its presence in the National

Elections from the region being studied throughout from 1937 to 2013. They won 3

seats in pre-independence period, 2 seats in post-independence period till 1956.

Biradari significance is obviously was in favour of Awan who held 30 seats since

1937 to 2013 with the membership ladder increased from 1 to 3 seats. Tiwana

181

followed with 21, Baluch, Bandial and Gunjial 4 each while Joyias 3 in a totally of 87

seats in total of all Biradaries during and through all elections.

A persistent decline yet persistent presence is seen in the graph of Tiwana

Biradari. In 1937 and 1946 provincial elections, that Biradari won 3 seats in each, 2

seats in next two elections and then continuous one seat in all election till 2013 with

the exception of 2 seats in 1993 elections when the turnout was a record low than

other elections.

Tiwana Biradari has a history of political supremacy in the Shahpur and then

the Khushab. This Biradari has been truly challenged in the post-independence era by

the Awan birdari. This Biradari is scattered over the most of the plains of Khushab.

Tiwans’s rival and other Biradaries have their origin and presence in different valley

of the region. During the lifetime of Pir Nowbahar Shah was the center of political

activity in the soon valley. Malik Shahnawaz was centered in Khabaki while Malik

Hayat in Jabba during colonial regime.

Tiwana Biradari has enjoyed top slots both in Sargodha as well as Khushab,

Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was Chairman of Sargodha district before Khushab

became a district. He was elected as the first Chairman of district Khushab. He served

as Punjab Provincial Minister and then elected MNA. His younger brother Malik

Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana was Zila Nazim of Khushab. He defeated Shakir Bashir

Awan and Shuja Khan. He was elected MNA and MPA from Khushab. Tiwana

Biradari has also been famous as the Awami group in the power politics. This

Biradari enjoys a strong allegiance in the district unlike other political groups and

Biradaries. The edge of this Biradari has over other groups and Biradaries has been

discussed earlier. Awan remained confined to Padhrar in the soon valley.

5.4.3 Baluch Biradari

Baluch Biradari remained insignificantly in elections till 1977. They firstly

contested elections on non-party basis with quite hesitant moods. They took part in

provincial elections and won 1 seat out of 2 candidates contested. They could win no

seat on provincial level since 1988 through to 1997, four elections in a row-they could

win one seat of the National Assembly in 1993 and 1997 respectively. They won 1

seat of Punjab Assembly in 2013 with no seat in the National Assembly.

182

Table 41: Baluch Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Baluch Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Years Winners /

Runner

ups

Winners Runners

Ups

Winners /

Runner

ups

Winners Runner

Ups

1937 ,1946 - - - - - -

1951 , 1956 - - - - - -

1962 ,1965 - - - - - -

1970 , 77 - - - - - -

1985 2 1 - - - -

1988,1990,1993

1997

2,2, 0,0 - - 0,1,1,1 0,0,1,1 1

2002 – 2008 1,0 - - 0-0 0,0 -

Total 8 1 7 4 2 2

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

Baluch Biradari fielded provincial elections since 1937-2013 of which only 1

was winner while 7 were runner ups. In National Assembly, they field 4 candidates as

winners and runner-ups of 4, only 2 were elected and other 2 were runner ups. In

total, they fielded 12 candidates of them 3 were winners and 3 were runner-ups.

Table 42: Baluch Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature –

BALUCH

Provincial

1937 – 2013

National

1962 – 2013

Total

Winners / Runner Ups (Both) 8 4 12

Winners (only) 1 2 3

Runner ups (only) 7 2 3

Total 16 8 18

Source: Extracted from Election Commission of Pakistan Datawww.ecp.gov.pk

183

5.4.4 Bandial Biradari

Table 43: Bandial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Electio

n Year

Winners/Runn

er ups

Winner

s

Runne

r ups

Electio

n Year

Winners/Runn

er ups

Winner

s

Runner

ups

1937-

1946

1937-

1946

-

-

-

-

-

-

1951-

1956

1951-

1956

-

-

-

-

-

-

1962-

1965

1962-

1965

-

-

-

-

-

-

1970-

1977

1 - 1 - 1970-

1977

-

-

-

-

-

-

1985 1985 - - -

1988-

1993

1988-

1993

-

-

-

-

-

-

2002-

2008

1 -

1 -

-

1

-

-

2002-

2008

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bandial Biradari could win only 3 seats in Punjab Assembly in 1970, 2002,

2008 and 2013 elections. Bandial Biradari remained low in electoral performance.

They could not win a single seat in National Assembly. There was no Bandial Nazim

in 2002 or 2005 local government elections. Malik Muzaffar Ahmad Khan Bandial

the Chairman District Council Khushab, elected in 1983 local bodies elections.

184

Table 44: Bandial Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Bandial Provincial

1937-2013

National

1962-2013

Total

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 4

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) - - -

Total 7 - 7

5.4.5 Gunjial Biradari

Table 45: Gunjial Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Election Year Winners

/Runner

ups

Winner

s

Runner

ups

Election

Year

Winner

s/Runn

er ups

Winner

s

Runne

r ups

1937-1946 - - - 1937-1946 - - -

1951- 1956 - - - 1951- 1956 - - -

1962- 1965 1962- 1965 - - -

1970- 1977 - 1 - 1 1970- 1977 1 1

1985 - - - 1985 - - -

1988- 1993 - - - 1988- 1993 - - -

2002- 2008 1 1

1

1

-

2002- 2008 - - -

Gunjial Biradari appeared in electoral politics in 1970 but could not won

provincial seat. Biradari won nothing in National Assembly elections in 1977. Only 3

seats in provincial assembly of Punjab in 2002, 2008 and 2013 were won by the

185

Biradari, one seat in these elections respectively. Overall Biradari position is given in

the following table.

Table 46: Gunjial Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial

1937-2013

National

1962-2013

Total

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 4 1 5

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) 1 1 2

Total (Winners) 3 - 3

5.4.6 Joyia Biradari

Table 47: Joyia Biradari Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Election

Year

Winners/Runn

er ups

Winner

s

Runner

ups

Electio

n Year

Winners/Runne

r ups

Winner

s

Runne

r ups

1937-

1946

- -

- -

-

-

-

-

1937-

1946

-

-

-

-

-

-

1951-

1956

- -

- -

-

-

-

-

1951-

1956

-

-

-

-

-

-

1962-

1965

- -

- -

-

-

-

-

1962-

1965

-

-

-

-

-

-

1970-

1977

- - - - 1970-

1977

-

-

-

-

-

-

1985 - - - 1985 - - -

1988-

1993

- -

- -

-

-

-

-

1988-

1993

-

-

-

-

-

-

186

2002-

2008

1 -

1 -

1

1

-

-

2002-

2008

-

-

-

-

-

-

Joyia Biradari entered in provincial politics in 2002 and won one seat in each

election of 2002, 2008 and 2013. No National Assembly seat was won by Joyia

Biradari. Biradari could not muster up enough support from electorate in National

Assembly elections. Joyia Biradari`s overall performance in given in the following

table.

Table 48: Joyia Biradari Electoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial

1937-2013

National

1962-2013

Total

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 3 - 3

Winners (Only) 3 - 3

Runner-ups (only) - - -

Total (Winners) 6 - 6

5.4.7 Other Biradaries

Table 49: Other Biradaries Share in Provincial and National Elections

Provincial Elections National Elections

Electio

n Year

Winners/Runn

er ups

Winner

s

Runner

ups

Election

Year

Winners/

Runner ups

Winner

s

Runne

r ups

1937-

1946

3 -

4 -

3

2

-

-

1937-

1946

-

-

-

-

-

-

1951-

1956

- -

- -

-

-

-

-

1951-

1956

-

-

-

-

-

-

1962- 1 - - - 1962- 1 - 1 -

187

1965 - - - - 1965 - - - -

1970-

1977

1 - - 1 1970-

1977

- 2

- -

1

-

1

-

1985 1 1 1985 - 1 - 1

1988-

1993-

97

6- 5

- -

-

-

-

-

1988-

1993

-

-

-

-

-

-

2002-

2008

1 -

1 -

-

-

-

-

2002-

2008

-

-

-

-

-

-

There have been Biradaries other than Awan, Tiwana, Baluch, Bandia,

Gunjial and Joyia. These Biradaries collectively won more seats than Bandial,

Gunjial and Joyhia Biradaries since 1937 to 2013 in Punjab electoral politics and

since 1962 to 2013 in National Assembly elections. These Biradaries won 10 seats in

the province, 2 in the centre with the runner-ups in Punjab and 2 in the centre. An

overall performance of these (other) Biradaries is given in the following table. These

others are Aahir, Borala, Qureshi etc.

Table 50: Other BiradariesElectoral Performance

Nature of Candidature Provincial

1937-2013

National

1962-2013

Total

Winners-runner-ups (Both) 19 4 23

Winners (Only) 10 2 12

Runner-ups (only) 2 2 4

Total (Winners) 31 8 39

5.5 Local Government Elections and Biradari in Khushab

Local representatives are the immediate leaders in any community. Local

governance is the answer to problems people face in daily business and social

188

relations. The direct contacts with common people through this system make it

feasible for service delivery, local development programmes and resolution of social

conflicts. Local governance has been a continuous focus of the policy makers,

politicians, bureaucrats and the masses.

Local government system in Punjab can be seen in two segments of legislation

introduced and exercise of the laws, rules and regulations introduced and enforced

before independence in 1947. This segment of local governance history opens the

strategies and tactical approaches. These approaches help the student of this system to

understand that such system puts the local government in the hands of elected local

leaders. Undoubtedly, it is true but the bureaucratic character of such systems holds

the balance in favour of the state. Acts of law are passed by the elected representatives

but enforced, interpreted and exercised by bureaucrats.

In local governance system a paradigm shift came when in 2000. The

Decentralization of Powers Act was enforced by the regime of General Pervaiz

Musharraf. In Punjab Local Government Ordinance, 2001, the system was evolved to

curb and curtail the bureaucratic structure under the banner of the unity of command.

The shift was perceived to put powers in the hands of the local representatives but it

was clearing aimed at the attaining benefits in political and administrative domains for

the military regime. The system was unique in the larger interest of the masses as

well. The structure and function of the local government at the district level were

designed with essentially eliminating the rural-urban divide in governance. The

revenue procedures were also made a new to empower the district administration

under the command of the District Nazim. So the whole saga of devolution of powers

to the local governments was put in place.

In the rural areas, the 1979 system was two tiers. These two tiers were Union

Council and Zila Council. It was one tier in urban areas. It was either Town

Committee or Municipal Corporation. The 2001 Local Government System changed

this composition as well as its character. In it, the Union Council was the basic unit.

The system was comprised of Union, Tehsil, Town, District and City District

Governments. At these levels, the relative bureaucratic apparatus was held answerable

to these elected bodies. It was claimed that the system had made the ownership of the

people in governance. It was also aimed at eliminating the urban and rural

189

classification in governance. The basic objective of that system was declared in the

Ordinance 2001 to manage the unplanned and unchecked growth of urban areas.

In General Zia’s system of local government, local body elections were held in

1979, 1983 and 1987 and then in 1991. The period from Basic Democracy to Local

Bodies has seen no representative character and run by bureaucracy. In 1975, People’s

Local Government with a system of four tiers of Tehsil, District, Division and

Provincial Development Advisory Councils.

In the Local Government elections held in 2001, despite the government’s

claims that the elections had brought in a new tier of local politicians untainted

through association with Pakistan’s widely discredited political parties, the results of

the elections made it clear that traditionally powerful actors in Pakistan, particularly

the Punjabi landed elite, continued to play a significant role in the political process.346

5.5.1 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1982

Table 51: Local Bodies Election 1982 District Council Khushab

S.No. Name Designation Caste

1 Malik Khuda Bukhsh Tiwana Chairman Tiwana

2 Haji Afzal Golay Khail

Vice

Chairman

Golay

Khail/Pathan

3 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch

4 Khan Muhammad Khan Baloch Member Baloch

5 Malik Alam Sher Bandial Member Bandial

6 Afzal Baghor Member Baghoor

7 Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Member Awan

8 Muhammad Razaq Member ---

9 Raza Muhammad Hayat Member ---

10 Ghulam Yaseen Member ---

346

Hassan Javid, “Class, Power, and Patronage: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab,”

PhD Thesis, Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, 2012, 4

190

11 Haq Nawaz Member ---

12 Malik Muzafar Khan Member Awan

13 Haji Khan Muhammad Baloch Member Baloch

14 Chudri Sadique Maseh Member Masih

Source: (Register 1981) Zila Council Khushab

This table shows that yesterday’s local level councilors are now the political

stalwarts of their Biradaries and regions. Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana was elected

Chairman of the Khushab District Council in 1982. Sardar Shuja Muhammad Khan

Baluch, Malik Mukhtar Awan and others entered provincial as well as National

Politics and appointed as Federal and Provincial Ministers in their party rule after the

demise of General Zia-ul-Haq. There were 3 Baluch councilors and 2 Awan

councilors District Council Khushab in 1982. Tiwana, Bandial and Baghoor took one

seat each in the council.

Khushab tehsil was upgraded to the District by military government on July

01, 1982. District management in districts of Pakistan, as in Punjab, has been

convergent towards the headquarters. Any district headquarters, mostly an urban

region, receives and redirect resources, development projects and uplift schemes

towards itself. The adjacent areas, tehsils and others remain on the periphery of

development. That trend leaves tehsils underdeveloped. Political leaders from the

areas away from the District headquarters, try their best to have their areas uplifted

and upgraded. Khushab was a tehsil of Sargodha district. It was an agreed stance of

political parties, Biradaries and other social groups that Khushab deserved to be made

a district on July 01, 1982, Khushab was declared a district. District Khushab was

comprised of 35 Union Councils, 6 Marksz Councils, 5 Town Committees, 1

Municipal Committee and 1 Zila Council. Union Council was the basic unit in the

administration. Each Union Council was consisted of 8 to 12 rural areas or villages.

The population of a Union Council was 10,000 to 15,000 persons.

Town Committee was the next tier of the system with a population not more

than 30,000 persons with all elected members in it. The number of elected members

ranged from 9 to 15 according to the population. Then came the Municipal Committee

of the region haring population above 30,000 persons. Members of the Committee

191

would be 15 to 35 as the population increases. Under 100,000 persons, the number of

elected member was set at 15, while exceeding 500,000, the number was 35 Zila

Council was the next tier of the system with an elected Chairman and an elected Vice

Chairman by the members of the Zila Council.

District Khushab was consisted of 35 members initially in 1983. The local

institutions of Khushab were Zila Council, Municipal Commuttee Khushab, 5 Town

Committees in Jauharabad, Madali, Mitha, Towana, Noor Pur Thal and Naushera.

5.5.2 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1983

In 1983, the Khushab Districty council, showed a healthy presence of the

Biradaries in local bodies’ elections, held under Martial Law of General Zia ul Haq.

The following table reveals the hold of Biradaries. Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial

was the Chairman, Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan Vice Chairman with a mix of

Biradaries having Awan more than any other caste.

Table 52:Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)

Sr# Name Designation Caste

(i) Malik Muzafar Ahmad Bandial Chairman Bandial

(ii) Malik Muhammad Aklber Awan Vice Chairman Awan

(i) Syed Ghulam ud Din Shah Member Syed

(ii) Malik Muhammad Hayat Utra Member Uttra

(iii) Malik Sher Muhammad Awan Member Awan

(iv) Qazi Noor Muhammad Member Awan

(v) Malik Muhammad Bakhsh Joya Member Joyia

(vi) Malik Nazir Khan Rajar Member Rajar

(vii) Malik Muzafar Khan of Nali Member Awan

(viii) Malik Muzafar Khan Baghoor Member Baghoor

(ix) Mushtaq Bhatti Member Baloch

(x) Muhammad Saeed Member Saggu

192

(xi) Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Member Tiwana

(xii) Mushtaq Maseh Member Masih

(xiii) Lady Norai Bibi Member Baloch

(xiv) Fateh Bibi Member Arian

Source: Official Record of Zila Council Khushab

In 1983 elections for Khushab district, Bandial Biradari took the slot of the

Chairman with Awan as the Vice chairman. In the District Council, Biradari

representation is shown in the list. Awan occupied the major share with 4 members

including Malik Muhammad Akbar Awan as Vice Chairman, Baluch were 2 an1

Arian, Baghoor, Bandial, Rajar, Saggu, Syed, Tiwana and others one seat each in

1983 district council. The Biradari frequency is shown by a graph of District Council

Khushab, 1983.

Graph 11: Biradari Status in Khushab District Council (1983)

5.5.3 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1987

The 1987 was another episode that enhanced the role of Biradaries in local

politics in Khushab. The District Council had the same constituent Union Councils

that were comprising the elected house in 1983. It is significant to note that held on

Arian 7%

Awan 25%

Baghoor 7%

Baloch 13%

Bandial 6%

Joyia 6%

Masih 6%

Rajar 6%

Saggu 6%

Syed 6%

Tiwana 6%

Uttra 6%

193

no-party basis. Biradari and local grouping were on the serge. Political parties were

dormant and kept away from these polls. But this claim might be an exaggeration that

political underpinning was nowhere. The truth remains such that three no-party

elections were a boost for localization, regionalism and of course, Biradariesm.

In Khushab, these main groups took part in 1987 local bodies elections. These

groups were Naeem Khan Group, Tiwana Group and the Baluch Group. It can be

conceived that these three lines in polls were the traditional ones. Results favoured

Tiwana Group and Malik Ghulam Muhammad Tiwana as elected as Chairman of Zila

Council members, there were Tiwana, Awan, Baluch but that was not the end of

Biradari presence in the council. Rajar, Utra, Aghral, Virak, Naich, Joyia, Kalasi,

Baghoor, Syed and others were elected as Zila Council members.

5.5.4 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1992

The 1992 local body elections were first polls that were held under

democratically elected government. The other and salient feature was that 1992 polls

were party based. Political parties alone and in alliances took part in these elections.

In alliances were Islamic Jamhoori Itthad (IJI) and Muttahida Mahaz or the United

Front. In the polling scheme, Khushab was divided into 23 ward constituencies. The

results were presenting IJI successful on 20 seats and the United Front got only 3

seats.

The 1992 elections posed a challenge of credibility to the MNAs and MPAs

from Khushab. Anyone of them was active to win back the basic constituencies under

their national or provincial constituency Tiwana group, Awan group and Baluch group

took part in the District Council elections. Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana was elected as

District Chairman and Malik Hayat Awan elected as Vice Chairman of the Khushab

council. In the member lists were Utra, Bandial, Niazi, Sangha, Baluch, Syed, Kalasi,

Joyia, Saggu, Baghoor with Awan, Tiwana and Baluch Biradaries.

The 1992 elections proved to be the last elections held under 1979 local bodies

system. From 1993 to 1998, no local bodies could take shape and bureaucracy called

the shots. The 1999 military take over further put a road block in the way towards

local representation but for a short while.

194

5.5.5 Local Government Elections in Khushab 1998

In 1998, local body elections were held under Nawaz Sharif government.

Biradari was on the move. The number of union councils was raise4d to 43. The

Khushab district was comprised of 43 union councils, 6 Markaz councils, 5 Town

Committees, 2 Municipal Committees and 1 Zila council. In these elections, the

alliance of Tiwana, Gunjial and Awan Biradaries was active and effective. Muslim

League and the Awami group gained 19 seats each. Among independents were 5

members elected. The slot of the Chairman of Khushab District Council was won by

an Awan. He was Malik Ameer Mukhtar Saugha, a sub-caste of Awan. Malik

Muhammad Ameer Utra, Ghulam Muhammad Shabazi and Muhammad Bakhsh Joyia

were elected vice Chairman.

5.5.6 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2002

The 2000 was the year that marked another come back of local bodies. That

time the bodies were replaced by governments. The chairman and vice chairman were

removed by Nazim and Naib Nazim. The Nazim was the head of the district

government with all district bureaucracy under the command of Nazim. Some

analysts pointed out the similarity to the military structure that worked under unity of

command. Nazim was the symbol of this command in the district government.

In 2002 elections for the local government under the Musharraf Devolution Plan

2000, the Biradaries that participated in the process were 10 in number with the

following characteristics:

Awan Biradari was clearly dominant in 14 union councils of Khushab District

while Tiwana Biradari held overwhelming support in only 2 councils;

Syed, Joyia, Bandia, Gunjial, Rajput, Baghoor, Jusra and Sheikh Biradaries held one

union council each;

Awan allied with Syed in UC 7, Raja in UC 10, Mayo in UC 13, Arian in UC

21, Chidhar in UCV 24, Tiwana in UC 30 and with Baluch Biradari in UC 40.

Tiwana Biradari held majority in UC 16 with support of Kalyar, Syed in UC 27 and

with Gujjar in UC 32.

195

Tiwana Biradari won three union councils through alliance with Kalyar

Biradari in UC 16, with Syed in UC 27 and Gujjar in UC 32. Kalyar and Gujjar

Biradaries could not win in any union council.

Mayo, Arian, Chidhar, Kalyar and Gujjar Biradaries could nhot get enough

votes to stand victorious or running-up in local elections.

Table given in the following gives a bird’s eye view of the position of

Biradaries in district council, elected on union council seats:

Table 53: Awan Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab

Awan Won 14 UCs (1,2,3,4,5,6,8,12,14,18,25,33,35)

Tiwana Won 2 UCs (15, 31)

Syed (1) Joyia (1) Bandial (1) Gunjial (1)

UC 17 UC 29 UC 36 UC 38

Rajput (1) Baghoor (1) Jasra (1) Sheikh (1)

UC 41 UC 43 UC 50 UC 22

A closer look at the data of the election results in Khushab district shows the

pattern in favour of Biradari monopoly at local, provincial and national levels. It is

obvious, for instance, that in local government elections, held under the

decentralization and devolution of powers plan, Biradaries held the majority. In 2002

elections, 57 successful candidates were those representing various Biradaries on 97

general seats and in 2005, the number were 52 out of 100. In total 197 seats in both

elections, non-Biradari members were 88 while the only Awan were 70 in the rest of

109 members representing Biradaries in Khushab. The seats of Nazims in Khushab

Union Councils won by Biradari candidates were 37 both in 2002 and 2005 elections.

It means in total 100 Nazims of both elections, 64 were Biradari representatives.

Among them 37 Nazims belonged to Awan. The Naib Nazims were 46 in 97elected. It

shows that Biradaries opted to have alliances with other Biradaries and non-Biradari

candidates according to the ground realities.

196

5.5.7 Local Government Elections in Khushab 2005

In 2005 elections for the local government of Khushab, Awan Biradari again

emerged the largest Biradaries of electables in 12 union councils with Nazim and

Naib Nazim positions. In these councils, Biradari won all 4 general councilor seats in

UC 1 to 4, then 5, 7, 11, 14 and 34. On other general councilor seats, Awan Biradari

made adjustments or the other Biradaries won. In all these seats of general councilors,

Awan were 41 out of 48, 2 Syeds, 1 Kasab, 1 Rajput, 1 ansari, 1 Chachar and 1 Baluch

succeeded. On Kisan seats, a were Awan out of 12, 1 Banfinda, 1 Mochi and 1

Seeyah. In labour councilors, Awan were 7 while Hajam, Dhadur, Ansari and Tarkhan

won one seat each was gone to Khibki, qurehis, Tarkan, and Mughal Biradaries.

Awan made adjustments with other Biradaries mostly on women seats, either

Lady Labour or Kisan or even the general seats. In each union council, 2 seats were

reserved seats, Awan woman candidates were compromised with other Biradaries.

Awan won 7 out of 24 seats in 12 union councils of their great majority, 2 gone to

Dhadhur while 1 each to Sheikh, Hajam, Qureshi, Mochi, Chaudhry, Kasab, Kumhar,

Syed, Theem and Mughal Biradaries. Following table gives the detail of these 12

union councils of Awan majority.

Table 54: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan Majority Union Councils

UC

No.

Nazim

and Naib

Nazim

(1+1)

General

Councilors

(4)

Kisan

(1)

Labour

(1)

Lady

Kisan

(1)

Lady G.

Councilors

(2)

Lady

Labour

(1)

Minorit

y

1 Awan 4 Awan Awan Ansari Awan 1Awan

1 Sheikh

Ansari -

2 Awan 4 Awan Bafin

da

Awan Awan 1 Awan

1 Hajam

Mistri -

3 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan 2 Awan Awan -

4 Awan 1 Awan

1 Kasab

1 Rajput

Awan Hajam Awan 2 Awan Awan -

197

1 Ansari

5 Awan 4 Awan Awan Hajam Awan - - -

6 Awan 3 Awan

1 Syed

Awan Dhudhu

r

Khibki 1 Awan

1 Dhudhur

Awan -

7 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Dhudhu

r

1 Dhudhur

1 Qureshi

Hajam -

11 Awan 4 Awan Moch

i

Awan Qureshi Maachi

Chaudhry

Kasab

12 Awan 1 Syed

3 Awan

Awan Awan Awan Kasab

Kumhar

Mochi -

14 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan

Swah

Dhadhur -

18 Awan 2 Awan

1 Chachar

1 Bcluch

Seeya

h

Tarkhan Turkha

n

Theem

Syed

Qureshi -

34 Awan 4 Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal

Mochi

Lohar -

Awan Biradari made alliances in 7 union councils. In these councils, Nazims

were Awan and Naib Nazims were Rajay, Bhatti, Rajput, Namdgar, Chudhur, Theem

and Chena Biradari nominees. In these councils, Awan Biradari tried to hold majority

in general councilor seats. That was why the Biradari in 4 union councils (8, 12, 13,

24, 25) won three seats out of 4 for general councilors.On woman general seats (2 in

each union councils) Awan won only 3 seats out of 14 lady general councilors.

Following table represents the position and status of each Biradari in these 7 union

councils.

198

Table 55: Local Government Khushab (2005) Awan in Alliance with other

Biradaries

UC

No.

Nazim

and Naib

Nazim

(1+1)

General

Councilor

s (4)

Kisan

(1)

Labour

(1)

Lady

Kisan

(1)

Lady G.

Councilor

s

(2)

Lady

Labour

(1)

8 Awan

Rajay

3 Awan

1 Rajay

Awan Awan Awan Kumhar

Awan

Awan

10 Awan

Bhatti

2 Awan

1 Syed

1 Janjua

Awan Awan Khokha

r

Bhatti

Janjua

Bhatti

13 Awan

Rajput

3 Awan

1 Syed

Kumha

r

Rajput Kambo Maachi

Rajput

Kambo

22 Awan

Namdgar

1 Jat

1 Baluch

1

Namdgar

Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar

Khawaja

Ansari

24 Awan

Chudhur

3 Awan

1 Rajput

Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan

Rajput

Joyia

25 Awan

Theem

3 Awan

1 Qureshi

Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler

Awan

Khilan

51 Awan

Chena

1 Awan

1 Syed

1 Yahwar

1 Mithar

Arian Gujar Bhatti Rajput

Rahdari

Theem

199

Tiwana Biradari could not win any union council exclusively. Tiwana were

Nazims in 4 union councils (UC No.17, 27, 30 and 40) while Naib Nazims were 4

Awan and one Syed. Even Tiwana Biradaries could not keep majority in general

councilor seats both of male and female. On male general councilor’s 16 seats,

Tiwana were 8, Shami, Shawli, Mochi, Qureshi, Bhatti, Gamgoli and Dhadhur were

one each. On lady general councilor seats Tiwana were 2 out of 7, Hajam, Mughal,

Mochi Kumhar and Arian were one each. Following table shows position of different

Biradaries in these 4 union councils.

Table 56: Tiwana Dominant Union Councils in Elections 2002 – Khushab

UC

No.

Nazim

and Naib

Nazim

(1+1)

General

Councilor

s (4)

Kisan

(1)

Labour

(1)

Lady

Kisan

(1)

Lady G.

Councilor

s

(2)

Lady

Labour

(1)

17 Tiwana

Syed

2 Tiwana

1 Shami

1 Shawli

Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam

Mughal

Sheikh

27 Tiwana

Syed

1 Mochi

1 Qureshi

1 Bhatti

- - - 1 Mochi -

30 Tiwana

Awan

3 Tiwana

1 Gamgoli

Mochi Chaudhr

y

Mochi Tiwana

Kumhar

Noorghi

40 Tiwana

Awan

1 Tiwana

1 Dhadhur

2 Awan

Baluch Awan Tiwana Arian

Tiwana

Arian

200

On other remaining union councils (UC No.9, 16, 19, 26, 29, 35, 38, 39, 41 to

45) the Nazims were Janjua, Wadhal, Rajput, Jutt, Joyia, Syed, Khokhar, Bandia and

Arian. Janjua, Khokhar and Arian were Naib Nazims as well.

These constitutencies show that in most union councils, it is nearly impossible

to contest election exclusively on a single Biradari basis. There are voting pockets of

every Biradari and large Biradaries cannot ignore them while constesting elections.

Alliances, adjustments and compromises are made on most union council seats.

Following tbale tells the actual story of Biradari position in these councils.The study

of electoral politics and results in district Khusahab reveals that major Biradaries

often secured major share of power through elections whether they were at nation,

provincial or local levels. The voting behavior in the district is Biradari centred where

the candidates of major Biradaries baged the seats mostly.

Table 57: Other Biradaries Presence in Union Council Election (2005)

UC

No.

Nazim

and Naib

Nazim

(1+1)

General

Councilor

s (4)

Kisan

(1)

Labour

(1)

Lady

Kisan

(1)

Lady G.

Councilor

s

(2)

Lady

Labour

(1)

9 Janua

(1+1)

Sanadhu

Dhool

Theem

Mochi Jandran - Janjua

Ansari

Awan

16 Wadhal

Kalyar

2 Angra

1 Jaythal

1 Bhood

Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh

Sunbli

Sapra

19 Rajput

Arian

2 Awan

1 Mahil

1 Baluch

Khokha

r

Arian - Burhan

Qazi

-

26 Jutt

Bhatti

4 Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt

Jutt

Rajput

201

29 Joya

Mumk

RAngars

Syed

Chaudhry

Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi

Sheikh

Bhatti

32 Rajput

Tiwana

Rajput

Jutt

Bhatti

Tiwana

Burhan Maghi Jutt Tiwana

Arian

Mughal

35 Syed

Awan

2 Miana

1 Bhatti

1 Awan

Pathan Pathan Jutt Sheikh

-

-

36 Khokhar

(1+1)

2 Bandial

1 Wirk

1 Khega

Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig

Pathan

Bandial

38 Gunjial

Khel

1 Gunjial

2 Khel

1 Arian

Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial

Gunjial

-

39 Arian

(1+1)

1 Awan

1 Lohar

1 Khel

1 Arian

- - - Baluch

-

-

41 Arian

(1+1)

2 Arian

1 Joyia

1 Pathan

Arian Arian Arian Arian

Rajput

Arian

42 Salhal

Rajput

1 Kalyar

1 Dhoon

Khatem

a

Sheikh Sheikh Rajput

Sheikh

Sheikh

202

1 Olukh

1 Chena

43 Baghor

Rajput

2 Baghor

1 Khera

1 Rajput

Rajput Baghar Khatem

a

Qureshi

Rajput

-

44 Rahdari

Jumat

1 Jumat

1 Wadhal

1 Bomb

1 Phalwan

Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar

Rahdari

Rahdari

45 Sagho

Waghra

2 Sagho

1 Chan

1 Waghra

Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho

Waghra

-

Baluch Biradari held voting pockets in different union councils with varying

strengths. Biradari made alliances for the Naib Nazim seats for others and for Baluch

Nazims in UC No. 20, 21, 28, 48 and 49. The Naib Nazims in these councils were

Arian, Sajra, Chauns, Jusra and Joyia. For detail of representation, see the following

table.

Table 58: Local Government Khushab (2005) Baluch Majority Union Councils

UC

No.

Nazim

and Naib

Nazim

(1+1)

General

Councilor

s (4)

Kisan

(1)

Labour

(1)

Lady

Kisan

(1)

Lady G.

Councilor

s

(2)

Lady

Labour

(1)

20 Baluch

Arian

1 Sheikh

1 Jutt

2 Arian

Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh

Arian

Sheikh

21 Baluch 2 Baluch - - Qureshi Syed

203

Sajra Rehmani

1 Khokhar

1 Chohan

Rajput

28 Baluch

Chauns

1 RAngar

2 Syed

1

Chaudhry

Bahsin Baluch Tarkhan Qureshi

Sheikh

Bhatti

48 Baluch

Jura

1 Baluch

1 Joyia

1 Sher

1 Astar

Baluch Jura Jura Sheikh

Baluch

Jura

44 Baluch

Joyia

1 Awan

1 Baluch

1 Joyia

1 Dhut

Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal

Rajput

Sheikh

Table 59: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim

Local Government Elections 2002-2005

Caste 2002 2005 Grand Total

Aahir 1 - 1

Awan 34 36 70

Baloch 6 6 12

Bandial 2 - 2

Gunjial 3 1 4

Joyia 3 2 5

Others 40 48 88

204

Tiwana 8 7 15

Grand Total 97 100 197

Graph 12: Biradari Status in UC Nazim and Naib Nazim Local Government

Elections 2002-2005

Awan, Tiwana and Baluch are the three main Biradaries in Khushab local

government elections. In 2002 elections of the local government, being the first

elections held under devolution plan introduced by Musharraf regime, the results were

as follows:

For the Nazim and Naib Nazim elections, candidates made their panels. In

total of 97 Nazim and Naib Nazim seats, Awan Biradari won 34, Tiwana Biradari, 8

and Baluch Biradari won 6 slots;

Gunjial and Joyia Biradaries were next to Tiwana with 3 seats each, while

Bandial 2 and Aahir one;

Other candidates out of 97 in total, 40 were non-Biradari successful.

In 2005 elections, the results were not so different for the Biradari successful.

The followings were the outcomes.

Again for the Nazim and Naib Nazim slots, Awan birdari won 36 seats, 2 more

than 2002. Tiwana lost one and achieved 7 while Baluch Biradari maintained the tally

with 6 successfuls.

Bandial Biradari lost its representation with no success, while Gunjials

reduced to 1 and Joyias to 2 from 3 each in 2002.

An increase of 8 seats observed in the non-Biradari successful in 2005 than in

2002. The 2002 local government elections, the Nazims and Naib Nazims included 35

Aahir 0.51%

Awan 35.53%

Baloch 6.09%

Bandial 1.02%

Gunjial 2.03%

Joyia 2.54%

Others 44.67%

Tiwana 7.61%

205

percent successful from Awan Biradari, 9 percent Tiwana, 6 percent Baluch, 3

percent each for Joyia and Gunjial Biradari and only 2 percent Bandial Biradari.

Let’s have an analytical review of the status of Biradaries in provincial as well as

national elections since 1937 to 2013. The results of elections 1937 and 1946, pre-

independence elections are included to portray the trends of Biradari influence before

and after independence.

This chapter concludes that the role of Biradaries in power politics in the

district of Khushab is decisively important. This importance also includes the fact that

major social, political as well as economic institutions have been influenced by the

Biradari systems. The organization, function and impact of political institutions e.g.,

local bodies or the governments, the political alliances and affiliations are more

decided more on the Biradari basis and less on political basis. Such an impact on the

national and provincial politics enables the influentials to behave as patrons for the

masses of whom votes they acquire status and prestige. Such relationships seldom

reciprocate in favour of the common people of the patron’s constituencies various

factors act as roadblocks and hurdles, multiple intermediaries and different interest

groups come into play their own agenda. It is also evident from the history of

development socially and politically that democracy often fails to clear the way

towards common goods.

This failure transcends the monopoly of certain corners over policy

frameworks and implementation phases, the widening gaps between the elected leader

and the constituency, the status and prestige problems and the lack of will and

understanding of the elected ones of the issues and problems to be identified and

addressed.

Biradari interests and the preference for the followings in the Biradari circles

draw a line of discrimination between that following and the common people. That is

the trend reminds every awakened and enlightened person that Biradari affiliations

play magic on one side of the horizon and cut the sorry figure on the other side. When

horizons change, visions scatter and hopes become the diminishing commodity. Such

a capitalist approach to the solution of common problems retards progress of the

region.

206

This power play reinforces the Biradari influence and hopelessness prevails in

those attitudes and minds that feel loneliness in the political decision making. The

lack of the participative sense, once prevailed, creates cadres of deprivation and

depression. The remedy is awakening the masses to transform their voting behavior

on solid basis of national thinking and rational conduct in casting their vote. It is also

needed that repeated and continuous electoral process should be ensured from the

local level to the national level.

It is also needed to educate and facilitate Biradaries in such a style that their

political capacity building, social grooming and quality leadership training become

essential ingredients of their political role playing such engagements should focus to

address issues and problems of local and national significance. It is impossible to

discard Biradaries but it is very much possible to transform their leadership style and

orientation to a greater extent.

207

CONCLUSION

The concept of Biradari has been evolved from the tribal affiliation. As the

population of the tribe grew it changed into the clan and then reached to the status of

Biradari with the passage of time. The concept of Biradari became significant in the

period when Hindus of India developed affiliations on the basis of caste; the Muslims

had to adopt the contrary concept of Biradari. The conflict for power among Irani,

Turani, Afghani and Indian factions in the politics of Muslim India are the expression

of such affiliations on the grounds of kinship. Some Biradaris took dominance and

developed during British government due to the patronage of the government. The

division of land in Punjab grew the Biradaris like Tiwana, Awan,Bandial,Gunjial,

Wattoo, Joyas, Syeds, Noon, Dareshaks, Daulatana and Rajpoots etc.

The statement of this research holds value as the Biradari based politics has

been manipulative of power and authority in such a manner that it makes it very

difficult for a non-Biradari, even for a politician in opposition or of progressive

stance, to play a vital role to change or challenge the course of power dynamics set by

the Biradari politics. The variables of institutional positions, wealth and elections are

dependent on the affiliation of the Biradaris. These variables help the elite to gain

power that is used to establish these factors even more. The control over power and

authority of the masses and other political entities is very limited. It is found that

power and prestige are vested in the political structures and institutions and

Biradaries hold such power and prestige in district Khushab.

Biradari politics provides the apparatus and infrastructure for power politics in

Distict Khushab. As it has been illustrated already in the thesis, Biradari provides a

system of networks, economic patronage and affiliation which promise members of

the Biradari an entry into the state and social institutions which constitute the political

system of power. The Biradari politics in District Khushab is strong because of strong

affiliation based on the kinship. The affiliation has been strong due to the economic

benefits which, the affiliation with Biradari promises to the members of Biradari. The

land and property was inherited through the affiliation with the Biradari. A major

land owner of a Biradari is able to get cooperation of other land owner belonging to

the same Biradari for achievement of important power positions. Likewise the

positions in the institutions of the state can easily be grabed with the help of the

kinship and it is very easy to bag the majority vote required for winning the seats in

208

national, provincial or local elections. The ease and comfort in manipulation of the

power politics through the Biradari affiliation has promoted the Biradari politics in

district Khushab.

In order to get power, the major families of the big Biradaries used three sets

of tactics. One set comprised of the economic techniques for strengthening their

economic position. This economic position in turn helped the Biradari to get power in

the district. For achieving their control on the economic resources the agricultural

land was allotted by heads of the Biradaris. They also managed to collect the sources

of minerals and mines. The inheritage of the wealth to the members of family helped

them in grabbing the power. Second set of tactics is based on acquiring the positions

in important institutions of the state. When a person of one Biradari got any important

position in an institution he not only became himself powerful but also generarated

opportunities for the members of his Biradari who were educated or were eligible for

the criteria to enter in that institution. One powerful person thus opened more

opportunities for his Biradari fellows. Third set of tactics consists of the electoral

tricks. The majority of Awans in the area, for instance, was convinced easily to vote

and support to the cnadidates of their Biradari on the name of kinship. The Awans

naturally wanted that candidate of Awans may win the seat. Likewise the Tiwanas

wanted that the Tiwana candidate should win the seat. One Biradari would make an

alliance with other Biradari in order to win a particular election. These three sets of

tactics combined ensure the power for major Biradari in District Khushab.

The affiliation with political parties is weaker than the affiliation with the

Biradari. The politics on the basis of ideologies is weak and political parties are less

organized. It is easier for a political leader to get power through the Biradari

affiliation than doing a lot of struggle in organizing a party. The workers of party may

demand benifits and development and may not be easily satisfied, while the Biradari

fellows can easily be tackled and their support can easily be achieved through the

established norms in the society. That is why a person changes the national party

according to his political needs while Baradri based workers and party members do

not change parties so easily. The political parties also do not possess funds more than

the wealthy families of big Biradaris which are necessary to win the elections.

Pakistan Peoples’ Party has never been able to get control in this district. PPP

has been an ideological based party consisting upon the government of the poor.

209

Though PPP was able to bring in its fold major Biradari chiefs in other districts, in

Khushab it could not bring the chiefs of major Biradaris of the district in their fold.

The chiefs of major Biradaris felt it easy to get places in othe political parties which

could be helpful for them to consolidate their power in the district. PPP leadership

focused on direct contact with the people through leaders who did not belong to major

Biradaris. These leaders could not get mass support and vote due to the all-spread

Biradari politics in the district.

The Biradari politics also did not give any chance to religious parties to get

control of politics in the district. The people of rural areas of district Khushab have

not produced such religious leader who might challenge the land owners and major

politicians belonging to major Biradaris of the district. The people of the district like

secular minded Biradari chiefs are in politics due to their traditional control over the

politics. The religious political parties, therefore, could not get organized and become

strong to get the votes of people on the grounds of religious beliefs. The strong

clutches of the chiefs of major Biradaris over the politics of the district do not leave

any chance for the religious leaders for convincing the rural people for supporting

them on religious grounds. However if a religious leader would belong to one of the

influential Biradaris, the religious political parties would have been able to influence

in the politics of the district.

Tiwanas did not exceed the Awans in number but they continued their control

over the politics of the district not less than the Awans. Their control over politics was

due to the British support which they were able to get before the establishment of

Pakistan. Tiwanas continued their historical hegemony in early decades of Pakistan’s

history. However as soon as the elite of Awans succeded in controlling over the

politics of the district the Tiwanas had to retreat due to their numerical inferiority in

contrast to Awans. Even then their role as one the most influential Biradaris of the

district in power remains intact. Though less than the Awans they have won the seats

in assemblies and councils and they have also powerful position in the district.

Historically, Punjab has been driven by the politics centred around the kinship

since the start of modern political system in South Asia when the British began

colonial rule here. Political power was occupied by the British who were foreign

colonial masters. In order to control the system and the millions of people through a

short number of officials and politicians the colonial rulers used the Biradari as a

210

converging element. Notwithstanding that the social institution of Biradari in India

was not introduced by the British. It was present in social life of India even before the

arrival of the predecessors of the British, the Mughals. However the British not only

promoted this already existing phenomenon but also used it in order to fulfil the

colonial needs of grasping and enhancing the power in India.

The power was concentrated in the colonial rulers through inter Biradari and

intra Biradari distribution of power. On first instance some of the Biradaris were

preferred to the others. Then the elites of the privileged Biradaris, assigned with the

responsibility of controlling not only their own Biradari but also other population of

the area, were benfited and power was used through them. They were provided with

resources and jobs more than other people. They were utilised in the army,

bureaucracy and other institutions of state. Thus the power scattered in economic

resources, powerful institutional positions and political parties was concentrated in the

elite that was formed of the few people. Tiwana, Awan, Baluch, Joyia, Bandial,

Gunjial and other Biradaries hold the political scene in the district Khushab. Every

Biradari has a history to tell its significance and prestige. These Biradaries control

the political as a well as Governmental atmospheres in district Khushab. Their

allegiance to British Raj and power structures in Pakistan and Punjab has been a long

journey into status, power and prestige.

The Biradari dominated system in Punjab was inherited to Pakistan after its

emergence from the colonial India in 1947. Though the trend of party politics and

equality of rights of every one for participation in the government had established

more yet the traditional style of power politics on the basis of Biradari affiliation not

only continued but also gained more modernised and developed form. The power was

not distributed among all the citizens without any distinction of blood relations. The

Biradaris which held power during the British period continued to hold it in a new

way.

The power in Pakistan was concentrated in the institutions of army and

bureaucracy. There were certain factors which did not let the newly born state of

Pakistan flourish on the basis of true democracy. The authoritarian nature of

government was established by the most organised and well disciplined institution of

Army. Most of the time army remained the sole ruler of Pakistan and for the other

remaining time it remained powerful from behind. The army was already

211

representative of some special Biradaris. This historical trend continued as the

recruitment from some specified areas was continued. Moreover only the traditionally

privileged elite of selected Biradaris got commission in the army. In case of district

Khushab these Biradaris were mostly Awan and Tiwana.

The people who were commissioned in Pakistan army kept on supporting their

Biradari fellows and power thus remained in their hands as the army was most

powerful in the country. Second important power centre in the country was

bureaucracy. Despite the well structured public service commission was there to

recruit the suitable candidates for the bureaucracy, the education and other facilities

limited to privileged elite of specific Biradaris gave opportunity of entering in

bureaucracy only to the members of some Biradaris. The bureaucracy is not only

symbolical ruler of the country; it also operates the power machine in orderly manner.

It had been helpful to civilian as well as army rulers in maintaining the control over

political power. The bureaucrats belonging to a few families kept on the control over

power through the institution of bureaucracy. The statistics and situations reveal that

in many cases more than one army officers and bureaucrats belonged to one family of

a Biradari.

If one officer gets opportunity to grasp a powerful position in the institution of state,

he patronizes and supports his Biradari fellows to get other powerful positions and

when a good number of positions belong to that family or Biradari, they make liaison

in such a way that one position would help the other one in maintaining the control

over power. The authorities and influence is utilized to get powerful status in the state

as well as socity.

Significance of the Biradari in Punjab is that it is the core of a nexus of bureaucracy,

military establishments, brokers of regional as well as local power, shrines and landed

elites with defined political interests. Feudals rule such nexuses and alliances. This

may be termed elite that revolves around the Biradari culture and power. Such

alliances and linkages control regional divisional and district politics. These structures

manipulate lands, capital resources, state decisions and policy making processes and

procedures, so much so that the non-Biradari entities find it difficult and often near to

impossible to breakaway with their hold and control. That is the reason why reform

agendas wither away and resources allocated for those reforms go waste or cannot be

utilized at all.

212

Wealth is second important factor of determining the power. The wealthy

people easily can exploit the power with the help of the resources they possess. The

wealth has been accumulated in the elite classes since centuries. The feudal system

made easy for elite of the Biradaris to possess most of the resources. These resources

in the form of agricultural land, forest land, the mines and minerals, the transport

business, some of the industry and professionally monopoly gave chances to very few

elite groups to have wealth. These elite groups in fact were affiliated with major

Biradaris. The wealthy elite of the Biradaris thus manipulated to grasp political

power with the help of their wealth.

The political parties and the elections were the democratic institutions and in

these institutions common man without the distinction of caste or kinship could get

the chance of sharing power. However the wealthy and institutionally strong elite of

Biradaris could easily win the elections by manipulating institutional positions,

wealth and affiliations based on kinship. The analysis of the result of the elections

reveals that often the candidates belonging to major Biradaris were able to get the

seats. The political parties did not function on the will of the workers but the leaders

belonging to the Biradaris kept on changing the parties and wherever they moved the

party accepted them as the candidate of that party.

The Biradaries with Awans in the lead have their mark on the electoral politics

and power centers on the electoral politics and power centers in the district Khushab.

Their electoral significance is proven through their performance in elections from

1937 to 2008 on the provincial level and from 1962 to 2008 on the national level.

Their electoral presence is beyond any doubt decisive. They held and sustain their

majority. It is very difficult for any non-Biradari or even member of a Biradari in

opposition to play any vital role in the development and planning of the district.One

can grasp this influence of these Biradaries easily if he or she has a look at the

outcome of the local bodies or local government elections. Such elections have been

termed rightly as local Biradari elections by a renowned analyst of the Biradari role

in politics. The 1983 local government elections or the successive provincial as well

as national elections reveal the hold and significance of the Biradari in power politics

of district Khushab.

The religious parties could not succeed in Khushab. In all elections only

Jamat-i-Islam could bag one seat in the elections. That seat was also won on the basis

213

of individual linkages of the candidate who was local physician and had helped the

poor patients with generous provision of medical facilities. The religious parties like

the political ones could not penetrate due to the strong grip of feudal and ethnic

politics. The religion in some cases collaborates with the feudals but here in Khushab

such collaboration does not exist.

It may be concluded that, this study has explained how and to what disturbing

extent, in the district of Khushab, the critical elements of power politics in relation to

social, economic and psychological elements jeopardize the ordinary life. The

legacies persist. The way ahead is to modernize socio-economic system not only in

the district of Khushab but also in the rest of Punjab as well.

i) The power, authority and the privileges the local elite groups enjoy,

prove roadblocks for the reform and progress once collide with their

interests.

ii) The control over resources, the role in the decision-making structures

of the Biradari representatives also control practically the bread and

butter of the common man;

iii) The local majority achieved or attained by Biradari elites may create

situations adversial to the common good, increasing or decreasing the

likelihood of the successful implementation of development projects

and programmes.

iv) There is a huge gulf of haves and have-nots between the landholding

elites, Biradari elders and the masses. This gulf renders the masses

politically ineffective despite the fact that the vote of the masses adds

power to the glory of such elites in the form of Biradari supremacy.

The Biradari’s role in the politics does not let the forces of

advancement work properly. The ignorance in the district under study

suits to the major families. Therefore no major educational institution

like university has been established. The powerful rulers of the district

consider themselves responsible not to the masses but to the Biradari

middle men who can better their image in their respective Biradari

members, they, therefore, do not pay attention to the politics of

development and service to the masses. They, on the other hand, focus

on the tactics that suit Biradari politics for the sake of grabbing power.

214

This ultimately keeps the people under developed. The grip on

agricultural and mineral resources of the powerful Biradaris has

prevented their interest in the industrial development. That is why the

district under study could not have developed industrially and one does

not find major industrial units developed in the district. The political

parties will have to be strong in order to get rid of the losses caused by

Biradari politics.

SUGGESTIONS

1- A large quantity of mines and minerals are produced in the area. Despite this

fact the industrialization did not develop. The strong culthes of feudal lords

and Biradari heads did not pay heed towards the industrialization. It was

definitely in their interest the mode of production and the set up of society

may remain agrarian. The conversion of agrarian society into industrial can

change the trend from Biradari politics to democratic politics.

2- Khushab was given the status of tax free zone during eighties. Even then it

could not attract large scale investment. The local ruling Biradaris did not

have interest in establishment of industry in the area. The external

industrialists did not find facility in having conflict with the local lords. The

danger, the fear and the suspicion of failure, conflict and fight did not let the

area change into industrial zone. When the industry flourish in the area the

trade unions are formed and a type of democracy and need of democratic set

up is felt as it happened in eighteenth century Europe. The industrialization

promotes cultural plurality as new actors move in the society through increase

in mobility of human and financial sources. Lower middle and middle classes

emerge and a conflict in the society cleanse it from the problems of feudalism.

Industry also increase economic development that develops social conditions.

3- Cottage industry has been developed in the past. With the emergence of new

era it must have been developed but it declined with the course of time.

Potential for its revival is there. The small industry like lungi, khes and dodha

production can be enhanced very easily. This may mark the development of

local industry.

215

4- In Thal area the government should introduce schemes for the promotion of

live stock and Diary development.

5- Government should spend the money on giving funds to under developed

areas. The infrastructure should be developed. The government’s role is vital

in this respect. It cannot be denied.

6- Soon Valley is the beautiful area of the District. In this hilly area cultural

resorts and archeological sites can be developed for the development of

tourtist industry. Hotel industry can be developed with the help of government

schemes. The tourism will increase the mobility and socio-cultural links of

Khushab with external world. That will increase the awareness in the people.

7- Urbanisation is less in Khushab that is why it is backward and baradrism is

strong here. In Bhakar, Chakwal and Jhang districts like Khushab the clutches

of baradrism are stronger and urbanization could not develop. Sargodha

comparatively has promoted the urbanization that gave vent to the democratic

form of society and the Biradarism has started to decrease there.

8- Political parties should set up their offices at Union Council level. They

should keep record of their meetings. This will enhance the political culture

and the role of political parties will increase in contrast to biradarism.

9- Migration from Khushab is continued and people do not permanently live

here. During the British period under Ghori Pal scheme the people of this area

were moved to Bahawalpur, Faisalabald, Sargodha, and Montgomery as they

got the lands allotted there. This trend of migration should be checked to

decrease the influence of major biradries by promoting infrastructure in the

District.

10- Poverty in the area is cause of the increased trend of baradrism. Poverty, in

turn is due to the lack of development plans. Tourism can be a good source of

income of the people but no infrastructure has been developed here. Khushab

was selected as one of the choices of capital of Pakistan. Later for some

factors Islamabad was selected. It at least proves that the area is suitable for

development. The development schemes on pattern of Murree schemes can be

useful for the upbringing of the area in eradication of biraderism.

216

11- District Khushab is a plain area and agriculture is major source of income. The

agricultural growth is possible with the proper arrangement for decrease of

loss during floods. The salinity can be controlled through the cleanliness of

drainage system. The researcher contacted the authorities who told that the

drains are cleaned after three years period. In Nur pur Thal, Rang pur,

Baghoor and adi circle areas have been badly hitting by salinity. Whole

drainage system in the District is in bad condition. Tube-wells have been

installed by the government to better the irrigation but the stoppage in the

drains due to late cleanliness does not better the irrigation in the area. This

traditional method of cleanliness should be changed in order to change the

economic conditions of the area that will diminish the baradrism in the area.

12- In Thal there is no infrastructure. The area of Thall is adjusted to Jhang and

Bhakar but there are not even roads in the area. This is the area of the Tiwana.

The river flows in the area for almost 150 kilometers but there is no recreation

resort on the bank of river. There is no any scheme of usage of river water for

the irrigation of area. The Chashma Jehlum canal bank can be used for fish-

forms. There are chances of the development of small business of fisheries but

no such plan was made. The attention to such plan can change the culture of

biradarism in the area.

13- In all backward and underdeveloped districts of Punjab the British government

formed the rest houses on the canal banks keeping in view the beautiful

conditions of the area. Bungalows were constructed with those Rest Houses.

Some acre land was also allotted to that rest house. Our government can

promote such rest houses as tour-places. The Government should stop to

auction these places. Such sites should be declared as national heritage. These

sites also work as recreation resorts as well as touring place. This will increase

the awareness as well as the mobility of the people and grow the

consciousness in the people against baradrism.

14- Military officers and bureaucrats who flourished from this area got benefits on

the basis of belonging to this area but when they reached on the hiegths of

their career they forgot the development of their area. Those influential people

could change the conditions of the area. Such people need to take the

responsibility for upbringing their native place.

217

15- The political parties will have to reform themselves in many aspects. One

major step that the political parties will have to make is to make themselves

freer and self relient economically. They must be in position that they might

support financially a poor candidate belonging to lower Biradaris or without

the focused Biradari support for getting power in politics.

16- Another workable solution of the challenge is the provision of political

consciousness among the common residents. The parties should be organized

well to such an extent that they may not need Biradari support for winning the

seats in the elections. The parties also will have to increase the public will

while making decisions within the parties. For this trend of personality

oriented politics will have to be changed into ideology oriented politics.

17- The personality oriented politics can be diverted into public welfare politics

through the establishment of political force on national level that may take the

task of competing the Biradari and personality oriented politicians. That

national level political force or party can convince the people of any district to

follow the national trend. The efforts made only on the district level can not

bring the fruit of preventing the Biradari politics because local leaders of

Biradaris have links on national level and they can do politics in order to grab

power in the district. They are also so powerful that the local political force

cannot succeed in subduing them in power politics.

218

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http://lokpunjab.org/elections/slideshowkhus.html. Accessed: March 27, 2014.

Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, MICS, Punjab 2007-08. Lahore: Government of

the Punjab Planning & Development Department Bureau of Statistics, 2009.

‎Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Punjab 2007-08 (Khushab: Government of

the Punjab Planning & Development Department, 2009).

http://www.pndpunjab.gov.pk/user_files/File/Khushab09.pdf. URL:

Acccessed June 17, 2013.

232

THESES

Ahmed, Mughees. “Faisalabad Division Ke Siasat per Biradarism kay Asraat.” PhD

Thesis., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2004.

http://www.researchgate.net/publication/259400008_Faisalabad_Division_ke_

Siasat_per_Biradarism_kay_Asraat. Accessed: March 20, 2013.

Hassan, Javid. “Class, Powerand Patronage: the Landed Elite and Politics in

Pakistani Punjab.” PhD diss., The London School of Economics and Political

Science (LSE), 2012.

Hussain, Syed Ahmad-ud-din. “Development of Local Government Institutions in the

Province of the Punjab: A Critical Assessment.”PhD diss., Bahauddin

Zakariya University, 1994.

Ibrahim, Muhammad. “Role of Biradari System in Power Politics of Lahore: Post

Independence Period.” PhD diss., Bahauddin Zakariya University, 2009.

http://prr.hec.gov.pk/thesis/1234S.pdf. Accessed: March 20, 2013.

Lyon, Stephen M. “Power and Patronage in Pakistan.” PhD diss., University of Kent

Canterbury, 2002. http://www.dur.ac.uk/s.m.lyon/Publications/Lyon.pdf.

Accessed: March 20, 2013.

Mahmood, Khurram. “Iqbal and Provincial Politics of Punjab 1926-1938.” PhD diss.,

Quaid-I-Azam University, 2005.

Brown, Ryan. “The British EmPire in India,” PhD diss., Ashland University, 2010.

http://ashbrook.org/programs/citizens/publications/theses/. Accessed April 11,

2013.

Salamat, Zarina. “The Punjab in 1921-31: A Case Study of Muslims.” PhD thesis.,

University of the Punjab, 1991.

NEWSPAPERS

Daily Nawa-i-Waqt, Lahore

Daily Express, Sargodha

Nawa-i-Johar, Jahurabad

Tijarat, Sargodha

WEBSITES

http://www.punjab.gov.pk/

http://www.Khushab.gop.pk/

http://Khushab.gop.pk/html/About_District.html#About_District_Tribes

http://www.ecp.gov.pk/

http://www.pildat.org/

http://www.census.gov.pk/

http://www.britishemPire.co.uk/article/castesystem.htm

233

INTERVIEWS

Prof. (R) Mureed Hussain Alvi former principal Govt.Ambala Muslim College

Sargodha, Interview by the researcher at village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab)

October 5, 2014.

Muhamamd Aslam Awan, Advocate, village Padhrar (Distt: Khushab) interview by

the researcher, District Bar Office, Jauharabad, January 27, 2015.

Prof. (R) Malik Muhammad Aslam Hayat Awan former chairman Department of

History and Pakistan Studies, University of Sargodha, interview by the

researcher, village Jabba (Distt :Khushab) November, 15,2014.

Malik Shakir Bashir Awan, former Naib Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, MNA-NA70

(Memebr of National Assembley) interview by the researcher, Karamabad

(Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, 10 February 2015.

Prof.(R) Malik Muhammad Zarar former principal Govt. Post Graduate College

Jauharabad (Khushab) interview by the researcher at Civil Lines, Jauharabad,

October 10, 2014.

Umar Daraz Awan alias Mittho Awan (Manager Awan Bus Service, Sub Office

Khushab) interview by the researcher, Awan Hotel & Resturent Khushab

Chakwal Road, Union Council, Kattah Saghral Distt: Khushab

Malik Mazhar Awan (R) clerk, Pakistan Army, interview by the researcher, village

Waheer, Distt: Khushab, January 15, 2015.

Malik Khudadad Khan Awan, former chairman Baitul Mall Khushab, former vice

chairman Zilla Council Khushab, interview by the researcher at village Khaliq

abad, union council Kund, Distt: Khushab, February 3, 2015.

Muhammad Mumtaz Qureshi, Primary School Teacher, Village Dhaka (Soon Valley)

Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 10, 2015.

Ghulam Shabbir Awan (R) Subay Dar, Pakistan Army, Muhalla Jurrwal, Noushehra

(Soon Valley) Khushab, March 02, 2015.

Malik Moula Dad Khan, former Nazim Union Council Kund, interview by researcher,

village Daira Malik Muhammad Khan Awan of Kund (Distt: Khsuhab)

February 03, 2015.

234

Muhammad Ishaq Awan, Headmaster Govt. High School Shahpur Distt: Sargodha,

interview by researcher village Waheer (Distt: Khushab) February 04,2015.

Malik Haq Nawaz Awan, former chairman union council Warcha (Distt: Khushab)

interview by the researcher at village Dhokri, Distt: Khushab, December 10,

2014

Prof. (R) Muhammad Saeed Saggu, former Director Budget & Planning, DPI Office,

Higher Education Department, Govt. Of Punjab, Anar Kali Bazar, Lahore,

interverview by researcher, village Katti Mar, Tehsil Noor Pur, Distt:

Khushab, April 10, 2015.

Prof. Alam Sher Khan Niazi, former chairman Department of Political Science,

University of Sargodha, interview by researcher, village Golly Wali, Tehsil

Quaiabad Distt: Khushab, April 12, 2015.

Malik Ehsan Ullah Tiwana, former MNA and Zilla Nazim Distt: Khushab, interview

by researcher, village Hamoka (Hassan Pur Tiwana) Distt: Khushab, April 15,

2015.

Muhammad Pervez Awan (R) Instructor, Cadet College Hassan Abdal, interview by

researcher village Ochala (Soon Valley) Distt: Khushab, April 23, 2015.

Malik Maqsood Ahmad Awan, Dhok Shamsheria, Mardwal (Soon Valley) Distt:

Khushab, interview by researcher, April 27, 2015.

Malik Asif Awan, former General Councilor, Union Council Mardwal (Soon Valley)

Khushab, interview by the researcher, February 11, 2015.

Muhammad Farooq Awan, (R) JCO Pakistan Airforce, village Mardwal, interview by

researcher, Awan Marble near Qanchi Mor, Sargodha, March 19, 2015

Syed Abid Hussain Shah, (R) JCO Pak Army, village Bola Distt: Khushab, interview

by researcher, General Bus Stand Juharabad, April 22, 2015

Malik Zia-ur-Rehman Tiwana, S/o Malik Abdur Rehman Tiwana (Landlord) village

Mittha Tiwana, interview by researcher, March 25, 2015.

Prof. (R) Dost Muhammad Awan, MA (Political Science) village Jabbi Sharif (Distt:

Khushab) interview by researcher, January 29, 2015.

235

Syed Ghulam Rasool Shah, former Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad,

recently serving as Lecturer (History) Govt. P.G College Jauharabad,

interview by researcher, village Satt Shahani, Distt: Khushab, February 12,

2015.

Malik Yar Muhammad, Nambardar (village Headman) Dhokri, Distt: Khushab,

interview by the researcher, January 7, 2015.

Pir Ahmad Hassan, Assistant Professor, Department of History and Pakistan Studies,

University of Sargodha, village Gunjial Sharif Distt: Khushab, interview by

researcher, December 16,

Muhammad Ibrahim Majoka, former Chairman Union Council Khai Khurd, Tehsil

Noorpur Distt: Khushab, interview by researcher, December 14, 2014.

Malik Khalid Bandial, MA (History) LLB, (Landlord) village Bandial, interview by

researcher, February 19, 2015.

Malik Muhammad Sher Awan, Advocate District Bar Council Jauharabad, former

DSP (Deputy Superintendent Police) Legal Branch, Khushab, interview by

researcher September 10, 2014.

Muhammad Hafeez Tiwana, MA (History) Auditor District Accounts Officer

Sargodha, interview by researcher, on December 17, 2014.

Malik Ahmad Iqbal Tiwana, Deputy Director Colleges, Khushab, interview by

researcher, Tiwana House village Hadali, Distt: Khushab,October 13,

Malik Muhammad Ansar Tiwana, MA (History) Nutritional Supervisor Punjab Health

Department, Rural Health Center, Chak 58-NB, Sargodha. interview by

researcher, December 09, 2014.

Malik Muhammad Akbar Hayat Awan, former Member District Council Khushab,

now serving as Assistant Professor Psychology in P.G College Jauharabad,

interview by researcher, October 19, 2014.

Dr.Badar Munir Awan, Department of Urdu, Govt. P.G College Jauharabad,

telephonic interview by researcher, December 2014.

Muhammad Waris Jasra, Advocate, Former President District Bar Jauharabad,

interview by researcher November, 2014.

236

Malik Iftikhar Awan, famous businessman & social worker, interview by researcher at

Awan Market Naushehra October 06, 2014 .

Shoukat Raza Awan, Lecturer (History) Govt. College Darya Khan, interviewed by

researcher at Tehsil Noorpur, Distt: Khushab, October 08, 2014.

Malik Faisal Sultan Awan former Union Nazim village Khura (His father Malik Mian

Sultan Awan (Late) was MPA & founder of Awan Transport Bus Company

(Awan Express)

Malik Muhammad Waris Kalu, MPA(PP-42) & Parliamentary Secretary, Interviewed

by the researcher at Waris abad, Village Rodda (Distt: Khushab) November

30, 2014.

Malik Malik Ameer Mukhtar Sangah Awan, former Tehsil Nazim Khushab,

interviewed by researcher Sangah House Khushab Mianwali Road,

Jauharabad, September 08, 2014.

Malik Mukhtar Ahmad Awan, former MPA, interviewed by the researcher at village

Khabekhi (Soon Valley), Distt: Khushab, December 5, 2014

Malik Akhtar Nawaz Awan (Former Manager Super Awan Bus Service) Nowshehra

(Soon valley) Khushab, interviewed by researcher, 3 January 2015

237

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

District Wise Ranking of Social Development in Pakistan

Top Quartile 10 Districts Range – Highest = 26.0147

Second Quartile 20 Districts WFS – Lowest –9.4706

Third Quartile 24 Districts Range – Highest 33.7790

Bottom Quartile 40 Districts Z-Score - Lowest –12.6158

Total District 94 Districts

FIRST QUARTILE DISTRICTS (TOP 5)

Districts WFS Districts Z-Score

Karachi 26.0147 Lahore 33.7790

Rawalpindi 16.9032 Rawalpindi 21.7602

Lahore 15.8617 Karachi 15.0423

Faisalabad 10.2559 Faisalabad 14.4723

Gujranwala 9.0223 Peshawar 9.6742

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

238

APPENDIX B

Third Quartile Districts and Khushab

Districts WFS Districts Z-Score

Sukkur 0.6430 Khushab 2.2490

D.I. Khan 0.6428 Nawabshah 1.5610

Swabi 0.5445 Malakand 1.3358

Rahim Yar Khan 0.2881 Sheikhpura 1.2868

Khushab 0.2413 Laakli 0.6170

Kasur 0.2153 Swat 0.4668

Layyah –0.2253 Sukkur –0.4690

Source: Extracted from Ghaus, et all.

239

APPENDIX C

LOCAL BODIES ELECTION 2005

(KHUSHAB DISTRICT)

Union Council No.

Nazim N.Nazim General Councilor Kisan

Councilor Labour Councilor Lady Kisan

Councilor

Lady G.Councilor Lady L. Councilor

Minority Councilor

1 2 3 4 1 2

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Ansari Awan Awan Sheikh Ansari -

2 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Bafinda Awan Awan Hajam Mistri -

3 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan - - - - - - -

4 Awan Awan Kasab Awan Rajput Ansari Awan Hajam Awan Awan Awan Awan Masih

5 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan - - - - - -

6 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Khibki Awan Dhudhar Awan -

7 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar Dhudhar Qureshi Hajam Masih

8 Awan Rajay Rajay Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Awan Awan -

9 Janjua Janjua Sanadha Dhool Them - Mochi Jandran Janjua Ansari Chidhar Masih

10 Awan Bhatti Awan Awan Syed Janjua Awan Awan Khokhar Bhatti Janjua Bhatti -

11 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mochi Awan Qureshi Maachi Chaudhry Kasab Masih

12 Awan Awan Awan Syed Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Kasab Kumhar Maachi -

13 Awan Rajput Syed Awan Awan Awan Kumhar Rajput Kambo Maachi Rajput Kambo Masih

14 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Dhudhar -

15 - - - - - - - - - - - - -

16 Wadhal Kalyar Angra Jaythal Angra Bhood Bhasen Sunbli Wadhal Sheikh Sunbli Sapra Masih

17 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Sheikh Qureshi Hajam Mughal Sheikh Masih

18 Awan Awan Awan Awan Chachar Baloch Seeyah Tarkhan Tarkhan Theem Muslim Sheikh Qureshi Masih

19 Rajput Arian Awan Awan Mahil Baloch Khokhar Arian Burhan Qazi

20 Baloch Arian Sheikh Jutt Arian Arian Wadhal Arian Mochi Sheikh Arian Sheikh Masih

21 Baloch Sajjra Rehmani Khokhar Chohan Rehmani Bloch Qureshi Rajput Syed

22 Awan Namdgar Namdgar Jutt Baloch Sheikh Arian Ansari Khokhar Khawaja Ansari Masih

23

24 Awan Chidhar Awan Awan Awan Rajput Awan Janjua Bhatti Awan Rajput Joya Masih

25 Awan Theem Awan Awan Awan Qureshi Awan Syed Shawtra Jeweler Awan Khilan Masih

26 Jutt Bhatti Rajput Rajput Rajput Rajput Jutt Jutt Mayo Jutt Jutt Rajput Masih

27 Tiwana Syed Mochi Qureshi Bhatti Mochi

28 Baloch Chauns RAngar Syed Chaudhry Syed Bahsin Baloch Tarkhan Qureshi Sheikh Bhatti

29 Joya Mumk Noon Rajput Joya Joya Joya Kumhar Joya Joya Tarkhan

30 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Gamgoli Machi Chaudhry Mochi Tiwana Kumhar Noorgi Masih

31 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Shawli Shami Tiwana Awan Muslim Sheikh Muslim Sheikh Hajam Mughal Qureshi Masih

32 Rajput Tiwana Rajput Jutt Bhatti Tiwana Burhan Maghi Jutt Tiwana Arian Mughal Masih

34 Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Awan Mughal Mughal Mochi Lohar Rajput

35 Syed Awan Miana Bhatti Miana Awan Pathan Phatan Jutt Sheikh - - -

36 Khokhar Khokhar Bandial Bandial Wirk Khaga Bandial Bandial Bandial Baig Pathan Bandial Masih

240

37 - - - - - - - - - Sheikh Sheikh - -

38 Gunjial Khel Gunjial Khel Khel Arian Hajam Arian Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Gunjial Masih

39 Arian Arian Awan Lohar Khel Arian - - - Baloch - - -

40 Tiwana Awan Tiwana Dhudhar Awan Awan Baloch Awan Tiwana Arian Tiwana Arian -

41 Arian Arian Juiya Arian Arian Pathan Arian Arian Arian Arian Rajput Arian Masih

42 Salhal Rajput Kalyar Dhoon Olukh Chena Khatema Sheikh Sheikh Rajput Sheikh Sheikh Masih

43 Baghor Rajput Baghor Khera Baghor Rajput Rajput Baghor Khatema Qureshi Rajput - -

44 Rahdari Jumat Jumat Wadhal Bomb Phalwan Raja Yahwar Dhodha Yahwar Rahdari Rahdari

45 Sagho Waghra Sagho Sagho Chan Waghra Kartana Raja Jhara Sagho Waghra - -

46 Baloch Sagho Pathan Baloch Pathan Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar Bhatti Kalyar Kalyar Kalyar

47 - - - - - - - - - - - - -

48 Baloch Jura Baloch Juiya Sher Astar Baloch Jura Jura Sheikh Baloch Jura -

49 Baloch Juiya Awan Baloch Juiya Dhut Mughal Awan Sheikh Mughal Rajput Sheikh -

50 - - - - - - - - - - - - -

51 Awan Chena Awan Syed Yahwar Mithar Arayan Gujar Bhatti Rajput Rahdari Them -

241

APPENDIX D

Provincial Assembly Results (1937-2008)

PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position

Landowner 1937 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1

Landowner 1937 Sikandar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1

Sargodha 1937

Muhammad Hayat Khan

Noon Noon Others Unionist 1

Sargodha 1937 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1

Sargodha 1937 Syed Nawazish Ali Shah Syed Others Unionist 1

Sargodha 1937

Hayat Muhammad

Qureshi Qureshi Others Unionist 1

Bhulwal 1946 Fazal Haq Piracha Piracha Others

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1946 Malik Mumtaz Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1946 Khizar Hayat Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 2

Sargodha 1946 Allah Bukhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana Unionist 1

Sargodha 1946 Qalndar Shah Syed Others

Muslim

League 2

Shahpur 1946 Sultan Ali Nagiana Nagiana Others Unionist 1

Shahpur 1946

Muhammad Hayat

Qureshi Qureshi Others

Muslim

League 2

Khushab 1951 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1951

Fateh Muhammad

Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1951 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana

Jinnah

Awami

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1956 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1956

Fateh Muhammad

Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana

Muslim

League 1

Khushab 1956 Habib Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana

Jinnah

Awami

Muslim

League 1

PW-60 1962

Malik Sarfaraz Khan

Awan Awan Awan Convention 1

PW-60 1962 Sultan Ali Nangina Nangina Others Convention 2

1965

Malik Muhammad Aslam

Khan Awan Awan Awan

Convention

Muslim League 1

242

PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position

PW-62 1965 Muhammad Ali Awan Awan Awan

Convention

Muslim

League 1

PP-36 1970 Muhammad Azam Awan Awan PPP 1

PP-36 1970 Qadir Yar Khan Lak Others Independent 2

PP-37 1970

Malik Muhammad

Akram Awan Awan PPP 1

PP-37 1970 Muhammad Ali Tiwana Tiwana

Council

Muslim

League 2

PP-38 1970 Khaliq Dad Bandial Bandial Bandial

Council

Muslim

League 1

PP-38 1970

Mehmood ul Hassan

Khan Awan Awan PPP 2

PP-37 1977

Malik Dost Muhammad

Awan Awan Awan PPP 1

PP-38 1977 Malik Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 1

PP-39 1977

Malik Muhammad Azam

Khan Awan Awan PPP 1

PP-40 1977

Malik Muhammad

Anwar Khan Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PPP 1

PP37 1985 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan IND 1

PP37 1985

Malik Muhammad Akbar

Khan Awan Awan IND 2

PP38 1985 Shujah Muhammad Khan Baloch Baloch IND 1

PP38 1985 Atta Muhammad Gunjial Gunjial IND 2

PP39 1985 Sikandar Hayat Khan Baloch Baloch IND 2

PP33 1988

Malikk Muhammad

Bashir Awan Awan Awan 1

PP33 1988

Malik Mukhtar Ahmed

Awan Awan Awan

2

PP34 1988

Malik Khuda Bukhsh

Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1

PP34 1988 Sardar Shuja Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2

PP35 1988

Dr. Captain Muhammad

Rafique Arain Others 1

PP35 1988 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2

PP33 1990

Malik Mukhtar Ahmed

Awan Awan Awan 1

PP33 1990

Malik Muhammad Javed

Awan Awan Awan 2

243

PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position

PP34 1990

Malik Khuda Bukhsh

Khan Tiwana Tiwana 1

PP34 1990

Sardar Shuja Muhammad

Khan Baloch Baloch 2

PP35 1990

Malik Khuda Bukhsh

Wadhal Tiwana Tiwana 1

PP35 1990 Khan Muhammad Baloch Baloch 2

PP33 1993

Malik Mukhtar Ahmed

Awan Awan Awan 1

PP33 1993

Mr. Iftikhar Hussain

Awan Awan Awan 2

PP34 1993

Alhaj Malik Saleh

Muhammad Gujial Khokhar Others 1

PP34 1993

Malik Khuda Bukhsh

Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2

PP35 1993

Dr. Captain Muhammad

Rafique Arain Others 1

PP35 1993 Muhammad Ejaz Aahir Aahir Aahir 2

PP33 1997 Malik Mukhtar Ahmed Awan Awan 1

PP33 1997

Malik Muhammad Javed

Awan Awan Awan 2

PP34 1997 Muhammad Hayat Utra Uttra Others 1

PP34 1997

Malik Khuda Bukhsh

Khan Tiwana Tiwana 2

PP35 1997 Tasawar Ali Khan Pathan Others 1

PP35 1997

Malik Muhammad

Rafique Naich Naich Others 2

PP39 2002

Malik Muhammad Javed

Iqbal Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 1

PP39 2002

Malik Mukhtar Ahmed

Awan Awan Awan NA 2

PP40 2002

Malik Saleh Muhammad

Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial NA 1

PP40 2002 Karam Elahi Bandial Bandial Bandial IND 2

PP41 2002 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan PML(Q) 1

PP41 2002

Malik Muhammad Abdul

Rehman Tiwana Tiwana IND 2

PP42 2002 Muhammad Waris Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1

PP42 2002

Sardar Shuja Muhammad

Khan Baloch Baloch PML(Q) 2

PP39 2008

Malik Muhammad Javed

Iqbal Awan Awan Awan IND 1

244

PP Year Name Biradari Biradari Party Position

PP39 2008 Faisal Aziz Awan Awan PML(Q) 2

PP40 2008 Karam Elahi Bandia Bandial Bandial IND 1

PP40 2008

Malik Hassan Nawaz

Gujjal Gunjial Gunjial IND 2

PP41 2008 Muhammad Asif Malik Awan Awan IND 1

PP41 2008

Malik Muhammad Ehsan

Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2

PP42 2008

Malik Muhammad Waris

Kallu Joyia Joyia IND 1

PP42 2008 Syed Zulqarnain Shah Syed Others IND 2

245

APPENDIX E

National Assembly Results(1962-2008)

Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position

NW-

29 1962 Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 1

NW-

29 1962 Fateh Muhammad Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2

NW-

42 1970 Babu Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan

Council

League 1

NW-

42 1970 Nasim Ahmed AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 2

NW-

43 1970 Mian Zakir Qureshi Qureshi Others

Council

League 1

NW-

43 1970 Malik Najib Ullah Borrna Others PPP 2

NA-

53 1977 Karam Bukhsh Awan Awan Awan PPP 1

NA-

53 1977 Qazi Mureed Ahmed Awan Awan

National

Alliance 2

NA-

54 1977 Nasim AAahir Aahir Aahir PPP 1

NA-

54 1977 Qari Abdul Sami Gunjial Gunjial

National

Alliance 2

NA-

53 1985 Malik Nasim Ahmed Aahir Aahir IND 1

NA-

53 1985 Aziz ul Haq Qureshi Qureshi Others IND 2

NA-

54 1985 Muhammad Naeem Khan Awan Awan IND 1

NA-

54 1985 Alhaj Karam Bakhsh Awan Awan Awan IND 2

NA-

51 1988

Malik Muhammad Naeem

Khan Awan Awan IJI 1

NA-

51 1988 Malik Mian Sultan Awan Awan Awan PPP 2

NA-

52 1988

Malik Khuda Bakhsh Khan

Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1

NA-

52 1988 Nasim Ahmed Aheer Awan Awan IJI 2

NA-

51 1990

Malik Muhammad Naeem

Khan Awan Awan IJI 1

NA-

51 1990

Malik Muhammad Bashir

Awan Awan Awan IND 2

NA-

52 1990 Malik Khuda Bakhsh Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IJI 1

246

Halqa Year Name Biradari Biradari~ Party Position

NA-

52 1990

Sardar Shujah Muhammad

Khan Baloch Baloch PDA 2

NA-

51 1993 Malik Naeem Khan Awan Awan PML(N) 1

NA-

51 1993 Malik Bashir Awan Awan Awan PPP 2

NA-

52 1993 Sardar Shujah Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1

NA-

52 1993 Malik Ghulam Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana PML(J) 2

NA-

51 1997 Malik Umer Aslam Awan Awan PML(N) 1

NA-

51 1997 Tanveer Sultan Awan Awan Awan IND 2

NA-

52 1997

Sardar Shuja Muhammad

Khan Baloch Baloch PML(N) 1

NA-

52 1997

Malik Ghulam Muhammad

Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2

NA-

69 2002 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan NA 1

NA-

69 2002 Malik Umar Aslam Awan Awan PML(Q) 2

NA-

70 2002

Muhammad Saifullah

Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 1

NA-

70 2002

Malik Muhammad Shabbir

Awan Awan Awan PML(Q) 2

NA-

69 2008 Sumaira Malik Awan Awan PML(N) 1

NA-

69 2008 Umer Aslam Khan Awan Awan IND 2

NA-

70 2008 Malik Shakir Bashir Awan Awan Awan PML(N) 1

NA-

70 2008

Malik Muhammad Ehsan

Ullah Tiwana Tiwana Tiwana IND 2