Commercial Logging, Subsistence Livelihoods and Rural

Development: A Case Study of Rufoki Village, Malaita

Province, Solomon Islands.

by

Francis Frank Lomo

A Major Research Exercise (MRE) submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements

for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies

Centre for Development Studies

The University of the South Pacific

November 2001

© Francis Frank Lomo 2001

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY

I hereby declare that this thesis does not include without acknowledgement any materialpreviously published or submitted for a degree or diploma in any university by otherpersons. The thesis contains work undertaken by myself under the supervision of ProfRandy R. Thaman and Dr Imam Ali, of the University of South Pacific, Suva, Fiji Islands.

Francis Frank Lomo

November 2001

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to thank a number of people who assisted me in completing this thesis. Myheartful thank you to Professor Croz Walsh and the Sasakawa Foundation who granted me ascholarship for the postgraduate studies and to the University of South Pacific ResearchGrant for funding the field work. I owe a great debt to my supervisors, Professor RandyThaman and Dr Imam All Without their time, patience and useful suggestions this studycould not have been completed. Dr Tarcisius Kabutaulaka must be thanked for offering agreat deal of advice and reading and making useful suggestions on how the work could beimproved. My sincere thank you also to Mrs Barbara Hauofa for proof reading and editingthe final draft. I must pay tribute to my colleagues in the Development Studies Program,Leornard, Ruci, Ponipate, Jessica, and Semi for their encouragement and useful suggestions.

I also wish to acknowledge the assistance rendered to me by many people in SolomonIslands during my field research. Minister of Agriculture and Lands Dr Steve Aumanu inproviding me important data on logging operations on Malaita and the Malaita ProvincialAgriculture Headquarter staff of Auki were of great help. Similarly, grateful thanks are givento Grey and family of Kwaree Village and Uncle Dania and family of Bethel Village for theirhospitality and care during the field work. My heartful thank you to Wesley Tagini, ChrisBetiga (Kiito), and Fred Tofilu for their assistance in identifying local plant species and theircompanion during the field work. To them I owed a great deal.

Appreciation is also extended to all interviewees, government officials and the staff ofForestry Department, Honiara, particularly Mr. Gideon Falisi for his assistance and allowingme to use his office to view works previously done in the area of forestry. To the people ofRufoki and Elifolo Village where I visited, lived and interviewed during the course of thisstudy, I extend my sincere appreciation and 'tagio baita asiana' for your hospitality. Specialthank you to Francis and Emily of Rufoki, Felix Taloinao Laurnae and his family of Elifolo,John Sale and family of Balikafoata'a, Paul Tofilu and family of Aligegeo Secondary School,Francis and Linda of Adaliue Village and uncle Johnson Ramo of Ata'a for their hospitalitythroughout the field work. Unfortunately there are far too many to list here. I would likethem to accept this thesis as my token of appreciation and recognition of grateful relianceupon them.

Lastly, I must thank my soul mate Erlee for her constant support and keeping up with mycomplaints and to my family and friends of Boboilangi and Kwaree villages for their supportthroughout. Finally, to my mum Roselyn Damo and dad Lawrence Lomo who have inspiredme, believed in me, and who are always there for me in times of uncertainties.

DEDICATION

To my mum Roselyn Damo and dad Lawrence Lomo

Saitamado fainia lioto'o kamuru lau gu ana ne, nau ku saingainia maku susuliane. Kwaimantaia mana bae tetede lamuru ne ku adasulia, maku rosulia le leaku tara na ne. I taraiana malenge bae kamuru fasia nia e bulao na.

ABSTRACT

Over the past two decades commercial logging in Solomon Islands has attracted widespreadattention from regional and international organizations. Of particular concern is theunsustainable rate at which the country's forest has been harvested. Despite these concerns,little has been done to substantiate claims of social, economic and environmental impactsthat logging has had on the local rural communities that own almost 85 percent of the landand forests in the Solomon Islands. This realization has been the main motivation for thisstudy, from which Rufoki Village on Malaita in the Solomon Islands was selected as a casestudy. The study evaluates and examines the impacts of commercial logging on thesubsistence livelihoods of the people with particular emphasis on their use of forestresources and their social wellbeing. In addition, the study investigates the extent to whichlogging has benefited the people in terms of royalties, employment and infrastructuraldevelopment.

The study found that Rufoki villagers are still highly dependent on the forest because itmeets many of their daily needs. However, since the commencement of logging, the forestshave been affected resulting in the decline of the much needed forest products. There is amarked reduction of forest-related terrestrial and aquatic resources that have provided thevillage with their daily needs of food, fuel, medicine and many other useful products andservices in the past. Similarly, subsistence gardens have been destroyed, resulting in foodshortages. Associated with increased income and the in-migration of workers from otherprovinces is a decline in social stability. This includes declining production and socialimportance of gardening, alcohol-related problems, unwanted pregnancies, decline incommunity work ethic and the destruction of cultural and taboo sites. In addition to thesocio-economic impacts, logging has also had severe environmental impacts on the villageenvironment. These include, soil erosion, sedimentation, pollution and destruction ofwatershed areas and river courses.

Having explored these issues, the study further investigated the perceived benefits that areoften associated with logging. It was found that royalty payment benefited only a fewlandowners, infrastructure was not developed as promised and employment involved few ofthe landowning members. The findings are similar to studies undertaken in other tropicalcountries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Brazil and Papua New Guinea where logging is rife.The documentation of the impacts of logging on subsistence livelihoods and social wellbeingis seen as a positive step towards finding solutions and alternatives to logging. This can serveas an information base for stakeholders of the industry to take heed to promote moresustainable logging practices. As such this could provide greater benefits to the localresource owners, on one hand, and on the other will minimize environmental degradationand ensure that forest resources will continue to serve as a foundation for sustainablelivelihoods in Solomon Islands.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY iACKNOWLEDGEMENT iiABSTRACT iiiDEDICATION ivTABLE OF CONTENTS vLIST OF TABLES viiiLIST OF FIGURES xiLIST OF MAPS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1

1.0 INTRODUCTION1.1 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM 31.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY 81.3 METHODOLOGY 9

1.3.1 Literature Survey1.3.2 Personal Interviews1.3.3 Group Discussion 101.3.4 In-The-Depth Field Survey 11

1.4 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY 131.5 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS 14

CHAPTER 2: COMMERCIAL LOGGING, SUBSISTENCELIVELIHOODS AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT:A CONFLICT 16

2.0. INTRODUCTION2.1 FORESTS AND SUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS

2.1.1 Towards Modernization 212.2 COMMERCIAL LOGGING AND DEFORESTATION 232.3 COMMERCIAL LOGGING AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT

(POSITIVE IMPACTS) 272.3.1 Log and Timber Revenues 282.3.2 Employment 302.3.3 Infrastructure Development 312.3.4 Skills and Technological Transfer 32

2.4 NEGATIVE SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACTS OFCOMMERCIAL LOGGING 34

2.4.1 Reduction of Wild Forest Foods and Other ImportantForest Products 35

2.4.2 Impact on Village Gardening and Animal Domestication 392.4.3 Social instability and logging 41

2.5 NEGATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OFCOMMERCIAL LOGGING 45

2.5.1 Soil Erosion and Sedimentation 462.5.2 Loss of Biodiversity 482.5.3 Destruction of Watershed and Pollution 49

3.0 SUMMARY 51

CHAPTER 3: COMMERCIAL LOGGING AND DEVELOPMENTIN THE SOLOMON ISLANDS 52

3.0 INTRODUCTION3.1 LOCATION3.2 PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY 543.3 CLIMATE 553.4 NATURAL ENVIRONMENT 56

3.4.1 Marine Resources3.4.2 Mineral Resources 573.4.3 Forest Resources 58

3.5 DEMOGRAPHY 603.5.1 Rural to Urban Migration 61

3.6 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL SYSTEMS 623.6.1 Indigenous Political Systems3.6.2 Introduced (Present) Political System 63

3.7 LAND TENURE 653.8 THE ECONOMY 67

3.8.1 Subsistence Sector 683.8.2 Commercial or Cash Economy 73

3.9 SOLOMON ISLANDS LOGGING INDUSTRY 813.9.1 Background of Logging Industry3.9.2 Landowners and Logging 85

4.0 RESEARCH SITE 874.1 Rufoki Village 884.2 ADO Logging Company 91SUMMARY 95

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS: SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANDENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF COMMERCIALLOGGING ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT ANDSUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS IN RUFOKIVILLAGE. 96

4.0 INTRODUCTION4.1 HUNTING AND GATHERING 97

4.1.1 Wild Terrestrial and Freshwater Food4.1.2 Building materials 1014.1.3 Medicinal plants 1034.1.4 Firewood 1054.1.5 Other uses 106

4.2 VILLAGE GARDENING AND LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION 1084.3 OTHER INCOME ACTIVITIES 112

4.4 SUPPOSED BENEFITS OF LOGGING (RURAL DEVELOPMENT) 1144.4.1 Rural Income (Royalty)4.4.2 Provision of Employment 1164.4.3 Infrastructural Development 118

4.5 IMPACTS ON WILD TERRESTRIAL AND FRESHWATERFOOD PRODUCTS 1204.5.1 Reduction in Wild Terrestrial Food and Freshwater Products 1214.5.2. Destruction and Relocation of Gardens 132

5.0 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACTS 1385.1 Decline in Gardening Activities5.2 Decline in Communal Work 1395.3 Land Disputes 1405.4 Encroachment by New Settlers on Logged Areas 1415.5 Alcohol Problems 1425.4.6 Cultural Conflicts 143

6.0 NEGATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS 1446.1 Soil Erosion and Sedimentation6.2 Pollution 1466.3 Increased Flooding 1476.4 Increase in Pests and Weeds.

7.0 SUMMARY 149

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 151

5.0 INTRDODUCTION5.1 IMPACTS OF LOGGING ON SUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS 152

5.1.1 Social and Cultural Impacts5.1.2 Economic Impacts 1545.1.3 Environmental Impacts 157

5.2 OPPORTUNITIES AND PROSPECTS FOR FUTUREDEVELOPMENT 158

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS 1625.4 CONCLUSION 167

BIBLIOGRAPHY 170

APPENDIX 1 178

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1: Main uses of forest by selected Pacific Island countries. 18

2.2: Forestry exports for Papua New Guinea, Solomon

Islands, and Vanuatu for the period of 1995-1997. 29

3.1: Areas of forests by province (1999) 59

3.2: Production of Major Agriculture commodities (1997-1999) 74

3.3: Timber Harvest and Exports (1989-1997) 80

3.4: Log Shipments and Quantities by ADO LoggingCompanyfrom 1997-1998. 93

4.1: Wild food products as being important in a survey of 20male and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village,Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 98

4.2: Terrestrial animal food specified as being important in asurvey of 20 male and 20 female respondents in RufokiVillage, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 100

4.3: Freshwater animal food specified as being important in asurvey of 20 male and 20 female respondents in RufokiVillage, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 101

4.4: Common building materials specified as being importantin a survey of 20 male and 20 female respondents inRufoki Village, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 102

4.5: Common medicinal plants specified as being important ina survey of 20 male and 20 female respondents in RufokiVillage, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 104

4.6: Common firewood, based on a survey of 20 male and 20female respondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province,Solomon Islands. 105

4.7: Other useful plants and products specified as beingimportant in a survey of 20 male and 20 femalerespondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, SolomonIslands. 107

4.8: Commonly cultivated food crops in Rufoki Village, basedon a survey of 20 male and 20 female respondents inRufoki Village, Malaita province, Solomon Islands. 109

4.9: Frequency of specified income activities as major sourcesof income based on a survey of 20 males and 20 females inRufoki village, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 113

4.10: Table showing the responses as to the level of satisfactionof royalty payments based on the 8 male and 8 femaleslandowning members of Lagwae Tribe of Rufoki village,Malaita Province. 115

4.11: Table showing the nature and distribution of employmentwithin ADO Logging Company Ltd. 116

4.12: Frequency of responses of a sample of 20 male and 20female respondent as to the improvement of infrastructureas a result of logging in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province,Solomon Islands. 119

4.13: Frequency of responses to what were the five main socialimpacts of logging on the community, based on a surveyof 20 males and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village,Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. 121

4.14: The frequency of responses as to the impact of logging onthe availability of wild staples, fruits and nuts, andvegetables, based on a survey of 20 male and 20 femalerespondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita, Solomon Islands. 122

4.15: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the availability of terrestrial wild animal food, based ona survey of 20 male and 20 female respondents in RufokiVillage, Malaita, Solomon Islands. 124

4.16: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the availability of freshwater animal food, based on asurvey of 20 male and 20 female respondents in RufokiVillage, Malaita, Solomon Islands. 125

4.17: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the availability of medicinal plants, based on a survey of20 male and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village,Malaita, Solomon Islands. 126

4.18: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the availability of firewood, based on a survey of 20male and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita,Solomon Islands. 128

4.19: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the availability of building material, based on a surveyof 0 male and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village,Malaita, Solomon Islands. 129

4.20: The frequency of responses as to the impacts of loggingon the other important forest products, based on a surveyof 20 male and 20 female respondents in Rufoki Village,Malaita, Solomon Islands. 131

4.21: Major staple foods reportedly loss and amounts claimeddue to logging activities based on a survey of 11respondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, SolomonIslands. 133

4.22: Vegetable and fruit products reportedly loss and amountsclaimed due to logging, based on a survey of 11respondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, SolomonIslands. 134

4.23: Major fruits, nuts and narcotic plant reportedly loss andamounts claimed due to logging based on a survey of 11respondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, SolomonIslands.

4.24: The frequency of responses to what were the mainnegative environmental impacts of logging on theenvironment in a survey of 20 male and 20 femalerespondents in Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, SolomonIslands. 145

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 3:1: Composition of Exports (1988- 1999)-(Share of total valueof exports) 74

3.2: Log Production and Estimated Sustainable Yield forNatural Forest 82

3.3: Solomon Islands Log Revenue Shares for 1992-1997 86

LIST OF MAPS

Map 3.1: Map of Solomon Islands 53

Map 3.2: Map of Malaita Highlighting Rufoki Village. 90

Map 3.3: Map showing logged areas, logging roads, sacred sitesand Rufoki Village. 94

1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.0 INTRODUCTION

The world has become increasingly conscious of the socioeconomic and environmental

effects of large-scale resource development. Deforestation of tropical forests due to

commercial logging has been one of the most controversial issues confronting governments,

environmental groups, resource owners, forest occupants, international development

agencies and the world at large. At the national level, commercial logging provides

socioeconomic benefits such as foreign exchange and local revenues, employment, transfer

of technological knowledge and skills, and the development of infrastructure, particularly in

rural areas.

However, the negative socioeconomic and environmental impacts of large-scale commercial

logging have become issues of contention, as logging directly reduces the sources of

livelihood of many people who depend on the forest and forest products for their survival

(Cassells 1993:45). The Food and Agriculture Organisation (1990:42) estimates that

developing countries' tropical forests are disappearing at a rate of 17 million hectares per

year, about 35% due to commercial logging alone. The impacts of commercial logging

become more critical when one considers the large percentage of the world's population that

depends on forests for their day to day survival. The World Bank (1992:24) estimates that

500 million forest dwellers and nearby residents or settlers depend directly on forests for

their survival. These include hunter-gatherers, hunter-gardeners, swidden cultivators and

semi-subsistence farmers. To these people, forests are a source of food, building materials

for their houses, wood for agricultural implements and a wide range of other tools, firewood,

traditional medicines, fibres and dyes clothing and handicrafts, poisons, insecticides and

fertilisers, materials of traditional religious significance plus countless other products of

economic and cultural importance. Consequently the reduction of forest cover has a

significant impact on die provision of such products and on the livelihoods of forest

dependent peoples. Deforestation, thus, has significant economic and social implications for

those dependent on forests - both human and other living things.

In some Pacific Island countries, in particular, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea and Fiji,

the issue of large-scale commercial logging has become an issue of concern over the past

two decades. Solomon Islands log exports from 1994 to 1998 contributed 55 per cent of the

total export revenues (CBSI 1999:2). But despite such a significant economic benefit the

country is logging its natural forests at twice the sustainable rate. At such a rate, it is

estimated that the country could deplete its forests by the year 2010 (AUSAID 1996:45).

Furthermore, large-scale commercial logging has caused numerous environmental problems

such as soil degradation, loss of biodiversity, sedimentation and pollution, which have been

documented, where logging companies are now operating (SPREP. 1993; Montgomery 1995;

Leary 1993; FORTECH 1995). Similarly, socio-economic problems have also arisen in

logging communities. Cassells and Scheyvens (1999:109) report, for instance, that social

problems such as land disputes, unwanted pregnancy, alcohol abuse problems and a general

break down of traditional norms and beliefs of the communities have been among the

results of commercial logging. These are cause for serious concern for a country like

Solomon Islands where 88 per cent of its population are subsistence dwellers who have a

very high dependence on the forest for their livelihoods (Ward 1985: 14)

Despite the widespread awareness of problems associated with large-scale logging many

developing countries have not made concerted efforts to address the problems experienced

by rural people who depend on the forest. Most importantly, the perceived economic

benefits do not seem to be enjoyed by rural people. This raises a number of important

questions as to why commercial timber exploitation is not benefiting the people who own

the resources. At the same time, to the extent that if the resource owners do benefit from

logging, how has this compromised their subsistence livelihoods in the long term, and when

logging companies have finished logging the forest, how will rural people respond to both

the effects of deforestation and the cessation of incomes from logging. Hence, it is

important that an assessment of the impacts of logging should be carried out in order that

development practitioners, politicians, scholars, resource owners, resource developers and

forest occupants become more aware of these impacts. Accordingly, this study is concerned

with the impacts of commercial logging on rural development in general, and more

specifically the subsistence livelihoods of the people of Rufoki Village on West Malaita in

Solomon Islands.

1.1 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

Increasing deforestation due to commercial logging of tropical forests has precipitated a

rapid increase in research and literature on the topic. The destruction of tropical forests

receives world-wide attention because of the unique role that forests play in evolutionary and

ecological terms; the diversity of functions they serve; and the accelerating threat to their

existence. Tropical forests are also home to many millions of people including many

indigenous groups, and comprise the richest diversity of terrestrial flora and fauna (biological

diversity) on earth. Although tropical forests cover only seven per cent of the earth's surface,

they contain approximately 50 per cent of all terrestrial species (Brown and Pearce 1994:2).

This biodiversity is valuable for a number of reasons: food, building materials, medicinal,

fuel wood, other direct uses, recreation education, and scientific research. To the indigenous

forest dwellers, the tropical forests provide timber and a whole range of other products,

known as non-timber forest products such as fruit, nuts, oils, latex and other exudates,

medicine, building materials, meat and many other products that meet their subsistence

needs, and are traded both locally and in international markets. In addition forests provide

ecological and environmental functions including watershed and soil protection, climate

regulation and the protection of coral reefs and lagoons from sedimentation. Forests also

have intrinsic value and in many cases are vested with profound spiritual and cultural, as well

as economic and scientific, importance.

However, despite the recognition of the important role that forests play in the survival of

humans, and their component biodiversity, tropical rainforest clearance continues at an

alarming rate. The environmental impacts of large-scale logging of tropical rainforest,

especially where timber is clear-felled, are now well documented and widely recognised

(Stuhsaker 1997; Lamb 1990; Filer 1997; Pearce & Brown 1994; Osgood 1994).

Economically, one of the reasons for this continued destruction is that the immediate

financial benefits to be gained from exploitation of the forests often appear to far outweigh

the long term benefits to be gained by a less obvious, but more sustainable forms of use

(Gassells 1993: 45). Clarke (1973:277) warns of the dangers associated with the increasing

incorporation of forests and forests societies into the global economy, noting that many of

the environmentally sound practices of preliterate populations will be abandoned in the

pursuit of economic development, in particular, profit-oriented development.

In pursuing such development, Solomon Islands, like many other developing nations, looks

to forestry as a remedy to its slow economic development. Of particular concern has been

the indiscriminate export of round logs, over the past two decades. The significant increase

in logging activities in the early 1980s and 1990s was a result of both internal and external

factors. Government policies as a means of encouraging foreign investment, provided a lax

investment environment for foreign logging companies, particularly Asian companies.

Generous concessions and a flexible export tax structure resulted in the influx of logging

companies in the early 1990s. Poor logging practices and lack of proper monitoring resulted

in the uncontrolled harvesting and export of logs with little or no value added within the

country. A number of studies carried out by environmental groups, international

development agencies and the non-government organisations revealed that the logging

operations have been causing massive environmental and socio-economic problems in the

country (Cassells 1993; Greenpeace 1996; AIDAB 1992; ADB1999)

A major contributing factor to the increase of logging rates in the Solomon Islands was the

influx of foreign logging companies in the late 1980s, which also coincided with the poor

economic growth performance of the country due to the world-wide economic recession

during that period. The pressing need for money in the rural areas to meet costs of goods

and services such as education, transport, health, imported food, church and other social

obligations constituted pressure on rural landowners to find other alternatives, such as

logging their forests to meet these increasing demands. As a result landowners were

pressured into entering into contract agreements with the foreign logging companies to carry

out logging on their lands. For instance, landowners of North New Georgia in the Western

Province of Solomon Islands entered into a logging agreement with the Malaysian Golden

Springs Logging company partly in return for infrastructural development (Dauvergne

1997:8). As a result more and more landowners have become frustrated due to unfulfilled

government promises of infrastructural development and services in their areas, after they

have willingly allowed logging companies to log their forests so that the needed

infrastructure and services are provided (Duncan 1994:6).

Such arrangements between land owners and logging companies encourage logging

companies to dictate most of the terms of logging within contracted areas. Duncan

(1994:8) pointed out that the foreign companies have the upper hand in their dealings with

the landowners, as they are the controllers of capital and technology. As a result,

unsustainable harvesting of forests was allowed to occur as tribal leaders and landowner

representatives were given petty bribes by the companies to have decisions made to favour

them. The situation has also given rise to a number of problems for the communities that

own the land and depend on the forest for their survival. A descriptive statement by Colee

(1995:116) who worked as a doctor in Solomon Islands for several years, provided an

alarming overview of the impacts of logging on the people and the environment:

Their fishing and gardens are destroyed, so we see malnourished children in thehospital. Their social structure is destroyed, so we see crimes of violence andvenereal diseases. Their water supply is destroyed, so we see skin infections andwater-borne diseases. Their men become drunkards, their women turn toprostitution, and their children buy cheap sugary drinks and rot their teeth. Whatthe villages gain in compensation is probably half a Korean executive's annual salary.What it loses is incalculable.

Grossman (1981) painted a similar scenario for Papua New Guinea by pointing out that as a

result of the enthusiasm for cash earning activities, specifically commercial coffee and

livestock production, subsistence affluence had been replaced by what he referred to as

'subsistence malaise', a condition in which the previously strong commitment to subsistence

production had declined because the negative comparison to cash activity endeavours and

other externally derived activities had led to a reduction in the production level and resilience

of the subsistence system. He also chronicled widespread malnutrition and social problems

related to gambling and alcohol consumption and the destruction of gardens by pigs due to

non-maintenance of fences by men. In addition, Yen (1980:23) also showed that throughout

the Pacific, the impact of the cash economy on traditional agriculture has been the

disintensification of food crop production as labour has been diverted to other activities.

Although socio-economic and environmental problems caused by logging in Solomon

Islands have been widely documented (Barnes 1989; Cassells 1993; Duncan 1997; Filer 1997;

Kabutaulaka 1998; Overton & Scheyvens 1999), there has been little done on evaluation and

assessment of the impacts of logging on the subsistence livelihoods and whether logging has

contributed significantly to the development of the rural area as a whole. Of particular

concern are the implications that ecosystem changes have in terms of the long-term welfare

and livelihoods of local communities, because the vast majority of people still live in rural

areas and their lives continue to be based on subsistence activities including horticultural,

hunting and gathering (Cassells 1999:48). Furthermore, the negative social impacts caused

by industrial logging are too often overlooked in assessments of the damage caused by

logging, particularly in terms of the high numbers of people affected and the wide-reaching

nature of the problems created in people's lives. Similarly, the potential costs in economic

terms of replacing the benefits provided by the forests are rarely addressed adequately.

Over the last two decades there has been a significant increase in logging activities, which

has obviously resulted in a number of socioeconomic and environmental problems.

Livelihoods have been altered, in both positive and negative ways, partly as a result of

commercial logging. In this context, this thesis attempts to examine carefully the impacts of

logging on subsistence livelihoods and rural development in Solomon Islands.

1.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

This study investigates and evaluates two aspects of commercial logging: its impact on

subsistence livelihoods1 of local communities, and its contribution to the overall

development of rural areas. Under the first of these, the study aims more specifically to:

(1) study the characteristics of the subsistence livelihoods of the people, particularlytheir use of forest resource before the introduction of commercial logging;

(2) find out the degree of rural people's dependence on subsistence livelihoods;

(3) find out the changes to livelihoods that have occurred as a result of loggingoperations; and

(4) investigate the social and environmental impacts of commercial logging on thelivelihoods of the people;

Under the second heading, the study aims to:

(1) find out whether commercial logging has contributed to the rural development interms of income, employment, infrastructure and other social institutions, andthe overall improvement of living standards;

(2) find out, if the perceived benefits of commercial logging are comparable to thatof the subsistence value of forests and the existing livelihoods of the people;

(3) investigate what increased cash incomes are used for and whether these aresustainable or invested in capital development or in consumer goods.

As a final step the study recommend strategies to maintain subsistence livelihoods

while at the same time maintaining sustainable harvesting of forest resources.

For this research, subsistence livelihoods refers to activities such as village agriculture, fishing, hunting and gathering fromthe forest and associated ecosystems for food, medicine, building materials, water, fuel wood and many other usefulproducts. It also encompasses systems of the culturally and socially meaningful complex of activities through whichinterpersonal relationships were established and reinforced with both living and deceased in a rural village setting.

1.3 METHODOLOGY

The study was carried out between November 1999 and June 2000 at The University of the

South Pacific (USP) in Suva and in Solomon Islands. Field research in Solomon Islands was

carried out between December 1999 and February 2000. During the study, a number of

research methods were employed. These included: (i) a literature survey, (if) personal

interviews, (iii) informal discussions and, (iv) a form of in-the-field survey.

1.3.1 Literature Survey

A literature survey on issues related to commercial logging and its impact on rural

development and subsistence livelihoods was carried out at The University of the South

Pacific Library, South Pacific Action for Committee for Human Ecology and the

Environment (SPACHEE) Library, and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) Library in

Suva. Additional documents were also collected from the Department of Forestry, Honiara,

the Central Bank of Solomon Islands (CBSI), and Agriculture Extension services in Auki,

the headquarter of Malaita Province, Solomon Islands. The latter documents provided

important data, which could not have been obtained through other means. For instance, on

a few occasions I was unable to interview some forestry officers either because they were out

of town or were too busy. However, they themselves or their co-workers kindly gave me

materials or directed me to appropriate sources.

1.3.2 Personal Interviews

The initial phases of the fieldwork, carried out in Solomon Islands in December 1999,

involved interviewing villagers. A random sample of 40 people (20 males and 20 females)

was selected from villagers over the age of 35 who had resided in the village for at least 15

10

years. Both structured and unstructured interviews were employed in soliciting information.

Structured interviews were guided by an interview schedule that was divided into four parts:

1) setting the context; 2) impacts of commercial logging (negative and positive); 3)

contribution of logging to rural development; and 4) suggestions and opinions. The

structured interview schedule included a total of 40 questions, some having several parts (see

Appendix 1). The questions were written in English, but during the interviews my research

assistant and I conversed in Fataleka (the local dialect) or (in some cases) in Solomon Islands

Pijin (the lingua franco used for communication at the national level). As mentioned, the

interview schedule was employed simply as a guide. During the interviews other questions

not in the interview schedule were also asked, sometimes to elaborate and clarify points and

at other times to introduce related topics.

Unstructured interviews were also used in this study. These involved individuals who were

uncomfortable with structured interviews because they felt it was 'whiteman' type. In these

cases a more informal discussion such as 'tok stori' (unuunu) proved more productive. These

informal discussions were then later transformed as part of my data.

1.3.3 Group Discussions

Where unstructured interviews were preferred, information was obtained through the use of

discussion groups. This proved to be a productive means of collecting data because it

resembles the traditional large village meetings that Rufoki villagers still use today as a forum

for discussing village and community issues, including resolution of disputes. Because of the

limited time, only two group discussions were held as part of the data collection. The first

group discussion on 11th December 1999, was with a village women's group with 14 women

in attendance. The second group discussion was with a men's group, in which 19 were in

attendance. Each group discussion opened with me explaining the purpose of the gathering

and my study. After asking general questions such as "what is your opinion on commercial

logging on your land?" I left the floor open for discussions. Whenever the discussion

diverged from the topic, I intervened with a question or comment to avoid loss of

perspective. However, during both discussions the group members stayed on the topic most

of the time, a clear indication of their interest in commercial logging as an important issue in

Solomon Islands. Villagers said that they enjoyed participating because through the

discussions they acquired new knowledge and were able to voice their opinions on the

subject. From my point of view as researcher, such an immediate response was an indication

of a community not well informed on the subject of commercial logging and its short and

long-term implications for sustainable development.

1.3.4 In-The-Field Surveys

In-the-field surveys were carried out at Rufoki Village over a 4-week period. During this

time, I actively participated in all kinds of village activities such as gardening, fishing,

feasting, hunting, sports and church services. I also spent a week at the logging company's

camp at Elifolo Village accompanying chainsaw operators, bulldozer drivers, and log-pond

recorders to witness first-hand their role in the logging operations and the on-site impacts.

Participant observation was also employed in situations where direct interviews were either

not feasible or intrusive. For example, a situation in which important data were collected

through participant observation was a village meeting during which the residents of Rufoki

and Darimasi and landowning clans gathered to discuss a land dispute with a neighbouring

On some occasions I also observed previously logged areas, streams and roadways where

there was evidence of environmental impacts associated with logging. On these occasion I

took rough notes while still in the field and converted them to expanded narratives upon

return to my house. The principal reason for utilising these different ways of data collection

was not because of their recommendation by social scientists. Rather, the reason is that,

collectively, they complement conventional and critical ethnography in pushing the

examination of deforestation, subsistence livelihoods and rural development in Rufoki

village further than might have otherwise been possible. More critically, however, the

multiple perspectives gained from using a range of techniques also helped to ensure a more

balanced representation of the nature of rural development as it is occurring in Rufoki

Village today. It is my hope that the results of the research will provide new insights for

Solomon Islanders into the kind of problems faced by the rural sector and the shortcomings

of existing development activities in rural areas. Using such information it is hoped that

rural people and policy makers can work together to alleviate existing problems and

overcome the obstacles to improving the subsistence livelihoods of rural people while at the

same time gaining some economic benefit from the sustainable harvest of fragile forest

resources. Thus, it might be possible to realise sustainable rural development, which should

be a blend of the favourable features of traditional Solomon Island rural society or kastom

and those features and benefits of the modern cash economy most appropriate to, and

realistically attainable on a long term basis by, both rural people and the Solomon Islands

nation, as a whole.

1.4 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Most of the studies undertaken in Solomon Islands in the past on the subject of commercial

logging (Kabutaulaka 1997; Cassells 1993; SIDT 1994; and Dauvergne 1997) provide little

in-depth information coverage on the impacts of logging on the livelihoods of people and

on whether logging directly contributes to the development of rural areas. Kabutaulaka's

(1997) study looking at the political aspects of logging calls for a more transparent

administration of logging licenses and concessions. Along the same lines, Dauvergne (1997)

assesses the role of multinational companies on commercial timber management in Solomon

Islands since the 1990s. He highlights the existence of corporate bribes and pressures on

state and community leaders, which further contributes to inappropriate policies and weak

enforcement of state regulations in achieving sustainable yields. On a different note,

Cassells's (1993) study attempts to quantify the costs and benefits of subsistence production

compared to the monetary benefits derived in the form of royalties or cash incomes.

Similarly, the SIDT (1994) study concentrated on empowerment of rural villagers to

withstand the pressures of government intervention and multinationals in the logging of

their forests. More specifically, it stresses the importance of education and awareness

campaigns and the provision of information to rural resource owners.

However, as mentioned earlier none of these studies fully assesses the environmental and

socioeconomic impacts of logging on the rural people at the local level, or indicates whether

logging has contributed to sustainable rural development. This study will help fill this gap

and hence, complement previous works. Furthermore, the study is useful for three reasons.

Firstly, it documents the voice of an indigenous scholar and resource owner (myself) in

relation to the subject of commercial logging. Secondly, it provides background work for

future research. Finally,it will produce information about logging and rural development,

which it is hoped, be of use to the rural forest owners, government and resource developers

in their quest for identifying more sustainable alternatives for forestry development in

Solomon Islands.

1.5 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

This introductory chapter has introduces the major issues in current discussion on

deforestation due to commercial logging and development in developing countries together

with some of the conceptual and practical problems in the industry. The principal objectives

of the study have been listed. The methodology employed to carry out the study has been

discussed and a brief outline of the significance of the study presented.

Chapter 2 constitutes a background literature review of subsistence uses of forest

resources, the debate over logging and deforestation and the impacts of logging on

subsistence livelihoods. It also includes a discussion of the perceived benefits of logging to

rural villages, the role of logging in the economy, and the impacts of logging on those who

depend on the forest for their survival.

Chapter 3 focuses on Solomon Islands, and particularly on the island of Malaita and

Rufoki Village as the focus of the study. Included are background data and information on

the physical environment, demography and social systems including political systems, land

tenure, and the economy of Solomon Islands. It also looks briefly at the history of

commercial logging and its impact in the Solomon Islands.

Chapter 4 presents the findings of my study of Rufoki Village, on the subsistence

livelihoods of the community, and the contribution of logging to the overall rural

development in terms of income, infrastructure development, employment, and transfer of

skills and technology.

Chapter 5, the concluding chapter, summarises the findings and compares them with

the situation elsewhere in Solomon Islands and in the developing world. It also discusses

the implications of the findings of this study for the Solomon Islands logging industry and

rural development, and suggests ways forward.

CHAPTER 2

COMMERCIAL LOGGING, SUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS AND RURALDEVELOPMENT: A CONFLICT

2.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter discusses the relationship between logging and subsistence livelihoods, and how

commercial logging can either contribute to or hinder rural development. It explores these

issues globally, in the Pacific Islands and in Solomon Islands by reviewing the existing

literature. More specifically the chapter discusses the relationship between: (1) forests and

subsistence livelihoods; (2) commercial logging and rural development and, (3) the impacts

of commercial logging on the environment and subsequently on subsistence livelihoods.

2.1. FORESTS AND SUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS

"For those who do not belong to the forest, it is a closed, remote, possessive world and

hostile to all those who do not understand it. But for those who live and depend on the

forest, it is their life and their world" (Turnbull 1962:13). Turnbull's study of the Pygmies of

Congo illustrated this intimate relationship between the people and the forest:

The BaMbuti are the real people of the forest. They have been in the forest for manythousands of years. It is their world, and in return for their affection and trust itsupplies them with all their needs. They do not have to cut the forest down to buildplantations, for they know how to hunt the game of the region and gather the wild fruitsthat grow in abundance there, though hidden to outsiders. They know how todistinguish the innocent-looking itaba vine from the many others it resembles so closely,and they know how to follow it until it leads them to a cache of nutritious, sweet-tastingroots. They know the sounds that tell where the bees have hidden their honey, theyrecognise the kind of weather that brings a multitude of different kinds of mushroomsspringing to the surface; and they know what kinds of woods and leaves often disguisethis food. The exact moment when the termites swarm, at which they must be caughtto provide the important delicacy, are a mystery to any but the people of the forest.They know the secret language that is denied all outsiders and without which life in theforest is impossibility (1962:13).

This is a similar story for many forest communities around the world. Their livelihoods are

built around the use of the forest to meet their basic needs. These include food, water,

shelter, medicine and products such as fuel-wood, charcoal, pulp, chips for composite

material and fencing poles, as well as a wide range of other goods from forest ecosystems

and many other culturally important products.

The World Bank (1992:5) claimed that an estimated 696 million people dwelled in the

tropical rainforests in the early 1980s. These included people whose ancestors had lived in

forests for centuries, even for thousands of years, and whose tribal cultures were built

around hunting and gathering or slash-and-burn agriculture. This holds true for many

developing countries as most people still live in dispersed rural settlements and, apart from

hunting and gathering, also depend on other subsistence means for their livelihoods. The

survival of such forest livelihoods will necessarily depend on the maintenance of the integrity

of the natural resource base, and their horticultural and domestication practices. However, it

must also be noted at the outset that subsistence systems do not consist of the use of forest

products alone. Grossman (1981:231) states that a subsistence system is not only a food

procurement system but also a culturally and socially meaningful complex of activities

through which interpersonal relationship are established and reinforced with both the Eving

and the dead.

The same can be said as a large proportion of the population of many countries in the

South-west South Pacific who depend on the forest to sustain their livelihoods. Thistlewait

and Votaw (1992:189) stated that more than 80 per cent of the population of Papua New

Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, and about 60 per cent of Fijians, live in rural villages

and obtain the bulk of their diet from subsistence production. A large portion of the

subsistence production has been derived from the forest. Thaman and Clarke (1983) provide

a range and diversity of products of which the local people in Pacific Islands that local

people use in their livelihoods (cited in Gregersen et al. 1989:16) (See Table 2.1 below).

Table 2.1: Main uses of forest by selected Pacific Island countries.

Function

Timber (subsistence)Fuel woodBoat building and canoesToolsWeapons/huntingDyesFibre/fabricMajor staple foodWild/snack/emergency foodLivestock feedNarcotics/stimulantsInsect repellentOilsRitual exchangeScents/perfumesMedicinesPlaited ware/mats/sailsSupplementary foodBeveragesGlues/adhesive/caulking

Highland:PNG

XX

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

X

Continentalislands:

Namosi, Fiji

XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

Highvolcanic:

CookIslands

XXXXXXXXXX

XXXXXXXXX

LargelimestoneVolcanic:

TongaXXXXXXXXXX

XXXXXXXXX

Small corallimestone:

Nauru

XXXXXXXXXX

XXXXXXXXX

PNG -Papua New GuineaX = observed functions- - Not applicable or no known function

Same: Tharnan and Clarke 1983 (cited in Gregersen et. al 1989:16).

The first inhabitants of most Pacific islands were almost certainly mainly hunters and

gatherers who depended on marine, freshwater and terrestrial wild plant and animal foods

(Thaman 1997:300). Although later inhabitants were agriculturists, they still had a very high

degree of dependence on wild food. These wild foods include forest food from both primary

and secondary forests such as wild yams, fruits and nuts, wild ferns and other greens, birds,

insects, grubs, flying foxes and wild pigs. River and swamp food were also collected,

including food like sago and nipa palms, prawns, small fish, eels, watercress, wild taro leaf,

and freshwater clams. In mangrove, estuanne and tidal flats were found foods like

mangrove fruit, crab, small shrimp, mangrove lobsters, shell fish and many types of fish;

lagoon, reef and ocean foods like seaweed, a great variety of shellfish, crabs, octopus, sea

cucumbers, sea urchins, turtle and countless species of fish: weedy waste places and fallow

areas are also the sources of foods like guava, pig weed, ferns and other fruit trees. Clay

(1988:6) also added that locally, wild animals and fish often were the only source of non-

vegetable protein for the rural population.

The tropical forest fulfils a similar role for its inhabitants today. In other parts of the world,

portions of their population also live a similar livelihoods and have continued to depend on

the forest for their daily needs. For instance, in Southern Venezuela, the Yekuana Indians

regularly use nine species of terrestrial mammals, nine species of monkeys, and eighteen

species of birds for food (Mather 1992:64). In Eastern Ecuador, as many as 224 plant species

are utilised, mostly for foods, but also for construction, tools and medicines, while in

northern Bolivia 80 per cent of forests trees, shrubs, vines and herbs are used (Myers 1989).

In other places such as in areas of Sudan, the uses of forest products range from medicines

and fish poisons, through fruit, soap and cosmetic oils to ropes and construction materials

(Mather 1992:126). Similarly in places such as Indonesia bamboo and rattans are also

increasingly important export non-timber products from forests. These minor products are

too often overlooked. However, when compared with timber harvested from logging, Peters

et al. (1989:33) argues that logging can bring a much greater value than that of non-timber

products, but the net present value of non-timber production, when measured over a long

period of time, can exceed that of timber.

20

Furthermore, often less realised is the fact that most cultivated and inhabited lands were

once clothed with forest and most agriculture occurred in soils that evolved under forests. In

many subsistence societies, it is on these forest-derived soils that the bulk of the food is

produced. In subsistence societies, almost all households have one or more gardens where

most food is grown and at times supplemented by food obtained through hunting and

gathering. Gardens are normally prepared by slash-and-burn methods with the use of simple

tools such as digging sticks. In most Pacific societies, a variety of crops is grown. These

include yarns, taro, banana, sweet potato and many others. Food is largely grown for own

consumption and surplus is often shared to other members of the tribe or used for feasts.

Despite the many important products forests provide, over time, these have changed as a

result of economic development activities that have been introduced into hitherto

subsistence lifestyles. This is critical, yet as Thistlewait and Votaw (1992:3) argue, although

modern development activities seem expedient in the short term and although they satisfy

higher economic aspirations, they often threaten the long-term sustainability of local systems

for providing food, and other basic supplies. They also stress that traditional taboo and

customary controls are unable to resist the pressures imposed on them. The introduction of

a monetary system and large-scale resource development such as logging has had numerous

impacts on the forest and the people's livelihoods. Moreover, the goods and services that

have been perceived to come with such development seemed not to have eventuated. Thus,

what we often see are communities not only economically poor but socially and culturally

disintegrated. In a 1991 study on the island of Choiseul, Cassels (1992) found that within the

period of 15 years of logging there have been increases in pests that attack food gardens,

reduction in bird numbers and the supply of construction materials, and an increase in

malaria mosquitoes caused by pools of stagnant water caused by bulldozers.

By not explicitly recognising the importance of the goods and services provided by the

forest, governments, commercial companies and a few landowners have often allowed

logging and destruction of forests to continue unabated. On the basis of the foregoing, there

is a need for the impacts of these large-scale natural developments to be carefully evaluated

and analysed, in order that remedies and alternative actions can be taken. More importantly,

it is important to safeguard these livelihoods whilst promoting sustainable development of

these resources.

2.1.1 Towards Modernisation

The previous section discusses the situation in many rural villages and settings throughout

the world where local populations depend largely on their natural resource to meet many of

their basic needs. However, in many Third World countries, with European colonisation,

numerous changes have taken place, particularly to the people's livelihoods. These include

the changes from a purely subsistence livelihood to those of the modem economic activities

such as large-scale resource developments. Although this study focuses on the subsistence

livelihoods of rural dwellers it is necessary to consider these changes, in order to have a

better understanding of the range of livelihoods in the rural areas.

First, the pure subsistence farm, where nothing is produced for the market, is no longer

common in most places in the world. In the Pacific, for instance, Fisk (1986:11) argued thatv

the monetary system has even extended to the most remote parts of the Pacific.

Consequently, most households now take some part in monetary transactions - even though

they may be, for some, only small and relatively infrequent ones. On this basis, the

22

subsistence sector can no longer be considered as a set of people living wholly outside the

market economy, but instead a set of non-monetary economic activities undertaken by

people most of whom also have some monetary activities (Fisk 1975:139).

Despite increasing monetisation, a significant proportion of households in very many

countries around the world still produce and consume a large part of their goods and

services on a self-subsistent basis, outside the market. In other words, it is not that most

households have converted wholly from subsistence to monetary activity, but simply that

most households now operate to some extent in both sectors. One of the significant

changes that has also occurred with the intrusion of the monetary system or the capitalist

economy is the valuing of some resources that did not have monetary values in the past. For

instance, forest products that once provided most of the people's food, housing, medicine,

and fuel wood are now gathered for the modern market. These include timber, wildlife, nuts,

rattans, and many other culturally important forest products. Similarly, in countries where

land is customarily-owned, land becomes a commodity that can be bought and sold.

Furthermore, in many societies such as those of the Pacific, the traditional tenure systems

are not designed to deal with the sudden inflated economic value of trees or other resources

and therefore there is a tendency for local landowners, or small elite groups among them, to

act in short-sighted ways (Crocombe 1995:5). This has given rise to numerous social

problems that are often associated with resource developments in Pacific Islands (See

section 2.6 on Social impacts).

Despite the changes, subsistence livelihoods are central to the long-term wellbeing of most

rural societies in the Pacific. In many instances, these livelihoods have benefited rural

subsistence dwellers, particularly in times of global economic recession such as price

23

fluctuations. Thaman (1984) pointed out that satisfying most of their basic needs from their

subsistence production insulated such groups from the effects of economic instability in the

outside world.

As mentioned earlier, there is no doubt that people in the Pacific islands aspire to goods and

services that must be imported, and that depend on some form of economic development

and associated cash income. But we have to be cautious because an approach that

concentrates on this alone is destined to exclude a large section of the population, simply

because their primary concern is to feed and house their families. Therefore, it is critically

important that policies reflect these realities because these policies do not immediately focus

on the wellbeing of the majority of people.

In the light of what has been discussed, there is a need for critical examinations of the

impacts of large-scale resource developments have had on these livelihoods. These changes

have occurred as more people aspire to modern materialistic goods and services. Such

changes demand a closer look at how this can affect the existing subsistence livelihoods to

see if this can be accommodated. The results will hopefully shed light on what the direct

and indirect impacts of commercial logging are, so that remedial actions can be taken to

improve the people's livelihoods and ensure that these livelihoods are protected.

2.2 COMMERCIAL LOGGING AND DEFORESTATION

Commercial logging and its impacts constitute the major concern of this study. It presents

the dual problems of identifying the impacts of logging and defining what commercial

logging really involves. When we refer to commercial logging, does it necessarily mean

deforestation? The issue of commercial logging entails the problem of qualitatively defining

what commercial logging involves, for only then can we confidently approach the ultimate

objective of identifying alternative and sustainable logging practices. This section attempts

to define what commercial logging is and what practices are involved and how it impacts on

rural communities, particularly the rural subsistence livelihoods.

In the literature there is a great degree of generalisation on the subject of commercial logging

and deforestation, particularly by environmental organisations, aid donors, international

funding agencies, academics and many others. However, I follow Grainger's (1992:42)

argument that commercial logging should be treated differently from that of deforestation.

He stated that deforestation should refer to the temporary or permanent clearance of forests

for agriculture or other purpose, which is also in line with the definition used by the United

Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). For deforestation to take place,

according to this definition, forest has to be cleared so it can be replaced by another land

use. In other words it indicates the total removal or clearing of vegetation.

On the other hand, since commercial logging is selective, removing just a few trees per

hectare rather than clearing the forest, it does not cause deforestation as defined here,

though it does degrade the forest in varying degrees. In many instances, this does not cause

complete deforestation, as is the case with many forms of agriculture, mining and dam

construction (Graingers 1992:34). Grainger points out that logging in tropical rainforests

differs from deforestation since the almost universal practice is not clear felling, as in

temperate forests where whole stands are cleared to harvest timber. This means that only

few of the thousands of tree species in tropical rain forests are currently in commercial

demand so typically only between two to ten trees of commercial species are felled and

removed per hectare out of 350 trees (Grainger 1993:69). Indonesia, for example, has about

25

3000 species of trees but only 107 are utilised or commercially viable. Although selective

logging undoubtedly has a major impact on the tropical rainforest, it is a very different one

from deforestation and so deserves separate treatment.

Even limited removal may alter the forest in significant ways. In addition, inevitably a

substantial percentage (often estimated at more than 50 per cent) of the remaining trees and

other vegetation will be killed or damaged in some way by the selective cutting and removal

of the target timber species, and the species composition and the structure of the remaining

forest will be changed. World wide, logging is thought to account for only 21 per cent of

total deforestation (Gillis 1992:139). However, although selective logging is the least

disturbing form of forest exploitation, it still substantially alters the natural forest system.

Talbot and Botkin (1992:47) argue that in practical terms, no commercial logging of tropical

forests has proved to be sustainable for the standpoint of the forest ecosystem (cited in

Grainger 1993:27).

While logging is not a direct cause of deforestation, it has caused excessive damage to

remaining trees, prejudicing the second harvesting. Some damage is inevitable, for

neighbouring trees are often linked together by vines so felling one tree can bring down or

damage other trees. Whitmore (1990:6) pointed out that, for every tree logged, a second tree

is often killed and another is damaged. Studies in the Philippines and Sabah found that up

to 40 per cent of the residual stand was damaged, and in Indonesia the proportion was as

high as 50 per cent (Weidelt and Banaag 1982, cited in Grainger 1993:84). Even if a

selective logging system is sustainable under controlled conditions it will not necessarily be

so in practice, owing to over-logging, excessive forest damage and poor protection. In many

cases loggers can get away with this because forestry departments usually station too few

26

forest officers nearby to monitor and regulate their activities. Similarly logging can be an

indirect cause of damage, for after the loggers have departed other people may enter the

forest along logging roads and clear it for agriculture, thus exacerbating destruction of the

forest.

Commercial logging involves a variety of practices. These include mechanical logging and

cable logging with the use of helicopters and small-scale hand tool logging. The most

commonly practised method in the Pacific Islands is mechanical logging where roads are

constructed to gain access to forests, after which the logs are then felled and transported to a

holding area, dressed and exported. Secondly, is the use of helicopters where roads are

difficult or unprofitable to construct. This is where logs are cut in the forest and then

uplifted to a holding ground by the use of a helicopter, where the logs are then loaded onto

log ships for export or taken for further local processing. Thirdly, is small-scale operation

where logs are felled and timbers are produced at that particular site using mobile chain

saws. Generally these three practices have different environmental impacts on the forest

and the associated environment. In the Pacific, particularly in Papua New Guinea and

Solomon Islands, the most common logging practice involves construction of logging roads

into forest areas where the logs are then harvested. In the mid-1990s or during the logging

boom, the use of helicopters by Asian companies was used in some parts of the Solomon

Islands to quicken the harvesting of logs so that they could take advantage of the prevailing

high prices during those periods. This has, however, stopped recently as a result of the

downturn of log prices owing to the Asian economic crisis in the late 1990s.

27

2.3 POSITIVE IMPACTS OF COMMERCIAL LOGGING ANDRURAL DEVELOPMENT

Emanating from the discussion on the impacts of logging on subsistence livelihoods is the

common view amongst government and resource developers that although logging destroys

the environment, it in turns contributes to the development of rural areas. Such a view was

also shared by Mahendra Chaudhry, the ousted Prime Minister of Fiji who, when answering

questions in relation to the proposed commercial logging of the mahogany forest in Fiji

stated 'we will not alleviate poverty if we let these resources lie idle . . .' Chaudhry suggests

that although Fijians have resources, they are handicapped because these have not been

developed and consequently "the country remains poor because land has not been fully

developed" (Fiji Tims: 10 March 2000:2).

Implied in this statement is that the logging industry contributes to rural development and

consequently to alleviating poverty. However, the critical question that needs to be asked

and answered is whether logging operations genuinely contribute to rural development and

in what forms; and how long are these windfalls going to sustain the people who largely

depend on the forest for their livelihoods? Or what would be the long term impacts on their

livelihoods? For people who depend on the forest and subsistence livelihoods these are very

important questions.

Here, I identified 4 major benefits that have often been anticipated by government, foreign

companies and landowners alike to have taken place as a result of commercial logging.

These include royalty payments, infrastractural development, employment and transfer of

skills and technology.

28

2.3.1 Log and Timber Revenues

For many tropical countries, the sale of timber locally and export of tropical timber and

round logs represents a major source of income. Revenue earned from log exports, royalty

payments and taxes have provided major incentives for logging companies, resource owners

and the government as whole.

Malaysia for instance, experienced a 47 per cent jump in its exports of sawn timber in 1989

over the previous year— from US$700 million to US$1 billion (UNESCO 1997:17). Timber

and wood exports accounted for 11 percent of the country's total export earnings. The

logging industry accounted for some 13 per cent of the gross national product in 1990.

Exports of forest products, including sawn timber, veneer and round logs, are a valuable

source of foreign exchange for many countries. Similarly, forest product exports account for

over 10 per cent of the total value of exports from the Central African Republic, Ghana,

Indonesia, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea (Brown and Pearce 1994:277).

In the Pacific, apart from Solomon Islands, other countries that also earn significant foreign

exchange from the export of timber, logs and other forest products include Vanuatu and

Papua New Guinea. According to Table 2.2, in 1996 and 1997, Papua New Guinea's

foreign earnings from forestry constitutes 32 and 34 per cent of the merchandise exports. In

Vanuatu, the contribution of forestry to the country's total exports has increased

significantly from over 8 per cent to 15 per cent during the 3-year period (Duncan 1998:22).

These figures illustrate the importance of the forestry sector to these three Pacific Island

countries in terms of foreign earnings.

29

Table 2.2: Forestry exports for Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu forthe period of 1995-1997.

Forestry ExportCountry

Papua New Guinea (m/kina)Solomon Islands (m/SI$)Vanuatu (m/vatu)

1995Total

Exports42076.4

233.93

% of total

2931.88.4

1996Total Exports

450128.3362

%ofTotal

3241.712

1997TotalExports

490242.7514.89

%ofTotal

3456.715

Same: Duncan 1998

However, one must also ask how much of this income actually reached the people in the

rural areas, particularly those who have relied on these forests for much of their subsistence

livelihoods. As seen with many Pacific Island countries, these incomes are often rediverted

into loan repayments or servicing foreign debts and only a small portion of these earnings

actually trickle down to these forest dwellers. Repetto et al. (1982) added that in many

countries including the Philippines, annual revenues from forest exploitation have not

covered even the administrative and infrastructure costs incurred

For countries where land is customarily owned, commercial logging provides a source of

income through the form of royalties. For some, this income has enabled them to purchase

other material goods and food as well as aiding them in paying their children's school fees,

church contributions and other expenses in the village. But how long these royalties will

sustain these rural obligations is a matter of real concern. Scheyvens and Cassels (1999:117)

argue that this is a temporary phenomenon and not all members of the community have

access to royalty money. Obviously such income will only be around whilst the commercial

logs are harvested. Once logging has ceased, it is difficult for villagers to find alternative

sources of income to replace it. In another analysis, Duncan (1994:34) points out that these

benefits often appear to far outweigh the perhaps greater long term benefits to be gained by

30

lesser, but more sustainable form of use. As a woman from the logging area in the Western

Solomons noted "Royalty money is almost invariably spent by the time the trees are gone

and rarely were funds spent on things which could benefit whole families, such as children's

education" (Cassels and Scheyvens 1999:117).

2.3.2 Employment

The creation of employment is identified byFAO (1986) as one of the main contributions

that forest industries make to socioeconomic development. The study goes on to assert that

commercial logging provides the principal employment for between 20 and 30 per cent of

the rural labour force in many developing countries. Thistlewait and Votaw (1992:3) stress

that rural activities do not in fact provide sufficient work or income to keep up with the pace

of population growth and the desire for higher living standards. As a result, in many

developing countries, unemployment is a major problem that has often given rise to many

social problems, particularly poverty. Olawoye (1976:7) argues that provision of employment

is one of the most effective strategies for reducing poverty, particularly amongst those of the

rural poor. He states that it is easily understood that if a person has a job that provides a

regular income, some of the worst effects of poverty are alleviated. As such many countries

have taken up forestry on a large scale as a tool against rural depression and unemployment

and as a provider of momentum for rural rehabilitation. Similarly, forestry can improve the

education of the rural people and this is related to employment and associated incomes.

When the people are employed, their income is enhanced and so they can afford to send

their children to school (Olawoye 1976:8).

However, in the logging industry the issue of employment leaves room for much debate,

because of the temporary nature of production in logging areas and the improved

technologies that have been increasingly employed by logging companies. Osgood (1994:12)

argued that the selectivity and short term nature of commercial logging results in short term

employment because after the wanted trees have been logged, the employment contracts

also cease. In addition, Grainger (1993) also argued that the forest dependent labour force

has declined through time as forest operations have become increasingly mechanised. He

stressed that the timber sectors in tropical wood-exporting nations have typically provided

jobs for less that one per cent of the labour force.

Unemployment poses serious problems in areas where the economy is poorly diversified and

opportunities for alternative employment are few. For example one study in Indonesia,

revealed that only 12 percent of the jobs provided in logging camps were taken up by local

people, and that foods accounted for only 5 percent of camp expenditures in consumable

goods (Osgood 1994:35). Often unemployment after logging companies have ceased

operation could also lead to urban drift as more unemployed and able-bodied people search

for employment in urban areas. Often it is the elderly, children and women who are left

behind, forcing women to take on men's vacant roles in gardening as well as caring for the

elderly and children.

2.3.3 Infrastructure Development

Another important area where forestry can contribute to the alleviation of rural poverty and

to national development is the improvement of rural infrastructure. Many rural

communities are isolated from each other and from existing urban markets owing to the lack

of roads. This can be a great hindrance to trade and joint communal ventures. Logging-

oriented roads have developed and created new opportunities to develop a type of exchange

economy. Olowywe (1976:11) says that the most beneficial consequence of forest

32

exploitation is the large number of former extraction and transport routes, which have

become state and local council roads. The usefulness of these roads is enhanced by the fact

that they link settlements or run from settlements to enclaves in forest reserves. These roads

are used by farmers for opening up new farm areas and transporting agricultural produce.

For instance, in Papua New Guinea, Sehana villagers of Morobe Province, who are

beneficiaries to the JANT logging company, claimed that one of the good things about

logging was the completion of their road: now they are able to transport their produce to the

market and their sick to hospitals (Shimizu and Miyauchi 1992:147)

In many parts of the world, installation of such infrastructures provides the basis for a much

more productive agriculture, or growth of other activities such as eco-tounsm particularly in

the rural areas. However, the promises of infrastructure development tied to logging

agreements often do not eventuate or are not maintained. Many of these infrastructures

were established to facilitate the extraction of logs and not genuinely for the use of the

subsistence farmer. Barraclough and Ghimire (1995:81) further add that most logging

operations and the roads associated with them in natural forests are quite temporary in

nature. Once the needed commercial species of trees have been harvested and extracted,

loggers move on to other locations, and quite often leave behind massive environmental

problems, unemployment and infrastructure that is not of any use for rural dwellers. The

roads, if not maintained, are often washed out during the first heavy rain.

2.3.4 Skills and Technological Transfer

One of the benefits often cited in the logging industry is the transfer of skill and technology

brought in by foreign logging investors or multinational corporations. Since much of the

is located in rural areas close to the source of raw material, they encourage a

dissemination of technical skills and help to ease the transition from subsistence to an

industrialised economy. In forest industries a large range of machines and technical

expertise is used to extract timber and logs. These include bulldozers, chainsaws, milling

equipment, surveying equipment and technical experts. With the use of these machines in

the knowledgeable hands of the technical experts, it has been perceived that the knowledge

and skills will eventually be transferred to the local employees. It has also been thought that

upon completion of the logging operation, local employees would be in the position to

operate the machines and share their knowledge in the economic development of their

countries. Examples could include the use of chainsaws in small furniture industries in

villages or for extraction of timber for permanent houses or a smaller scale local timber

industry. However, again if there were no capital to start such income generating activities,

then skills acquired would not be of any use to ordinary villagers and as a result most of

them will still be left unemployed. Moreover, the machines are costly and often difficult to

maintain and once logging ceases much of this equipment leaves with the companies or has

a very short utility due to poor maintenance.

In short, despite the many perceived benefits of commercial logging, for most countries

where logging is rife, sustainable development has not yet eventuated. As such, stakeholders

in the industry must ensure that development through logging must both be of a kind that is

beneficial to the forest dwellers by improving their living standards without comprising their

subsistence livelihoods. This is important, as many rural people in the Pacific Islands are

very disadvantaged in terms of income generation, infrastructure and many other social

needs. Gegeo (1997:5) argues that benefits from economic development have mainly

favoured those in the vicinity of urban areas. Therefore, if logging is an option to provide

these needed socio-economic benefits for rural dwellers, sustainable practices must be put in

34

place and long term plans for maintenance of this infrastructure must be put in place prior

to logging operations. In addition, rural people must be educated to save royalty money and

embark on alternative income generating activities both during and after the logging

operation.

The concern of this thesis is the effect of commercial logging and resultant deforestation on

subsistence livelihoods, with a particular focus on rural development. According to the

World Bank rural development is a strategy designed to improve the economic and social life

of a specific group of people-the rural poor. It involves extending the benefits of

development to the poorest who seek a livelihood in the rural area. The group includes

small-scale farmers and foragers, tenants and the landless (Lea and Chaudri 1983:12).

However, it must be argued that this must not be done at the expense of the existing

livelihoods of the people, particularly those that depend on forests, agriculture area, rivers

and the sea for their survival. Development of rural areas must involve the integration of

the traditional partly monetized societies into the main stream of development without

destroying their existing livelihoods and resource base. Therefore, development that

involves the manipulation of the environment should involve careful and appropriate

planning, which fits the existing social organisation and complements rather than replacing

the livelihoods of the local community before such a development is allowed to commence.

2.4 NEGATIVE SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACTS OF COMMERCIALLOGGING

The introduction of income-producing activities such as commercial logging has had

detrimental impacts on the subsistence livelihoods. One of the most poignant tales of harm

35

logging can cause was told by Wezip Aloulum from Joboto in the Madang District of Papua

New Guinea (Aloloum 1982:217-20 cited in Scheyvens and Cassels 1999:118):

Jant (logging company) came and cut down the trees and spoiled the spirits of myancestors: they spoiled where my forefathers planted their gardens and the placewhere they took clay for pots . . . but they did not help me properly in return withmoney or something . . . The machine dug up the soil and now the soil has lost itsgoodness. If I plant banana, sweet potato or taro, they will not grow well. There isno wildlife. There are no goura pegeon, cassowary bird, bird of paradise andwallaby left. I would not like my grandchildren or their grandchildren . . . to saythat: Father did not think of those of us, who were coming later. He thought onlyof himself, and finished off all the birds and the animals, so that now I have none.

As with its environmental consequences, there is a wide consensus that logging has had

serious social impacts. The above demonstrates that commercial logging of tropical forests

inevitably has disruptive impacts on the social utility of forests, both for the communities

living within the forests and those in adjacent areas who also use the forest. This section

attempts to look at these impacts and review some of the relevant literatures on a global and

regional scale.

2.4.1 Reduction of Wild Forest Foods and Other Important Forest Products

For most subsistence dwellers, hunting and gathering of food is an important aspect in their

daily livelihoods. As mentioned earlier, many local people derive a variety of foods from the

forest, and other ecosystems within the forest such as rivers, streams and creeks. These

include a wide range of wild staples, fruits, meat, fish, shellfish and many other food

products. However, studies have shown that the availability of these food sources has

declined markedly due to logging in a number of forest regions, including those in Central

Africa, Brazil and Asia-Pacific (Cassels 1992, Myers 1982, Graingers 1995 and Greenpeace

1997).

36

In Sarawak, for instance, data showed that 3,806 kg of wild animal meat per 10 families was

harvested from unlogged forests, compared with 1,240 kg during the first decade after

logging, 534 kg during the second decade, and just 155 kg during third decade. This is

equivalent to a collapse in annual meat consumption per head from 54 kg to 2 kg from

unlogged to logged areas (Myers 1989). Similarly in Papua New Guinea, Shimizu and

Miyauchi (1992:118) reported that the Japanese firm Gaisho has destroyed the forest and

with it the people's most important food, the wild pig. Augusta Rova of Mandaretto Village

summed this up very well:

The trees that we use for firewood have been lost. Wild pigs and birds and otheranimals have run and flown away. Before, we could get them just by the village andeat them. The food we can gather from the forest has become scarce. This is avery sad thing. The company hasn't built us the bridge they promised. All they do iscut down the straight trees (Grossman 1981:32)

Fish, another vital source of protein, has also been affected by logging. The large quantities

of sediment washed away from logging areas into streams and rivers cause high turbidity

levels and siltation. This, combined with run-off of diesel oil used by logging machinery and

chemicals employed to treat timber, has caused dramatic declines in fish stocks. In Sarawak

by 1987, 59% of Sarawak's rivers were considered polluted and severe reductions in fish

catches were repotted by 57 longhouses along interior rivers (Lohmann and Colchester

1990: 29).

The loss of food caused by river pollution of water sources leads to health problems

amongst forest-dependent communities, with women and children tending to suffer the

most (Myers 1982:22). In Sarawak, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, malnutrition became

widespread in the interior due to the decline in wild meat harvesting and the fall in hill rice

production because less land was available for swiddening. Similarly, in Brazilian Amazon, a

1994 survey of hunger amongst indigenous peoples recorded high levels of malnutrition

amongst those Indians whose land had been invaded or disturbed by loggers (Lohmann and

Colchesterl990: 28)

Forest food resources are often essential for the sustenance of many rural people,

particularly during the periods of climatic stress or natural hazards such as tropical cyclones,

droughts and social disruption. During such times people traditionally remained relatively

self sufficient through increased utilization of emergency wild foods and marine resources

(Thaman 1979:12). When logging diminishes these sources of food, local people suffer

severe hardships and have little to fall back on when times are hard.

Apart from gathering of food, the forest also normally provided countless other products of

cultural and economic value. These included materials for house and boat construction,

medicinal plants, firewood, dyes, poisons, perfumes, weapons, fishing equipment and many

others. Increasing logging and destruction of forest also leads to subsequent reduction in

available supplies of these forest products for local people (Barraclough and Ghimire

1995:22). Particularly notable among the losses incurred from logging is that of medicinal

plants and the traditional knowledge about their pharmaceutical properties. In the Amazon

region, where attempts have been made to recover some of this knowledge from the

remaining tribal people, vast stores of human skill and cultural understanding have already

been lost due to deforestation and logging. Similarly, a study carried out in Fiji by Siwatibau

(1992:30) found that in 5 villages surveyed a total of 9 important medicinal plants were

disappearing, citing commercial logging as a contributing factor. Davidson (1985:23) also

argues that logging adversely influences traditional life-styles, and will reduce knowledge and

understanding of traditional uses of indigenous plants and animals.

38

In many parts of the world, the majority of houses are still built of materials obtained from

forests. As recently as 1960, some 60 per cent of the houses in the Dominican Republic

were built with materials gathered from natural forests (FAO 1992:2). These materials

proved to be well adapted to local climatic conditions and of special durability. Similarly in

the rural Pacific Island region, the bulk of building materials for houses is still gathered from

the forests. In Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands, for instance, sago palm is an

important roofing material that is gathered to build leaf houses'. Apart from sago palms,

rattans, bamboos, hard woods and other palms from the forest are used. Cassels (1992:46)

in a study of Kuku village in the Western Province of Solomon Islands finds that the

villagers lost 346 sago palms as a result of the logging activities. He adds that the villagers

also lost about 25 per cent of their useful trees that were located on village common land.

Included are trees that were used for house building, canoe making, medicine and food

(Cassels 1992:C3: 2).

Fuelwood is one of the most crucial resources for rural peoples. In Mafundi district of

southern Tanzania for instance, the establishment of a paper mill resulted in a considerable

decrease in fuelwood for surrounding villager's (Barraclough and Ghimire 1995:90). In

places where fuelwood has been in short supply, this means higher prices in terms of money

and effort to obtain it. Kumar and Hotchkiss also noted that as a result of the shortage's of

fuelwood many families, and especially women and children, have to spend significantly

more time fetching fuel and other forest products, so that they have little time available for

agricultural tasks (cited in Baraclough and Ghimire 1995:23).

When traditional forest-based livelihood systems are disrupted, the people who depend on

them are usually uprooted (Barraclogh and Ghimire 1995:25). When there is no alternative

39

employment, and other land is not available for subsistence, they may become destitute

migrants contributing to unemployment and many other social problems elsewhere, or may

be pushed into more intensive and often non-sustainable use of remaining forestlands and

marginal lands. For instance, cattle ranching and oil palm plantations in some parts of

Malaita and Guadalcanal have contributed to severe degradation of soil.

The increasing reduction of these food sources has also been exacerbated by the fact that

logging opens up previously inaccessible forest areas to commercial hunting and the over-

use of wild game. In Central Africa, research has found that logging roads have made the

forests more accessible to poachers, some of whom are logging company employees, and

logging trucks often transport bush meat (Myers 1989:42).

The direct destruction of food sources is a cause of concern particularly to those who live

and depend largely on the forest for its wild food sources and gardening. Any resource

development has to consider these livelihoods so that the food security of these forest

dependants is not threatened, thus protecting their survival in the long term.

2.4.2 Impact on Village Gardening and Animal Husbandry

In most subsistence societies, gardens and animal husbandry provide the bulk of the daily

food needs. The labour in production systems is traditionally divided between men and

women. Whilst men are usually responsible for the more physical roles such as bush

clearance, building pig and garden fences, tilling of soil and deepwater fishing, women's role

includes planting, weeding, harvesting, feeding of animals and reef gleaning and fishing for

shellfish, prawns and small fin-fish. However, as stated earlier, these roles have been greatly

affected by the introduction of commercial activities. Grossman's (1981:231) study of the

40

impact of commercial coffee farming on Bambans of Papua New Guinea related villagers'

concerns as:

Before we planted gardens at all times (of the year). Now bisnis (business) hasarrived and we think of only bisnis. Before we thought only of gardens andbuilding strong fences. Now, this time, everyone play cards, forgets about thefences, which rot, drinks beer all the time, and is lazy, people do not care forthe gardens either. They are bored with the gardening. If they are hungry, it istheir own fault.

As a result, women had to take on many additional responsibilities normally earned out by

The same can be said for the impact of large-scale commercial logging on many rural

societies where a large portion of the population depends on subsistence livelihoods and the

use of the forest for their survival. The increased income from royalties and employment

opportunities from forests has wooed men from their normal roles as contributors to

subsistence gardening and hunting. As a result gardening activities have declined, with a

corresponding decline in food production. In Papua New Guinea, the resulting food

shortage caused by a decline in garden planting occurred five to six months later, the time it

takes for sweet potatoes to mature (Grossman 1981:228). This food shortage might have

lasted only three to four months because gardens could have been planted after finishing the

projects, but the village pigs exacerbated the problem. Because less food was available, the

pigs were fed less, and as a result they made more determined raids into fenced gardens and

went further afield to find unfenced ones (ibid: 227).

As a result of the intense enthusiasm for cash-earning activities, subsistence affluence,

formerly a distinguishing characteristic of the local system, had been replaced by a condition

that Grossman (1981:229) referred to as 'subsistence malaise'. He further stated that such a

41

condition develops when the previously strong commitment to subsistence production

declines because of a negative comparison with income-producing endeavours and other

externally derived activities. It results in a reduction in the production level and

deterioration in the resilience of the subsistence system. This development may prove

maladaptive for many rural societies because subsistence production is the major source of

food for the people.

Apart from the impacts on sources of protein and staple foods from the terrestrial wild land,

logging directly affects food gardens. Numerous instances around the world have been

reported of logging companies bulldozing fruit and vegetable gardens located in or on the

edge of forests and destroying food crops that were heavily depended upon by subsistence

dwellers. For instance, a study carried out by Cassels in 1992 on the island of Choiseul in

Solomon Islands showed that in one logging area of 41 hectares, subsistence uses lost by the

villagers were reported to be 4 garden sites, 6 nari and sulu trees, 21 betel nut trees, 346

sago palms and approximately 25 per cent of the villagers' other useful trees located on

village common land. These included trees that were used for house building, canoe making,

and medicine and food (Cassels 1992:0.2).

2.4.3 Social Instability and Logging

Impacts of commercial activities on social structures of subsistence-oriented societies are

now well documented (Grossman 1981; Filer 1994; Fisk 1978; Fingleton 1994). These social

disruptions occur as a result of increased income into communities that were hitherto

subsistence dwellers and the influx of outsiders who do not have the same cultural values

and lifestyles as those of the forest communities. Scheyvens and Cassels (1999:117) note that

logging in such localities often resulted in disputes over land, unequal distribution of logging

royalties, unsuitable behaviour and conduct of logging company employees, increased

alcohol consumption and the changing behaviour of village young people. Such disruptions

have divided families and villages, morally depleting these rural societies.

The introduction of commercial logging into areas where land and trees hitherto have had

no monetary value has given rise to many social disruptions. Marshall (1990:179) finds that

social disruption occurs with the monetization of natural resources when seemingly large

amounts of cash are offered to villagers for forests that hitherto had no cash value in their

eyes. The social division caused by the arrival of large-scale logging is the major negative

impact identified by local communities throughout Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea

and Vanuatu. Grossman (1981:228) related a statement from a Baruban woman from Papua

New Guinea who said:

You think only of beer. I asked you to fix the fence, but you do not listen.Food is the most important thing. Beer is only water. Food supports yourstomach. You do not think of the garden. The pigs have spoiled the garden andhave broken the fence here.

The influx of increased income has given rise to a change of attitude of men from normal

subsistence activities to that of commercial activities. The influence of gambling and beer

drinking clearly indicates that the way people spend money also affects the subsistence

system. Indeed the more money earned the greater the likelihood of increased beer drinking

and gambling, at least up to a certain point. Thus, cash-producing endeavours have an

additional impact on the subsistence system because the money earned supports activities

detrimental to both subsistence and societal wellbeing. In Guyana, as the younger, more

employable community members seek jobs in towns or in the mining and logging camps, the

drain of labour not only deprives the communities of needed hands in agriculture, hunting,

43

fishing and cultural activities, but also contributes to other negative sides of the extractive

industries, namely alcoholism and prostitution (Litvinoff 1990:157).

One of the problems also associated with logging is the encroachment of settlers into

previously logged areas. In Brazil, as illegal roads are driven through indigenous reserves,

uncontrolled colonisation follows, adding to social tension and sometimes violence. Illegal

logging in indigenous Indian reserves usually takes place as a result of deals struck between

loggers and certain individuals amongst the Indian community, resulting in social conflict

within the community and neither a fair return for the timber nor any positive development

projects (Barraclough and Ghimire 1995:64). A similar scenario can be seen in Pacific Island

countries, where most land is customarily owned. Land disputes are frequent occurrences

where transnational companies operate. In most cases the disputes are between tribal

landowners themselves, who make claims to boundaries or titles. In Solomon Islands, for

instance, disputes over Pavuvu island resulted in the killing of an environmentalist who had

advised landowners to resist offers made by Marving Brothers Logging Company to log the

island (Solomon Star 7 March: 1 1997)

Furthermore, encroachment of settlers has also given rise to other serious problems.

Besides health problems created by a lack of food supply and clean water, diseases have been

introduced by outsiders to forest communities. In Brazil, incursion into indigenous reserves

resulted in the spread of diseases against which the Indians had no immunity, and which

caused more deaths amongst indigenous peoples than anything else (Myers 1982:7). The

opening of the forests encouraged the spread of diseases such as malaria. In Papua New

Guinea, for example, logging operations in several provinces are experiencing intense levels

of malaria among both workers and the local populations. This stems from the increase of

44

stagnant pools of water caused by bulldozers and logging machines. Some reporters also

argued that the spread of malaria throughout South East Asia and of African river blindness

now found in the Amazon basin are linked to deforestation (Goodland and Irwin 1975 cited

in Marchak 1995).

In Sarawak, as local forest, food and water sources declined, many forest people have little

choice but to move to towns in search of work. Women in particular seem to have been

worst affected. As men go to find employment whether in towns or with the logging

industry, a newly emerging division of labour requires the women who remain to cope with

previously male tasks in the swidden plots. Consequently women have to work harder and

longer hours to collect water, firewood and other forest products, both of which in many

cases are scarce because of logging.

Dramatic increases in the population of logging areas occur when migrant workers, including

expatriates and both skilled and unskilled workers from within the country, move into areas

where logging development takes place. The presence of so many outsiders threatens local

cultures, lifestyles and languages. The influx of logging workers, especially young single

men, tends to result in the growth of prostitution, alcohol abuse and gambling. Sexual

harassment and rape have also reportedly increased in communities near logging areas. For

instance, there was a case on Choiseul in Solomon Islands in 1995 where a logging company

official allegedly harassed the wife of an employee. When this was made public, the

company's manager threatened to sack union members and their colleagues who had

reported the issue (Scheyvens and Cassels 1999:119)

45

The discussion and examples cited above clearly illustrate the consequences of economic

development resulting from the encroachment of the market economy into traditional rural

subsistence societies that are still largely dependent on barter rather than cash as the medium

of exchange. This has led to the disintegration of traditional cultures that previously exerted

the controls needed to ensure sustainable use of common property resources such as tropical

rain forests. When cultures are degraded so too are these social controls on land use, the

forests become more like open access resources and deforestation is allowed to spread

(Pearce and Turner 1990:56). As we have seen, local societies often lack the necessary

cohesion to manage things as they did in the past, and governments rarely have sufficient

employees in the wilderness areas to manage forests properly themselves, often failing also

to recognise legally the traditional rights of indigenous peoples. Moreover, when local

communities are divided in their approach on how to address the issues raised by this, splits

and bitterness occur within these communities. Bewilderment and disillusionment are

common sentiments in villages left in the wake of logging activities (Marshall f 990:180).

The negative social impacts of commercial logging that have been discussed underscore the

depressing reality that large-scale logging by transnational companies, commonly supported

by national political elites, is arguably proving to be one of the most destructive and violent

forms of Western-style development (Emberson-Bain 1994:56). Social instability caused by

large-scale resource developments has been occurring too frequently in rural communities

where development should help to improve their living standards.

2.5 NEGATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF COMMERCIALLOGGING

The environmental impacts of large-scale logging on tropical rainforests, especially where

timber is clear felled, are now well documented and widely recognised (Struhsaker 1997;

46

Lamb 1990; Filer 1994). They include erosion of fragile rainforest soils, siltation or diversion

of streams and rivers, loss of biodiversity, loss of fertility, pollution of lagoons and coral

reefs and increased flooding.

2.5.1 Soil Erosion and Sedimentation

The removal of dense vegetation cover, which protects the soil from direct rainfall and

sunlight, obviously increases soil degradation. Clearing of logging forest exposes soil to

erosion and other forms of degradation such as fertility depletion, compaction, laterization

and landslides (Habitat Australia 1989:9). Furthermore, Ruslan and Manan (1980) estimated

an annual erosion rate equivalent to almost 155 tonnes per hectare was measured on new

skid tracks in Indonesia but this had halved two years later when vegetation had regrown on

the track (cited in Myers 1981). The loss of topsoil increases the inability of the land to grow

crops and support the vegetation. In countries where the majority of people live on

subsistence agriculture, this is a serious threat to their survival. Myers (1981) reports that the

main erosion risk from selective logging occurs during and shortly after logging when the

network of skid trails and logging roads act as convenient channels for surface runoff and

soil erosion. With unselective logging, the predominant practice in most Pacific Island

countries, the accelerated erosion and associated environmental degradation continue long

after logging ceases.

Even selective logging can be highly destructive (Grainger 1993:17). Once the canopy is

gone and the soils are exposed to the blistering sun, the nutrients are leached out, the water-

table is immediately reduced because its resources have disappeared; and the land dries up.

Extraction of even 10 per cent of the foliage can cause massive losses in canopy cover,

exposing the soil that remains to further erosion. In Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, land

47

areas most disturbed by logging have turned into cake deserts or become brushlands topped

by the alang-alang grass (Inperata cyclindrica), where nothing else grows and the diversity of life

is gone (Marchak 1995:242).

Such erosion adds appreciably to the silt and sedimentation load of rivers, reducing the

populations of fish and other aquatic organisms. Evidence has been mounting in many

developing countries that extensive conversion of forests and woodlands causes substantial

economic losses at local and national levels by siltation and sedimentation caused by

deforestation. For instance, increased sedimentation deposits resulting from soil runoff

from clearings in higher-elevations areas have increased annual floods, reducing growing

seasons in cultivated flood plains. Deforestation in upland watersheds often causes flooding

of lowland settlement, displaces population and reduces food production such as in

Thailand, Bangladesh and Madagascar (Rowe et al 1992).

High sediment loads give rise to many problems. Particularly important is the sedimentation

of reservoirs having vital roles in hydroelectric or irrigation schemes (Marhak 1995:146). For

instance, studies in the Philippines showed that the life span of Binga and Ambuklao dams

in the north of the island Luzon were cut by half owing to the effects of sediment build up

caused by deforestation, particularly logging. Irrigation canals also silt up. As a result

intensive rice cultivation on the Indonesian island of Java has suffered for decades from

siltation due to logging of the upland catchments such as that of the River Solo. The costs

of the off-site effects of soil erosion on Java's irrigation systems, harbours and reservoirs

have been estimated at 25 to 91 million dollars per annum (Margrath and Arens 1987 cited

in Marchakl995: 132). Furthermore, sediment accumulation on the beds of rivers can also

raise them above the level of the surrounding land and this exacerbates flooding. Such

48

siltation of rivers also affects lagoons in coastal zone areas. A study by Greenpeace Pacific

on Marovo Lagoon in Solomon Islands also highlighted serious siltation of lagoons by

logging operations. It stated that an immediate consequence of the logging operations is the

deposition of silt in Marovo lagoon from rivers flowing down from the eastern slopes of

Vangunu Island. As a result villagers complained of decreasing catches and destruction of

coral reefs (Greepeace Pacific 1999:8)

2.5.2 Loss of Biodiversity

The tropical rainforest is thought to contain between two and five million species of plants

and animals: half of all species on the planet and two thirds of all tropical species (WRI

1985). A single hectare of rainforest typically contains between 100 and 300 different tree

species (Rowe et al. 1992). Deforestation and logging threatens the biodiversity by reducing

the number of species and genetic diversity of individual species. They also degrade the

genetic diversity of key domesticated crop plants and thus threaten the survival of species

already exploited. The destruction of even small forest areas, therefore, can eliminate entire

species, particularly to predators and species high up on the feeding pyramid. At present an

estimated 10,000 species are extinguished each year because of tropical deforestation, in

which logging is partially responsible (WRI 1982).

Commercial logging runs the risk of depleting commercial timber species themselves. For

instance, mahogany, which is classified as an endangered species of wild flora under the

Convention on International Trade of Endangered Species (CITES) of fauna and flora, is

facing extinction if it continues to be harvested for timber (FAO 1992). Another example is

the Virola surimenis, an important commercial timber tree in South America, which depends

49

for seed dispersal on just six species of birds and monkey. If one or more of these dispersal

agents should become extinct the trees' future will be in jeopardy (Pearce and Brown 1994).

What may matter more is that deforestation destroys what some people value above export

dollars: the diversity of gene pools and the multiplicity of life forms. Birds, mammals,

insects, and plants alike disappear when the habitat is destroyed, and the loss is not only of

individual species but of also genetic reservoirs specific to regions or unique habitats.

According to Marchak (1995:149), over-exploitation, even where it does not result in

destruction of habitat, may result in diminution of the genetic diversity within surviving

populations. Furthermore, poorly controlled logging in the tropical countries has meant that

some species that are useful sources of timber and 'minor' products such as rattans, gum and

latex have effectively disappeared in parts of the Amazon and Africa.

2.5.3 Destruction of Watershed and Pollution

Many people in developing countries depend on watershed functions provided by the forests

for drinking, washing and provision of fish and other animal foods. With deforestation and

logging practices, these water sources have been largely degraded and polluted. A study by

Barnett (1990) of the impacts of Gaisho (Logging Company) on the village of Losu in the

Madang area of Papua New Guinea stated that:

A number of rivers and streams were either totally blocked off from their normalcourse or silted with eroding soils. The once flowing crystal clear stream used asdrinking water for Losu Village was completely dry within six months of logging .. . . My impression of logged over areas from the air was that they looked like adog with mange (cited in Shimizu and Miyauchi 1992:106).

Elsewhere, losses of forests have contributed to the degradation of watersheds, with

downstream effects and in some cases beyond political boundaries. For instance, over a 30-

year period, the forest area of Himalayas declined by approximately 40 per cent, contributing

50

to shortage of wood, fuel and food in the uplands and floods and siltation in the

downstream areas in Northern India, Nepal, and Bangladesh (Myers 1984). Watershed

destruction has also contributed to increased flooding in many parts of the world. Estimated

costs of flood damage below Himalayan catchments in India have been, on average, $250

million per year, in addition to the loss of production and livelihood experienced by millions

(Spears 1982 in Panayotou and Ashto 1992).

Similarly, according to official statistics, 59 per cent of Sarawak's rivers are now polluted due

to soil erosion and siltation, leading to a dramatic reduction in fish catches (Mather

1993:131). Fish provide a major part of the native people's diet (WRM 1985:52). In Papua

New Guinea, studies by Shimizu and Miyauchi (1992:148) found out that oil leakage from

trucks, bulldozers and other machinery used for logging have polluted streams and rivers.

The result of this is that rivers cannot be used for drinking water during and after logging.

In the Gogol area of Morobe Province, people now drink only rainwater because of the fear

of getting sick from drinking polluted river water.

This chapter raises important queries in regard to commercial logging and how it affects

subsistence livelihoods and rural development. Clearly, forests are critical sources of

livelihoods to many people around the world. It is necessary that governments, resource

developers, and resource owners must work together to achieve sustainable forestry policies

that could enhance sustainable utilisation of forests. The forestry sector, then, is vital to

overall strategies for sustainable rural development and, as such, it should be central to any

plans for improving the livelihood options of rural communities in the Pacific. In other

words, as Ewel and Condo (1988) stress, forest management must, above all, be entered into

with a holistic viewpoint. They further state that the forest is the resource, it is the

downstream watershed, it is the natural preserve next door, and it is the socio-economic well

being of the people dependent upon it.

3.0 SUMMARY

This chapter has provided a review of the existing literature on the issue of forests and

subsistence livelihoods. It discusses the importance of forest to livelihoods, particularly those

that live in rural areas and have depended on forests for their survival. The chapter also

explores changes that have occurred in many subsistence settings such as the shift to

modernisation and why this has become so. It further defines what commercial logging is

and discusses what are some of the anticipated benefits of logging to rural development. It

also highlights impacts of logging on subsistence livelihoods from around the world,

regionally and in Solomon Islands. These impacts include social and cultural, economic and

environmental impacts.

52

CHAPTER 3

COMMERCIAL LOGGING AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SOLOMONISLANDS

3.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter has four parts. The first part is an overview of Solomon Islands; its geographical

location, climate, physical geography, natural environment, demography and the social and

political organisation. The second part discusses the Solomon Islands economy. This

involves an examination of the subsistence and the cash economy. The third part provides

background of the logging industry in the Solomon Islands. It discusses the industry's history,

present status, its contribution to the economy and the major stakeholders who influence

logging outcomes. The fourth part provides a brief background of Rufoki Village (study site)

and the Ado Logging Company currently operating in lands owned by Rufoki villagers. These

factors are interrelated and have influenced the rise and nature of commercial logging in

Solomon Islands.

3.1 LOCATION

The Solomon Islands are a group of some 900 islands in the Southwestern Pacific, located

between 155° 30' and 170° 30' E. longitude and 50° 10' and 12° 45' S latitude (Honan and

Harcombe 1997:19). The group is an island archipelago consisting of six large mountainous

continental islands - Makira, Isabel, Malaita, New Georgia, Choiseul and Guadalcanal, plus

numerous smaller islands such as Santa Cruz, Rennel, Bellona, Duff and Reef.

The islands extend over a distance of approximately 1,600 km from the Shortland Islands in

the northwest to Tikopia in the Southeast. The group is bordered by Bougainville, which is

53

part of Papua New Guinea, to the north-west and by the Banks Islands of Vanuatu, located

only few kilometres from Tikopia, the south easternmost island of the group-

Map 3.1: Map of Solomon Islands

Map1. The Solomon islands

Source: AIDAB 1991

Although Solomon Islands does not lie along major airline and shipping routes the islands are

located advantageously with respect to the large, developed markets of Australia and New

Zealand, and the world's most rapidly growing clusters of 'Newly Industrialised Countries'

(NIC) — Japan, Korea, Taiwan Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand (Kabutaulaka 1993:50). This

location encourages trade with Asian countries and has been an incentive for many Asian

L

3.3 CLIMATE

The climate of Solomon Islands is humid and tropical, although temperatures are rarely

extreme, due to cooling winds blowing off the surrounding seas. Temperatures are normally

25 to 30oC during the day, falling to about 23 to 25oC at night (Walter & Leith in Falisi

2000:3). The average annual rainfall is about 3,000 mm/annum. The rainfall pattern varies

throughout the year but there are two distinct seasons. The wet season is at the end and

beginning of the year (November to May) and the drier season is from April to October. On

mountainous regions of the Weather Coast, the southern coast of Guadalcanal, the rainfall can

at times exceed 9000 mm per annum (Honan and Harcombe 1997:24). Humid temperatures

and high rainfalls provide favourable conditions for growth of the primary rainforests.

However, a large proportion of these forest areas are susceptible to erosion, mainly because of

high rainfall, steep slopes and also volcanic pumice soils that are prone to decline (Falisi

2000:11).

Apart from prevailing high rainfall and humid temperatures, Solomon Islands also experiences

strong south-east and north-west trade winds from time to time. From April to October, the

south-east trade winds blow, gusting at times up to 30 knots or more. From November to

March the northwest trade winds (monsoon) bring in the warmer, wet, cyclone season.

Tropical cyclones developed during this season are often responsible for some of the

destruction of natural forest on the islands. Although there is not enough information on

record on the effect of cyclone on rainforest in the Solomon Islands, SOLFRIS (1995)

speculated that apart from logging, the low timber volume and the different stages of forest

succession in parts of the country were due to destruction by tropical cyclones.

56

3.4 NATURAL ENVIRONMENT

In terms of land mass, Solomon Islands is one of the biggest of the South Pacific Island

nations and is endowed with a rich natural resource base that is absent in the smaller Pacific

Islands. These resources include 1) marine resources, 2) mineral resources and 3) forest

resources. The country relies heavily on these natural resources for subsistence and

commercial activities for foreign exchange earning. Careful planning for the sustainable use of

these resources is essential for they represent the potential for the future of Solomon Islands.

3.4.1 Marine Resources

For most Solomon Islanders, the ocean is regarded as an important natural resource, not only

a food source, but also for its potential for future commercial development. With more than

half the population living on the coast, Solomon Islanders rely heavily on inshore fisheries

resources, including reef fish, crustaceans and a range of other marine products. ADB

(1997:100) estimated that the subsistence catch exceeded 13,000 tons annually and seafood

consumption was roughly 34 kg/person/year.

The nation's 200 miles Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) with an estimated 1.3 million km2

encompasses one of the world's richest turn fishing grounds. Its stock has been estimated to

range from 135,000 to 160,000 metric tonnes (ADB 1997:93). This has lured foreign investors

in the past. However, this vast areas of ocean has been difficult to police, and with the lack of

trained manpower and appropriate technology and policing, the country's waters remain

vulnerable to poaching by foreign fishing vessels. The confiscation of the American fishing

boat Jeanette Diana in 1984 drew headlines around the world but led to an expensive embargo

on Solomons tuna by the USA (Kengalu 1988)

57

Given effective surveillance, appropriate technology, qualified manpower and proper

management many Solomon Islanders should be able to benefit from the fisheries

development.

3.4.2 Mineral Resources

In terms of mineral resources, feasibility studies in the past indicate that there is a diversity of

minerals nationally but only few are found in sufficient quantity and purity to justify

development. There are known deposits of gold on Guadalcanal, the Shortland Islands, Vella

Lavella and Marovo (ADB 1997:101). The Gold Ridge deposit of Guadalcanal is estimated to

contain about 1 million-oz of gold and hopes are high of finding further deposits nearby

(ADB 1997:102). Priorto the ethnic crisis currendy experienced bythe country, the only full-

scale mining operation was on Gold Ridge and carried out by Ross Mining Limited, an

Australian company.

As a result of the mining operation, landowners from the mine site were relocated to freehold

land about 10 kilometres from the coast where a new settlement with a school, clinic, police

post, and other community facilities was constructed at a cost of $8 million dollars.

Construction of the settlement was done by mostly Gold Ridge landowners in an effort to

maximise benefits from the mining operation. However, the relocation has prevented

landowners from benefiting directly from the mine site through artisanal gold production as

practised prior to the full-scale mining. As the result of die ethnic crisis the mining operation

has ceased and the chances of re-opening the mine still remain uncertain at the time of

writing.

58

Apart from gold there are also nickel latente deposits on Santa Isabel and San Jorge which are

believed to contain 24 million tons of ore and are likely to be next in line for large-scale

mining (ADB 1997:43). There have also been finds of bauxite on Wagina, Santa Cruz and

Bellona. However, development of mining is on hold because the quantity is insufficient and

there are problems over compensation and customary land-ownership. Although mineral

resources hold economic potential for Solomon Islands, the disruption in production as

experienced in the past can be avoided only if foreign investors recognise the important

relationship that landowners have with their land and what benefits they forego if such

developments occur.

3.4.3 Forest Resources

Solomon Islands people regard forests as their most important resource from which they

derive status, wealth, and subsistence. The forest covers approximately 85 per cent of the total

land area of 28,000 km2. Approximately, 4,500 km2 of the total land area is cleared land and

degraded forest and much of this is on the steep slopes and scattered on small islands. Current

estimates are that 85% of the forest resources is held under customary land tenure. This

means that landowner groups must be consulted in advance before any development

involving land and forest can be implemented.

The forest forms an integral part of the traditional subsistence livelihoods, producing a wide

range of inputs such as food, fuel, construction materials, medicine and many others (see

section 3.8.1). Most of these are derived from vast areas of lowland forest, plains, coastal

littoral forest, and scattered areas of swamp vegetation and mangrove forest. As can be seen

from Table 3.1, of the total gross forest area for Solomon Islands of about 1,003,410 hectares,

the Western Province has the largest forest area of about 250,472 hectares. Apart from

59

Western Province, other provinces also have relatively large areas of forest, for instance

Choiseul with 193,428 hectares, Isabel Province 175,586 hectares and Malaita 111,390

hectares of forest (Table 3.1)

Table 3.1 Areas of Forest by Province (1999)

ProvinceGuadalcanalCentralChoiseulMalaitaIsabelWestern ProvinceMakiraTemotuRennelTotal

Gross area (ha)95,29625,176193,428111,390175,586250,47271,92236,06844,0721,003,410

Loggable area (ha)71,87314,398115,25454,02971,630182,17831,91023,36033,904595,500

Reduced area (ha)18,4458,46062,47218,60246,92382,65014,3609,00018,309278,221

Source: Solomon Islands Government 1999.

However, beginning in the early 1980s these vast areas of forest have been subjected to

commercial logging. As can be seen from Table 3.1, as of 1999, 278,221 hectares have already

been logged, amounting to almost 50 per cent of the loggable area of 598,500 hectares.

Although, there are large areas of forest on all islands, commercial loggers select only a

number of tree species that are commercial or marketable. There is relatively good

concentration of commercial and marketable species on the bigger islands and it is this

resource that has lured a large number of foreign logging companies in the past. However,

only around 30 to 40 per cent or 598,000 hectares was suitable for commercial logging

(Solomon Islands Government 1999:405).

60

3.5 DEMOGRAPHY

The rapid population growth rate in Solomon Islands is an increasing concern to development

planners. In 1986 the population was estimated to be about 280,000 people and growing at a

rate of 3.5 per cent annually, amongst the highest growth rates in the world. The trend would

have theoretically meant that the population would double in 21 years at that time. Today, this

theoretical calculation is becoming a reality because the recent 1999 national census (thirteen

years later) recorded the population to be around 408,000 people (Solomon Islands Census

Office 2000).

The population is made up of Melanesians (94%), Polynesians (4%), Micronesians (1.5%) and

others (0.5%) which include mainly Chinese and Europeans, the entire population consisting

of no fewer than 300 cultural and linguistic groups (Bank of Hawaii 1994:1). Malaita remains

the most populated island with 121, 968 people comprising of about 25 per cent of the total

population (SICEO 2000:4). Western Province accounts for 15 per cent of the total

population with about 63,185 inhabitants, followed by Guadalcanal (although the largest

island in area) with a population of around 60,021 (SICEO 2000:6).

For Solomon Islands another cause of concern is the structure of the population. In 1986, 47

per cent of total population was under 15 years of age. With the base of the population

pyramid so wide, substantial numbers of women enter the reproductive age group each year

and total births are high, even if fertility is declining (ADB 1997:110). This would mean

greater pressures on education and health services, and a rise in unemployment, which the

country is already experiencing. These estimates indicate the scale of the challenge that high

population growth presents. Policies directed at improving economic growth and the

efficiency of social services delivery are critical in meeting this challenge.

3.5.1 Rural to Urban Migration

Rural to urban migration is common in the Solomon Islands and is an issue that needs

discussion in the context of rural development. The rural population of Solomon Islands,

according to the 1999 Census Report, was 331,402, which comprised 82.3 per cent of the total

population. The large rural population underlines why commercial logging must contribute to

rural development if it is to benefit the majority of people.

As in any other Pacific Island countries, the Solomon Islands urban population is growing at

an alarming rate, particularly for the capital Honiara. In 1999 the urban population growth

rate was estimated to be around 3.9 per cent (SICO 1999). The urban areas include Auki,

Gizo, Kirakira, Lata and Tulagi and together they hold about 10 to 13 per cent of the total

population. Increases in urban population result from a number of reasons. First, people

often visit urban areas to sell produce and visit wantoks for short periods of time, while others

search for employment and settle in urban areas. The latter, however, has given rise to

squatting and informal settlements that can be seen around Honiara today, such as Matariu,

Gilbert Camp, Koa Hill, Mamanawata and many others.

The rapid increase in the urban population creates many problems. The recent ethnic crisis in

Solomon Islands for instance, results from the resentment by Guadalcanal people at the large

number of Malaitans settled on Guadalcanal, thus depriving indigenous Guadalcanal people of

equal socio-economic development. The ethnic crisis has also given rise to unemployment

and crime in urban areas, particularly Honiara. This has seriously affected the urban-based

government's ability to successfully implement development programs. Furthermore, as more

and more able-bodied people migrate into the urban centres, there is an associated disruption

of the rural society because the burden of rural development falls on the old, the very young

62

and women. The development of sustainable forestry in rural areas and providing

employment would seem a practical option in minimising movements of men and women

into urban areas. This could also help to alleviate the current ethnic crisis by enabling people

to remain on their islands and secure employment within the forestry sector.

3.6 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL SYSTEMS

Social and political systems are major issues in the discussion of commercial logging and rural

development. An understanding of the diverse social and political systems is important in

understanding the responses of rural people to large-scale development projects, particularly

commercial logging. At a village level, for example, logging proposals have to take into

consideration who makes, influences and affects decision-making. More importantly who will

eventually benefit from such developments must be a key question. This section therefore

discusses the way in which the Solomon Island societies have organised themselves both in

the past and today.

3.6.1 Indigenous Political Systems

Before the Solomon Islands were declared a British Protectorate in 1893, the country did not

have a centralised political system. Instead what existed in most Solomon Island societies

were numerous autonomous clan-based political systems, each headed by a male leader and in

some islands by females (Gegeo 1994:100). The leadership that existed in those times

oversaw the affairs of the clan and saw that the members of the clan followed strict traditional

codes of behaviour. The codes of leadership were usually handed down to young people

from the elders by 'word of mouth', experiences and example.

63

A discussion on the system of leadership in a Melanesian society is important as it provides a

basis for an understanding of how resources are allocated, particularly forest resources.

Solomon Islands like any Melanesian country, also having hierarchically structure among the

few Polynesian groups, the extent to which leaders exercised power was less authoritative and

more egalitarian in most areas. The selection of a leader is based on personal competence and

accomplishment. Such persons are commonly referred to as 'Bigmen' in Melanesian society.

A Bigmen becomes a leader among the people by proving to others his capabilities to lead,

through his natural abilities and through his own achievements. In Solomon Islands,

'Bigmans' are also responsible for allocation of resources and decision making in

communities, but as we will see later in this thesis, with the lack of an hierachial authoritative

mechanism such as seen in Polynesian countries, 'Bigmens', as individuals, remain vulnerable

to bribes from large Asian logging companies.

3.6.2 Introduced (Present) Political System

Solomon Islands attained its political independence from Britain on the 7* July 1978 and

automatically adopted a system based on Westminster system of government. The British

Gown, as leader of the Commonwealth, is head of state, with the Governor General, chosen

by Parliament, acting as the Monarch's representative. Currently this is position is held by

Father John Inapli from the Temotu Province.

The judicial system is based on British law, with a high court, a court of appeal and

magistrates court. Local courts are normally conducted by village elders and there is a

customary appeal court that hears appeals over land ownership matters. Solomon Islands'

parliament is composed of 50 elected members who are voted into parliament on the basis of

universal adult suffrage. Voters must be citizens of Solomon Islands and must be more than

64

18 years of age. The speaker is elected by parliament from among those qualified to be a

member but not necessarily sitting members. In situations where a member is elected from

sitting members, a bye-election is held, as that seat is declared vacant.

In the past, although geographical constituency boundaries cut across related cultural groups,

elections are still based on local social or island affiliations or 'wantok' (those who speak the

same language) groupings. Since independence Solomon Islands has witnessed a movement

of traditional 'Bigmen' into the contemporary political arena because of their significant

influence over voters. This is despite the fact that most of them have only a very limited

education and understanding of modern systems of governance. Consequently, development

programs are often hampered, as members do not have the ability to carry them through.

Within the parliament, a cabinet is formed from the party that has the majority in the house

and is presided over by the Prime Minister, who is chosen by the national parliament. Since,

constitutional independence in 1978, Solomon Islands had several governments and six prime

ministers, some of which have served more than once. These are Sir Peter Kenilorea (1978-

1981), Solomon Mamaloni (1988-1993), Peter Kenilorea/Ezekiel Alebua (1984-1988),

Mamaloni (1988-1993), Francis Billy Hilly (1993-1994), Mamaloni (1994-1997), Bartholomew

Ulufa'alu (1997-2000) and Manaseh Sogavare (2000-). The Prime Minister in turn chooses

Ministers to form the cabinet. In terms of party rule, since independence most successive

ruling governments have been coalitions between different parties. It was only in 1993 that

the country was ruled by a single National Unity party under the rule of the late Mamaloni.

The nature of Solomon Islands politics has been described as domestically unstable. The

current ethnic violence in the country has further worsened the situation with a coup by

Malaita militants being carried out in June 2000. The legitimacy of the current government is

65

still widely questioned by its citizens and international communities because the previous

Prime Minister, Mr. Bartholomew Ulufa'alu was forced at gunpoint to resign and his

government to vacate office.

The unstable politics and frequent changes of government have had a major effect on the

logging industry. The relatively short periods of time during which governments stay in

power has constrained their ability to successfully implement policies. Kabutaulaka (1999:18)

further points out that the formation of government creates a situation that allows those with

money to influence political outcomes such as who forms government and the kinds of

policies adopted. This is where the logging companies have had the capacity to influence

political decisions and it is in association with situations such as these that allegations of

corruption have been made (Solomom Star 10 January 1996).

3.7 LAND TENURE

Land is central to the stability of the Solomon Islands society, and has an impact on almost all

large-scale resource development around the country. Traditional land tenure systems are an

important aspect of logging because beginning from the 1980s most logging operations have

shifted from government land to customary land.

In Solomon Islands eighty-seven per cent of land is customarily owned by tribes and passed

from generations to generation, in many cases through the male lineage but also through the

female lineage of Guadalcanal, and parts of the western Solomons. All members of the tribe

have the right to use the land with the produce from the land being commonly shared with

close relatives. The area of land on which members of one kinship group live and carry out

subsistence activities is kinship or tribal land. Each member of a kinship group considers the

66

overall kinship land as his land by right of descent from a distant ancestor of the group.

There is no individual ownership of land and because of this, land was not a commodity that

could be bought and sold like other ordinary goods. It was very valuable because it was

regarded as part of the community or tribe. In short, one can say that the traditional land

tenure system was based on the close relationship between land and the people who not only

own the land, but who also belong to the land (Zoloveke 1979:5)

J

Land, to all Solomon Islanders is their basic source of livelihood. Not only does it provide

food, but it also has a historical, political and religious significance. The land holds burial

grounds, sacrificial sites and monuments that are mute witnesses of the society's history. As a

result of these historical ties, land becomes an important link between the living and the

departed ancestors. This is a religious significance of land which makes it 'become the most

valuable heritage of the whole community, and could not lightly parted with' (Zoloveke

1979:4)

However, this has changed since the arrival of Europeans and with the process of

colonisation. Foreign systems of land rights and ownership were introduced. This involved

selling and buying of land by individuals and as a result, some land became a marketable

commodity that can be acquired by purchase. Of the total land area, thirteen per cent of this

has been acquired either through purchases by individuals or inheritance by government from

colonial rulers. Such arrangements have resulted in numerous land disputes because tribal

members are now selling off land without the consent of their tribal members. For instance,

the case of the Pavuvu Island logging row between landowners and the government resulted

in a murder of a logging activist in 1997 (Solomon Star 17th May 1997). The increasing need for

money has also pressured tribal leaders and members into selling land because many see it as

an easy alternative to earn income. Disputes also arise because land boundaries were tampered

with, as the value of land became increasingly prized.

In discussing the issue of commercial logging and land tenure, it is "worth noting that

beginning from the early 1980s most logging shifted to customary land, which constitutes

about 87% of land in the country. Nowadays the importance of land is clearly marked by the

growing disputes and anxiety over land rights, triggered basically by growing use of land for

economic development, particularly logging. Therefore, any development such as commercial

logging must consider the growing problems that are often associated with the land tenure

systems in Solomon Islands.

3.8 THE ECONOMY

Solomon Islands has a classic dual economy with a modern commercial sector working

alongside a predominantly subsistence or semi-subsistence sector, which is the main sector for

the majority of the Solomon Islands population. In the subsistence or semi-subsistence

sector, production involves the mixture of hunting and gathering, gardening, fishing and sale

of produce from gardens, wild lands and the sea. In the commercial sector, the Solomon

Islands economy depends to a great extent on the export of primary products such as timber,

fish and other agricultural products such as palm oil, copra and cocoa.

3.8.1 Subsistence Sector

The subsistence mode of production predominates in rural areas of the Solomon Islands and

involves mostly hunting and gathering, gardening and fishing. ADB (1997:2) reported that

eight in 10 people live in rural villages, relying on subsistence production and supplementary

activities to earn cash. This section will involve the discussion of the subsistence livelihoods

that includes agriculture, fishing and the use of forests, with a particular focus on the latter.

For hundreds, if not thousands of years, terrestrial wild land has provided the many sources of

livelihood for Solomon Islanders. People hunted and gathered from the forest to meet their

daily needs of food, water, shelter, medicine, fuel wood and many other cultural needs.

Uses of forest products vary among villagers depending on when they need them and how

much they need. The feral pig is a prized resource and has been widely hunted by villagers,

assisted by packs of dogs that are often reared in the villages specifically for hunting. Other

wild animals that are also hunted for food include a wide range of birds, possums, bats, and

lizards. To supplement wild animal protein, wild staple foods were also gathered and these

include a wide range of yams, wild varieties of aerial yam (Dioscorea nummularia and Dioscorea

bulbifera), breadfruit (Artocarrpus altilis), and swamp taro (Cyrtosperma doanissonis). Although

some wild staples are seasonal, they provide important food sources for the majority of the

population (Henderson and Hancock 1988:18). Other foods from the forest include fruits

such as the Malay apple or kabirai (Syzygium malaccense), nuts such as the ngali nuts (Canarium

spp.) and vegetables such as ferns (Diplazium esculentum).

Apart from food products, the forest has provided most building materials for houses,

furniture and tools for most Solomon Islanders. These products include sago palm (Metroxlyon

spp.) for thatch roofs and walling, Vitex cofassus for posts, bamboo (Nastus obtusus) and wild

betel nut (A reca macrocalyx) for floorings and rattan (Calamus hollrungii and Scindapsus altissimus

for rope or cordage (Henderson and Hancock 1988:177).

69

Most Solomon Islanders also depend on the forest for firewood, as a source for domestic

cooking fuel. Various tree species are favoured more than others because of their burning

characteristics and the ease with which they are felled and split. These include trees such as

Eugenia dusiifolia and Vitex spp. Apart from firewood, the forest provides medicinal plants that

have saved peoples lives for so many years and are used to treat most diseases and injuries.

Some medicinal plants are widely known while others are kept secretly because their collection

involves various cultural rites. Common ones include Acalypha grandis for boils, Cycas rumphii

for yaws and stomach ailments, betel nut (A recha catechu) for the treatment of sores and many

others (Henderson and Hancock 1988:265).

Within Solomon Islands, most traditional environmental knowledge is acquired by

observation, through teaching by elders, and from personal experience associated with the

upbringing in a rural environment where plant and animal resources form the basis of life.

However, the knowledge and these sources of livelihood are in danger of being lost because

of the encroachment of external influences, such as formal education technology, material

assets, and personal expectations that are associated with "development" (Ben 1989:xii).

These are threats to the wild food resource and the harvest of other products that have

traditionally been a valuable standby during emergencies and at all times as a source of

supplementary food, fuel and construction materials (Thaman and Clarke 1983).

Traditionally, Solomon Islanders have been subsistence farmers growing crops on a shifting

cultivation basis. The practice involves the swidden or slash and burn method, where the

forest scrubland or grassland is cleared and burned and then crops are planted. The plot is

repeatedly used for a number of years before it is allowed to fallow and return to natural

70

vegetation. The most common practice was to clear the bush during the dry season by cutting

the vegetation and ring barking or pollarding (cutting the branches off) big trees, allowing the

debris to dry, firing the area, and then planting a wide range of crops at different times during

the cultivation cycle (Hogbin 1961.42).

Shifting cultivation varies from island to island, with yams (Dioscorea alata), taro (Colocasia

esculenta), sweet potatoes {Ipomea batatas), sweet yams or pana (Dioscorea esadenta), bananas or

plantains (Missa spp) or more recently cassava (Manihot esadenta) being the major staple crops.

In Solomon Islands yam and sweet potato are the main staples and are normally planted first

in new shifting agricultural plots. They are usually intercropped with taro, giant taro (A locasia

macrorrhiza), and plantains, with bush or slippery cabbage (A belmoschuss manihot) and sweet yams

often planted along borders. Most of the foods produced are prioritised for own

consumption although surplus is usually shared with relatives, bartered with neighbouring

villages or sold in small local markets for income.

In terms of technology, hand tools predominate. Today these range from the traditional

dibble or digging sticks to modern steel spades, hoes, and digging forks. No or very little use

is made of fertiliser or chemical pest control, although intensive mulching can be seen in many

garden plots with the use of leaves, grasses and other plant materials as mulch. After a

number of cropping cycles the land is allowed to revert to fallow, and if enough time allowed,

the land will eventually revert to secondary forest, after which it is available again for clearance

and another cropping cycle.

Since the arrival of Europeans, many people who formerly lived inland have moved down to

the coast, where they continue to practise shifting garden cultivation but also, in most parts,

cultivate coconut palms both as a source of food and for cash. In recent years, the

government has attempted to encourage the diversification of local cash agriculture, initially

with the introduction of cocoa, which has suffered various setbacks with production

remaining at a low level. In addition minor cash crops such as chilli, turmeric, ginger and

other spices have been encouraged in some areas.

Solomon Islands rural communities also depend on marine and freshwater resources for the

bulk of animal protein. As mentioned earlier, the country is endowed with rich inshore

marine ecosystems, dominated by coral reefs, lagoons, and on larger islands, extensive and

highly productive tracts of mangrove forest or sea grass beds. The larger islands also contain

river and creek ecosystems that provide similar resources for people who live further inland or

in higher mountain areas. Fish and other products are obtained through catch from a

combination of small scale commercial, artisanal and subsistence fishing.

As mentioned earlier, traditionally Solomon Islanders have traditionally fished their reefs,

mangroves and lagoons for hundreds if not thousands of years. Fishing was basically done to

meet family food needs, but surpluses were shared with other relatives or bartered with

neighbouring villages. Generally, fishing is carried out by men and women, with women and

children engaged in reef gleaning and inshore fishing, while the men fish from dugout canoes

and participate in fishing activities such as spear fishing (day and night diving), fish netting,

fish trapping and line fishing. Spear fishing involves the use of wooden hand spears with

points made from steel or spear guns often locally made using rubber from truck tires and

wires. It is carried out during both day and night times. Important target fish species fished

includes trevallies, groupers, parrot fish, and surgeon fish (Hviding 1996:217).

72

Hook and line fishing is the most widely used category of fishing in Solomon Islands. Before

the introduction of mono-filament lines, people often used tree barks or coconut husks woven

into lines for fishing. There are varieties of traditional methods of hook and line fishing and

these include, pole-and-line fishing for tuna, drop lining from small canoes and trolling.

Common target species fished include tuna, emperors, snappers, barracuda and Spanish

mackerel (Hviding 1996:213). Fish netting is also a widely used fishing method. Before the

introduction of nylon gill nets, nets were made from coconut husks and other tree barks,

while rattans or coconut leaves were used for drag nets. Fish species often sought include

barracudas, king fish, groupers, parrot fish, mullets, rabbit fishes and many others. Reef

gleaning involves gathering of mostly shellfish, crabs, lobster and at times reef fish. Gleaning

is commonly done on outer barrier reefs and inter tidal flats and most targeted species include

shells such as spider shells (Lambis spp.), Strombus spp., and Spisula spp. Fish species include

orange lined (Balistopus undulatus) and white banded (Rhinecanthus aculearus) trigger fishes (Aswani

1997:282).

Rivers and creeks have also provided many inland villages with finfish, eels, prawns, shellfish

and crabs. Fishing in rivers and creeks employs some of the same methods used in marine

ecosystems and is usually done by both men and women. These includes die use of nets,

hook and line, diving and gleaning. Until only recently, marine, river and creek fishing

provided for subsistence requirements of most communities in Solomon Islands, with small

catches and the use of less destructive fishing methods. Veitayaki and South (1997:49) argue

that there was good reason to assume that the fishery was sustainable, even though much of

the evidence for this assumption is based on spoken history, with little in the way of

supporting scientific evidence.

73

However, with the introduction of modern technology such as powerboats, nylon gillnets and

mono filament lines, metal spear guns and night fishing with torches, catches have been

increased and reefs, rivers and lakes have been frequently visited, resulting in depletion of fish

stocks and destruction of some of these ecosystems. In addition, large-scale resource

developments often exacerbate this destruction through sedimentation, pollution and other

environmental hazards, which trigger concern for a more sustainable development.

The various subsistence systems discussed form the basis of most Solomon Island peoples'

livelihood. As stressed by Thaman (1982:9), these subsistence systems not only provide an

excellent and highly diversified diet, but also produce a wide range of construction material,

firewood, medicines and many other essential products that could either not be replaced with

imported goods or would be too expensive to replace. Thus, if these systems are not

protected the livelihoods of the majority of the Solomon Islanders who live and depend on

the forest for their livelihoods will be jeopardised.

3.8.2 Commercial or Cash Economy

Solomon Islands depends largely on its natural resource base for its cash economy. The cash

economy is broken down into major predominantly large-scale commercial agriculture,

fishing, mining and forestry enterprises and small-scale commercial production by

predominantly rural dwellers. The main export commodities are palm oil, palm kernels, copra,

coconut oil, cocoa and tuna, all of which are critical to the cash economy and as sources of

foreign exchange.

75

A major source of revenue for Solomon Islands is the oil palm industry which is monopolised

by Solomon Islands Plantation Limited, a company jointly owned by the Solomon Islands

Government and the Commonwealth Development Co-operation. The company produced an

annual average of 30, 000 tonnes of palm oil from 1993 to 1996 and injected nearly $20

million into the economy as average net exports, taxes, and dividends (ADB 1997:84).

Despite unstable oil prices, the company has contributed substantially to the economy and has

achieved infrastructure, development and employment objectives. However, the company

closed down operations as of June 1999 due to the social unrest on Guadalcanal. By the time

of closure the company had produced 3,200 tons of palm kernel and 12,000 tons of palm oil

during the first half of 2000. Compared to the first six months of 1998, palm kernel and palm

oil production were down by 19% and palm oil by 22% respectively (CBSI 199:18). The

implications that this could have for the economy of Solomon Islands still remain unclear at

the time of this write-up. But with a contribution of 15 per cent to national economy in the

past and with 12 per cent of employment, it is evident that there will be some adverse impacts

on the economy.

Copra production has averaged about 25,000 metric tonnes in the last few years. The 1999

output was 7 per cent below 1998 primarily because of fluctuating prices. Data for 1999 for

both commercial enterprises and smallholders totalled to 23,242 tons. About 88 per cent of

this came from smallholders or rural villagers (SIG 1999:5). The significant decline in copra

exports and increase in coconut oil receipts reflected the greater volume of coconut oil

exported as copra is increasingly processed into oil (see Table 3.2). Overall, copra production

and earnings have remained low and unpredictable over the last 10 years. This is particularly

so as the economy has become increasingly complex and activities other than copra

production, such as logging, seemed more attractive.

76

Cocoa, which has traditionally been a small component of the Solomon Islands production

and export mix, shrank further in 1999 (CBSI 1999:10). Cocoa production for 1999 was 2395

metric tonnes, a 30 per cent decline from the previous years. Out of the total cocoa

production, 92 per cent comes from smallholder and rural Villagers. The slump in cocoa prices

internationally along with the unrest on Guadalcanal contributed to the fall. Forecasts for

future production levels for cocoa will depend on the international market price and also the

social situation on Guadalcanal.

Smallholder agriculture is becoming monetized, particularly in terms of cash crops such as

coconut and cocoa, but on a very small scale. Therefore, it would not be valid to say that

people are wholly reliant on their subsistence livelihoods for survival. In villages where cash

cropping has expanded, there has been a strong shift away from self-sufficiency in food

production for commercial market, with purchased staples becoming more important (Bank

of Hawaii 1994). As mentioned earlier, in the past ten years, income from sale of logs and

royalty payments has become an alternative source of cash opportunities for many villagers.

Commercial Fisheries:

Like agriculture, fisheries hold great potential for the Solomon Islands. The nation's 200

Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) with an estimated area of 1.3 million km2 contains one of

the world's richest tuna fishing grounds (Thistlewaite and Davis 1996 cited in ADB 1997:71).

Fishing is estimated to have accounted for 5 per cent of GDP in 1990. Employment in the

fisheries sector totalled 2,400 persons in 1993, 8 per cent of those in formal employment. Fish

accounted for 23 per cent of total exports in 1993 and per capita fish consumption is among

the highest in the world (Economic Insights Pty Ltd 1994:56)

77

The fisheries sector consists of an industrial sub-sector based on tuna harvesting, processing,

and marketing and a subsistence/cash sub-sector involved mainly involving the harvesting of

inshore species for home consumption and sale in local markets. Currently,tuna harvesting is

mostly controlled by Solomon Taiyo Limited (STL), a joint venture operation between the

, Government of Solomon Islands and the Taiyo Gyogyo of Japan, a Japanese transnational

company. In addition to tuna exports, the company also operates a tuna cannery producing

about 1.1 million cases of tuna and providing employment for 2,000 local citizens.

In addition to Solomon Taiyo Limited, there are another 11 locally registered fishing

companies involved in commercial tuna fishing, with three of these involved in shark long-

fining for export. Furthermore, there were also 35 US purse-seiners licensed under the Multi-

lateral Treaty with the South Pacific Forum member countries to fish in Solomon Islands'

EEZ. In total, the commercial tuna fishery caught more than 110, 000 tonnes of tuna during

1998. In the first quarter of 1999, CBSI (1999:4) reported commercial tuna exports to be

worth $92 million.

Rural fisheries involve largely subsistence to semi-subsistence activities, with village based

fishers normally fishing to supplement home consumption and sometimes selling the surplus

in nearby village markets. In recent years, however, as the need for school fees, modern

goods and health services increases, more and more people have fished specifically for cash.

Fish catches are often sold in local village markets or to middlemen who later sell them in

urban areas. In some areas, small quantities of reef fish are caught and exported through local

dealers or sold in urban areas such as Honiara. A range of other marine products also

provides a valuable source of income for rural communities, including bech-de-mere, trochus

shell, blacklip and goldlip pearl oyster and sharkfin caught by the local artisanal fishery.

78

In recent years, government, with the help of international aid agencies, has tried to upgrade

and promote these subsistence fisheries into small scale artisanal commercial fishing to

generate income for rural communities (CBSI 1999:17). However, the scattered nature of the

islands, the cost of transport to urban markets, shipping irregularities, high costs of fuel and

the small size of local markets continue to threaten the viability of commercial artisanal fishing

ventures.

Mineral Resources:

Beginning in 1997, the extraction of minerals, became a significant part of Solomon Islands'

export economy with the recent inauguration of the Gold Ridge Mining Company Limited of

Australia on the island on Guadalcanal. The company involved a tripartite arrangement

between the Ross Mining NL Company of Australia, which owns 45 per cent, the Solomon

Islands Government, 20 per cent, and the local landowners who had 35 per cent equity.

During its first five months of operation in 1998, the company produced 45,500 ounces of

gold and 47,100 ounces of silver, with the gold production rate exceeding predictions by 30

per cent (CBSI 1999:2). The company expected to produce 120,000 ounces of gold and

60,000 of silver in 2000 with export values of around $170 million. At that time the company

employed about 400 workers, 50 of whom were expatriates. However, towards end of 1999,

the company closed its operation as a result of the ethnic crisis. The Solomon Star (Wednesday

12th May 2000) reported that most of the facilities had been destroyed by militant activities,

the destruction costs exceeding SBD$20 million dollars. The restarting of the mining

company remains uncertain at this point in time.

During the mine's operational period, the mining company provided numerous opportunities

for employment, royalties and the development of infrastructures. But past records show that

79

a number of serious environmental problems ware caused by the mining activities. The/

Solomonn Star (Friday 10th September 1998) reported incidences of water pollution from cyanide

allegedly released into Mbalasuna and Ngalimbiu rivers, resulting in fish and prawn kills and

cases of accelerated sedimentation. The commencement of operation by the company has led

to the cessation of small-scale artisanal gold prospecting by local landowners, as most

surrounding villagers have now been resettled in company constructed villages with modern

amenities. With the closure of the mine the future of the resettled landowners remains unclear

at this stage.

Currently, all prospecting for additional gold deposits in Western, Isabel and Malaita

Provinces has also been put on hold due to the ethnic crisis. In addition, negative effects of

the current ethnic crisis in the long term will further discourage foreign investment,

particularly in the mining sector.

Timber:

As can be seen in Figure 3.1, over the past decade, modern commercial forestry has been the

main source of cash income and foreign exchange for Solomon Islands. Forest products,

mainly in the form of logs and timber, have been the most important component of Solomon

Islands' economic base with an average of 50 per cent of the Government revenue coming

from the export of round logs and sawn timber. In 1990, logging contributed 34.5 per cent of

the country's total exports. This increased to 54.9 per cent in 1993. In 1994, it contributed 56

per cent of the country's export earnings and 31 per cent of all government earnings

(Montogmery 1995).

81

Moreover, if the current or higher harvesting rates are sustained, severe economic and

financial disruption will result when the natural forest timber resource is depleted (ADB

1997:29)(see next section).

3.9 SOLOMON ISLANDS LOGGING INDUSTRY

As a precursor to the survey findings in the next Chapter, a background of the logging

industry in the Solomon Islands is provided to facilitate the reader's understanding of the

overall industry and the wide-ranging impact that it has had on rural development, the

environment and on subsistence livelihoods.

3.9.1 Background of logging industry

Commercial logging in Solomon Islands commenced in the late 1920s with the operation of

the Vanikoro Kauri Timber Company on Vanikoro Island in the Eastern Solomons, but

wound up operations thirty years later (Bennet 1998:2). The timber industry was then

monopolised by Levers Pacific Timber, a British-registered company from 1963 to the early

1980s. During this period, most commercial logging was on government land or customary

land leased by the government, primarily in Western Province (Frazer 1997:44). During this

period, Levers Pacific Timber Ltd., a subsidiary of United Africa Company Ltd., was the most

important logger, accounting for two-thirds to three-quarters of production. Other

companies included the Allardyce Lumber Company (Australian owned) and the Kalena

Timber Company (American owned).

After independence, during the period 1981 to 1983, under the first Mamaloni government,

the number of licences issued to foreign companies quadrupled (Dauvergne 1997:9).

Commercial logging spread to Guadalcanal, Malaita and Makira-Ulawa Provinces. In the late

classifications and work on new national forest legislation. However, these reforms did not

last long as several cabinet ministers under intense pressure and lured by lucrative deals from

logging companies, resigned and defected. Solomon Star (12th August 1994) reported that five

government ministers in the National Coalition Government defected to the opposition after

being bribed by logging companies because of Hilly's radical forestry policies. This led to the

fall of Billy Hilly's government in late 1994 (Dauvergne 1997:13).

With Mamaloni again in charge in 1995, forest management took a step backwards. The

government lowered the log export tax, delayed the log export ban until 1999, removed

foreign advisors from the forestry division, and shelved plans to improve surveillance of

foreign operations. As a result forestry aid projects were also cancelled. These include the

shelving of the National Forestry Action Plan funded by British aid and the Timber Control

Unit Project linked to the Ministry of Forestry and funded by the Australian Government.

The greatest setback was the cancellation of the Timber Control Unit. This unit was

established by the Australian Government to tackle the widespread under-invoicing of log

exports, grading, species classification, and log volume and price estimates. As a result most

companies were left largely to their own devices, ignoring the regulations with impunity

(Frazer 1997:52). Since then, environmental protection and control over foreign investors

further weakened under Prime Minister Mamaloni.

The period from 1997 to 1999 saw a decline in log production. This was due mainly to the

Asian economic crisis and the collapse of Asian timber markets (CBSI 1999:4). During this

period the volume of log production dropped from 811,000 cubic metres in 1996 to 637,000

cubic metres in 1997. However, in spite of the decline in production, in 1999 the total volume

of timber produced was still well above the estimated sustainable level of 220, 000 cubic

85

metres. The current status of logging is relatively unknown because of the ethnic crisis, which

has continued in the country since June 2000. However, one thing is already clear and that is

the intention of the government to revive the ailing economy, citing logging as a potential

remedy. SIBC News (14 August 2000) reported Prime Minister Manaseh Sogovare as saying

that 'in order to revive the economy all potential areas of foreign earnings must be revived . . .

logging still remains the country's potential option'.

3.9.2 Landowners and Logging

Landowner participation in the industry is important. Although landowners owned more than

80 per cent of land in Solomon Islands, past findings indicate that landowners are still being

left out of decision making and deprived of many of the benefits derived from the logging

industry. Kabutaulaka (1999:1) points out that despite the customary land ownership in

Solomon Islands, landowners still have little influence in the logging industry. He further

states that past legislation and government policies either do not reflect the opinions and

needs of customary landowners, or they pay only rhetorical recognition.

However, as seen in Solomon Islands, this does not prevent landowners from allowing their

land to be logged. Money in the form of either income and royalties or bribes becomes a

priority to meet their needs and they are prepared to compromise their forests for alternative

means of earning income. The Solomon Islands Ombudsman once said:

People always want money. They want and need money for children's education,modern housing, transport and the luxuries of life. For many people, all they haveto sell are their trees, and logging companies will give quick easy money for them.The royalties and taxes they pay contribute to our national economy but no oneknows if we are getting a fair price. We have little idea what die long term effectsof large-scale logging will be on our rivers, our soils and our climate (cited inO'Collins 1999:10).

87

In the past there has been considerable criticism of landowners for wanting to log their forest.

However, the landowners have expressed a justifiable rationale that permitting the logging

would also lead to the development of infrastructure such as roads, bridges, schools and

medical centres. However, Dauvergne (1997:9) argues otherwise. He claims that:

Despite the favourable agreements, timber investors have distortedor broken many agreements with landowners. They have ignoredverbal or written promises to provide 'lasting development' such asroads, bridges, medical clinics or schools. They have often left behindfar more damage than landowners expect, disrupting traditional foodsources, polluting rivers, and violating sacred sites. And they haveevaded timber royalty payments.

The discussion on the issue of landowner interest in the Solomon Islands logging industry

highlights the way landowners as forest dwellers participate in and benefit from the industry.

It is clear that foreign investors have an upper hand in the industry and there is widespread

mismanagement of the forest by the government, which further weakens their ability to

maximise the benefits from logging. Similarly, landowners have failed to capitalise on the

opportunities presented and as a result, have little influence and have benefited only

marginally from the industry. Kabutaulaka (1999:27) argues that landowners are weak

stakeholders in the national decision-making process not because government does not want

to involve landowners, but rather, because of the absence of a representative institution for

landowners at the national level.

3.10 RESEARCH SITE

Rufoki Village was selected as the primary site for the examination of the impacts of

commercial logging in Solomon Islands for two reasons. Firstly, Rufoki Village is an ideal site

because a major logging operation has operated for three years on land owned by the village

landowners. Secondly, the researcher comes from Rufoki Village and, thus, has a personal

interest in the examination of the impact of logging on his ancestral clan land.

3.10.1 Rufoki Village

As with most villages in Solomon Islands, Rufoki Village is a coastal village. It is located,

about 40-50 kilometres west of Auki the Provincial town of Malaita Province (see Map 3.2).

It has a population of about 450 people who are mostly subsistence and semi-subsistence

dwellers practising hunting and gathering, shifting cultivation, some fishing and selling some

produce from their gardens. The most common languages spoken in Rufoki Village are the

local fataleka dialect and Solomon Island's Pidgin. There are two major tribes in Rufoki

Village, namely, the Gwaunawuo and Lagwae tribes. Together, they own most of the land

around Rufoki Village, an area estimated to be around 4,000 hectares (Taloinao 2000 per

comm.). The logging operations are almost exclusively on Lagwae tribal land (see Map 3.3),

which is much more accessible, compared to Gwaunawuo land, which is by comparison

rugged and located inland in more mountainous terrain.

There are 41 households in Rufoki. For the purpose of this research, a household is defined

as a group of people who see themselves as belonging to one unit. This is typical of Solomon

islanders, where members of the household do not necessarily live under the same roof but

spread themselves among two or more luma or houses. Every household had one or more

relatives who were temporarily working in either Auki, or Honiara. Although, the bulk of the

village men have been from time to time employed by the logging company on a casual or

part time basis, only 7 people from the entire village were employed permanently by the

company.

In terms of religion every child and adult of Rufoki is a member of one of the two churches in

the village: the Anglican and Catholic Churches. According to the village catechist, the

pioneers of Rufoki Village were only converted to Christianity as late as the 1950s and have

moved from the interior of the island to live much closer to the coast.

In terms of land tenure, Rufoki Village is essentially patrilineal, such that rights to land are

passed and inherited through the male line. In making major decisions regarding land, it is the

eldest of the male tribe that has the responsibility to lead his tribal members to arrive at a

decision. Subsistence gardening (slash and burn) on tribal land is a right of all members of the

community irrespective of what tribe one is from. In addition to subsistence gardening,

villagers also raise pigs, with most households caring for between one and five animals. The

possession and exchange of pigs is important for attaining status and prestige, and pig raising

requires specific labour inputs by the villagers, particularly women. The linkage between

gardens and pigs is particularly important, because people must spend extra time harvesting

sweet potatoes to feed their animals, and they must also fence gardens near the village to

prevent pigs from entering and destroying cultivated plots. As mentioned earlier, all members

of the tribe have equal rights to use the land and also have a say in any decision. However,

using land for cash crops such as cocoa, coconuts or other businesses needs an approval from

the tribal elders (ulunao). Similarly, non-tribal members, although free to make gardens on

Lagwae land are restricted for subsistence gardening purposes only and not for commercial

activities.

The main commercial activity of Rufoki Village area is the logging venture that has been in

operation for the past three (3) years or so. The villagers are also involved in a variety of other

cash-earning activities, or bisnis, such as copra and cocoa production. Surrounding Rufoki

There are three small shops and a bakery in the village that sell basic food items such as

canned fish, noodles, tobacco, kerosene (fuel), sugar, tea, biscuits, bread and other small

goods. There are also small fishing vessels owned by three local families, which are regularly

taken out to sea to fish. All these enterprises were owned and operated by individuals and

their families who live in Rufoki.

There is a primary school and a community high School about 3 km from Rufoki Village, with

the primary school offering grade 1 to grade six, and the community High School offering

forms 1 to 3 classes. Water is piped from a dam constructed about 4 kilometres inland. At

the time of the survey there were 7 standing pipes within the village, of which only 3 were

functioning. Rufoki village was privileged enough to be the recipient of a small health aid

post donated by the Rotary dub of Solomon Islands last year. It is located at the end of the

village and manned by a retired nurse from the village.

3.10.2 ADO Logging Company Limited

Ado Logging Company is a tripartite joint venture company between a Malaysian

businessman, known only as Mr. Wong, a local businessmen, Mr. Joseph Taega and the

Lagwae Tribe of Rufoki Village. In this arrangement, Mr. Wong is the owner of the

contracting company, supplying all the machinery, capital and technical expertise to the

partnership. He owns 50 per cent of the shares. Mr. Taega is the holder of the logging

licenses and owns 25 per cent, while Lagwae tribe and forest owners own the remaining 25

per cent of the shares. Export revenues are also shared according to these percentages. The

logging agreement was signed in February 1997 but has since been plagued by land disputes,

which have resulted in the suspension of operations, sometimes for up to 6 months.

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As can be seen from Map 3.3, the logged area marked is owned by the Lagwae tribe. Much of

it has already been logged. Since it commenced operations, the company has reportedly

logged 40,200 cubic meters of its allowable quota under the logging agreement of 50,000 cubic

meters. According to records provided by the company accountant, there have been a total of

4 shipments of logs since the company commenced operations. The first log shipment was in

January 1998 with 14,200 cubic metres of logs. This declined further to 13,500 cubic metres

in June 1998 and 7,900 cubic metres in August 1998 (Table 3.4). When asked what was the

reason for the declining trend, the company accountant stated that it was largely due to land

disputes in the area. In addition, the researcher was also unable to obtain species composition

of the shipments because according to the company spokesman they do not keep records of

such information. However, according to the villagers the most common species shipped

were fata (Vitex cofassus) and akwa (Pmmetia Pinnata)

Table 3.4 Log Shipments and Quantities by ADO Logging Company from 1997-1998

Log Shipments

November 10th 1997

January 8* 1998

June 7* 1998

August 2nd 1998

Total

Quantity (Cubic Meters)

12,600

14,200

13,500

7,900

48,200

Same. ADO Logging Company Office

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However, it must also be noted that the figures provided in Table 3.4 are unofficial and

suspicious as there has been no independent reporting on the amount of logs and species

composition that have already been cut and shipped. The figures were supplied by the

company's accountant, but these have been disputed by some members of the tribe. Attempts

by the researcher to obtain export earnings from log shipments was not successful and he was

told by the company accountant that the figures could be obtained from the Ministry of

finance in Honiara. Follow-up requests in Honiara were also turned down, citing company

confidentiality.

The company employs a total of 47 employees. Out of the total there were 8 foreign nationals

from Malaysia and Papua New Guinea, who held management and technical positions such as

executive managers, workshop engineers and mechanics. Fifteen (15) of the workers were

been recruited from Rufoki and Elifolo Villages whilst twenty-four (24) of the total were from

other parts of Solomon Islands. Gender wise, there were only two females employed by the

company, as cooks and cleaners. Most of employees from outside Rufoki Village are housed

in dormitory-like accommodation at Elifolo Village and were picked up every morning by the

company truck for transport to logging sites. Field workers such as chainsaw operators, log

enumerators, and bulldozer drivers were paid at an average of SBD$500.00 a month

(equivalent to US$ 180.00). An attempt by the researcher to obtain the salary range for

foreigners was not successful because of the uncooperative attitude of the manager

In terms of machinery, Ado Logging Company owned and used a range of heavy and

lightweight machinery in its operation. An inventory carried out recorded, 4 large bulldozers,

3 loaders, 3 tipper trucks, 3 log trucks, 2 large and 2 small forklifts, 18 chainsaws and 2

company Land-cruisers. Bulldozers and loaders are used in the construction of roads into the

94

forest where logs arc felled by chainsaw operators. These are then loaded onto the log trucks

by forklifts and transported to log ponds situated near the coast (sec Map 3.3).

Map 3.3. Map Showing Logged Areas, Logging Roads, Sacred Sites and RufokiVillage.

Map 3. Map showing Rufoki Village and Logged Area (Lagwae Land}.

Source: Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, SIG (2000)

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Company Land-cruisers are normally used for administration and transportation of workers to

job sites.

3.11 SUMMARY

The above brief review of Solomon Islands socio-economic, political, and environmental

aspects and the background of the study site and the logging company has been intended to

establish the following points relevant to the study of the impacts of logging on subsistence

livelihoods of people.

1. It is obvious that a majority of Solomon Islanders live in rural villages and depend largelyon their natural resources base to meet most of their subsistence needs. These sameresources have also been increasingly used for large-scale export oriented developmentsand meeting the overall economic goals of the country.

2. It is evident from the discussion that timber from indigenous forest is the single mostimportant export commodity that has generated revenue for the Solomon Islandsgovernment, rural landowners and foreign companies. However, the corruption andcomplex socio-political organisations in the country have prevented the maximisation ofthe benefits, to both the country and the resource owners.

3. There is alarming evidence to show that forests have been unsustainably harvested. It isalso clear that uncontrolled harvesting is mostly done by foreign companies, particularlyAsian companies and the government is not doing anything to insure the sustainableexploitation of this fragile resource.

4. Solomon Islands has diverse and complex social and cultural systems, which often hindereconomic development and the implementation of actions to insure that it is sustainable inthe long run. Increasing population growth, complex land tenure systems, and a highunemployment rate are some of the problems discussed.

5. The section also highlighted the socio-economic background of Rufoki Village, andprovided a brief look at Ado logging company that is currently operating at Rufoki Village.

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CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS: SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OFCOMMERCIAL LOGGING ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT ANDSUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS IN RUFOKI VILLAGE

4.0 INTRODUCTION

This Chapter analyses the results of the field survey on the impacts of commercial logging

on the subsistence livelihoods of the people of Rufoki village. This is crucial to this study's

objective of outlining the impacts of commercial logging on the subsistence livelihoods of

the villagers and to find out whether it has contributed positively to the development of

Rufoki Village. Issues that will be discussed include: 1) the subsistence uses of the forest and

associated resources and the people's degree of dependence on the subsistence activities; 2)

the contribution of logging to sustainable rural development; 3) negative social impacts of

logging; and 4) negative environmental impacts caused by logging.

Subsistence livelihoods including hunting and gathering of a wide range of products,

subsistence gardening and a number of income generating activities depend both directly

and indirectly on forest resources. Evidence indicates that the commencement of

commercial logging has had serious impacts on these production systems and the livelihoods

of the villagers. In order to assess the impacts of logging on the subsistence livelihoods and

the uses of forests, this section firstly sets out to look at the uses of the forest by Rufoki

villagers, which include hunting and gathering, village gardening and other livelihoods.

4.1 HUNTING AND GATHERING

Survey results showed that a wide range of forest products is still widely utilised in Rufoki

Village. The survey showed that there were over 140 distinct wild products gathered by

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people of Rufoki Village. These include wild terrestrial food plants, terrestrial and freshwater

animal food, building materials, firewood, medicinal plants, raw materials for the making of

artefacts and many other products (Tables 4.1 - 4.7)

4.1.1 Wild Terrestrial and Freshwater Food

In the survey of 40 respondents, all respondents claimed that the most common wild staple

gathered is giant swamp taro or kakama {Cyrtosperma charmisonis), whilst 38 respondents

think that breadfruit or rauai (Artocarpus altilis) is also an important and widely gathered wild

staple. Another important staple is wild yam of which there are many named varieties. Out

of all the wild varieties of yams collected, 33 respondents claimed that tobine (Dioscorea

nummularia) is the most common variety gathered by the villagers (see table 4.1). Many of

the villagers reiterated that, although most of their daily staples are cultivated in village

gardens, wild staples still provide important supplements to their households, especially in

times when other staples are not in season. When asked whether these are used daily, 32 of

the respondent said that wild staples, although not used daily, are very important in times of

food shortages, and during natural disasters such as cyclones, droughts, floods and also as

supplements in cultural gatherings such as funerals. Swamp taro is still in abundance and

although many regarded it as being 'wild', a large number of people in Rufoki Village have

cultivated it along the nearby creeks, which ensures a more constant supply. Breadfruit also

grows wild in the surrounding areas, as well as being planted with varieties of their own

choice near the village. Although a seasonal fruit tree, it is a very important staple for Rufoki

villagers. Also still of significance as a staple is the heart or inner part of the maristen of tree

ferns or fii kwaebulu (Cyithea sp.), which tastes like sweet potato and was formerly a major

staple.

99

wild fruits gathered from the forest (see Table 4.1). During fruiting seasons, these fruits and

nuts constitute an important nutritional resource, with surpluses sometimes sold at nearby

local markets or transported to Auki Town.

Wild vegetables are also important nutritional resources for the villagers. Of the total

respondents, 38 claimed that ferns such as kasume (Diplazium esculentum) is the most

important wild vegetable from the forest. Also shrubs such as fii samo (Cydosorus magnificus)

and sandpaper cabbage or amosi (Fiats spp.) and mushrooms or gwero provide relatively

important vegetable sources for Rufoki villagers. All 20 female respondents claimed that

kasume is almost their daily vegetable. In most cases, this is also collected and sold at

nearby local markets or sometimes taken to Auki Market. Sand paper cabbage and sakwari

(Polyscias spp.) is also widely useii, when other vegetables are not available. Similarly,

mushroom is an important delicacy, and has been widely collected from the forest,

particularly by women. Like wild staples, wild vegetables are important food sources in

times of disasters.

Apart from plant foods, villagers hunt and collect a wide range of animal products from the

forest and nearby Darimasi and Kwaree Rivers. While not all respondents go hunting, all

male respondents (20) claimed that they frequently hunt for animal food such as wild pig,

possum, birds and other freshwater animals. Out of the terrestrial animals, wild pigs or boso

kwasi (Sus scrofa) is the major food item most widely hunted by the villagers. They are

mostly found around garden areas and in secondary forest and are hunted with dogs or

caught in traps (see Table 4.2).

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The lower total response from women compared to men is because the responsibility of

house construction culturally falls with men. Men therefore, seemed to be more responsive

to the questions asked in regard to the different forest products used for building purposes.

In some cases however, women assist their husbands in the construction of houses. For

instance, gathering and weaving of sago palm or sao (Metraxylon spp) leaves for thatching or

walling usually involves women. Interestingly in the past, cutting of sago leaves and house

construction were done communally. Respondents claimed that this is no longer the case as

more and more people tend to construct their own houses individually.

4.1.3 Medicinal plants

For ages, before the introduction of modern medicine, local plants have provided Rufoki

villagers with most of their medicinal needs. The study recorded some 27 plant species that

are commonly used for medicine. Thirty eight respondents claimed that magefe (Costus sp)

is a common and widely used medicinal plant for boils, rash and wounds, dilomate

(Syzygum cinctum) for sore ears and tooth ache and aimoko (Vitex trifolia) for headache, fever

and malaria. Apart from these, 34 respondents claimed that fate (Vitex cofassus) is an

important medicinal plant that was used for treating boils, rashes and cuts. Other important

medicinal plants include bakua (Cassia alata) for ring worms, rash and cuts and full

(Baringtonia asiatica) for fever, malaria and pains. Many of the respondents also claimed the

usefulness of uka (Derris heteropylla) for constipation and stomach ache and olioli (Pichoxfia

javanuca) for cuts, boils and sores. Apart from the common plants mentioned, there are also a

number of other plants claimed to be important medicinal plants as can be seen in Table 4.5.

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tree used for starting fire is kou (Premna corymbosa) which is commonly used when neither

matches nor fire is available. This is normally done by rubbing two pieces of kou to

produce small embers, which are then placed on dry grasses, coconut husks or charcoals to

produce fire.

Firewood is normally collected from dead trees and at times from trees cut during clearance

of garden sites. Some of the favoured firewood trees are also at times ring-barked and

allowed to die before being cut and collected for firewood. Such practices are common at

garden sites and in the nearby cocoa and coconut plantations.

The collection of firewood is mostly done by women and children. However, at times men

become involved when there are big trunks to bring home or when large amounts are

needed for feasts or other special occasions. It is also interesting to note here that the most

important fire wood species identified by respondents fata (Vitex cofassuss) and akwa

(Pommetia pinnata) are also among the species most sought after by the logging company.

4.1.5 Other uses

The forest also meets a wide range of other needs of the villagers (see Table 4.7). A total of

30 and 26 of the respondents claimed that arakoko (Gmdlina mollucana) and dalo

(Galophyllum inophyllum) are important canoe making trees. These are still widely used today.

Similarly, 21 of the respondents think that ainigao (Xanthotemon sp.) is an important tree

used for combs, bowl and wood carvings. In terms of water containers, 21 of the

respondents say that kao (Nestus obtusus) is the most widely used. Most of the respondents

prefer conserving drinking water in bamboo trunks as the water is cooler throughout the day

as compared to aluminium or rubber containers.

Although the study presented here is brief and descriptive, it is evident that Rufoki villagers

have a continued dependence on and a deep attachment to the forest for their subsistence

needs. For them, food from the forest and rivers is an important part of their existence.

One old villager interviewed stated that lea nao gano, ai mana kafo ne, nia e afitai/

kameli ka mori ka dao ne man wela kameli ka futa na ne( Without the land, forest, and

the rivers we would not have lived this long have been able to see our children born from

generation to generation). One needs only to observe the villagers returning from their

gardens, forest lands, and rivers on a daily basis to see the villager's degree of dependency on

their forests. Scenes of women with backpacks of sweet potato and firewood, men with

sago palm leaves, children with prawns and fish, and the elderly with baskets of yams are all

too common every day sights in Rufoki Village. As such any disruption or alteration to the

forest will have serious implications for the subsistence livelihoods of the villagers.

4.2 VILLAGE GARDENING AND LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION

Today the bulk of food is cultivated and produced from village gardens (Table 4.8). Almost

all households own one or more garden sites. These garden plots range from less than one-

half hectare over to over two hectares in some cases. Almost all gardens are prepared using

slash-and-burn and shifting cultivation methods. This involves the outright clearance of

trees and vegetation, which is then left for a week or longer to allow debris to dry before

burning and clearance is carried out. Villagers believe that the ash from the burning enables

healthy growth of crops. After cropping for two to three years, the area is then abandoned

for a period ranging from 8 to 15 years before the area is again cleared.

All respondents planted a wide range of staples including sweet potato or kairogi (Ipormea

batatas), yams or kai (Dicscaw data), sweet yam or fane {Dicscarea escuknta), and banana or

111

These fruit trees also serve as land marks after the garden site has been abandoned. This will

enable villagers to come back to the same garden spots after 10 to 15 years of fallow.

It is evident that the most accessible land closer to the village has been used over and over

again. The fallow period prior to logging was estimated to be about 10 -15 years. However,

with the commencement of logging, villagers have moved further inland to establish gardens

in areas once inaccessible because of dense forest. Clearing of larger trees and the

construction of logging roads and tracks by bulldozers have enabled villagers to move in and

establish new gardens. The respondents claimed that this is an advantage, as they are now

able to establish new gardens on better soil. With the establishment of new gardens, families

have also moved in and have set up new settlements. For instance, Elifolo Village in the

upper part of Darimasi river is a settlement established by the logging operation (see Map

3.3). Respondents from the village claimed that they have moved to the new site because of

the improved accessibility via the logging roads. Produce from the gardens is usually for

consumption or to sold at the nearby village markets at Kware'e or sometimes taken to Auki

town.

Rufoki villagers also have a range of domesticated livestock, the most important being pigs

and chickens. Pigs constitute an important social and economic source of Rufoki villagers.

Not only are pigs raised as source of meat but more importantly, they connote cultural

prestige and status of individuals or families in the village. The larger the number of pigs

one raises the more one is regarded as wealthy and powerful. Almost all respondents own

one or more pigs, raised specially for consumption, sale or exchange in cultural ceremonies

such as marriage and conflict resolution.

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are allowed to rent plantations for making their own copra. Apart from copra, villagers also

produce cocoa. There are small plots of cocoa around the village, sometimes inter-cropped

with the coconut plantations, owned by a few families but harvested at times by other

members of the extended families.

It is also worth noting that only 13 of the respondent derive income from logging royalties

because they are members of Lagwae tribe. Most of them strongly feel that they have been

under-paid and have received royalty share payments less frequently than other members of

the tribe (see Table 4.9). Furthermore, another 13 respondents have from time to time

participated in formal employment, either with the logging company or in part-time

employment with road improvement projects, malaria spraying, etc. Although such formal

employment is only for short periods of time, the income earned has in one way or the other

assisted the villagers in meeting some of their basic cash needs.

4.4 SUPPOSED BENEFITS OF LOGGING (RURAL DEVELOPMENT)

To determine the extent to which commercial logging had actually contributed to the

development of Rufoki Village, the benefits arising out of the logging operations of Ado

Logging Company were assessed in terms of royalty income, employment, infrastructure and

transfer of technology. These are often the incentives and perceived benefits that influence

landowners to allow their forest to be logged.

4.4.1 Rural Income (Royalty)

Twelve of the respondents interviewed claimed that since the logging operations

commenced on their land there has never been a payment made to them as a share of the

royalty (Table 4.10). They claimed that only the heads of the tribe have benefited from

royalty payments. One of the respondents claimed that although there is an assurance by the

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tribal leaders that the rents are being deposited in the tribal fund, there is no proof of the

claimed transactions. Most believed that the money has already been misused or has been

used by the leaders for their own benefit. Further investigation by the researcher revealed

that the named tribal leaders now own vehicles and the only permanent houses in the village.

In fact there are only 4 permanent houses in the village. These have corrugated iron (rather

than thatched) roofing and rainfall catchment systems, and have been built with timber from

the logging operation. Interestingly, these are all owned by the tribal leaders.

Table 4.10: Table showing the responses as to the level of satisfaction of royaltypayments based on the 8 male and 8 female landowning members of Lagwae Tribeof Rufoki village, Malaita Province.

Response

Very SatisfiedSome satisfactionDissatisfied

FrequencyMale Female

1

25

01

7

Total/16

1

312

% of total

61975

Only three respondents reported having received payments since logging started. They

claimed that these payments have been minimal and were only received after log shipments.

Since the logging started there have been a total of 4 shipments over a period of 3 years.

Respondents claimed that after each of these shipments, they had only received an average

of about SBD $100 each. They further claimed that although they are living in the village,

the amount received is not enough to meet their other basic needs.

Out of the 16 respondents only four claimed that they are satisfied with the royalty payment.

Interestingly enough, out of the 4 people, 2 people are tribal leaders whilst the other two are

close relatives of the tribal leaders who have seemed to benefited directly or indirectly from

the logging company. For obvious reasons they have claimed that the logging has not only

116

benefited themselves but the community as a whole, a claim which is clearly disputed by

most of the other respondents.

4.4.2 Provision of employment

Employment is the most obvious windfall of any natural resource development. Through

employment, a person or household can earn income and improve their standard of living,

particularly in isolated rural areas where cash income is relatively hard to obtain. For this

study, a census of ADO Logging Company employees was carried out to determine the level

and composition of employment (see Table 4.11). This was to enable the researcher to find

out whether employment was provided to the local people of Rufoki or to other Solomon

Islanders or expatriates.

Table 4.11: Table showing the nature and distribution of employment within ADOLogging Company Ltd.

Job category

ManagementAdministrationTechnical staffMachine operatorsField WorkersUnskilled workersTotal

Total No

2

49

19

76

47

Foreignnationals

2

1

2 :

3

0

0 !

8

Solomon Islands

Others RufokiVillagers

0

3

6

10

3

3

27

00164

3

14

Gender

Male Female

24

9

19

74

45

00

0

0

0

2

2

The results of the survey show that out of the total 47 workers, 8 are foreign nationals from

Malaysia and Papua New Guinea who held key managerial, administration and technical

positions. Most of them are contracted from their other international subsidiary companies

from around the Asia and Pacific region. The managing director and his assistant are of

Malaysian origin and are the sole decision-makers and responsible for the overall running of

the company. The managers of accounts and the workshop are also from Malaysia and

Papua New Guinea respectively. They oversee the total administration of accounts and the

overall running of the company workshop. Apart from these, the company has also

employed 4 other foreign nationals who are machine operators. When asked why they

employ foreign nationals in such jobs, the company spokesman stated that foreign nationals

were required for the operation of the machines as some of the machines are sophisticated

and require qualified personnel that are difficult to recruit in Solomon Islands. However, the

spokesman refused to say what type of machines he was referring to.

The results of the survey further showed that out of the total of 47 workers employed by the

company, 39 (83 per cent) are from Solomon Islands. Of these, 19 are machine operators, 7

are field workers and 6 are regarded as unskilled workers. Machine operators are responsible

for driving and operation of bulldozers, graders, log trucks and as chainsaw operators. Field

worker constitutes workers who do general work as equipment carriers, forest guides, log

markers and, at times, saw operators. There are also 6 local unskilled workers who are

employed as equipment cleaners and security guards for the company. The table also shows

that only two out of 47 employees were female. These two females are from Rufoki Village

and were employed as a cook and a cleaner in the logging camp at Elifolo. Of these 47 part-

time employees only 12 people are from Rufoki Village itself.

It can be inferred from the survey that 70 per cent of the total Solomon Islanders are

regarded only as short-term or casual laborers, and received little formal training that could

help them secure permanent jobs in the future. A number of employees, who were

employed by the logging company since the company started, agreed that they have acquired

some skills from the different jobs they have had. Those who have worked with chainsaws

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claimed that they could now operate chainsaws and even fix the saws when they break

down. Two of the respondents showed their driving licenses received as a result of the

driving lessons they received while working with the company.

When asked if local employees are satisfied with their salary, a majority of employees (25 out

of 40 Solomon Islands workers) claimed that they are not satisfied with the salary as

payment only coincides with export shipments. This implies that if there are no export

shipments, then there will be no pay. They claimed that during the months when logs are

felled, they are only provided with a company ration, which they only consume at the site.

There is never anything to take home for their families.

Despite the different skills and knowledge received from working with the company, the

critical questions that still need to be answered are whether the wages are fair or sufficient

and whether workers are only being exploited as 'slave labour' because they have little other

opportunities for cash employment, and how useful are these skills and knowledge for a

rural Rufoki villager? When asked how they will benefit from these skills, some said that they

would be going into towns to find jobs as drivers or seeking jobs with other logging

companies as chainsaw operators. In addition, lack of capital and limited opportunities in

these areas, however, limit future employment opportunities.

4.4.3 Infrastructural Development

Although the conditions attached to the granting of logging licences emphasize that logging

companies should aid landowners in infrastructural development, this seems not to have

been adhered to in the case of Rufoki Village. To establish the contribution of ADO

Logging Company (ALQ to infrastructural development in Rufoki village, respondents were

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community basis. To many of them, the temporary development of logging roads did not

constitute real development because it did not adequately provide access to services or

markets that could improve the lives of rural villagers such as those of Rufoki. The roads

were used almost exclusively by the logging trucks and the few villagers such as the tribal

leaders who have directly benefited from the logging and who have owned vehicles. The

only positive benefit seemed to be the improved access to more distant areas for the

development of new gardens and the establishment of new settlements such as Elifolo

Village.

The survey also showed that there had been virtually no benefit to the village in terms of the

construction or upgrading of other services. The local school and the health aid post that

were supposed to be upgraded under the terms of logging both still remain in a poor state.

With respect to the promised construction of the Rufoki Primary School, according to the

School Chairman, although he has tried a number of times to get the logging company to

assist in providing timber or transportation of construction materials, on these occasions the

company manager has always claimed that their vehicles were busy or there are no funds

allocated for such activities. Similarly, although the health aid post at the village is in poor

condition, with some parts leaking during rain, the company has offered no assistance in the

maintenance or improvement of this important facility.

4.5 IMPACTS ON WILD TERRESTRIAL FOREST AND FRESHWATERPRODUCTS

The pre-logging subsistence and other commercial livelihoods of Rufoki villagers depended

to a great extent on the direct use of the land and the forest. As previously discussed, the

forest provided important sources of livelihood such as food, building materials, medicinal

plants, firewood and many other useful plant and animal products. The land within and

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surrounding the forest also provides for subsistence gardening, sacred cultural areas and

provide many other cultural benefits to Rufoki villagers. Table 4.13 shows that 34 of the

respondents claimed that the most common problem caused by logging in Rufoki Village is

the reduction of needed forest products, while 32 claimed that the destruction of food

gardens is also a common problem experienced by villagers. Apart from these a majority of

respondents claimed that there are also associated problems experienced, which include a

decline in gardening, alcohol problems, decrease in communal work and other cultural

conflicts (see Table 4.13 below).

Table 4.13: Frequency of responses to what were the eight main social impacts oflogging on the community, based on a survey of 20 males and 20 female respondentsin Rufoki Village, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands.

Impacts

Reduction of Forest ProductsDestruction of Food GardensDecline in GardeningLand DisputesAlcohol ProblemsDecrease in Communal WorkCultural ConflictsUnwanted Pregnancy

MaleX/20

1818131891096

Femalesx/20

161419141918169

TotalX/40

3432323228282515

By identifying these problems the concern here is to find out how logging has impacted

upon these livelihoods and if so what are these impacts. At the time of the research, after

three years of logging, the negative impacts have been very obvious. What this study

revealed was the opposite of what was initially perceived: that logging could bring positive

development to a rural village where most of its livelihood is derived from the land and

forest. Here, I will discuss the problems in a more in-depth manner.

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chamissonis) was reduced by the destruction of swamp areas by felled trees and increased

flooding due to accelerated runoff. In addition, near areas that were clear felled, the swamps

have dried up, causing swamp taro plants to die out. Similarly, breadfruit or rauai

(Artocarpus altilis) has also been reduced through direct destruction for logging roads and

felled trees.

One of the respondents claimed that a lot of breadfruit trees used to grow wild and were

abundant in the forest. He stressed that after the logging activities, "you will hardly find

one". He added that what breadfruit we still have is the few trees grown near gardens and

the villages. Wild yams have also provided important staple food sources for Rufoki villagers

in the past, especially when cultivated staples are not in season or in times of food shortage.

A common variety usually gathered is tobine or (Dioscorea nummularia). However, twenty-

five of the respondents claimed that the availability of wild yams has been largely reduced by

the destruction of the forest areas where yams were normally found. Respondents explained

that the removal of canopy has resulted in a condition locally referred to as satola (or too

much sunlight) which affects the growth of the wild yam, thus reducing their yield. As can

be seen from Table 4.14, apart from these the production of other varieties of yams, and an

edible local tree fern, fii kwaebulu (Cyathea sp) have also been negatively affected by

logging.

Fruits and nut trees have also been affected by logging activities, most notably ngali nut

(Camrium spp), a culturally important nut tree, which has been reduced in numbers and is

harder to find when in its season. Respondents claimed that most of the ngali nut trees,

which is also an excellent timber tree, were either destroyed by bulldozers or cut by the

logging company for the construction of logging bridges. Important fruit trees that are also

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One respondent claimed that: kada i nao wela nau neki, lea to ana maale na fate gwana

ne nau ku guraa ana male kera ki...ai sui kada nai nau lea na i haosbetele sulia fate

baki ne na kabani ne e fasuia na ne'..seleni laugu tari (before, when my kids have cuts

or sores I just use fate on their sores, but nowadays because the company has finished all the

fate I have to go to hospitals, but this is difficult because I don't have money to meet these

expenses). Similarly, a formerly common tree dilomate (Syzgium cinctum) (which is used for

the treatment of ulcers) and a bush vine or ofe (Piper Schlerophloeum) (which used to grow on

large trees and was used for treatment of fresh cuts) are both known to be harder to find.

By removing the large trees these vines are also destroyed.

As can be seen from Table 4.17, a wide range of plants used to treat a wide range of ailments

including stomach and body aches, flu, sore throat, arthritis, chest pains, broken bones,

bruises, cuts, boils rashes, earaches, toothaches, headaches, fever, eye disease, constipation

and diarrhoea, ringworm, scabies, internal parasites, ulcers, cancers and fits are now

considered to be rare or hard to find due to logging. This constitutes a critically important

economic and health resource that is either too expensive to replace or impossible to replace

with imported medicine. Moreover, as argued by Tharnan (1997) many of the medicinal

plants are used through the Asia-Pacific region and have been proven to be effective in

healing most of these diseases or health complaints. Their loss constitutes a cultural disaster.

Reduction of preferred firewood trees is a problem. Thirty-two of the respondents think

that their first choice firewood species such as the fate (Vitex cofassus) and akwa (Ponmetia

pinnata) have been reduced. Coincidentally, these are among the major timber species logged

by the company. Note that ngali nut, also in short supply, due to logging is both an

important cultural fruit tree and an important firewood for villagers. In pre-logging periods,

130

Also equally important are plants and palms for roofing and walling. Respondents claimed

that sago palm or sao (Metroxylo sp) an important palm for roofing and walling, has been

directly reduced by logging. Villagers claimed that sago palms are dying off because of the

direct destruction of palms by felled logs and drying-up of creeks caused by removal of

canopies around creeks and wet areas where sago palms prefers to grow.

Cordages and rattans or ue (Calamus hoirungii) and wako (Scindapsus altissinus) are also

reduced because of the removal of bigger host tree that these vine-like species live on. The

rattan, ue (Calamis sp.), kwakwale (Flagellaria indica), felofelo (Flagellaria gigantea) which are

used for both fishing equipment and building material, are also harder to find as are other

vines, with many respondents saying that they are also reduced in a similar way.

Trees used in the production of a wide range of artefacts have also been reduced. About 60

per cent of the total respondents said that these were reduced because many of the

commercially logged trees were also used for artefact purposes as well. For instance, fate

(Vitex cofassus) is an important tree for making of hair combs, bowls, drums and canoes and

arakoko (Gmeliva molucanna) is an important canoe-making tree. The study found that both

trees are much harder to find now, particularly in the coastal zone. Although a large number

claimed that abundance of such trees has decreased due to logging, some of the respondents

think that it could be a result of overuse, with an increasing number of people building

canoes in coastal areas.

Note that responses with respect to the decline in other uses of forest products for dyes,

containers and parcelling indicated that most of these forest products remain abundant in

previously logged areas or secondary forests. For instance, fii rago (Ravenala guayanensis)

132

logging activities have significantly affected the supply of many culturally important

products.

4.5.2. Destruction and Relocation of Gardens

One of the major impacts of logging has been the deliberate destruction of food gardens.

The study found that food gardens were destroyed as a result of road construction and the

felling of trees. Eleven respondents claimed that their gardens and crops had been

destroyed as a result of logging roads made by bulldozers, felling of trees and the pulling of

logs to nearby roads. Crops destroyed include important staples such as yams or kai

(Dioscorea alata), sweet potato or kairogi (Ipomeaea batatas), banana or bau (Musa spp), giant

taro or edu (A lcosia and Cyrtosperma spp.), and true taro or alo (Colcasia esculenta). Two of the

11 respondents claimed that the company did not meet their formal claims for

compensation, whilst 9 stated that although the company paid compensation, it was far

below the cost of their losses (see table 4.21)

Yams are relatively important cultural food for Rufoki villagers. They are grown not only

for daily consumption but also as traditionally important exchange items that are consumed

during cultural gatherings, such as marriage feasts and funerals. The study showed that yam

plots, which are often established in forest sites, have been destroyed by logging operations,

with a total of 183 yam mounds reported to have been destroyed by logging activities (Table

4.21). This has prevented people from participating in cultural activities and has also resulted

in the shortage of food for their families. The respondents claimed that despite pleading

with company officials to divert the roads from their gardens, the bulldozers still dig through

their gardens and allow trees to fall on the garden plots.

136)

kafi liu lao faano karaeli ki (the company should give us ample time to harvest our crops,

rather than just bulldozing their way through our gardens).

The destruction of garden sites and food crops has also forced respondents to relocate

gardens, which most said was very inconvenient and time consuming.

The main concern is the fact that they have to search elsewhere for food to sustain

themselves while new gardens are being developed. This has posed serious food security

problems to the respondents as most of the wild foods that they would turn to in such times

have, as stressed above, also been extensively destroyed by the activities of the logging

company. One respondent angrily pointed out that: kambani ne e nagaa fange kameli ki

mana wela kameli ka fiola sulia nia e tau sui meli ka saunagainia lau ta faano (this

company destroyed our food and our children have to go hungry while we move and start

new gardens).

Apart from the direct destruction of food gardens by logging machines, food gardens have

also been destroyed by pigs. About fifty per cent of the women interviewed claimed that

pigs have destroyed their garden plots and that this was directly related to logging

developments. One of the reasons given was that as men became occupied with logging

activities there was no time for them to mend the pig fences. Others claimed that the pigs

were hungry because garden production, which is also used to feed pigs, had declined and

therefore pigs broken down poorly maintained fences in search of increasingly scarce food

source. The destruction of food gardens can also be blamed on wild pigs as most have

moved out from the forest because of the habitat destruction resulting from logging

activities. Grossman (1981) found the same trend in Papua New Guinea as a result of

137

diversion of men to coffee culture and increasing gambling and drinking, which led to

deterioration in garden fencing and increased garden predation by pigs.

In the past, gardens that were projected to be affected directly by logging activities were

usually surveyed, assessed and compensated before the activities were allowed to proceed.

However, as time passed, the respondents claimed that this was no longer the case, as most

activities were dictated by the logging company. In most cases, compensation sought was

either reduced or not paid. As can be seen from Tables 4.21 and 4.22, the total amount of

compensation amounted to around SBD$3000 dollars. Although this amounts seems

considerable, it is relatively insignificant given the very low wages, the large number of

families affected and the nutritional and traditional social importance of such foods, and the

associated social and health costs resulting from the loss. Furthermore, some of the

compensation for the destructions is still pending at the time of the field survey.

Personal discussions with the company officer, Mr. Jack Welodae, responsible for such

payments revealed that there were not enough funds to compensate all crop losses. He

further added that in the first place the villagers should not be allowed to make gardens in

the areas that were bonded by logging agreements. However, the agreement does stipulate

that all crop losses will be fully compensated based on a standardised value system. It

became obvious that these compensations would not be paid as reiterated by the company

officer. The respondents have expressed deep dissatisfaction with the way their claims were

handled and to make the situation worse, they have had to replant or relocate their gardens

to other spots from which they claim that it took sometime before they could harvest from

these gardens. During such times they either rely on other extended family members for

138

food or search in productive forest areas for alternative food, which according to the

respondents are very difficult to locate nowadays.

5.0 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL IMPACTS OF LOGGING

The survey showed that in addition to environmental problems and the negative impacts on

subsistence production systems, there have also been serious social and cultural impacts of

logging. These include a decline in gardening and communal work within the community,

land disputes, alcohol problems and a range of other cultural conflicts.

5.1 Decline in Gardening Activities

Gardening, hunting and gathering of food requires the contribution of both men and

women in any village setting. Whilst men's roles include more physical roles such as garden

preparation, digging and cutting of wood for fencing and garden fence construction and

maintenance, the women's role includes planting, maintenance and harvesting. The study

found that there has been a decrease in gardening activities, a problem that was identified by

the respondents as resulting from the logging operation. The prime reason was that most of

the village's "able" bodies have left for urban areas and some have been employed by the

company, thus leaving only women to do the gardening, build and maintain garden fences,

feed the pigs and look after the children. Therefore, there was less time spared for

gardening, particularly the preparation of new gardens, and fence construction and

maintenance, which is normally the responsibility of men.

It is interesting to note that more women than men claimed that gardening activities were

gradually reduced as a result of employment of men in the logging company. Although most

of the village men were not permanent employees of the company, most of the jobs

139

available were on "contract" or "casual" basis lasting for periods up to three months at a

time. It is within these periods of absence that gardening activities were claimed to have

been reduced, hence the reduction in garden produce and increased pig damage. One

woman respondent claimed that: taem logging kam, mifala hangere olowe nomoa bikos

man blong mi ia go wak lo logging an no eni wan fo brasim gaden nao (with the

arrival of the logging company, we are always hungry because there is no one to clear the

bush and prepare the garden as my husband is recruited in working for the logging

company). It could also be inferred from these responses and supported by informal

discussions that the neglect of gardening would also lead to a shift away from more labour

intensive crops such as yarns and the protection and planting of trees to less intensive crops

such as sweet potato and cassava and neglect of trees and agrodeforestation which has

occurred in other areas in the Pacific (Thaman 1996:4).

5.2 Decline in Communal Work

Communal work has always been an important obligation for many villagers in Solomon

Islands, whether in church, schools or community activities. Rufoki villagers who were

interviewed claimed that this was strongly upheld in the past but with the arrival of the

logging company, there has been a marked decline in communal activities. Although there

still exist communal activities, the turn out now is usually very poor as men are busy with

logging activities and women have had to make up for their husbands' absences. The youths

that have always provided the support in communal work have also earned income from

logging jobs and moved away to towns. The village catechist related to me that this has

contributed to the deteriorating conditions of their church building and the health aid post.

When asked what could have been the causes of the decline in communal work, some of the

140

respondents claimed that it is due to the increase in income in the village, while others think

that most of the people are just being influenced by the outsiders in the village. The village

catechist pointed out: fera ne mone lelea belo angi fua foa lae, e mai na tie ta wane ka

dao uri foa lae ma nao ta rao kwaimani lae. Lelea belo angi fua bae lae sulia logging,

wane mana wela oro mana gu ne da dao (nowadays when the church bell rings for

church services and communal activities, you will hardly find anyone in the church but if the

bell is rung for logging related matters, a lot of people attend). He also stated that "in the

past we always worked together to repair the church, clean around the schools and

participate in whatever activities benefit our community but now that spirit of co-operation

has gone and individuals tend to do their own thing".

5.3 Land Disputes

Land disputes are a problem associated with most types of resource development in the

Pacific, and Rufoki Village is no exception. Of the total respondents interviewed 80 percent

claimed that land disputes between different tribes in the area have been an ongoing

problem since the logging company first operated on land owned by Rufoki village. These

included incidents of direct confrontation between the Rakwane Tribe of Gwaunatafu village

and Lagwae Tribe of Rufoki Village. A meeting between the two groups was also witnessed

by the researcher during the fieldwork in December 1999. At the time of this write up, some

of the disputed land where the logging is taking place is still under dispute. During that

occasion, one of the respondents related to me that 'kada bae nao, na gano ne do kolu

sui gu ana uri rao lae laona, sui kabani ne dao gu kolu ka firu na fafia gano' (before

we all freely used the land but with the arrival of the company, we are now fighting over the

land).

The occurrence of land disputes have sparked fears amongst Rufoki villagers and

neighbouring villagers, which in turn has contributed to the decline in gardening and fishing.

Women and men folk of the village are refraining from going to their gardens because of the

fear of being attacked by opposing tribes. Some of the respondents claimed that since

logging commenced their lives are not safe because land disputes are occurring too

frequently. Although there are no records of casualties as yet, there is evidence of tension

between the two tribes. If the differences are not sotted out, there is a fear that lives will be

lost as has been the case in other land disputes on Malaita and Guadalcanal, where

dangerous precedents have been set, which have led to a complete breakdown in law and

order and have threatened the very foundation of Solomon Islands as a nation state.

5.4 Encroachment by New Settlers on Logged Areas

Related to land disputes is the encroachment of Rufoki villagers and other settlers into the

logged areas to establish new homes and gardens. One of the advantages of this is that it

enables subsistence farmers to move onto more fertile land to allow a longer period fallow

of their previous garden plots.

The establishment of the two new settlements of Elifolo and Kafoerada Villages are good

examples of this (see Map 3.3). These villages were established after these areas were

accessed by the roads built by bulldozers for the extraction of logs from the forest. Most of

these people were once members of Rufoki and other nearby villages. Since the

establishment of these settlements, their populations have increased from a mere two

households to 8 in Elifolo Village and 14 in Kaforada Village. There is likelihood that other

similar settlements will be established in the near future as there are already indications that

people have started clearing sites in the upper forest for settlements. The increased number

of settlements in these logged areas further increase deforestation through garden clearance,

which has also increased the problems of soil erosion and pollution of the water

downstream, which people depend on for washing and drinking. Already there are

evidences of pollution resulting from toilets and pig-pens from the newly created settlements

upstream. Villagers downstream have complained of illnesses and diseases related to

contaminated water. These include diarrhoea and skin diseases, which had been minimal

prior to the creation of settlements upstream and the logging operation as a whole.

5.5 Alcohol Problems

Alcohol related problems have been on the increase since the introduction of logging. Often

confrontation between rivalry groups in land disputes has also been exacerbated by alcohol

consumption, with 70 per cent of the respondents claiming that alcohol related problems in

Rufoki village have increased dramatically since the logging operations began. Influence

from outsiders (logging company employees) coupled with increases of income in the village

were other reasons given by the respondents as the underlying causes of increased

consumption of alcohol. Such an increase of alcohol consumption was further encouraged

by the establishment of 'black market' or illegal beer outlets in the village by local villagers.

At the time of the fieldwork, there were at least 3 beer outlets in the village and all were

operating without liquor licences.

Alcohol-related problems include domestic disputes between husband and wife, excessive

noise in the village, and the failure of men to show respect to others in the village. Some

respondents claimed that this has also contributed to the decline in communal work and

143

attendance at church services in the village. The nursing aide in the village related incidents

where men and women were treated as a result of injuries sustained from alcohol induced

problems such as brawls and accidents. She added that this is not normal for Rufoki

villagers and blames the logging operation and the increasing use of alcohol as the major

cause for the increase in the domestic disputes and problems.

5.6 Cultural Conflicts

In addition to these social problems, other cultural conflicts were noted by the respondents.

These include destruction of sacred or tambu sites and unacceptable behaviour of outsiders

in the village and unwanted pregnancies. About 60 per cent of those interviewed claimed

that a number of tambu sites have been destroyed by bulldozers and the felling of trees.

Personal observation confirmed that three sacred sites, namely Maloa, Fuligano and Bunau,

which were important sacred and ancestral worship sites for the Lagwae Tribe, have been

totally destroyed (See Map 3.3). These sacred sites or beuabu hold significant importance to

Lagwae Tribe as ancestral worship sites, burial grounds and as customary land or boundary

markers of Lagwae tribal land. In the past, only certain males of the tribe and customary

priests or fata'abu were allowed to enter these sites and then only at sacrificial times. It is

believed that these sites are homes of past ancestral spirits and, in the pre-christian era,

members of Lagwae tribe often offered pigs as sacrifices to their ancestors on these sites.

However, as a result of logging, important cultural items preserved in these sites for ages

were also destroyed. Compensation claims made by the tribe for the destruction of these

sites had still not been paid at the time of the fieldwork.

Respondents also claimed that outsiders failed to adhere to village protocols. For instance,

normal curfew hours begin at 10 p.m. when everybody is expected to be in their own houses

and to make as little noise as possible. However, this has changed, as most of these

outsiders do not observe this and continue to roam around the village making noise late into

the night. In addition, other important activities in the village, such as church services and

meetings, were from time to time disrupted by noise from machines and outsiders.

\

Unwanted pregnancy has also become a problem since the commencement of logging.

Rufoki village was once an isolated rural village with very minimal contact with the outside

world. Strangers and visitors were treated with utmost caution and were reluctantly allowed

to freely integrate with the villagers. The influx of logging employees from overseas and

other parts of Solomon Islands have weakened this reluctance. Workers freely move around

the village, and as a consequence of this, women have entered into relationships with, and

become pregnant to, men who usually have a wife and children of their own back at their

homes. Upon completion of their contracts, these women have been left behind with

children without fathers. About 40 per cent of those interviewed think that unwanted

pregnancy is a problem in the village. Some of them claimed that some of the children were

fathered by outsiders such as Malaysians, Papua New Guineans and other employees from

other provinces in Solomon Islands. Further investigations revealed that 4 women in the

village have been single mothers with 5 children during the period of logging as compared to

pre-.ogging times when villagers reported that such situations were extremely rare. This

situation is also excercabated by the increasing use of alcohol.

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6.0 NEGATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS

The survey showed that a number of negative environmental impacts had resulted from the

logging operations of ADO Logging Company. These include accelerated soil erosion,

sedimentation, pollution, rising incidence of pest infestation, and the introduction of

unwanted weeds.

6.1 Soil Erosion and Sedimentation

About 80 per cent of the total respondents indicated that accelerated soil erosion is the

major problem in the area and claimed that this is directly a result of logging activities.

Logging activities that cause erosion include the development of skid trails made by

bulldozers, trails made by fallen logs, the proliferation of unpaved logging roads and, most

importantly, the natural process of accelerated erosion after the forest canopy has been

opened up after felling trees. Personal observation confirms the severe erosion in the logged

areas, particularly on steep slopes where bulldozers were used to extract the felled trees.

Further observation of the watershed area indicates that there is a serious degree of

destruction.

Table 4.24: The frequency of responses to what were the main negative environmentalimpacts of logging on the environment in a survey of 20 male and 20 female respondents inRufoki Village, Malaita Province, Solomon Islands.

Impacts

Soil erosionSedimentationIncrease in floodingPollutionPest increaseIntroduction of unwanted weeds

Male

X/20

16

15

12

16

12

9

Female

x/20

11

8

9

8

10

4

Total

X/4027

21

20

23

22

13

% due tologging

80

70

70

65

60

55

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There are massive signs of erosion caused by temporary roads cleared by bulldozers and

dragging felled trees. During heavy downpours it is obvious that accelerated runoff has

created gullies which finally lead to the Rufoki and Darimasi rivers. Some of the

respondents who have gardens in the area claim that they will not be able to extend their

gardens because the depleted red soil left is not suitable for gardening.

Associated with erosion is accelerated sedimentation of streams, log holding areas and

coastal areas. About 70 per cent of the respondents claimed that the sedimentation of

streams was a direct impact from the logging activities upstream. Severe sedimentation of

their water supply has resulted in blockage of the water pipes creating numerous water cuts

to the village. The dam that holds water for the distribution is at times virtually filled with

sediment and holds little or no water because of the increased flow of soil and gravel from

upstream. The respondents suggested that logging should be prohibited in the catchment

areas around their water source. Fifty per cent of those interviewed claimed that since

logging began in the catchment, the water has been always dirty and "hot".

There is also severe soil erosion and associated sedimentation in the log pond at Gwaunatafu

Village. The log pond, which covers an area of approximately 3 hectares and holds up to

3,000 cubic metres of logs, has been converted into a virtual desert with pools of mud and

oil tainted sediments. Perhaps more serious, because the log pond is located near the coast

and the beach, during rainy days extensive sediment plumes can be seen entering the ocean.

Fishermen who normally frequent the surrounding reefs have complained that it is often

very difficult to spearfish as the sea becomes very muddy and turbid with sediment rich-

runoff from the rivers. One fishermen complained that: kada bae nao, asi ne do e folaa

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to his eyes after diving onto a metal rod from a broken-down bulldozer dumped in the river

by the logging company.

6.3 Increasing Flooding

Although, most of those interviewed did not seem to understand the relationship between

deforestation and flooding, some of the respondents claimed that there seems to have been

an increase in flooding in the area during heavy rains. In most cases the intensity of floods is

much higher than what was experienced prior to logging. One of the respondents pointed

to an area near the stream that, during heavy rains, is now commonly submerged, whereas

before logging there was hardly any water there during long and heavy downpours. Some of

the villagers who have planted coconut and cocoa near the river bank have also claimed that

the flooding and associated river bank erosion have been responsible for the loss of some of

their trees. They said that this was not normal as prior to logging, even during heavy

downpours the river did not rise up to the level experienced now.

Furthermore, villagers claim that if flooding incidents continue they stand to lose most of

the fruit trees planted near the river banks, a situation that could have adverse impacts on

their food supply and cash income.

6.4 Increase in Pests and Weeds

Another problem highlighted both during the survey and in group discussions is the increase

of pests and weeds in gardens. About 60 per cent of the respondents claim that wild pig and

birds have been feeding on their potatoes and bananas, resulting in a marked decline in their

food supplies. Most of them believed that the increases of such pests were as a result of the

disturbances and destruction of their habitats by the logging activities. As a result of this,

14'9

pests have been driven from their natural habitats and now they must feed on people's

garden food as an alternative food source. When asked if this was the same before logging

was introduced, most of them said that it occurred before but not as seriously as it is

happening now. In addition, some of the women claimed that the problem has always been

controlled by men in the villages by building garden fences to keep pigs out. However, with

more and more men occupying themselves with logging and other income activities this is

no longer the case.

Another pest problem highlighted by the respondents was the introduction of unwanted

weeds. Many of the respondents have no idea of how the weeds were introduced there, but

40 per cent of those interviewed believed that weeds such as sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica),

the extremely noxious giant sensitive plant (Mimosa inusa) and mile-a-minute (Mikania

micrantha) were introduced by the machines brought in by the logging company. Some

respondents pointed out that 5 years or so ago there were no such weeds in the area.

These weeds have also caused havoc in many gardens and most of those interviewed claimed

that their gardens have been heavily infested with these weeds. As a result, weeding has to

be done more frequently to suppress the growth of young weeds. If allowed to mature, these

weeds, particularly the thorny giant sensitive plant, are extremely difficult to control.

7.0 SUMMARY

The findings presented in this chapter generally highlight the economic and social

importance of subsistence and semi-subsistence livelihoods to the people of Rufoki Village,

particularly the use of forest resources and the high dependence of the people on these

150

livelihoods. It further assesses the social, economic and environmental impacts of

commercial logging on Rufoki village. It shows that although the modern economy has

touched most remote places in the world such as of Rufoki Village, the majority of villagers

are still largely dependent on the forest and associated garden land and rivers for their daily

basic needs. However, with the commencement of logging, sources of food, building

materials, medicinal products and other culturally important products have been reduced,

posing serious threat to the long-term survival of villagers. The perceived economic benefits

from commercial logging, such as rural income, infrastructure, employment and transfer of

skills, were found not to have eventuated as expected.

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CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 INTRODUCTION

The majority of Rufoki villagers depend on subsistence hunting and gathering from the

forest, subsistence gardening and fishing for their daily survival. The role of forests as the

foundation for subsistence wellbeing is critical to the sustainability of quality of life. The

forest is a source of food, building materials, medicine, and fuel wood and a wide range of

other products of subsistence and cultural values as well as the main focus for the

establishment of new gardens. The commencement of large-scale logging has had serious

implications on these livelihoods. In addition, the perceived benefits from logging do not

seem to have eventuated. What has been left for the villagers to cope with in their daily life

is a depleted resource and a forest that can no longer support their agriculture or provide a

basis for the survival of their traditional self-reliant lifestyle.

This chapter presents the conclusions of the study of the impacts of commercial logging on

Rufoki village. It assesses the extent to which logging has affected the livelihoods of the

people and whether logging has contributed to the development of the village. The

conclusions are based on the analysis of the sample population surveyed and the results

presented in the preceding chapter and on available literature on the subject of current

logging activities in the Solomon Islands. It is also based on the researcher's extensive

experience as a rural Solomon Islander, and a forest dweller.

152

This chapter then goes on to make brief recommendations on the manner and degree of

direction required to improve and correct the current destruction of forest by logging

companies and to optimise the benefits derived from logging. It stresses the need to involve

forest owners in sustainable management systems that could be adopted to safeguard the

existence of forests, not only as a commodity for monetary gain but also one that meets

most of the needs of most of the community. The objective here is to understand human

resource utilisation strategies so that any collaborative efforts between rural village

landowners, government and logging companies may result in the sustainable use and co-management of the forest.

5.1 IMPACTS OF LOGGING ON SUBSISTENCE LIVELIHOODS

This study concludes, that with the commencement of logging, the forests have been altered,

resulting in numerous adverse impacts on the local community and their uses of forest

resources, on subsistence gardening and on the overall social and environmental stability of

Rufoki Village.

5.1.1 Social and Cultural Impacts

From the results of the sample survey, it was conspicuous that logging has directly reduced

most of the forest products that people use to sustain their traditional livelihoods. These

include wild food staples, vegetables, fruits and nuts, building materials, medicinal plants,

firewood and other culturally important plants and animal products. Village gardens that

have provided the bulk of the daily food needs for millennia have also been destroyed by

logging activities such as the construction of roads, felling of trees and, to some extent, by

logging employees. This has had serious implications for the villagers, particularly for

153

villagers who depend almost entirely on food and other subsistence products from gardens

to satisfy their daily needs. In addition, the survey results indicate that logging has also

affected the amount of time people, particularly men contribute to gardening. As more

'able-bodied' men are employed by the company, their gardening role has been abandoned,

resulting in decline in gardening and food production and an associated increased burden on

the women who, have to add such activities to their other accustomed roles.

The absence of men from gardening has also been further exacerbated by increased alcohol

consumption since logging commenced. Increased income and influence of logging workers

from outside were some of the reasons suggested for the increased drinking. Similarly, there

has also been a clear decline in communal work. For instance, church building and

maintenance, school repairs and cleaning, maintenance of the health aid post and the normal

assistance rendered to other families who have problems has all been allowed to lapse.

A further problem has been the increase in land disputes. The once free usage of land and

resources by the villagers had been restricted and land increasingly became an issue of

conflict as different tribes struggle to assert land ownership. Royalty payments and

anticipated windfalls from the logging company are some of the driving forces that have

created land disputes. The destruction of some sacred sites has also been of great concern to

the villagers, because these sites hold great spiritual significance to the people. In addition,

village protocols were not adhered to as they had been in the past, for most of the logging

workers come from outside of Rufoki Village. This has given rise to cases of unwanted

noise and pregnancy in the village, a situation that according to the village folks was not

common before logging commenced.

It is clear that the logging company is more interested in the extraction of logs than in what

the forest or logging can provide for the people in the long term. This is a serious concern

as there are few, if any, alternative sources of food, medicine, building materials and fuel

wood that the villagers can fall back on in times of need. In addition, the situation has given

rise to the increasing need for western goods and changes in their lifestyles and aspirations,

most of which can no longer be satisfied by the forest. Experiences in other places have also

shown that once the forest products that people depend on have disappeared, numerous

problems arise, such as malnutrition and other health problems. Furthermore, as a result of

the intense enthusiasm for cash earning activities, subsistence affluence, formerly a

distinguishing characteristics of the local system, has been replaced by a condition Grossman

(1982:231) called subsistence malaise. This condition, which is described in the Highlands of

Papua New Guinea as a result of the rapid expansion of commercial coffee production,

develops when the previously strong commitment to subsistence production declines

because of a negative comparison with income-producing endeavours and other externally

derived activities. Subsistence malaise is manifested in a reduction in local production levels

and deterioration in the resilience of the subsistence system. The development of logging

may, in a similar way, seems to have proven maladaptive for Rufoki villagers because

subsistence production is the major source of food and other subsistence products for the

people.

5.1.2 Economic Impacts

For many landowning members of Rufoki Village, the benefits accruing from logging in

terms of royalty income, infrastructure, employment and acquisition of skills and

technological knowledge are some of the incentives or perceived benefits that have

155

influenced their decision to allow logging to take place on their land. However, the study

shows that these windfalls have not eventuated as initially anticipated.

First, the study found that the royalty payments were mismanaged and unequally distributed,

with only a few leaders or well-off families benefiting. This is similar to a study by

Kabutaulaka (1999:6) who pointed out that, in many instances, certain individuals within the

landowning groups who have connections with foreign-owned logging companies and have

links with the state structure become powerful and influential over the rest of the group.

For Melanesians who owned most of the land on bigger islands, those who have become

Bigman within the Bigman system seem to be benefiting more than their landowning

members. This is because many Bigman have achieved their status through a variety of often

illegal deals with government and foreign logging companies. Apart from the

mismanagement and unequal distribution of income from royalties, the income received

from royalty payments was less than what most had initially anticipated. For example,

royalty payments were only paid after shipments, which normally take place 2 to 3 month

later, and from which landowning members were only receiving an average of only

SBD$100.00 (approx US$20.00). For most landowners these meagre payments were not

sufficient to meet the increasing need to pay for school fees, transport costs, community

obligations, and other household items from shops. When this is compared with the loss in

non-cash incomes from lost subsistence production of food and other products resulting

from logging, most landowners feel short-changed.

The infrastructural development that has been perceived to come with the

operations has also not eventuated. Although the ADO Logging Company has constructed

logging roads and bridges in the forest, these have been very temporary in nature. For

instance, most of the roads were not gravelled and the bridges were constructed with

damaged and rejected logs from the log ponds. These were built largely to cater for

temporary use by logging trucks and machinery and meant to last only while the logging

operations were taking place to extract logs from a given site. In addition, there is no

evidence of a commitment by the logging company to maintain the temporary infrastructure

after the logging operation winds up. It seems that landowners were only concerned about a

quick establishment of roads and bridges but were unsure of what would become of these

once the logging has stopped.

The study found that logging has provided some job opportunities for the villagers, who

have been mostly subsistence dwellers prior to the logging operation. However, a large

proportion of the total work force was from outside of Rufoki Village. Most of the jobs

offered to Rufoki villagers were unskilled and temporary jobs, which involved long hours in

rugged terrain, on often dangerous tasks such as equipment carriers, chainsaw operators and

log-hands which were mostly undertaken under harsh conditions. Due to the unskilled

nature of most of the jobs, necessary technical skills and associated training that were sought

from logging companies were not obtained by the villagers as anticipated. Most of the

technical jobs were taken up either by foreigners or workers from other parts of Solomon

Islands.

On the whole, the study found that the logging operation did not benefit the people of

Rufoki villagers as anticipated. This was due to inequitable distribution of income (royalties),

the failure of the logging company to meet its contractual obligation of infrastructural

157

development and the negative environmental and social impacts on the subsistence

livelihoods of the people. There is no doubt that people in Rufoki Village now aspire to

goods and services, which must be imported, and which require money derived from

commercial economic development. However, the current approach, promoted by

commercial logging that concentrates on its own ends has excluded a large section of the

village population whose primary concern is to feed, house and provide for the basic needs

of their families. Therefore, stakeholders in commercial resource developments such as

logging must consider, before their resources are exploited, the real long-term needs of the

people and how these can be best protected.

5.1.3 Environmental Impacts

The operational activities of ADO Logging Company have resulted in a number of serious

environmental problems, particularly in the logged areas. Most notable is the accelerated soil

erosion of the logged areas, due to the removal of the vegetation cover by bulldozers and

other machinery and the construction of roads and logging tracks throughout the logged

areas. High erosion rates have in turn given rise to the sedimentation of streams and rivers

in the areas of logging as well as in areas downstream and the near shore reefs and lagoon. As

a result, unusually high incidences of flooding have been experienced by the villagers since

the logging started; eroded areas in the forest are less suitable for gardening for many years

to come; and spearfishing is more difficult and seafood catches from near shore reef areas

have declined.

Similarly, some of the river channels have been blocked or infilled, resulting in declining fish

catches. Apart from the increased flow of sediments caused by erosion, river pollution from

158

waste fuel and solid wastes from the machines have resulted in the killing of aquatic animals

such as fish, prawns and other organisms in the river system. These are often irreversible

changes that will affect the ability of future generations to gain livelihoods from the land and

freshwater ecosystems.

The study also notes that since the commencement of logging there has been an increase in

introduced pests and weeds in gardens. The villagers believe that most of the pests feeding

off their garden produce were displaced from the forest. For instance, the destruction and

crop losses due to wild pigs, bird species and many other forest animals and insects have

increased since logging began. Similarly, a number of extremely noxious weed species such

as the giant sensitive plant (Mimosa inusa) have been introduced into their gardens. These

changes have also contributed to the decline in food gardening production, particularly when

women are the only ones shouldering all the gardening, weeding and pest control

responsibilities.

The environmental impacts, though interrelated with social and economic benefits, have

been deliberately highlighted to show that commercial logging has not only affected the

social and the economic fabric of the villagers' lives but also the live-giving environment that

these livelihoods depend on.

5.2 OPPORTUNITIES AND PROSPECTS FOR FUTURE DEVELOPMENT

Commercial harvesting of forest products holds great potential as a source of sustainable

cash income for rural subsistence dwellers, if there is more equitable distribution of royalties,

proper management and monitoring of harvesting techniques, and the protection of the

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forest as an important source of subsistence forest products and as the main area for

gardening activities. The synthesis of these two outcomes, commercial production and

increased cash incomes, on one hand, and the continued sustainable long-term satisfaction

of subsistence needs can only come about through proper management, planning,

monitoring and the involvement of the villagers themselves. The lack of such consultation

has seen a deterioration of the standard of living and an increase in socio-economic, and

environmental problems faced by the people due to logging.

In order for commercial logging development to be sustainable economically, culturally and

environmentally we must pay more attention to the ways in which forests are valued by local

people and the nature of their dependence on them for their day-to-day livelihoods. It is

only when these points of view assume their proper place in the planning process that

schemes for saving the forests will do more than promote the very forces that are destroying

them. Thistlewaite and Votaw (1992:85) clearly emphasised that any major change in the

current attitudes and responses to environmental issues in the Solomons has to come from

the people at the village community level.

This is not to say that logging must be halted altogether. Logging benefits are not only for

the generation of revenue and foreign exchange at the national levels, but also important for

rural landowners who have limited opportunities for revenue generation, infrastructure

development and employment. Income provides for school fees, contributions to churches,

clothing, iron roofing and improved housing, better sanitation and improvement in

agriculture production of crops, all things highly valued by Solomon Islands society.

Infrastructure such as roads and bridges improves farmers access to markets and allows for

160

the opening of new, more productive gardens. However, the concern here is to make sure

that such benefits are accruing to the people whose forests are harvested and whose

subsistence systems are most affected. To do this, will have to involve the cooperation of the

major stakeholders in the industry.

The forest provides an important component of the people's livelihood and can be

sustainably harvested for monetary and maximum benefits given the use of appropriate

systems such as reforestation and using less destructive methods of harvesting. For instance,

the introduction of Wokabaot sawmills by NGOs such as the Solomon Island Development

Trust (SIDT) and others, is a step in a right direction. With the current political and

economic situation and the constraints on resources, while Solomon Islands needs to

increase export earnings, it cannot compromise the forest that a large number of people

depend on for their survival. It must not create a highly consumption-oriented society,

which becomes dependent on outside products and the depletion of its own resources.

There is a need to create sustainable harvesting of forest without compromising the

sustainability of rural society. Given proper planning, I believe it is possible to increase

income while at the same time not necessarily creating a consumer society and maintaining

self-sufficiency as a foundation for sustainable development

The study shows that relations between commercial logging and the people have been

antagonistic. People have been used only as wage labourers and providers of a cheap

resource, rather than as partners in safeguarding and sustainably utilising the forest

resources. I believe that if local people are allowed to take part in the design of the programs

and are assured that real benefits from the forest wealth are seen as being realised by their

161

local communities, only then can their enthusiasm and the rich heritage of local knowledge

be fully mobilised. In other words, policies that allow local forest communities to retain a

fair share of forest revenues and vest them with the authority to invest or spend such

revenues on their own development, can play a major role in realising this vision.

Therefore, the introduction of commercial logging operations in any given location must

insure that the monetary benefits reach the majority of the rural people and that commercial

logging a real long-term improvement in their standard of living while at the same time

attempting to minimise the destruction to their subsistence resources and environment. On

the other hand, government and aid donors need to support local communities by

recognising the need to move beyond preservation of natural resources to supporting that

focus more on sustainable use options. Projects should promote natural regeneration of

forests in areas where logging has occurred. Local communities should be able to select

seedlings of useful commercial and subsistence species of trees, transplant them into gaps in

the forest where necessary and maintain them and clear vines and undesirable species from

the demonstration plots. In addition to improving the income of villagers, such projects will

help to conserve the biodiversity of the forests and increase the number and quality of

species with high subsistence or commercial value, which will be available in the future.

For Solomon Islands, political will is probably the most crucial factor necessary if sustainable

forestry policies are to be introduced and enforced. The sustainable utilisation of forests

should be seen as part of a broader development issue, that of sustainable rural

development, which impacts directly on the lives and benefits most rural people. The

forestry sector, then, is vital to the overall strategy for sustainable rural development and, as

162

such, it should be central to any plans for improving the livelihood options of rural

communities in Solomon Islands.

The preservation and sustainable use of the forest ecosystem is necessary for the

conservation of the wide range of plant species that still provide useful other forest products

for rural Solomon Islanders, and to provide the right environment for freshwater prawns,

fish and other wildlife and near shore marine organisms that provide their protein.

Therefore, alternative, small-scale sustainable forestry ventures such as ecotimber production

and the establishment of wood lots are vital if village communities are to enjoy sustainable

cash-earning alternatives to the more destructive short-sighted exploitation of their natural

resources such as is currently the case with large-scale commercial logging in Solomon

Islands.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

It is clear from the findings that widespread damage has already been done to the forest, the

land, the rivers and the reefs that people depend on for their livelihoods. The only recourse

is to learn to live with it and find ways in which we can correct and improve the current

models for harvesting timber and other natural forests by commercial logging. We must put

an end to the destructive harvesting of logs and provide insight and a warning to other land

owners who are intending to or thinking about logging their land. The following

recommendations may hopefully lead to a more sustainable forestry development model by

which costs are reduced and benefits maximised, particularly subsistence uses of forest and

the livelihoods that come with it. These recommendations are brief and in no way

exhaustive. They are based on the findings and conclusions from this study and from other

163

studies such as Cassels 1993, day 1988, Collee 1995, Dauvergne 1997, Falisi 2000,

FORTECH 1995 and Siwatibau 1992. These include:

1. There is an urgent need for mass reforestation or the rehabilitation of degradedforests in the logged areas. This requires participation of the logging companies,the forestry department and the landowners. Local villagers should be able toselect seedlings of useful commercial and subsistence of trees, transplant theminto gaps in the forest where necessary and tend and maintain them. Forreforestation, there is a need for the identification of plant species that have beenaffected by logging. Commercial species that have been extracted such as Vitexspp. and Pommetia spp. must be used to reforest the logged areas. Palms, rattansand important medicinal plants must be collected and propagated forregeneration of the forest. Provision of advice and technical assistance tovillagers concerned for the selection of native species to be activelypromoted/planted, the collection of seeds, the establishment of communitynurseries and the planting of plants both in the forests and in gardens or invillages will also be necessary.

Subsistence gardening systems must be protected from logging activities. To dothis, there is a need for a reliable Environmental Impact Assessement (EIA) tobe carried out prior to logging agreements. Results of the EIA would then beused by landowners to decide on whether logging is viable or not and in whichareas it should be restricted. There is also need for strong legislation in theprotection of gardening from logging activities. Similarly, village gardensurgently need better management systems to encourage farmers to grow theirown crops. Such programs will probably involve new rotational systems, bettermulching, and composting and the provision of advice on land use planning toall villages that are or will be involved in logging activities. This land useplanning should assist villagers to set aside land for sustainable forestry, land foragriculture, reserve forests for catchment, and native forests for subsistence use.Provisions should also be made or incentives put in place by logging companiesto allow employees time to develop and maintain food gardens

There is a need for regular active adult education workshops at community levelon the issue of commercial logging. With such undertakings, villagers must bepresented with other alternatives that would enable sustainable harvesting offorest products. They should be continuously reminded that it's not timberalone from which they can derive income. Various sustainable developmentinitiatives can be tried which may include eco-tourism, butterfly farming,handicraft production, plantation forestry, agroforestry, furniture manufacture,the marketing of sustainably produced timber and the harvesting of non-timberforest products including ngali nuts, aromatic oils, tannin and orchids.Landowners must be encouraged to have pride in their forest to inventory thespecies that are being felled or damaged, and should be made aware of its value.Landowners should also be trained as forest rangers to police the use of their

164

forests and as local liaison officers for ensuring open communications betweenthe landowners and the forestry department and the logging company.

There is a need for cohesion and cooperation between landowning members,government and logging companies to ensure that royalty payments arechannelled through a land owning body that would ensure delivering moreequitable benefits to all members of the rightful landowning group. Suchinstitutions should be also encouraged to control and/or invest royalty paymentsin village projects such as improvement of sanitation, water, roads, electrification,education and health in order to benefit the majority of landowners. There is aneed for strong legislation to enforce logging agreements, particularly in regard toinfrastructural development and reforestation. There must be a collective bodyof landowners who will also see that the conditions of the agreement areimplemented. Companies who fail to adhere to agreements should have theirlogging licenses revoked or terminated and/or be fined.

Government, logging companies and landowners should support sustainableforestry harvesting and the conservation of forests by establishment of reserveson logged and unlogged lands. The reserves will protect important commercialand subsistence trees, which may be under threat from logging. Within theseareas people should be allowed to carry out activities such as subsistencegardening, hunting, collection of firewood, medicinal plants and buildingmaterials within the protected area. By doing so, their subsistence needs wouldbe more secure. To do this, increased efforts to promote local participation areneeded to achieve forest conservation and development goals. Landownersthemselves should be trained as 'grassroots forest rangers' to police the use oftheir own forests and to assist in studying features such as regeneration of timberor other species. Appointment and recognition of these village forest rangers aslocal liaison officers for ensuring open communications between the landownersand the forestry departments would also be desirable.

Because this in-the-field survey was limited by time and finances, it was only possible to

enumerate the forest products used and the number of respondents using them. Before

specific forest products can be selected for more focussed promotion and development,

additional detailed and extensive studies should be made to quantify the volumes and

imputed values of the various products utilised. Furthermore, it should also look at die rate

of replenishment or recruitment of supplies and the potential for commercial development

and the marginal costs of exploitation of timber resources compared to the continued long-

165

term exploitation of agricultural, riverine, and marine resource to satisfy the expanding needs

for products for subsistence use and local sale.

Direct alternatives to large-scale logging must be carefully considered if logging is to be

stopped. These alternatives must have the potential to enhance local livelihoods, to work

side by side with the subsistence sector rather than undermining it, and should be

alternatives that can be controlled or strongly influenced by local people. As mentioned

earlier, wide scale reforestation or forest rehabilitation can take place only if rural

populations are mobilised and given opportunities and incentives to become integrally

involve and to be main, or at least equal beneficiaries.

Furthermore, projects that promote expansion and conservation of trees must define their

objectives with consideration for the needs of those local inhabitants most closely associated

with the future of the trees, the forests and the affected resources from other ecosystems.

Forests are unlikely to be managed sustainably without the direct involvement of the people

whose economies and social well being depend on these resources. The growing pride of

landowners in their forests and increasing awareness of its value is frustrated by the fact that

landowners currently have little control over the use of their commercial forests once

logging concessions are awarded by the government. The ownership of both the logging

concession and the replanted forest should remain in the hands of the landowners.

The study has also highlighted the need to recognise the different social groups in a

community. Not all are tribal leaders or landowners and therefore only a few persons

powerful enough to reap significant benefits from commercial forestry development.

Invariably, those for whom forests constitute an essential part of their life-support systems

are unable to change the policies and institutions that alienate their lands or otherwise

deprive them of their means of sustenance. Logging companies, government and a few

selfish landowners are extremely influential in determining how forests are used and

managed to whom the benefits accrue. In the case of Rufoki Village, most of these actors

perceive little urgent need to exploit the forests carefully and sustainably if it is easier and

more profitable to treat them carelessly.

All these findings reiterate the need for more educational programs, at a larger scale, targeted

at villagers and the landowners that play a prominent role in the logging industry. Education

programs must be carried out in primary and secondary schools to ensure that the younger

generation is aware of the values of their forest resources and the effects and implications of

logging for themselves and future generations of Solomon Islanders. These are urgent

matters if we are to save the remaining forest or to promote more sustainable and

environmentally and socially friendly logging throughout Solomon Islands. As stressed by

Henderson (1997:12), instead of development implying inevitable increases in economic

activity and wealth, sustainable development must be more basic and must incorporate the

improvement and well being of local communties, even if this involves minimal change and

merely the maintenance of existing livelihoods. He further reiterates that socially sustained

development must involve the maintenance and expansion of options, such options include

the ability to simply derive a subsistence living, or the potential to derive income from an

ecotimber venture, a suspsup garden or from culturally and socially supportive handicraft

manufacture, or to invest in the education of the next generation.

Such a notion has also been stressed by Clay (1988:22), who argues that first it is essential to

maintain the subsistence economy because populations are expanding rapidly and more

167

subsistence land will be needed just to survive. It will be vital not to lock up too much land

for logging and therefore adequate subsistence reserves need to be set aside. I believe it is

possible to sustain a commercial forestry sector without jeopardising the subsistence and

other needs of forest landowners on other forest products. A necessary component of such

a system is greater landowner participation in forestry development activities and greater

landowner control of their forest assets. With landowners willing to take greater control, the

opportunity exists for Solomon Islands to develop a truly sustainable tropical forestry system

that is in harmony with the development needs of the rural people involved, and that

conserves the forest structure while forests are being logged.

5.4 CONCLUSION

Given that the imperative for continued commercial harvesting of forests in Solomon

Islands is likely to remain, the challenge will be to try and ensure that commercial benefits\

are not gained at the expense of long-term customary and subsistence values and

sustainability. The enhancement of local livelihoods should be at the centre of all sustainable

forestry strategies. However, in order for commercial logging to be sustainable for and

compatible with those who depend on subsistence livelihoods from the forest, the issue of

commercial logging must be approached cooperatively by all the stakeholders involved in the

industry. Logging operations should not be allowed to be dictated by any single stakeholder

landowners, government, foreign companies and environmental watchdogs such as non-

government organisations (NGOs) and the planning, implementation, monitoring and

review all developments.

168

Increased logging and the push for accelerated economic development have placed

increasing pressure on existing forest resources. If the current trends continue it has been

estimated that by year 2010 there will be no commercially loggable forest left in Solomon

Islands. Added to this will be the unsustainable loss, with a long-term value far greater than

the exported timber, of the countless forest, agricultural and other related river and marine

resources that will be lost with the loss of forest cover. To meet this challenge, the Solomon

Island government and private enterprises (both international and nationally) must work in

partnership with rural Solomon Islanders and the resource owners, to improve management

of forest resources, recognising the need of present and future generations. Collee (1995)

also added that progress towards conservation and sustainability requires balancing use with

availability of resources for economic and environmental goods and services, and

implementing sustainable management of forest resources for multiple uses.

To conclude, while it is easy to blame successive governments and Asian timber companies

for allowing the destruction of the forest resources, the bulk of the forestland is under

customary tenure and decisions concerning this land are actually the direct responsibility of

the landowners. As such, it is often local landowning communities, in particular their

leaders, rather than the government, who need convincing that there are other viable cash-

earning and more sustainable options of timber production as an alternative to the current

exploitative model of commercial logging. The problem also lies with the monitoring of

logging activities and implementation of forest policies, agreements and landowner

participation. Foreign logging companies are allowed to dictate most of the conditions of

logging activities. Today, the problem continues and the government and landowners must

find ways of identifying the constraints and opportunities available and to work together in

169

ways to improve the way logging companies are harvesting the remaining forests of Solomon

Islands. We must ensure that rural development efforts benefit those people who are

supposed to gain from them and who need them most, particularly the landowners

themselves and the majority of village people who depend on the forest for their current and

future livelihoods. For rural Solomon Islanders it is not yet too late to act. Cooperative

efforts from landowners, ordinary villagers, government, NGOs and logging companies is

needed to safeguard the survival of the forest ecosystems, the rivers and marine ecosystems

that depend for their health on the forest, the plants and animals that live in these

ecosystems, and the people who have depended in the resources of these ecosystems for

countless millenia. It would be sad if the thoughtless, self-centred short-term, profited

oriented commercial forestry development that has occurred over a period of only 30 years

is allowed to destroy the foundation for Solomon Island society that has been developed in a

close spiritual relationship with their live-giving forests over thousand of years.

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