KURDEDE PARIS

N°262

JANUARY 2007

INSTITUT

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THE “HISTORIC” VISIT OF IRAQI PRESIDENTJALAL TALABANI TO SYRIA

HE Iraqi President, Jalal Tala-

bani, paid a visit to Syria,

described as “historic” as its is

the first of its kind in nearly

three decades. Syrian presi-

dent Bachar al-Assad, welcomed

him warmly and, on 14 January,

declared that his country was ready

to contribute to the “national rec-

oncilition” and stability of Iraq.

“Syria is ready to help the Iraqis

achieve national reconciliation as

well as the unity, security and sta-

bility” of that neighbouring coun-

try, declared Mr. Assad during a

first meeting with his guest,

according to the Syrian official

news agency Sana. Mr. Talabani,

who arrived a the head of a sub-

stantial delegation for a six-day

stay declare, for his part “Syria

helped us in the darkest days, and

we are grateful”. “We are deter-

mined to establish better political,

trade and oil relations. We also

want to break this vice that was

imposed on us by the colonialist

forces to prevent all cooperation

and any Syrio-Iraqi reconciliation”

added the Iraqi President, as quot-

ed by Sana. The two presidents

made these remarks during a more

open meeting attended by the offi-

cial delegations of both countries.

Apart from the Minister of the Inte-

rior, Jawad Bolani, the Iraqi Presi-

dent was accompanied by the Min-

isters of Trade, Abdel Falah Hassan

al-Sudani, of Water Resources,

Latif Rashid, and of National Securi-

ty, Muaffak al-Rubai, as well as sev-

eral Members of parliament. Coop-

eration agreements in the areas of

trade and security were signed dur-

ing this visit. According to his advi-

sor, Fakhri Karim, a security delega-

tion preceded Mr. Talabani to Dam-

ascus for meeting that ended in

“positive results for both countries”.

On 10 January, the Syrian Vice

President, Faruk al-Shareh,

declared that “the rapprochement

between the two countries aimed at

consolidating relations” and “did not

come about for external reasons”,

that is Damascus’s desire to

improve its relations with the United

States.

Contents:

• THE “HISTORIC” VISIT OF IRAQI PRESIDENT JALAL TALABANI TO SYRIA

• THE PRESIDENT OF IRAQI KURDISTAN, MASSUD BARZANI, WELOMES

GENERAL JOSEPH RALSTON, US CO-ORDINATOR, TO SALAHADDIN

• THE HEARINGS OF THE TRIAL FOR GENOCIDE AGAINST THE KURDS

CONTINUE, WITH CHEMICAL ALI, IN PARTICULAR, STILL ATTENDING

• KIRKUK: AS THE REFERENDUM ON THE STATUS THE OF THE CITY

APPROACHES, ANKARA’S THREATS INTENSIFY

• ISTANBUL: THE ARMENIAN JOURNALIST, HRANT DINK, IS MURDERED BY

TURKISH NATIONALISTS

• ANKARA: A PLEA FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACY BY THE KURDISH WRITER

YASAR KEMAL

• 2006 ASSESSMENT: CIVILIANS, PARTICULARLY SHIITES, CONTINUE TO BE

THE PRINCIPAL VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE IN IRAQ

• READ IN THE TURKISH PRESS; “WE ARE THE FIRST TO REJECT CONTROL

BY THE TURKISH ARMY” DECLARES THE FORMER VICE-PRESIDENT OF

NORTH CYPRUS

• AS WELL AS …

T

respect for sovereignty and inde-

pendence by all its neighbouring

countries”.

For his part, the Iranian Foreign

Minister, Manushehr Mottaki,

announced on 22 January that Iran

and Syria had agreed to propose

the organisation of a regional con-

ference on Iraq, to be held in Bagh-

dad. “We have agreed to ask the

Iraqi government and the neigh-

bouring countries to hold a confer-

ence of Foreign Ministers in Bagh-

dad”, declared Mr. Mottaki during a

Press conference with his Syrian

opposite number, Walid Muallem,

who was visiting Teheran. Further-

more, on 21 January, the radical

Shiite chief, Moqtada Sadr, who

leads a large militia, the Mahdi’s

Army, which is regularly accused of

abuses against the Sunni Arab

community and of attacks on the

coalition forces, decided to sus-

pend his boycotting of the govern-

ment, thus strengthening the posi-

tion of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

“We are going to take part in the

political process”, declared a Sadrist

Member of Parliament, Saleh Has-

san Issa al-Ogaili, explaining that

some demands expressed by his

movement had been satisfied. The

Speaker of Parliament, the Sunni

Arab Mahmud al-Mashadani, who

had negotiated with the Sadr bloc

its return to the government, con-

firmed this decision during a press

conference. “A five-member com-

mission representing the different

parliamentary blocs has negotiated

with the Sadrist trend and has pre-

sented recom-mendations that have

been accepted”, he indicated, con-

sidering that the demands made by

the Sadrist trend were “legitimate

and served the national interests”.

Moqtada Sadr’s supporters (who

hold 32 seats in the 275-seat par-

liament and six Ministries) have

been boycotting these institutions

since 29 November in protest at the

meeting between Mr. al-Maliki and

US President G.W. Bush. Their

return to the political scene should

strengthen the Prime Minister’s

position, weakened by his inability

to quell the violence. Support “from

Sadr is a good thing asmit will con-

solidate Maliki’s position, the more

so as the two parties are allies”

considered the Kurdish M.P., Mah-

mud Osman. This easing of political

tension follows “an agreement

signed with the parliament envisag-

ing discussions on a timetable for

the withdrawal of American troops”,

explained Mr. Ogaili without giving

any details. “We have also demand-

ed a timetable for the training of

Iraqi security forces and that the

government refrain from renewing

the mandate of the occupation

forces with referring the matter to

Parliament”, he added. Today, “the

Sadr group wants to show that it is

part of the political process and that

it will not resort to violence at a

time when the Iraqi and American

forces have set them selves the

objective of tackling the militias”,

Mahmud Osman considered.

• 2 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

Mr. Talabani’s visit came following

the resumption of diplomatic rela-

tions between the two countries in

November, after a break of over 25

years. Saddam Hussein’s predeces-

sor, Ahmed Hassan al-Bakri, had

gone there in 1979, at a time when

the two countries, governed by

branches of the Baath Party, were

considering fusing into a single

nation. Although both were gov-

erned by the Pan-Arab Baath Party

relations between Syria and Sad-

dam Hussein’s Iraq deteriorated

and became very strained. They

were re-established on the occasion

of the visit to Baghdad by the Syri-

an Foreign Minister, Walid Muallem

who had promised his country’s

assistance in re-estabishing security

in Iraq. At the end of December,

the Damascus office of Mr. Tala-

bani’s party, the Patriotic Union of

Kurdistan (PUK) announced that Mr.

Talabani visit aimed at “settling var-

ious questions (…) in all friendship

and brotherhood”. During the peri-

od of Saddam Hussein’s dictator-

ship, Mr. Talabani used to stay reg-

ularly in Syria and had close links

with the Damascus leadership,

which, at the time, used to shelter

various movements of the Iraqi

opposition. His last visit to Syria

was back in July 2003, after the US

intervention but before his election

as president of Iraq in April 2005

and his re-election in April 2006.

In an interview published on 21

January by the Kuwaiti daily al-

Anbaa, Jalal Talabani nevertheless

called for an end to interference in

Iraq’s internal affairs and for help-

ing the country restor peace and

stability. “I know who is interfering

in Iraqi internal affairs and who is

not but it is not, at the moment, in

Iraq’s interest to cite names of

those interfering”, pointed out the

Iraqi President. “I should, at least

avoid adding oil to the flames”, Mr.

Talabani stressed in this interview

given during his visit to Damascus.

President Talabani expressed the

hope that the new Iraq might play

“a positive role in the strengthening

of Arab solidarity and genuine

regional cooperation based on

THE PRESIDENT OF IRAQI KURDISTAN, M. BARZANI, RECEIVES GENERAL J. RALSTON,

US CO-ORDINATOR, TO SALAHADDIN

N 19 january,the President

of Iraqi Kurdistan, Massud

Barzani, received, at Sala-

haddin, General Joseph Ral-

ston, the US President’s spe-

cial envoy and coordinator for the

PKK question, so as to discuss

questions linked to the final status

of Kirkuk and the situation of Kurds

of Turkey. The Kurdish Presidency’s

chief of staff, Dr. Fuad Hussein,

stated that General Ralston

expressed the official opinion of the

American Administration and of the

State Department, stressing that

Kirkuk was the internal business of

the Iraqi people. General Ralston

also visited the Makhmur refugee

O

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 3 •

camps that have been sheltering

kurdish refugees from Turkey for

the last ten years.

Following his journey to iraqi Kur-

distan, General Ralston visited

Turkey for discussions with his

Turkish opposite number, Edip

Baser and the Foreign Minister,

Abdullah Gul. On 30 January, the

American emissary promised

Ankara to work towards the strug-

gle against the Kurdish organisation

while Turkey accuses the United

States of inactivity. “We are work-

ing on several possible actions to

counter the PKK” declared Mr. Ral-

ston. “We remain very focused on

this effort, with several initiatives

and I have a great hopes that, with

a little patience on the part of the

Turkish people, we will successfully

fulfill our task”, he added. He par-

ticularly expressed the hope that

the president of iraqi Kurdistan,

Massud Barzani, would help to fight

the PKK. “I consider that I can con-

vince him thet the PKK is a threat

to stability in Northern Iraq as well

as a threat to the Turkish people

and I have asked for his help in

countering the PKK”, stated the

American official. Mr. Ralston also

met the Chief of the Turkish Gener-

al Staff, General Yasar Buyukanit,

before leaving Turkey on 31 Janu-

ary. His visit came after sharp criti-

cism expressed by Prime Minister

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who accused

the United States and Iraq of inac-

tivity regarding the PKK. Last

month, Mr. Erdogan had considered

that Washington and Baghdad had

not kept their promises and that the

nomination of Mr. Ralston in August

had produced to results, going on

to evoke a “stalling tactic” by the

American authorities. “We have

jointly appointed coordinators fot

the struggle against the PKK (Kur-

distan Workers’ Party —banned) but

nothing has come of it. (…) We

were expecting some seripous

advances, but this hasd not been

achieved”, deplored the Prime Min-

ister on 3 January. The Turkish

coordinator, Mr. Baser, when ques-

tioned by the Turkish paper Vatan

stated, for his part, that his mission

could come to an end by the end of

February or beginning of March if

“concrete steps were not taken”

against the PKK in Iraq.

The americans explain their lack of

eagerness for going to fight the PKK

by the violence that is al;ready

keeps them busy in many regions

of Iraq and say that they prefer

non-military methods, such as cut-

ting off the organisation’s finances.

Washington charges Ankara not to

launch any unilateral cross-border

operations, considering that such

actions could destabilise Iraqi Kur-

distan and increase tension

between Turkey and the Iraqi

Kurds.

The Iraqi Kurdish leadershave, on

numerous occasions, called for a

political solution to the Kurdish

question in Turkey and insist that

they are opposed to any Turkish

military intervention in their region.

Furthermore, on 18 January, the

European Court of Justice decided

that the European judges should re-

examine a petition filed by a former

PKK leader, Osman Ocalan, against

the inclusion of this Kurdish organi-

sation on the E.U.’s list of terrorist

organisations. In February 2005, a

primary court had ruled Mr.

Ocalan’s petition to be inadmissible

on the grounds that he could not

represent “an organisation that no

longer exists”. “This court quashes

the lower court’s ruling in so far as

it rejects Osman Ocalan’s petition

on behalf of the PKK as

inadmissible”, it summed up in a

press communiqué. The Court

explains that the lower court

“wrongly ruled, in examining Mr.

Ocalan’s petition, that the PKK no

longer existed and thus could not

be represented by him”. “This

organisation cannot be both suffi-

ciently in existence to be the sub-

ject of restrictive measures (by the

E.U.) and not have available the

means of contesting these mea-

sures”, it added.

Inclusion on the E.U. list of terrorist

organisations essentially implies a

freezing of the funds of people or

organisations targeted. The PKK,

considered as a terrorist organisa-

tion by Turkey and the United

States, has been on the E.U. list

since 2002. Following the call by its

leader, Abdullah Ocalan, its fighters

unilaterally decreed a truce, which

was rejected by ankara, on 1 Octo-

ber 2006. The European list of ter-

rorist organisations, which was

drawn up in the wake of the Sep-

tember 2001 attacks, has been

seriously criticised for several

weeks now. The most senior Judge

of the 27-nations union acknowl-

edged last December that the E.U.

has started to review the manner in

which it is drafted. Following a rul-

ing, last December, canceling the

freeze on the funds of the People’s

Mujahaddin the judge indicated

that the E.U. was going to define “a

clearer and more transparent pro-

cedure” for inclusion on the list and

allow, if need be, a re-examination

of certain decisions.

On 17 January, the pro-Kurdish

press agency. Firat News, reported

that Abdullah Ocalan had launched

an appeal for a “truth commission”

on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey so

as to achieve peace between Turks

and Kurds. “We must confess our

mistakes and uncover the realities.

Only such an approach can recon-

cile us”, declared the PKK chief in a

letter sent the week before to the

Turkish Members of Parliament and

to NGOs. In it he proposes an inde-

pendent “truth commission” com-

posed of intellectuals, jurists and

academics to look into the Kurdish

question. “On reaching the stage of

laying down our arms, we will lay

them down only to such a commis-

sion that would be working for jus-

tice”, he stressed in his letter, which

so far has remained unanswered,

according to his lawyers’ chambers,

through which he communicates

with the outside world.

The day before, a Turkish soldier

and three PKK activists were killed

during an operation and a second

soldier wounded in the fighting,

which occurred in a rural region

• 4 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

N 28 January, during the

39th hearing of the Anfal

trial, in which six former

Iraqi leaders are being tried

by the Iraqi High Court, Sad-

dam Hussein’s cousin, Hassan al-

Majid, nicknamed “Chemical Ali”

assumed full responsibility for the

destruction of villages and stated

that he had no need to apologise

for it. He is being charged with

committing genocide during the

Anfal military campaigns in Iraqi

Kurdistan between 1987 and 1988.

“It is I who gave the orders to the

army to destroy the villages and

deport the inhabitants”, declared

confidently “Chemical Ali”, so called

because of his extensive use of

chemical weapons against the Kur-

dish population. “I have no need to

defend myself, for this. I do not

apologise. i have committed no

fault”, he added. Once again

“Chemical Ali” had taken the seat

formerly occupied by Saddam Hus-

sein, who had also been charged in

this trial, prior to being hanged on

30 December as sentenced in

another case — that of the execu-

tion of 148 Shiite Arabs in the

1980s. In the course of this hear-

ing, the prosecution presented

about twenty letters, and

telegrammes sent to the General

Staff and political authorities. These

documents are aimed at establish-

ing the chain of command and of

responsibility for the chemical

bombings, the destruction of thou-

sands of villages and the deporta-

tion of their inhabitants. “We took

the measures needed to destroy the

villages as ordered by Ali Hassan al-

Majid. Please confirm further vil-

lages to be demolished”, thus

requested a telegramme sent by an

officer of Army Intelligence in the

North to the Ministry of Defence.

Another letter, signed by a Brigadier

General informed “We have

destroyed all the villages with

tanks”. In another telegramme, the

Intelligence officers in Suleimaniyeh

warned the Army “We inform you

that a group of journalists has gone

to the site site of the chemical

strikes”, the prosecutor stressing

the last two words in particular.

Children were separated from their

parents when the kurdish popula-

tions were deported, stressed the

prosecutor. “These orders were

given at a time when Iranian

agents were infesting the region.

We had to isolate the saboteurs.

Iran had grabbed a substantial part

of our territory, as large as the

Lebanon”, argued Chemical Ali in

justification. However, as the prose-

cutor pointed out, the Anfal military

operations against the Kurds con-

tinued after the 8 August 1988 sig-

nature of the cease-fire which

ended eight years of war.

On 24 January, during an earlier

hearing, the Public prosecutor,

Munqith al-Fara’un, had presented

fresh documents. Amongst these

written documents were mission

orders sent by the top Iraqi authori-

ties to the Intelligence services in

Kurdistan “calling on them to con-

fiscate the land, forbid the move-

ments of people and to wipe certain

villages off the map”. The day

before, Chemical Ali had stated

near Diyarbekir. Four PKK fighters

were killed on 14 January in the

course of fighting. A first clash had

caused two deaths in the Lice rural

zone of Diyarbekir province. In

another incident, in a remote part

of Bingol province, another fighter

was shot in the evening, according

to the local governor. In the course

of the same day and in the same

area, a first fighter had been killed

and a soldier wounded.

before the High Criminal Court that

his anti-Kurdish invectives, during

this campaign at the end of the

80s, were tactics aimed at intimi-

dating the Kurdish fighters. The

prosecutor had presented fresh

audio cassettes. On one of them a

voice, presented as that of Ali Has-

san al-Majid, was shouting anti-

Kurdish insults during the Anfal

campaign.

Chemical Ali acknowledged, during

the 11 January hearing, having

ordered the execution of villagers

who refused to leave their homes.

“Yes, I gave instructions that those

villages be decreed no-go areas and

I ordered the troops to arrest any-

one they found in these zones and

execute them after interrogation”

he had stated. “I am responsible for

the expulsions (of the villages’

inhabitants) and I took this decision

on my own, without referring to my

superiors in the Army or the Baath

party leadership. I acknowledge this

before the court and before God”,

he had added. However, the former

commander of the Northern zone

denied any responsibility for the

execution of 300 Kurdish fighters

evoked by the prosecution. In the

audio recordings presented by the

prosecutor and heard during this

35th hearing, a voice, that sounds

like that of Ali Hassan al-Majid,

accuses all Kurds of being “sabo-

teurs” and affirms having received a

letter from the present President of

Iraq, Jalal Talabani, calling on him

to negotiate and suggesting conces-

sions in exchange for stopping the

demolition of Kurdish villages by

the government.

At the start of the 34th hearing on

8 january, the judge, Mohammad

al-Oreibi al-Khalifqa had officially

announced the dropping of charges

against Saddam Hussein. However,

tape recording of the former dicta-

tor’s voice, which evokes the use of

chemical weapons against the

Kurds was heard during the hear-

ing. “I will take responsibility for

using the chemical weapon. No one

can decide on a chemical strike

without my authorisation (…) It is

THE HEARINGS OF THE TRIAL FOR GENOCIDEAGAINST THE KURDS CONTINUE,

WITH CHEMICAL ALI, IN PARTICULAR,STILL ATTENDING

O

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 5 •

better to use this weapon in an

inhabited area so that it causes as

much damage as possible”, states

Saddam Hussein in these extracts.

“We must drive the Kurdish people

towards other provinces or other

countries (…) to put an end to the

Kurdish nationality, stop the activity

of the Kurdish saboteurs. We must

arrange things so that they can live

and work in Tikrit, so that they

become Arabs”, affirmed Saddam

Hussein on another undated tape

recording. The prosecution then

played to the court a video showing

Chemical Ali, in full dress uniform,

twice declaring during a military

ceremonial: “I will attack them with

chemical weapons. To hell with the

international community”. New pic-

tures of the victims of chemical

bombing were also shown: the

corpses of whole families lying on

the ground. Frozen in death,

women still clasping their babies in

their arms as if to protect them

from the deadly vapours. “Look at

these children, their burnt skin. Are

these saboteurs, agents of Iran?”

the prosecutor cried out to Chemi-

cal Ali. A document signed by Sad-

dam Hussein and dated 22 March

1987 gave “full powers to comrade

Ali hassan al-Majid in the Northern

region”, while another mentioned

the use of “the special weapon” — a

reference to chemical weapons —in

Kurdistan. The accused face the

death penalty if their responsibility

is proven for the Anfal operations,

carried out between 1987 and 1988

in Kurdistan, in the course of which

some 180,000 people were killed

bhy mass executions and chemical

weapons.

There are many Kurds who regret

that Saddam Hussein is unable to

answer the accusation of genocide,

the most serious charge against

him. The Iraqi Prime Minister, Nuri

al-Maliki, who comes from the Shi-

ite Arab majority, had wished to

execute Saddam Hussein without

delay, despite calls from Washing-

ton for a postponement and the

reservations of his Kurdish partners

in the National Union government,

which had counted on long appeal

proceedings to enable them to put

their own grievances before the

courts. While deploring the fact that

he can no longer answer for his

crimes, other Kurds, nevertheless,

say that they could be satisfied by

the sentencing of the other six, par-

ticularly Ali Hassan al-Majid, consid-

ered the principal promoter of the

massacre. There are amny, howev-

er, who fear that the the absence of

the dictator may rob the trial of

much of its interest. “I have waited

all these years to find out what was

their fate”, stressed Shamsi Khader,

whose husband and one son disap-

peared in 1988. “Now I have lost all

hope”, she concluded.

Furthermore, on 15 January, Sad-

dam Hussein’s half-brother, Barzan

al-takriti, former boss of the secret

services, and Awad al-Banda, ex-

President of the Revolutionary Tri-

bunal were hanged in the greatest

secrecy two weeks after the execu-

tion of the former Iraqi President.

Both had been sentenced to death,

along with the ex-dictator, for a

“crime against humanity” — their

responsibilty for the massacre of

148 Shiite villagers from Duail, killed

as a reprisal for a failed attempt at a

bomb attack on a presidential con-

voy in the 80s. The execution took

place at 3 am local time (midnight

GMT) at an undisclosed location,

before by a rigorously selected wit-

nesses so as to avoid any incidents.

Their bodies were transported by a

US helicopter to Tikrit where they

were buddied near Saddam Hussein,

himself burried at his native village

of Aouja. The announcement of the

deaths of these two former digni-

taries of the Baath regime caused no

noticeable reaction in Baghdad, but

was greeted with demonstrations of

rejoicing at the Shiite holy city of

Najaf.

KIRKUK: AS THE REFERENDUM ON THE STATUSTHE OF THE CITY APPROACHES,ANKARA’S THREATS INTENSIFY

URKEY is exerting the

strongest pressure on the

Baghdad government to “pro-

tect the interests of its blood

brothers”, as it likes to call the

Turcomen. In a communiqué of 19

January, the Kirkuk provincial Coun-

cil accused the Turkish government

of adding to the sectarian violence

in Iraq. Razgar Ali, who leads the

province’s Council, specifically

denounced the holding of a confer-

ence on the future of Kirkuk in

Ankara on 15-16 January. “Organis-

ing a conference on sectarian lines

will do no favours to any ethnic

group. It will only add to the sectar-

ian violence initiated by the takfiris

(the Sunni extremists), Saddam

Hussein’s supporters and their

allies”, judged Mr. Ali, who is a

member of the Patriotic Union of

Kurdistan (PUK). “This conference is

part of the continuous efforts being

carried on by the Turkish govern-

ment to disturb the process being

conducted in accordance with Arti-

cle 140 of the Iraqi Constitution”,

he added, calling on the Iraqi gov-

ernment to take a stand.

The day before, during a stormy

debate in the Turkish Parliament,

the Turkish Foreign Minister, Abdul-

lah Gul, had declared that his coun-

try could not remain indifferent to

the well-being of the Turcoman

minority. “The question of the

integrity of Iraq has become a

problem of the integrity of Turkey”,

declared the leader of the centre-

right opposition ANAP (Motherland)

party, Erkan Mumcu, during the

debate. “If Iraq disintegrates,

Turkey will split up”, he added.

Ankara is also frustrated by the

reluctance of the United States and

the Baghdad government to act

ruthlessly against the Kurdistan

Workers’ Party (PKK), some of

whose activists have found asylum

in Iraqi Kurdistan. The principal

T

• 6 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

Turkish opposition organisation, the

Republican People’s Party (CHP)

sharply criticised the government

for being submissive to the United

States. “Are we not going to defend

our borders so long as the United

States does not allow us?” asked a

leading CHP member, Onur Oymen,

during the debate. Turkish prime

Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan

declared, on 27 January, that

Kirkuk could be torn apart by a

“great civil war” if the Kurds insist-

ed on wanting to incorporate this

oil-rich city into their autonomous

region. “It is imperative that

Kuirkuk have a special status. it

belongs to all the Iraqis and a

takeover by one ethnic group would

be a mistake”, insisted Mr. Erdogan

in an interview on the Private chan-

nel Kanal 7. “I have stressed

Turkey’s sensitivity regarding

efforts to change the demographic

composition of Kirkuk. We cannot

remain spectators of developments

in Iraq, a country with which we

have historic and cultural links”, the

Prime Minister had declared on 16

January during a meeting of his

Juastice and Development Party

(AKP). “The execution of Saddam

Hussein and, above all, any attempt

to carry out a referrendum in

Kirkuk, which would be a fait

accompli, could provoke some very

dangerous developments as much

in iraq as in neighbouring coun-

tries”, he had declared to his party’s

Members of Parliament.

In the course of the last fifty years,

Kirkuk has had a succession of

demographic changes. In 1957, the

last Iraqi census in which ethnic

distribution was recorded, Kirkuk

had 178,000 Kurds, 48,000 Tur-

comen, 43,000 Arabs and 10,000

Assyro-Chaldean Chriastans. Then,

during his 23-year reign, Saddam

Hussein organised the Arabisation

of the city and the mass deporta-

tion of Kurds. To give Arabs an

incentive to settle in Kirkuk, Bagh-

dad did not hesitate to provide

them with free housing and substa-

tion cash grants. At the same time

the Kurds were sent off to refugee

camps in the adjoining Kurdish

provincesof Suleimaniyeh, Irbil and

Dohuk. However, since the Ameri-

can intervention of in march 2003

and the overthrow of Saddam Hus-

sein, ethnic lines have again been

shifted: tens of thousands of Kurds,

perhaps as many as 100,000, main-

ly former deportees, have returned

to their original home town,accord-

ing to local authorities. Officials

agree that the Kurds again form the

majority of the population of Tamim

Province (of which Kirkuk is the

capital), with the Turkomen and the

Arabs about equal but well behind

them. In the Provincial elections of

December 2005, the kurds won 26

of the 41 seats, the Turkomen 9,

the Arabs five and the Christians

one. Article 140 of the Constitution

stipulates that the atatus of Kirkuk

should be settled before the end of

2007. The Kurds want to keep to

this timetable, hoping that Tamim

province and its capital, Kirkuk,

would join Iraqi Kurdistan. The Iraqi

central government (in which Presi-

dent Jalal Talabani, Deputy Prime

Minister Barham Saleh and Foreign

Minister Hoshyar Zebari are Kurds)

rejects any foreign interference —

particularly from former imperial

overlord Turkey…

Another controversy has arisen, fol-

lowing on Ankara’s warnings about

the status of Kirkuk. On 11 January,

the Turkish authorities became

aware of letters issued by the Iraqi

National Oil Trading Company

(SOMO) sent to Turkish firms advis-

ing them that the renewal of con-

tracts would, henceforth be carried

out through the Kurdistan regional

government. On 29 January, Turkey

demanded that the Iraqi govern-

ment cancel its decision appointing

the representatives of Iraqi Kurdis-

tan as sole corespondents of Turk-

ish firms exporting oil products to

Iraq for renewal of their contracts.

The Turkish Secretary of State for

external Trade, Kursad Tuzman,

accused the central government of

having broken bi-lateral agree-

ments and warned that if the situa-

tion did not return to normal ankara

would have “to review certain poli-

cies” regarding its Iraqi neighbour.

“A unilateral decision like this

impliesa change of policy (…). We

expect an explaination”, declared

Mr. Tuzman to the press. “We hope

that Iraq will honour its signature.

If it applies the agreements, the

problem will be resolved”. “Our

patience has its limits”, added the

Minister, whose remarks were tele-

vised by the news channel NTV. “A

failure by Iraq to apply the agree-

ments would le3ad us to review

certain policies”. About thirty Turk-

ish firms are imvolved in the sale of

oil products in Iraq. Turkey imports

Iraqi crude oil which it refines and

re-exports by tanker truck to Iraq.

Furthermore, on 30 January, bombs

placed in front of nine houses,

mainly occupied by Kurds, exploded

in Kirkuk, injuring 11 people, 5 of

whom were children, according to

the security services. Seven of the

houses targetted by the bombs

belonged to Kurds and two to Shiite

Arabs. The day before, the son of a

major of the Kurdish security forces

was killed in the explosion of a car

bomb, which totally destroyed four

houses and damaged seven others.

ISTANBUL: THE ARMENIAN JOURNALIST,HRANT DINK, IS MURDEREDBY TURKISH NATIONALISTS

N 19 January, the Armenian

journalist, Hrant Dink, was

assassinated in front of the

offices of his paper, the bi-

lingual Turkish-Armenian

weekly, Agos, in the very heart of

Istanbul. A 17-year old unemployed

youth, Ogun Samast, was incarcer-

ated with four other alleged accom-

plices on 24 january. The young

man acknowledged having shot the

52-year old journalist, who has

always stood firm on his Turkish cit-

izenship but had aroused the fury of

nationalist circles for his denouncia-

tion of the Armenian genocide of

O

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 7 •

1915-17, which Turkey categorically

denies. The assassin explained his

act by the “insults” against Turkey

that Hrank Dink, according to him,

had uttered in the context of his

stand on the fate of minorities, par-

ticularly Armenian, and for freed of

expression.

The murder provoked a shock wave

in Turkey as it is the first time that

a member of the Armenian minority

has fallen victim of an assassination

considered to be politically motivat-

ed. On 22 january, several dailies

extensively published the murder-

er’s confessions and gave details of

the enquiry. According to the mass

circulation daily Hurriyet, Ogum

Samast did not seem to show any

remorse. “I have nothing to say. I

went there and I bumped him off”,

he stated to the police. “I was cho-

sen because I run fast a shoot

well”, declared Samast during his

interrogation, Hurriyet reports.How-

ever, the Turkish authorities seem

to exclude the terrorist avenue,

favouring the action of a little

group. Thus, on 21 January, the

Istanbul Public Prosecutor, Aykut

Cengiz Engin had stated that no link

with any “organisation” had been

established at the time. Stressing

the youth of the alleged murderer,

Hrant Dink’s lawyer, Erdal Dogan,

for his part expressed the hypothe-

sis of a manipulation. “The boy may

have pulled the trigger, but the

authorities should find those who

are behind him” he considered. “My

client did not act alone. He was

pushed into it by someone”

declared, for his part, the murder-

er’s lawyer, Mr. Levent Yilderim,

officially appointed by the Istanbul

Bar association. Among those

taken in for questioning are Erhan

Tuncel, a student close to an ultra-

nationalist group, accused of having

masterminded the attack and Yasin

Hayal, 26 years of age, also sus-

pected of having organised the

attack, who is on close contact with

Erhan Tuncel. Yasin Hayal has

already served an 11 month sen-

tence for having carried out a bomb

attack on a McDonald’s restaurant

in the city of Trabzon to protest at

the American occupation of Iraq.

This “big brother” as the Turkish

press is calling him0 has taught a

dozen young men, including Ogum

Samast, all of whom frequent inter-

net cafés, how to handle pistols, in

the woods round this town. The pis-

tol with which he shot Hrant Dink,

is a;llso said to have been provided

by Yasin Hayal. The spotlights are

thus again turned on this major

harbour city of Trabzon where, in

February 2006, a Catholic priest

was shot down at the entrance to

his church by a 16-year old adoles-

cent, found guilty in October.

On 23 January, in a rare demon-

stration of unity, over 100,000 peo-

ple, mainly Kurdish and Armenian,

took part in the Istanbul funeral of

this public figure, well respected for

his commitment in favour of Turk-

ish-Armenian dialogue. The people

carried little black and white boards

proclaiming “We are all Armenians!”

or “We are all Hrant!” in Kurdish

and Armenian. “In a country where

the word Armenian is an insult for

many people, it is a great step to

say, today, “We are all Armenians”

”, pointed out an Armenian journal-

ist, Raffi Hermonn. The funeral was

marked by calls for reconciliation

between the Turkish and Armenian

peoples, deeply divided by the

question of the Armenian genocide

under the Ottoman Empire. This the

Armenian Patriarch, Mesrob II, pay-

ing tribute to Hrant Dink’s commit-

ment to Turkish-Armenian dialogue,

stated that his death had, in a para-

doxical manner, enabled the bring-

ing together, on the occasion of this

funeral, leaders of Ankara and Ere-

van. The Patriarch also launched a

moving appeal to the Turkish lead-

ers, calling on them to work for the

eradication of anti-Armenian feel-

ings in Turkey. “We always retain

the hope of seeing the beginning of

efforts urgently to eradicate ani-

mosity against Armenians in Turkey,

beginning with the school textbooks

and in the schools”, he declared in a

sermon at his Patriarchal Church.

Following a religious service, Hrant

Dink was burred to loud applause in

the Armenian cemetery.

Turkey, which recognised its Armen-

ian neighbour on its independence

from the USSR in 1991 without,

however, establishing any diplomat-

ic relations, invited some Armenian

religious leaders to Istanbul. More-

overm the Armenian Deputy For-

eign Minister, Arman Kirakossian,

represented Erevan. Khajak

Barsamian, Primate of the Eastern

diocese of the United States made

the journey as well as, for the first

time ever, a delegation from the

Coordinating Council of Armenian

Organisations in France. The Turk-

ish government was represented by

the Deputy Prime Minister, Mehmet

Ali Sahin, and the Minister of the

Interior, Abdulkadir Aksu.

On 31 January, the Members of the

European Parliament observed a

minutes silence in memory of Hrant

Dink. “I would like to express our

indignation in the name of the

European Parliament”, declared the

Speaker of the European Parlia-

ment, Hans-Gert Pöttering, during a

plenary session in Brussels. The

participation of thousands of people

at his funeral “leads us to hope that

this sad event will be an excuse for

the Turkish authorities to proceed

towards new reforms to guarantee

freedom”, he added. The E.U. has

been incessantly calling on Turkey

for a reform of an article in its penal

Code that limits freedom of expres-

sion. On 25 January, the Parliamen-

tary Assembly of the Council of

Europe also called on Turkey to

abolish Article 301 of the Penal

Code. Article 301, which describes

as a crime any insult to Turkish

identity, national institutions or

security forces, has brought before

the courts dozens of intellectuals,

including Hrant Dink. “The exis-

tence of this legal clause limiting

freedom of expression only serves

to justify legal and other attacks on

journalists”, considered this Assem-

bly of 46 member states of the

Council of Europe, in a resolution on

press freedom.

• 8 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

Furthermore, the German publisher

of the Turkish novelist, Orhan

Pamuk, 2006 Nobel Literature Prize

winner, indicated on 31 January

that the author had cancelled a visit

to Germany planned for early Feb-

ruary, on security grounds. Orhan

Pamuk was due to be made Doctor

honoris causa by the Free University

of Berlin before going on to read

extracts of his works in the German

capital, then in Hambourg (North),

Cologne (West), Stuttgart (South-

West) and Munich (South). The nov-

elist’s life was threaten by one of

the suspects of Hrant Dink’s murder

— Yasin Hayal had called our “Let

Orhan Pamuk beware!” as he

entered court on 24 January. A

spokesman for the Ministry of the

Interior insisted, at a press confer-

ence, that he possessed no concrete

information from his department’s

services of any likely threat to the

Turkish writer in Germany. Targeted

by Turkish nationalist circles for his

stands on the Kurdish conflict and

the Armenian question, the author

of “Snow” and “The Black Book” was

taken to court charged with “deni-

grating Turkish national identity”

after having stated, in an interview

in a Swiss magazine in February

2005: “a million Armenians and

30,000 Kurds have been killed on

these lands, b ut no one but me

dares to say so”. The proceedings

were dropped early in 2006.

ANKARA: A PLEA FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACYBY THE KURDISH WRITER YASAR KEMAL

N 13 January, intellectuals,

academics and political per-

sonalities began two days of

discussions on the means of

peacefully resolving the Kur-

dish conflict in Turkey and called for

the ending of the violence that is

particularly tearing apart Turkish

Kurdistan. The guest of honour of

this conference, entitled “Turkey is

seeking its peace”, the famous Kur-

dish writer, Yasar Kemal, launched a

moving appeal for peace, proclaim-

ing, during his speech, the need for

“a genuine democracy or nothing”.

he denounced the fact that a “light

weight war” in Kurdistan had cost

the lives of tens of thousands of

people since the launching, in 1984,

of armed struggle by the Kurdistan

Workers Party (PKK). The 83-year

old author of “Memed the hawk”

and of “Iron land, copper sky” stat-

ed that the claims of the Kurds of

Turkey remain, to this day, misun-

derstood — mainly because the

authorities persist in “ignoring” the

existence of a problem and in

“abusing the honour” of Kurdish

people. “This situation cannot last

— it must be ended (…), this war is

rotting Turkey away. I am no hero

but I am obliged to say this”,

stressed this novelist, who has been

several times imprisoned for his

political opinions.

The conference, the fruit of several

regional symposia, aims, according

to its organisers, at drawing up a

“road map” to encourage the Turk-

ish government to find a solution to

the Kurdish question. “The total

cessation of violence is of vital

importance for peace” considered

Yusuf Alatas, President of the Turk-

ish Association for Human Rights.

About fifty intellectuals and journal-

ists spoke. Several speakers

stressed the necessity of integrating

the principal pro-Kurdish party, the

Party for a Democratic society

(DTP)into the national political

scene. Thus the political commenta-

tor, Fuat Keyman, proposed that the

threshold of 10% of votes needed

at national level to be represented

in Parliament be reduced to 5%

before tyhe next general election,

planned for November.

Several Kurdish uprising have been

repressed since the foundation of

the Turkish Republic in 1923. The

latest, that of the PKK, has caused

some 40,000 deaths (including

some 25,000 Kurdish fighters) the

Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip

O

Erdogan, stated on 12 January. The

kurdish community is estimated at

15 to 20 million people out of 73

million inhabitants overall. The Kur-

dish conflict has caused 3 million

displaced people and has led to vio-

lations of Human Rights such as the

systematic use of torture or the

burning down of Kurdish villages by

the Turkish Armed forces. The clos-

ing speach was due to be made by

the Kurdish writer Mehmed Uzun,

considered to be one of the

founders of modern Kurdish litera-

ture, but as his long illness prevent-

ed him coming his speech was read

in the hall.

The following is the full text of

Yasar Kemal’s speech:

The 20th Century experienced a

series of events that darkened to no

small measure the decency of the

human race. We experienced then

two bloody world wars. There were

genocides. Those were terrible

years that we are leaving behind

us. The survivors of the First World

War were never the men they had

been before the conflict: plagued by

fears, deprived of all self-confi-

dence, of all creativity, without

hope and with their personalities

torn to shreds… Those who survived

the Second did not know a much

better fate. Especially when we

think of that “Third War”, which was

a cold war… All that was simply ruin

for humanity… We cannot say that

humanity has completely escaped

from the destruction caused by

these wars. And then there is this

expectation of the atom bomb and

the fire ball that it mught make of

our planet … Living in expectation

of war is nothing else than dying a

little.

You will tell me that I’m putting the

responsibility for all the ills of

humanity just on war. No, of

course, I am not one of those ideal-

ists: nevertheless I recognise that

wars were their most frequent

causes. Wars are death sentences

for individuals as for lands and the

natural environment in which we

live. So let us leaving behind us

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 9 •

this century, in its fears, its suffer-

ings with its passion for death. But

let us not forget, all the same, all

that can be put to humanity’s credit

at the same time. All that was able,

as much as it could, to bring a glim-

mer of light to men’s faces. Human-

ity can also be proud of some of its

achievement during that century.

The European Project

Europe is gradually pulling itself out

of the ruins of these three wars.

And it will pull itself out. So great

an effort cannot fail to succeed. The

E.U. was not founded for nothing. It

was founded for peace without

deaths, for the mutual fertilisation

and enrichment of cultures; for a

happy world without war. It was

founded in the name of peace, of

beauty, of respect for human digni-

ty, to release the means of no

longer belittling or exploiting men.

What I am saying here are not just

a pious wishes: they are the roots,

the essential causes of the founding

of the European Project. This is

what was written in 1973 in the

declaration of the 9-nation Europe:

“Based in the perspective of creat-

ing a developed collective and on

the determination to guarantee the

political, legal and spiritual values

of all those who feel defeated,

Europe carries the hope of being

able to protect Human Rights as

well as to develop towards a form

of a Social State the predominance

of the rule of law, of representative

democracy and of economic

progress which share its founding

values and its identity”.

And this is the European Communi-

ty that embraces this hope after

having known three terrifying con-

flicts, after having gone through

three wars that carried within them

the annihilation of the human

species. The countries that had not

taken part in these conflicts being

no less affected than the belliger-

ents. These three confrontations

have reduced the world to poverty.

Every war, throughout the cen-

turies, has always been the cause

of massacres and heavy loss. The

victors as well as the vanquished

and the non-belligerents were

unable to escape its procession of

baleful consequences.

And if we come to this low intensity

conflict that some call a “light

weight war” that we have been

experiencing for the last 25 years,

we observe that, despite some uni-

lateral cease fires, there seems no

means of putting an end to it. Why

is this? How is it possible? There

must be here some secret that only

the gods are capable of sharing.

The First World War lasted 4 years.

The Second World War lasted 6.

How much longer will our 25-year

war last? No one is a position to

predict anything.

A 25-year war

Our country has greatly suffered

from this conflict. 30,000 deaths

amongst the fighters. Over 70,000

civilian fighters, the notorious vil-

lage defenders, have been involved

in this war. Over 5,000 villages

burnt down, man and women sent

off the the four corners of our coun-

try. some, broken by hunger or

poverty. “unexplained” assassina-

tions have become everyday occur-

rences: a weapon of war amongst

others. Kurdish elites have been

seen to indulge in such criminal

methods. A whole part of the

State’s institutions have been

infected by the virus of corruption.

Would things have been any worse

if we had taken part in the Second

World War?

Thsi conflict is ruining the country.

We are going to war against our

own people. And, given time, our

own position is deteriorating com-

pared with the rest of humanity. We

are never considered right about

anything.

The world is looking at us as well as

our situation. We have called the

guerrillas terrorists, expecting help

and relief. But words change their

meaning all the time and every-

where: and it happens that one day

they become useless. From abroad,

the observers do not know the rea-

sons why young men take to the

hills as guerrillas: they at first

thought it was a guerrilla type of

adventurism. And the european

press then didn’t attach much

importance to these things.

Today, on the other hand, the press

of the whole world knows every-

thing that is happening here. The

war has to be conducted looking the

whole world in the eyes — a war

that will irreparably corrupt the

country. It is also said that some

$100 million have gone up in smoke

in this conflict. Whatever they say,

this is far from the reality. The price

is much higher. As for yet newer

losses, many countries would be

unable to recover from them.

Civilisations

If we look at the great civilisations,

we realise that they were only able

to prosper on the most fertile lands,

under the most favourable climates.

Egypt, Western Anatolia,

Mesopotamia… The lands of East

and South Anatolia are amongst

these regions and throughout the

centuries and millenia they were

the cradles of great civilisations.

The lands of East Anatolia have

supported the development of the

Mesopotamian civilisations. As did

the rivers whose sources were there

such as the Tigris and Euphrates.

Mespotamia, indeed, takes its name

from these two rivers. These lands

saw the birth of civilisations like

Urartu and Hurria and many others

as well. Today the men of these

regions are plagued with abject

poverty. before this war, the inhabi-

tants of this region, despite all their

difficulties, did not experience such

poverty. The land of peasants,

involved in this war remain unculti-

vated, stock-rearing is at an end,

the orchards are parched dry, the

bee-hives abandoned. What remain

in evacuated villages were finally

left to be pillaged by village protec-

tors (paid by the State to fight the

PKK). And an unnamed and unre-

lieved hostility has been born

• 10 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

between the protectors and the

non-protectors. As for the villagers

who remain on the spot, their lives

have been made impossible.

How can a whole region be reduced

to a state of neglect: the green

pastures, the most fertile land

abandoned. The State is waging its

war: displacing the populations and

leaving the land empty. and,

whether to like it or not, condemn-

ing the abandoned children to exile

or to joining the guerrilla …How

many of our young men have taken

to the mountains? Has the govern-

ment the slightest idea? Are they

aware, in high places, of the

destructive potential of such an

attitude?

Do they know the nature and depth

of the losses inflicted on Turkey by

our very dear nationalist and “war

lovers”? Is there anyone there able

to think about the way we are

exhausting ourselves all through

these years of war. is there anyone

able to know to what we are being

steered?

A Turk has no friend but anoth-

er Turk.

Whatever you do to a man or a

people beware of abusing their hon-

our. That is a saying that, from my

earliest childhood, I have unceas-

ingly repeated. Yet those who rule

us have never ceased tgo do the

opposite. There is nothing to which

they have not subjected this peo-

ple, be it by themseves or the vil-

lage protectors acting independent-

ly, so much pain and suffering,

injustice and oppression that my

mouth cannot tell.

In our country there are racists

clocked in nationalist sayings who

have a habit of making your heart

bleed with a famous saying “A Turk

has no friend but another Turk”. I

don’t think that the people of any

other country could have put for-

ward a more terrible saying. And

above all when it comes to the

Kurds one should not say such

things. The Kurds would hold it

against you. There are other friends

of the Turks besides the Turks.

They are not so very invisible. From

Mantzikert to our days, the Kurds

have been the friends of the Turks.

A friendship that lasted even to the

war of liberation. Some people,

indeed, do not hesitate to write

that, without the support of the

Kurds, this war would have been

hard and ill advised. Mustafa Kemal

Pasha’s intelligence was able to

overcome this difficulty. After hav-

ing gained a foothold at Samsun,

why didn’t he hold the Congress on

the Black Sea? Well, let\s say that

the coast was unsuitable for such

an organisation , why didn’t he hold

it at Amasya or at Ankara? Why?

His outstanding brain must have

had a solid reason to acting as he

did. At Erzurum there was an army

that was supposed to be at the dis-

posal of the Inspector of the Army,

who was Kemal. The commander of

this Army Corps was Kazim

Karabekir Pasha: he answered the

call of his Inspector. Moreover,

along side the Pasha there was yet

another force: the Kurds. Haci

Musa came to Erzurum as a repre-

sentative of the Kurds, it was with

him that an agreement was

reached. Today, there is nothing

left of that agreement.

In the 50s, Nurullah Ataç invited his

friend Cevat Dursunoglu and me to

dinner. During the meal one of the

guests asked Dursunoglu, who, in

1919 was a member of the Erzurum

Congress, if Haci Musa and Mustafa

Kemal had concluded and agree-

ment? And Dursunoglu replied

“Indeed, and it was fortunate that

Kemal had reached an agreement.

it was thanks to this decision that it

was possible to end the revolt of

the Koçgiri (the name of a Kurdish

tribe in revolrt against Ankara in

the anti-Taurus region of Sivas, at

the beginning of 1920).

At theat ime the National Assembly

had 93 Kurdish members. These 93

representatives passed a resolution

specifying that they would remain

under Mustafa Kemal’s command

till the end of the war. Then came

the Lausanne Conference. If the

Kurds had not supported the Turks

but the English instead would we be

here today? And think of the fact

that, at the very beginning of the

Bolshevik revolution in Russia,

some Kurds had allied themselves

with the Kurds living in Russia, the

rest remaining loyal to the

Ottomans. Just imagine that they

had sided with the Russians —

would not the the Soviets have

ended up making a Kurdish Soviet

Republic?

Since it is like this, why do you

think they have accepted so much

suffering and isolation. Were not

the Kurds aware of what was hap-

pening in the world? If they were

contented with the policy the State

is carrying out today they would

really seem the kings of asses.

And what about Iraq today?

Our leaders, our journalists are

making the issue of the indepen-

dence of the Kurds of Iraq a down-

right casus belli. Why? What have

you to do with the Kurds of Iraq?

Think what you like, Oh, dear

national-racists, but if we have in

the rest of the world one real friend

then it not, indeed, the Iraqi Kurds,

who are sitting on vast oil-fields

South of us?

And such a friend is worth many

others. What a shame that they

have had so much stick from their

friends that, today, they cant taste

pease pudding without expecting to

get burnt by it. The Kurds of Iraq

do not want independence. Because

it would be of no use to them. It is

a federation that they want, deep in

their hearts. Living in the context of

a Federal State would much better

serve their interests.

Yet certain people, the State, the

Press, like one man stand up and

say: “the Kurds will split Turkey”.

Perhaps they know something of

which we are unaware. Perhaps

They possess some information the

whole world wishes it had. Perhaps

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 11 •

they know that this violence will

never cease or lessen. Or if they

don’t know it perhaps they wish it …

Or perhaps, finally, none of them

knows anything.

A war, however low its intensity

may be, is still, nevertheless a war.

And the State that wishes the war

to persist, however powerful it may

be, can only experience losses, can-

not fail to be affected. We are well

aware that the strength of those

who want to continue the war fruit-

lessly is not of any value. The pain

caused by the war goes to the heart

of everyone.

The Kurds wanrt peace. And if this

desire was not sincere is would very

soon be obvious. It is always the

national-racists who want to

exclude the Kurds. They are free to

discuss whatever they want. But

these people have remained out of

touch with the world. Whereas our

people burn with desire for democ-

racy, we have been unable to

espouse the forms or enjoy the

benefits. And if this situation were

to persist we never will. In our

times, a country’s wedding with

democracy take place in the bed of

its respectability.

Some years ago I said that democ-

racy would come to pass through

the Kurdish question. And you con-

tinue to forbid the mother tongue of

millions of fellow citizens, to refuse

the opening of schools in which to

read and write this language… Of

Universities in which to study nand

develop this same language … The

Kurds are not a minority, according

to the Treaty of Lausanne. And so

much the better, because then

there would have been nothing that

could not have been forbidden

them.

How could we make a minority of

our friends since Mantizkert, of

those who fought along side us in

the war of independence. The Kurds

have, indeed, never been seenas a

minority. Even under the worst con-

ditions, they have never considered

themselves as a minority. In all the

exiles, in all the humiliations, to

those who held that their language

was did not exist, they have never

brandished their identity as of a

minority. For the simple reason that

they are not a minority but well and

truly our brothers. No one can tear

away from them their brotherhood

— it comes from a millennial past.

If we had not had these interdic-

tions for the last 80 years, if we had

not forgotten how close the Kurds

were, if they had not been stiffled

under line after line of bans, then

today it would never have come to

my mind to say such things. The

Turkjish people has not forgotten

its brother. A fierce propaganda

has used the Kurds as a target.

They have had to endure lynching,

exile and yet more exile. Some

have tried to push us all into a civil

war. But there — people who live

together on this land have not

allowed room for these provoca-

tions, these incitements to hatred.

There’s a encouraging attitude — a

reaction pregnant with hope. We

have passed through so many

storms till now that, henceforth, we

are going to go where we have to

by the shortest way.

Democracy and cultural wealth.

Then there are those who say that

there is no Kurdish language, that

itis only a mosaic of local dialects.

Either they do not know, or they

are making it up. The Kurdish lan-

guage is a rich language.And, from

the kurdish languages there are

derived many local dialects, accord-

ing to regions, according to towns.

The Kurdish language is also

equipped with a rich literature —

and languages that have a written

literature are capable of being per-

petuated for centuries. There are

great ansd ancient epics in the Kur-

dish language. The Kurdish bards

still continue todaqy to go round

from village to village singing these

epics: they even create new ones.

People still speakm of ancient

authors like Evdale Zeyniki— both a

great poet and a great story teller…

Feqiye Teyran was another bard.

He lived in the 14th Century, was

the son of Mukus Emiri. His poetry

compositions and his Divan are well

known. His verses are still carried

around by wandering singers and

story tellers. ‘ost of his poems are

about birds, which is why he is

called the “birds’ storywriter”. He

passed his whole life with birds.

Today there are still storytellers

and creators of epics in Kirghizia —

they are called Manasji. There were

still some in Ireland until the last

century.

Our period is going through a crisis

of culture. In the last few years in

particular a many works were being

written about cultures. Cultural

questions are issues of major

importance, particularly in Europe…

It is no accident that so much

importance is being given to cul-

ture. What makes a man a man is

well culture. The world is a garden

of cultures covered with thousands

of flowers. Each flower has its par-

ticular colour and scent. Humanity

owes it to itself to quiver over every

culture. If we cut one of all these

flowers, we remain orphans of one

colour and one scent.

Until the time of imperialism, the

various cultures mutually nurtured

one another. The same is true of

civilisations. There is no culture, no

civilisation in the world that has

been able to develop all by itself.

There are some people among the

scientists and intellectuals who

reject the plurality of cultures, tear-

ing themselves apart and our

country at the same time. They talk

of Anatolia as the cradle of great

cultures — but in their eyes we

have no right to express ourselves.

Whether they like it or not, until the

time of imperialism cultures fer-

tilised one another. Imperialism, for

its part, was attached to two

notions inherited from the Renais-

sance: that of primitive man and

superior man. And imperialism,

confident of its own righteousness,

decided to take culture to primitive

men.

If we are capable of creating a gen-

• 12 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

uine democracy in Anatolia, then

other cultures of this region will

start to fertilise one another. And

Turkey, as in the past, will again

take up this habit of contributing in

the best manner to the cultural her-

itage of humanity.

If the men of this country make the

choice of beauty, happiness and

humanity then this cannot be by

any other way than through the

Universal Rights of Man and by

freedom of thought, unlimited and

universal.

As for the citizens of countries

opposed to these values, thye will

live without have any respect in the

centuries to come, as people inca-

pable of looking humanity in the

eyes.

It is in our power to save the honour

and the cultural wealth of our coun-

try. A genuine democracy or nothing.

tistics. The United Nations which

gathers data from the Ministry of

Health and from the Baghdad

morgue evaluated the civilian losses

in December at 2,914 deaths. The

have recorded 3,462 deaths in

November. The figures, obtained

from the security services, include

the dozens of unidentified bodies

found every day in Iraq. At the

same time, “586 terrorists were

killed and 1,921 were arrested in

January as against 314 Killed and

1,034 detained in December”

according to the same source. Loss-

es among the security forces were

lower in January7 than in Decem-

ber: 95 members of the security

forces were killed (55 police and 40

soldiers) against 148 in december

(125 police and 23 soldiers). The

number of wounded was also slight-

ly less: 220 in January (135 police

and 85 soldiers) against 249 in

December (211 police and 39 sol-

diers).

The Shiites continue to be the prin-

cipal victims in Iraq (77%) accord-

ing to Iraqi President Jalal Talabani.

The mourning commemorations of

the festival of Ashura in Iraq, which

draw nearly 1.5 million pilgrims to

the holy city of Kerbala plunged

several other towns into mourning.

In all, 56 people were killed on 30

January in attacks on mosques in

Iraq, including ten inhabitants of

the Sunni quarter of Adhamiyah,

North-West of Baghdad, killed by a

mortar shell that fell on their hous-

es, while the bodies of eight assas-

sinated people were found in the

capital.

In Kurdisatan, twelve Kurds were

killed and 38 injured by the explo-

sion of a bomb near a Shiite place

of worship in the centre of

Khaneqin. The bomb attack was

aimed at the Fayli community at the

moment when it was commemorat-

ing the Ashura mourning, the prin-

cipal Shiite festival, which is in

memory of the death of Imam Hus-

sein in 680 after his defeat by the

armies of the Omayyad Calif Yazid.

On 18 november 2005, suicide

bombers hit the two principal

2006 ASSESSMENT: CIVILIANS, PARTICULARLYSHIITES, CONTINUE TO BE THE PRINCIPAL

VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE IN IRAQ

N 6 January, Prime Minister

Nuri al-Maliki announced the

launching, in the next few

days of a new security plan

for Baghdad. The third of its

kind in six monthsw, this plan will

be carried out by Iraqi troops with

the support of the US Army. On 8

January, the Minister for the Pesh-

mergas, Jaafar al-Sheikh Mustafa,

declared that “the Kurdish brigades

of the Iraqi Armywill take part in

the security operations in Baghdad”.

Three Kurdish brigades of the Iraqi

Army have been sent to Baghdad to

take part in the capital’s security

plan without the Pesmedrgas taking

part in the operations. Based on

Suleimaniyah, Irbil and Dohuk, the

Kurdish brigades of the Iraqi Army

themselves are answerable to the

central government’s Ministry of

Defence.

According to a UNO report pub-

lished 16 january, 34,000 civilians

were killed ib the violence in Iraq

during 2006, nearly half of them in

Baghdad. Violence killed 34,452

civilians in Iraq in 2006, that is an

average of 94 deaths a day, the

United Nations announced in its

monthly report on the Human

Rights situation in the country.

Nearly half the violence occurred in

Baghdad, which had 16,897 killed

according to the capital’s institute

of Forensic medicine, while 17,585

were recorded in the rest of Iraq,

pointed out the authors of this

report. “Baghdad is the centre of

sectarian violence”, they noted.

“Armed Sunni and Shiite groups try

to take control of mixed quarters by

intimidating and assassinating the

civilian populations, forced to take

refuge in quarters of the city inhab-

ited or controlled by their own eth-

nic group”.

In addition, according to UNO, over

36,000 Iraqis were injured in 2006,

while at least 470,094 people have

been displaced under constraint

since the bomb attack on the Shiite

mosque in Samara (North of Bagh-

dad) last February, which sparked

off an explosion of sectarian vio-

lence. The report’s statistics were

collated from Information provided

by the Ministry of Health as well as

from morgues and hospitals

throughout the country.

The assessment of political violence

in the civilian population established

by the Ministry of the Interior

reached a new record in January.

The figures published, which only

throw a partial light on the number

of violent deaths, show 1,992

deaths due to terrorism in January,

as against 1,925 in December, the

previous record. This assessment,

which is based on information col-

lected from different Ministries, is

not exhaustive, but does confirm

the tendency revealed by other sta-

O

mosques of Khaneqin, killing at

least 74 people and causing great

damage to the two religious build-

ings. Khaneqin is not in the

autonomous region of Kurdistan

but in the province of Diyala. Today

nit is principally inhabited by Faylis.

On the other hand, some two mil-

lion Iraqis have fled their country

to escape the daily bomb attacks

and intercommunal violence, giving

rise to tensions in Syria and Jor-

dan, two neighbouring countries

that receive the major part of the

refugees. According to the United

Nations, this is the largest popula-

tion displacement since the Near

East since the palestinian exodus at

the time of the creation of the state

of Israel in 1948. According to

Stephane Jacquemet, regional rep-

resentative of the UN High Com-

mission for Refugees (HCR),

“between half a million and one

million Iraqis are in Jordan, an

equivalent number in Syria, proba-

bly over 100,000 in Egypt, between

20,000 and 40,000 in the Lebanon,

54,000 in Iraqn and an undeter-

mined number in Turkey. Moreover,

according to the American NGO

International Medical Corps (IMC),

over half a million people fled their

homes in Iraq last year because of

inter-communal violence and a mil-

lion others could also be con-

strained to do so by the summer.

On 30 January, the IMC, which has

over 300 staff in Iraq, stressed that

the number of displaced people

would increase at a very great rate,

particularly in the capital, which

has about six million inhabitants.

According to a study by this NGO,

80% of the nearly 550,000 Iraqi

civilians who fled their homes after

the bomb attack on the Shiite

sanctuary of Samara in February

2006, are now in Baghdad. The

United Nations estimate that the

number of people displaced inside

Iraq is about 1.7 million.

Furthermore, on 16 January, the

US Secretary of State, Condoleezza

Rice, secured, in Kuwait, the sup-

port of some Arab leaders for the

Bush plan for Iraq — without, how-

ever, any precis commitment to the

Iraqi government — to counter

Iran’s influence in Iraq. Meeting in

the evening roung Mrs. Rice, the

Foreign Ministers of the Gulf States,

Jordan, and Egypt called on Iran to

abstain from any interference in the

region and welcomed President

Bush’s decision to reinforce the US

military establishment in the Gulf.

Their joint communiqué, the first

since the creation in September of

the “CCG+2” — Council of Gulf

Cooperation (Saudi Arabia, Kuqait,

United Arab Emirates, Qatar,

Bahrein, and Oman) plus Egypt and

Jordan —does not mention Iran by

name. “The participants affirm that

disagreements between states

should be settled by peaceful

means and in accordance with

international standards and that

relations between all countries

should be founded on mutual

respect for the sovereignty and ter-

ritorial integrity of all States, as

well as on the principle of non-

intervention in the internal affairs”

indicates this document. Moreover,

the Arab allies of the United States,

upon whom Mrs Rice is counting to

counter the rising influence of Iran

in the region, welcomed the new

American plan for iraq. This pro-

vides for sending more than 20,000

additional troops and the increase

of aid for reconstruction to Iraq as

well as the deployment of Patriot

missiles to protect Washington’s

allies.

According tom a 130-page report

published by the Brookings Institu-

tion, a private geopolitical Institute

close to the Democrats, Iraq is in

the process of plunging into a civil

war that will probably spread to

neighbouring countries, following

on the massive death-rolls and the

flood of refugees. The report fore-

sees disastrous consequences,

including serious disturbances in oil

production and a serious drop in

American influence in the region.

The report recommends the cre-

ation of a regional group to help

contain the civil war by contacting

Iran and Syria , which the present

Bush Administration has so far

refused. The Institution, located in

Washington, indicated that the

report bases itself on the lessons

learnt from other civil wars,particu-

larly in Afghanistan, the Congo,

Lebanon, Somalia and in ex-

Yugoslavia.

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 13 •

READ IN THE TURKISH PRESS

“WE ARE THE FIRST TO REJECT

CONTROL BY THE TURKISH ARMY”

DECLARES THE FORMER VICE-

PRESIDENT OF NORTH CYPRUS

Mustafa Akinci, former Vice-Presi-

dent of North Cyprus (Editor’s

Note: Under Turkish military occu-

pation since 1974, a “state” that is

only recognised by Ankara) and

President of the Movement for

Peace and Democracy has given a

long interview to the Turkish daily

Radikal. Below are extensive

extracts of this interview with its

journalist Nese Duizel, published on

15 January under the headline “We

are the first to reject control by the

Turkish Army”.

Mustafa Akinci defines North Cyprus

in these terms: “The Turkish

Republic of North Cyprus (KKTC) is

an entity called a state but which

cannot fulfill any state functions. It

is a construction under the control

of Turkey. It is also an entity recog-

nised no other state, of which even

Turkey does not fulfill and the con-

ditions required for its recognition.

(…)

The Turkish Cypriots do not want to

be a minority, neither with respect

to Turkey or to the Greek Cypriots,

who numerically are in the majority

on the island. But today we are

tending to become a minority in

Turkey. In the KKTC, the number of

Turkish Cypriots is reducing daily

whereas the number of people orig-

inating from Turkey keeps increas-

• 14 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

ing (…) Today the Party oof Justice

and Development (AKP — in

power), that is to say Recep Tayyip

Erdogan, has more influence over

thousands of electors in North

Cyprus than any local politician,

because they have been settled

here by Turkey and so look perma-

nently towards Ankara … (…)

The KKYC is in theory independent

but, concretely, it is run from

Turkey through the civil and mili-

tary bureaucracy —and has been

from the start.Some elections took

place during the Annan plan phase,

a new President and a new govern-

ment were elected, as if the status

quo had been invalidated. This

image suited Turkey, but the status

quo had never been destroyed. This

could be seen by the fact that the

president of a State said to be inde-

pendent could not even have a

crossing demolished (Editor’s Note:

the Lokmaci bridge crossing) in his

own country’s capital without (Turk-

ish) authorisation.

Turkey has tried for years to get

the KKTC recognised as an indepen-

dent State, but with this last inci-

dent everyone can see clearly that

it is not really an independent State

and that it is under (Turkish) mili-

tary supervision. In any case, along

side the army there is also the

domination by the bureaucracy of

the Turkish Foreign Ministry. Today

be have to save ourselves from this

military and civil bureaucracy and

redefine the relations between

Turkey and the KKTC.

(…) Of course, there will be soldiers

on these lands, but must a Presi-

dent elected b y the people contin-

ue to have difficulties whenever he

wants to demolish a simple cross-

ing? In this country, must the fire

brigade continue to be under the

orders of (Turkish) soldiers? Cannot

the President of the Central Bank

be of Turkish Cypriot origin?”

“During the last Lokmaci crisis the

KKTC police prevented the carrying

out of the decisions of the country’s

own President. Is the KKTC police

under the orders of the Turkish

General Staff?”, asked Nese Duzel.

Mustafa Akinci replied in the affir-

mative . stressing that “advertise-

ments such as “Do not come to

destroy this crossing. Whoever

comes to destroy it will be impris-

oned” were published in the press

without ever being contradicted”

(…)

“In our country the police is not

under the orders of the LLTC

authorities nor of the Cyprus Turks.

It is not connected to the civil

authorities, that is to the Ministry of

the Interior. In the KKTC there is no

security force under the orders of

the civil authorities. The police is

linked to the Security Forces Com-

mand, the Commander is Chief of

which is just a general landed on us

from Turkey. (…) The police acts in

accordance withthe wishes of the

military authorities. In any case,

the Lokmaci crossing could only

have been destroyed after a con-

sensus with Ankara. There has been

no development since the founda-

tion of the KKTC in 1983. Turkey

has never accepted that the Turkish

Cypriots rule themselves as they

wished. The Turkish civil and mili-

tary bureaucracy has always inter-

vened in the disguise of a political

party or through the vice-presidents

of a political party or even covered

by the Army or some civil bureau-

crats. Governments have fallen and

others formed — even elections

were interfered with. Turkey also

intervened in the 1990 elections of

the KKTC (…)”, Mustafa Akinci con-

tinued.

Deputy Prime Minister of the KKTC

in 200, Mustafa Akinci thus

described his own experience of

government: “At the time we were

part of a coalition government. We

had recommended a civil govern-

ment and asked that we should not

run away from negotiations with

the Greek Cypriots. That was why

our coalition government was over-

thrown. The military authorities

intervened openly to this end.

When I said to our government

partner, Dervis Eroglu, who was,

moreover, President of the National

Union Party and Prime Minister,

“We all need democracy. Today it’s

me — tomorrow it will be you” — he

retorted: “I can’t punch with my

fists against a knife‹”. This is how

the Prime Minister explained that he

couldn’t oppose the military author-

ities that — quite clearly — were

overthrowing the government.

(…)

There are two armies in the KKTC.

The first is an army called the Secu-

rity Forces of the Cyprus Turks, and

consists of 2 or 3 thousand soldiers,

the second is called the Turkish

Peace Force. Both armies have, at

their head, commanders parachut-

ed there from Ankara by the Turk-

ish Armed forces General Staff. A

Turkish Cypriot cannot be head of

the KKTC armed forces. The inde-

pendence of the KKTC is just cos-

metic, we must stop calling it an

independent State (…) It is a terri-

tory where the word of a military or

civilian bureaucrat from Turkey has

total authority over any important

questions. Some time ago, there

were riots at them casino owned by

Yasar Oz, a public figure involved in

the Susurluk scandal (Editor’s Note:

a car accident in the Turkish town

of Susurluk that brought to light the

collusion between the police, the

mafia and Turkish politicians). Two

people were killed and another seri-

ously injured. Yasar Oz was one of

those charged in this affair. Yet

after five or six days detention he

was expelled by a sudden decision

of the council of Ministers (of the

KKTC). He returned to Turkey and

was freed. The question was to

know if this man was guilty. If so

why free him? If not, why expel

him? Moreover he was married to a

Turkish Cypriot girl from here (…) A

power superior to that of the coun-

cil of Ministers was able to do this.

it was said that the Council took

that decision, but that was just a

formality. No one believes that our

Council of Ministers could have con-

cocted such a decision of its own

free will…

“It is always said that Cyprus is an

island of crime and that it secures

a large part of its revenue from

dirty money” Nese Duzel asked the

former Vice-President of the KKTC.

“So long as international law is not

in force here, there will always be

this kind of problem in the KKTC.

àààthis means, for example, not

making it possible for criminals,

wonted in other countries to roam

around in the KKTC without being

bothered. Today they can go about

in peace (…) Not being recognised

by other states, we cannot sign

treaties for extraditing criminals

with States. Thes e people can

then come and work untroubled in

North Cyprus, or we have Yasar Oz

in the casino sector (…) When I

was Minister for Tourism i imposed

the condition of “500 beds and five

stars” for opening a casino to avoid

their proliferation. Later however,

authorisation of gambling joints

was made more easy. In 2000, in

my period in office, there were 19

gaming rooms, today there are 30

with new ones going up — all this

in a little area of some 3,300

square Km. International reports

indicated that money laundering

there. The owners of most of these

casinos are from Turkey. Moreover,

in North Cyprus there are over a

hundred betting shops One can

place bets on football matches,

horse or dog races. We also have

45 to 50 night clubs in which young

women originating from eastern

Europe are working, and the State

knows that there is prostitution in

these places (…) It is not possible

for the mafia to develop inan inde-

pendent country developing in

accordance with international law.

But if that independence takes

place outside of international law,

in the context of a pirate island you

can have the mafia as well as

money laundering. Today there is

trafficking in human beings. People

are kidnapped from the South and

brought North. These are not little

affairs There is a gambling mafia

and drug trafficking. We do not

have a shining panorama.

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 15 •

(…) The KKTC does not claim to

want to be a fully independent

State in the political sense of the

term. The Turkish Cypriots want

what is possible. They want to cre-

ate a federation with the Greek

Cypriots. They want to be reunited

with the Greek Cypriots in a federal

state with equal status. The Annan

plan, to which we replied positively,

with a 65% YES, which the Greek

Cypriots rejected by 75%, would

have given this. What we want is a

federal European state, similar to

that of Belgium or Switzerland. We

did not say YES” to the Annan plan

just for economic reasons, we

accepted it for a new way of liv-

ing…”, concluded Mustafa Akinci.

AS WELL AS …

• STRASBOURG: THE EURO-

PEAN HUMAN RIGHTS COURT

FINDS TURKEY GUILTY OF ILL-

TREATMENT AND VIOLATION OF

THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF A

KURD, DETAINED WITHOUT

TRIAL FOR SEVEN YEARS. On

16 January, the European Court for

Human Rights once again found

turkey guilty of ill-treatment inflict-

ed by police and gendarmes on a

detainee suspected of belonging to

the Kurdistan workers’ Party (PKK).

The Strasbourg judges awarded

15,000 euros to Veli Tosun, 41

years of age, detained in Diyarbekir

prison, who complained of having

been beaten up by the Istanbul

police and by the gendarmes on his

arrival at Diyarbekir prison in 1999.

Placed in detention on 22 June

1999 in the premises of the Istan-

bul police, Veli Tosum was trans-

ferred to Diyarbekir, where a med-

ical examination revealed a bruise

covering the whole of his left

biceps. Following his complaint,

criminal proceedings were started.

Part of the gendarmes implicated

were acquitted but the case of the

others gendarmes involved is still

pending. àIn the absence of any

explanation of the cause of the

lesions observed the European

Court considered that Turkey was

responsible for the injuries and con-

cluded that the petitioner had suf-

fered inhuman and degrading treat-

ment, in breach of Article 3 of the

Convention — a breach time and

again noted in Turkey bu the Euro-

pean judges.

The Court also noted in its ruling

that the petitioner’s remand in cus-

tody for membership of the PKK has

lasted for over seven years and four

months — an unjustifiably long

period which was not justified by

the circumstances. The european

judges therefrom a violation of the

right to freedom as wellqas hism

right to effective recourse.

• RECONSTRUCTION IN IRAQ:

AN OFFICIAL AMERICAN AUDIT

SEVERELY CRITICISES THE

MANAGEMENT OF $21 BILLION,

EARMARKED FOR RECONSTRUC-

TION. According to an official

report published on 31 January,

tens of millions of dollars of aid for

reconstruction of Iraq have been

wasted by the American govern-

ment, in particular the projects

such as an Olympic swimming pool

that has never been used or for mil-

itary equipment all trace of which

has been lost. The war in Iraq has

already cost the US taxpayers over

$300 billion (232 billion euros) 21

billion of which was for reconstruc-

tion — with “limited success to

date” estimated Inspector General

Stuart Bowen Jr in his quarterly

audit. According to this report, the

US State Department, for example,

paid $43.8 million (33.8 million

euros) to DynCorp International to

build housing in the Baghdad sub-

urbs for Iraqi Police training person-

nel. This housing complex has

remained empty for months. About

$4.2 million (3.2 million euros) was

spent building an Olympic swim-

ming pool and on acquiring a stock

of 20 caravans intended to welcome

outstanding visitors. These last

expenses were decided by the Iraqi

Ministry of the Interior without

United States approval. Another

major irregularity: US leaders spent

• 16 • Information and liaison bulletin n° 262 • January 2007

$36.4 million (28 million euros) on

armoured vehicles, body armour

and communications equipment, no

trace of which remains. DynCorp is

also said to have issued $18 million

worth of invoices that may be

unjustified, according to the audit.

Then State Department affirms that

it set up a system of invoice verifi-

cation, which, moreover, rejected a

$1.1 million note (850 million

euros) from DynCorp this month.

Stuart Bowen’s audit comes at a

time when US President George W.

Bush is trying to convince Con-

gress, which now has a Democrat

majority, to approve a complemen-

tary envelope of $1.2 billion (930

million euros)for reconstruction in

Iraq. In the course of the last quar-

ter, Stuart Bowen’s office has

opened 27 new investigations,

bringing the number of affairs to

78. Twenty-nine are likely to lead to

legal proceeding, mostly for corrup-

tion. However, “fraud has not been

a significant element of the Ameri-

can experience in Iraq”, moderates

Stuart Bowen. Of the $21 billion

dollars (16 billion euros) of the Iraq

reconstruction fund created in

2003, the bulk has been allocated

to security and Justice (34%) as

well as to the production and distri-

bution of electricity (23%), which,

however, remains lower than before

the war. Twelve percent of the

expenditure on reconstruction has

been devoted to water, as much

again to economic development,

9% to oil and gas, 4% to transport

and communications, and another

4%n on Health. The auditors their

“anxiety” about the future manage-

ment of reconstruction by the Iraqi

government. The latter still has “bil-

lions of dollars allocated that

remained unspent at the end of

2006”, they write. They also stress

that “the most important challenge

(in Iraq)remains the strengthening

of the State of law — the judicial

system, prisons and the

police”.“The United States has

spent billions of dollars in this area,

with, to date, limited success”.

Otherwise, on 16 January, the ex-

director of the UN “Oil for Food”

programme in Iraq, the Cypriot

Benon Seven, was charged with

corruption by a New York Court,

which issued an international war-

rant for his arrest. According to the

charge sheet, Mr. Seven is said to

have received $160,000 from the

Iraqi government through Ephraim

Nadler, another Cypriot, who is also

being charged. Benon Seven, 69

years of age, faces 50 years jail. He

had resigned from UNO in August

2005 after having been implicated

by the commission of enquiry led by

a former American banker, Paul Vol-

cker. He had then left New York for

North Cyprus. In a communiqué,

Benon Seven’s American lawyer

refuted the charges against his

client, which he described as

“groundless”. His co-accused,

Ephraim Nadler, is the brother-in-

law of the former UN General Sec-

retary, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who

is not implicated in the scandal. Mr.

Nadler faces sentences of 112 years

jail. The American court has issued

international warrants for the arrest

of Messrs. Nadler and Seven and

demands their extradition. “The “Oil

for Food” programme was set up to

supply humanitarian aid to the Iraqi

people and not to fill the pockets of

corrupt officials” declared Judge

Robert Morgenthau. The american

courts have accused a total of 14

people of corruption in this case.

Am UN spokesman, Farhan Haq,

indicated that the General Secre-

tary, Ban Ki-moon, who was in

Washington to meet President

George W. Bush and members of

Congress, “wants to say that the

United Nations have co-operated

with the authorities in regard to fol-

lowing up on the Volcker report and

(…) will continue to do so”.

The “Oil for Food” programme had

been set up by the Security Council.

It had allowed Iraq to sell limited

quantities of oil, under UN control,

between 1996 and 2003, and to

buy in exchange goods for the pop-

ulation at a time when the country

was under an international embargo

following the invasion of Kuwait.

However, the Iraqi government had

perverted the system and several

billion dollars had been embezzled.

The scandal was revealed in Janu-

ary 2004. An independent Commis-

sion of enquiry, led by the former

US Federal Reserve banker Paul

Volcker was set up. It produced

several reports of its investigations

in which it detailed many weak-

nesses and mistakes in the UN’s

management of the programme, as

well as some cases of corruption.

Several governments have launched

investigations into certain of their

citizens following this report.

• THE UNITED STATES ADOPTS

NEW MEASURES TO ISOLATE

IRAN. On 30 January, the United

States announced a freeze on the

sale of spare parts for the F-14

fighters to avoid their landing in the

hands of the Iranians and warned

that any blockage of the Gulf by

Teheran could turn against the

Islamic Republic. Iran had bought

F-14 fighters from the US before

the overthrow of the Shah in 1979.

Sales were suspended on 26 Janu-

ary. Till then, the Americans used to

sell spares parts for this planes by

auction. US President George W.

Bush repeated, during an interview

on the ABC TV channel that the US

had no plans for invading Iran but

would increase diplomatic pressure

to convince Teheran to put an end

to its programme of uranium

enrichment. The strengthening of

US military presence in the Gulf is

also a signal addressed to Teheran.

President Bush has also decided to

sent a second aircraft carrier, the

USS John C. Stennis, with its naval

escort group, to the Gulf. Its arrival

will reinforce the American naval

forces stationed in the region to

their highest level since the inter-

vention in Iraq in 2003.

According to the specialist US

review Aviation Weekly, citing a

senior official, Iran is on the point

of launching a satellite into space.

Such a launching could represent a

new threshold of the Islamic Repub-

lic’s military capacities. “Iran has

transformed its most powerful bal-

listic missile into a satellite launch-

ing vehicle”, wrote this review, that

specialises in space issues, on its

internet site on 26 January. The

launcher has been assembled

recently and will take off soon to

put an Iranian satellite into orbit

the review affirms, citing remarks

by the president of the Iranian Par-

liament’s Commission for Foreign

Affairs and Security, Alla’eddin

Borujerdi. This senior leader is said

to have made these remarks to a

group of Shiite theology students

and clerics in the holy city of Qom.

It is near Qom that Iran has

already carried out several tests of

ballistic missiles, the review points

out. The American intelligence

agencies cited by this magazine

believe that the launcher could be a

modified version of the Shahab-3

ballistic missile. With a range of

3,000 Km, the Shahab-3 missiles

are capable of reaching Israel,

Saudi Arabia, the whole Gulf region

and Southern Turkey. A launcher

with an even greater range would

give Teheran the possibility of hit-

ting central europe, Russia, India

and China.

Furthermore, on 23 January the

Itar-Tass Press agency reported

that Russia had completed delivery

of the missile defence system Tor-

M1 to Iran, citing the chief State

managed arms exporter,

Roboronexport. Russia fulfilled its

contract and “fully completed deliv-

ery of the Tor-M1 defence system

at the end of December 2006”, indi-

cated Serguei Shemezov, the head

of Roboronexport. Iran signed a

contract with Russia to buy 29 Tor-

M1 missile systems in November

2005, as part of a $700 million con-

tract. Russian leaders have

described the missiles as anti-air-

craft that can only be used to

attack aircraft and low altitude

guided missiles, but cannot be used

to bomb land targets. “We are

developing our military and techni-

cal cooperation in accordance with

international law and will continue

to do so”, the Russian Defence Min-

ister, Serguei Ivanov stressed on 16

January. The Russo-Iranian agree-

ment covers conventional weapons

and does not violate any interna-

tional ruling. The Tor-M1 system

can identify up to 48 targets and

fire at two of them simultaneously

to an altitude of up to 6,000 metres

(20,000 feet).

On 5 January, the US State Depart-

ment announced that the United

Stateshad imposed economic sanc-

tions on Chinese, Russian and

North Korean companies that had

sold missiles and weapons to Iran

and to Syria. The sanctions, which

ban, for the next two years, any

trade between the US government

or firms and these companies,

came into force on 28 December,

pointed out a State Department

official. He did not specify what had

prompted these punitive measures

but, according to the Washington

Times, which revealed the exis-

tence of these sanctions, the tar-

geted companies have in particular

sold missiles to syria and arms to

Iran and Syria. The three Chines

State companies are Zibo Chemical

Equipment , China National

Aerotechnology Import Export

Corp. and China National Electrical

Import Export Co. according to a

State Department communiqué

published in the official journal. The

three Russian firms targeted are

the State Roboronexport and the

firms Kolomna Design Bureau and

Tula Design Bureau of Instrument

Building. The North Korean mining

company is the Mining and Indus-

trial Development Corp. The Russ-

ian companies have sharply criti-

cised these measures, affirming

that they are observing internation-

al legislation.

• PARIS; A CONGRESS ON FREE-

DOM OF PRESS IN IRAQ AT

UNESCO. On 8 January, a con-

gress, organised by the Iraqi High

Council for Audiovisual and

Telecommunicattions on Freedom of

the Press in Iraq opened at the

UNESCO offices in Paris. Those tak-

ing part, including about a hundred

Iraqi journalists and Members of

Parliament examined, in particular,

the protection of journalists in this

country, which remains the dead-

liest for media professionals. Many

of them having come from Iraq, the

participants observed a minutes

silence in memory of journalists

killed in that country, at the request

of the Director of the United

Nations Educational, Scientific and

Cultural Organisation (UNESCO),

Koichiro Marsuura. In 2006, Iraq

was still, for the fourth year run-

ning, “the most dangerous” country

for media professionals, with 64

journalists and assistants killed and

17 kidnapped, according to the

annual report published on 31

December by Reporters sans Fron-

tières (RSF). “The bulk of the vic-

tims were local journalists who

defended freedom and encouraged

dialogue”. noted the Director Gen-

eral of UNESCO, confirming RSF’s

observation that 90%of the victims

of violence against the media were

Iraqis.

In all, 139 journalists have been

killed in iraq since the war began in

2003, “that is more than twice the

number killed in the twenty years

of the war in Vietnam (63 killed

between 1955 and 1975)”. The

Director of UNESCO expressed the

hope that an end be put to this vio-

lence and that the journalists be

able to work “in all security”. He

also argued in favour of a “strategy

of freedom of the press” in this

country, where the media were

placed under strict control by the

former regime of the fallen dictator,

Saddam Hussein. “The Iraqi gov-

ernment must be helped to provide

an environment favourable to the

free exercise of the profession of

journalist”, he said, calling on the

journalists not to get involved in

the sectarian conflict that is tearing

the country apart.

UNESCO is contributing to the set-

ting up of an international pro-

gramme for training Iraqi journal-

ists that is endowed with a three

million euros budget. According to a

document adopted after three days

work at the UNESCO offices, the

members of the congress recom-

mended the abolition of the

requirement of administrative

authorisation as a precondition for

exercising the profession of journal-

ism and of newspaper publishing.

They also called for the abrogation

of all Iraqi laws that hinder freedom

of expression and prevent the

media from working “in all free-

dom”. “The government, the US

Army and the international forces

must work to consolidate the free-

dom of the press”.

n° 262 • January 2007 Information and liaison bulletin • 17 •

Revue de Presse

Press Review

Berhevoka Çapê

Rivista Stampa

Dentro de la Prensa

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

&Mmût |ra^ une video tournee par un temoin revele les tensions qui2janvier2007 > *

ont accompagne la pendaison du rais dechu

Des cris de vengeance â la mortde Saddam HusseinBEYROUTHCORRESPONDANTEL'execution par pendaison, samedi

30 decembre â İ'aube, de l'ancienpresident irakien Saddam Hussein

ne s'est pas deroulee dans le climat dedignite suggere par les declarations fai-tes dans la foulee par les responsablesofficiels irakiens, notamment MouaffaqAl-Rouba'i, conseiller a la securite natio-nale. Des images, vraisemblablementprises par l'un des temoins de la scenesur un telephone cellulaire, trahissentau contraire un esprit de vengeance dela part de certaines des personnes pre-sentes.

Çes images ont circule quelques heu-res seulement apres l'execution et ont etediffusees, dimanche, par la televisionsatellitaire Al-Jazira, qui a indique avoircoupe la scene de « la chute » du corps deSaddam Hussein, « pour ne pas choquerles ielespectateurs ». Elles sont de tres pie-tre qualite. Seul Saddam Hussein paraît âl'image, les temoins de la scene ne semanifestant que par la voix. Leson est audible, bien que demauvaise qualite.

- Saddam Hussein : « YaAllah ! ya Allah ! (Mon Dieu,mon Dieu) »

- Desvobcrecitentuneprie-re : « Dieu prie pour Moham-

med et les descendants deMohammed ! »

- Quelques fractions deseconde plus tard, une voix :

«Moqtada, Moqtada, Moqta-da ». C'est le prenom du jeune chef reli-gieux et politique chiite MoqtadaAl-Sadr, qui, comme l'ensemble de safamille, etait resolument hostile â l'an¬cien regime.

- Saddam Hussein : « Alors c'est celavotre bravoure ! »

- Uhevoix: « Vive Mohammed BagherAl-Sadr (le dirigeant religieux chiite quifut l'un des principaux animateurs dumouvement de la renaissance islamiquechiite et qui fut assassine par l'ancienregime en 1980). »

- Une voix : « (Va) en enfer ! »- Une autre voix, choquee, tentant de

les faire taire : « S'il vousplaît, nonje vousen conjure, non, l'homme va etre execute. »

- Saddam Hussein recite une premie-re fois la chahada (l'acte de foi de toutmusulman) : «Je temoigne qu'il n'y a dedieu que Dieu ; je temoigne que Moham¬med est son prophete. » Quelques frac¬tions de seconde et il reprend : «Je temoi¬gne qu'il n'y a de Dieu que Dieu ;je temoi¬

gne... » Un bruit metallique. La voix s'ar-râte, l'image est coupee.

Les autorites irakiennes ont annonceavoir fait filmer l'ensemble de la scene.

Toutefois, par reşpect pour la dignite ducondamne, elles se sont contentees de fai¬re diffuser samedi matin, en differe, parla television irakienne une breve sequen-ce - 70 secondes - şans son, des prelimi-naires de la pendaison. Sur ces images,on peut voir Saddam Hussein introduitpieds et poings lies dans la piece oû lapotence est dressee. L'un des gardes enca-goules paraît lui expliquer la procedure,avant de lui mettre la corde au cou. Lestraits de l'ancien president ne traduisentaucune emotion. Plus tard, une imagefixe de Saddam Hussein enveloppe dansun linceul, la joue droite contre le sol, aegalement ete diffusee.

L'envoye special â Bagdad du quoti-dien americain The Washington Post arecueilli aupres de Mounir Haddad, jugeâ la cour d'appel du Haut Tribunal penalirakien, le recit des heures qui ont prece-

de l'execution. Selon le magis-trat, quatorze temoins, dont lui-meme, ainsi que le ministre dela justice et des conseillers dupremier ministre NouriAl-Maliki, ont assiste â la pen¬daison, qui a eu lieu â l'anciensiege des services de renseigne-ment militaires, â Al-Qadi-miya, l'un des faubourgs deBagdad. Ils y ont ete conduits âbord d'un helicoptere de l'ar-mee americaine tandis qu'un

İmage extraite de la video complete de l'execution de Saddam Hussein, diffusee des dimanche sur Internet. La corde au cou, l'anciendictateur, condamne â mort le 5 novembre, recitait la profession de foi musulmane quand le bourreau a ouvert la trappe de la potence. afp

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

&Mmût |ra^ une video tournee par un temoin revele les tensions qui2janvier2007 > *

ont accompagne la pendaison du rais dechu

Des cris de vengeance â la mortde Saddam HusseinBEYROUTHCORRESPONDANTEL'execution par pendaison, samedi

30 decembre â İ'aube, de l'ancienpresident irakien Saddam Hussein

ne s'est pas deroulee dans le climat dedignite suggere par les declarations fai-tes dans la foulee par les responsablesofficiels irakiens, notamment MouaffaqAl-Rouba'i, conseiller a la securite natio-nale. Des images, vraisemblablementprises par l'un des temoins de la scenesur un telephone cellulaire, trahissentau contraire un esprit de vengeance dela part de certaines des personnes pre-sentes.

Çes images ont circule quelques heu-res seulement apres l'execution et ont etediffusees, dimanche, par la televisionsatellitaire Al-Jazira, qui a indique avoircoupe la scene de « la chute » du corps deSaddam Hussein, « pour ne pas choquerles ielespectateurs ». Elles sont de tres pie-tre qualite. Seul Saddam Hussein paraît âl'image, les temoins de la scene ne semanifestant que par la voix. Leson est audible, bien que demauvaise qualite.

- Saddam Hussein : « YaAllah ! ya Allah ! (Mon Dieu,mon Dieu) »

- Desvobcrecitentuneprie-re : « Dieu prie pour Moham-

med et les descendants deMohammed ! »

- Quelques fractions deseconde plus tard, une voix :

«Moqtada, Moqtada, Moqta-da ». C'est le prenom du jeune chef reli-gieux et politique chiite MoqtadaAl-Sadr, qui, comme l'ensemble de safamille, etait resolument hostile â l'an¬cien regime.

- Saddam Hussein : « Alors c'est celavotre bravoure ! »

- Uhevoix: « Vive Mohammed BagherAl-Sadr (le dirigeant religieux chiite quifut l'un des principaux animateurs dumouvement de la renaissance islamiquechiite et qui fut assassine par l'ancienregime en 1980). »

- Une voix : « (Va) en enfer ! »- Une autre voix, choquee, tentant de

les faire taire : « S'il vousplaît, nonje vousen conjure, non, l'homme va etre execute. »

- Saddam Hussein recite une premie-re fois la chahada (l'acte de foi de toutmusulman) : «Je temoigne qu'il n'y a dedieu que Dieu ; je temoigne que Moham¬med est son prophete. » Quelques frac¬tions de seconde et il reprend : «Je temoi¬gne qu'il n'y a de Dieu que Dieu ;je temoi¬

gne... » Un bruit metallique. La voix s'ar-râte, l'image est coupee.

Les autorites irakiennes ont annonceavoir fait filmer l'ensemble de la scene.

Toutefois, par reşpect pour la dignite ducondamne, elles se sont contentees de fai¬re diffuser samedi matin, en differe, parla television irakienne une breve sequen-ce - 70 secondes - şans son, des prelimi-naires de la pendaison. Sur ces images,on peut voir Saddam Hussein introduitpieds et poings lies dans la piece oû lapotence est dressee. L'un des gardes enca-goules paraît lui expliquer la procedure,avant de lui mettre la corde au cou. Lestraits de l'ancien president ne traduisentaucune emotion. Plus tard, une imagefixe de Saddam Hussein enveloppe dansun linceul, la joue droite contre le sol, aegalement ete diffusee.

L'envoye special â Bagdad du quoti-dien americain The Washington Post arecueilli aupres de Mounir Haddad, jugeâ la cour d'appel du Haut Tribunal penalirakien, le recit des heures qui ont prece-

de l'execution. Selon le magis-trat, quatorze temoins, dont lui-meme, ainsi que le ministre dela justice et des conseillers dupremier ministre NouriAl-Maliki, ont assiste â la pen¬daison, qui a eu lieu â l'anciensiege des services de renseigne-ment militaires, â Al-Qadi-miya, l'un des faubourgs deBagdad. Ils y ont ete conduits âbord d'un helicoptere de l'ar-mee americaine tandis qu'un

İmage extraite de la video complete de l'execution de Saddam Hussein, diffusee des dimanche sur Internet. La corde au cou, l'anciendictateur, condamne â mort le 5 novembre, recitait la profession de foi musulmane quand le bourreau a ouvert la trappe de la potence. afp

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

autre helicoptere râcheminait SaddamHussein de sa cellule de Camp Cropperpres de l'aeroport, jusqu'â la « zone ver-te » ultra-securisee de la capitale oû il aeti remis aux autorit.es irakiennes.

Selon la meme source, Saddam Hus¬sein, qui tenaitun Coran â la main ne mani-festait aucune frayeur. Aux cris de « Vive lepeuple, vive le djihad, vive la nation », « â

bas les Perses et les Amerkains », l'ancienpresident a tente d'interrompre le rappeldu verdict. II a confie son Çoran aujüge enlui demandant de le remettre au fils de l'an¬cien president de l'ex-tribunal revolûtion-naire, lui aussi condamne a mort, ou â l'undes membres de sa famille.

Conduit dans la piece şans fenetre oûetait dresse le gibet, il a replique â l'un

des hommes encagoules qui lui repro-chait d'avoir « appauvri l'Irak » : «J'aifait de l'Irak un pays riche, un pays puis-sant ! » II a ensuite refuse qu'on lui cou-vre la tete d'une cagoule.

MounaNaim

LEFIGARO ler janvier2007

Le destin shakespearien de Saddam Hussein,dictateur sanguinaire et ambiguLe dictateur qui vient

d'etre execute de façonexpeditive, apres unproces tronque, avait da-

vantage de sang sur les mains et6tait moins mediocre que beau-coup d'autres â travers l'histoirecontemporaine. Megalomanecomme la plupart, il avait eu cesdebuts difficiles qui durcissent âla fois la volonte et la sensibilite,dans un pays qui, par rapportâ d'autres de la region, passaitâ juste titre pour violent.

En 1975, Saddam Husseinavait renforce son pouvoir. Nonseulement etait-il devenu le veri-table chef du pays mais grâce auxcapitaux de la nationalisation dupetrole et â la hausse des prix, ilpouvait se targuer d'etre un bâtis-seur d'Etat. Habilement, il venaitde consentir des concessions auShah d'Iran. En echange d'une re-nonciation â la souverainete' sur lavoie d'eau du Chatt al-Arab et âl'abandon de la revendication surla province arabophone et p£tro-liere du Khouzistan iranien, il ob-tenait du Shah que celui-ci cessetout aide logistique â l'insurrec-tiûn kürde de M Barzaniqui durait depuis 1961. L'accordconclu, l'insurrection kürde s'ef-fondrait. Saddam Hussein conti-nuait avec succes de developpereconomiquement le pays tout enrenforçant avec l'aide de la Fran-ce, entre autres, ses capacites mi-litaires en maintenant le pays soussa poigne de fer. II se voulait l'he-ritier de Babylone et de l'Assyrieet, depuis que l'Egypte de Sadateavait choisi la paix avec Israel(1978), comme le charnpion desArabes.

Lorsque le Shah fut renversepar la reVolution khomeiniste quiremettait en cause le statü quo re-gional et inqui6tait l'Occident,

ParGĞrard Chaliand *

« La mort de Saddamparacheve le destin

qu'il s'est choisien voulant devenirun heros parmi les

siens et un bourreaupour ses victimes »

Saddam Hussein crut son heurevenue. Sous-estimant l'6paisseurculturelle et le poids dĞmographi-que du vieil empire ilimagina dereediter la conquete arabe duVlle siecle qui mit â genoux celuides Perses, şans oublier d'en ap-peler au sunnisme. Â l'exceptiondu rival baasiste syrien et d'Israel,soucieux du renforcement militai-re d'un adversaire arabe, prati-quement tous les Etats, de l'Unionsoviâtique â l'Occident, soutinrentI'effort de guerre irakien. La guer-re fut şans merci, des gaz chimi-ques furent fournis et utilisĞs con-tre les Iraniens. L'un des objectifsdes fournisseurs d'armes âtait queles deux adversaires s'6puisent.

Ce fut le cas apres huit annĞes.L'Irak terminait â peine territoria-lement vainqueur et financiere-ment ruine\ Les Kurdes d'Irak quiavaient 6t6 soutenus par l'Iran su-bissaient une terrible repression.Halabja 6tait gazĞ şans grande

protestation internationale. Ons'en souviendra plus tard lorsqueSaddam Hussein deviendra unadversaire. Les Etats du Golfe,dont le Kovve'it qui avait fınancie-rement soutenu l'Irak, rĞcla-maient un remboursement pres-sant. Saddam Hussein tenta de serefaire en annexant le Kovveıt. Laperspective d'un Etat disposantd'un tel potentiel petrolier âtaitinacceptable pour les fitats-Unis.Tandis que l'URSS Ğtait en pleinedeliquescence, ce fut la premiereguerre du Golfe menee avec l'ap-pui des Nations unies. Quatrepays arabes majeurs participaientde la coalition : l'Arabie saoudite,la Syrie, la Jordanie et l'Egyptedont les dettes avaient etĞ apureespar les Etats-Unis pour obtenir saparticipation.

La victoire de la coalition futais6e. Le regime ne fut pas abattu,des avis autorisös aux Ğtats-Uniscomme du cöte' saoudien ayantmis en garde sur les cons6quencesde l'effondrement d'un rĞgimefonde' sur la suprömatie. des sun-nites depuis le mandat britanni-que dans un pays oü la majorite6tait chiite, done non hostile âl'Iran. Kurdes et chiites que lesEtats-Unis appelerent alors â serevolter tandis qu'ils n'avaient pasl'intention de les soutenir, furentmassacr6s en masse par la garderĞpublicaine de Saddam Hussein.

Puis ce fut l'embargo avec desconsâquences dures pour la

population plutot qüe pour le r6gi-me. Les Kurdes, grâce aux imagesfilmâes par les t616visions occi-dentales reçurent par l'interces-sion de la France puis de l'Angle-terre un soutien des alliĞsgarantissant la s6curit6 de leur iğ-gion. Les chiites furent bientötprot6g6s aussi dans le sud du pays.

On connaît mieux la süite. Au len-demain immediat du 11 septem-bre, Paul VVolfovvitz, le plus en vuedes neoconservateurs designaitl'Irak comme l'adversaire â abat-tre. L'occasion paraissait propicede mener une guerre de choix fon-dee sur le risque que l'Irak faisaitcourir â la söcuritĞ de la region et âcelle du monde ainsi qu'aux liensque ce pays pouvait avoir avec leterrorisme islamiste. La secondeguerre du Golfe eut lieu şans l'ac¬cord cette fois des Nations unies etmalgre la reticence affichee denombreux Etats. La chute du dic¬tateur fut accueillie avec contente-ment par les chiites et les Kurdes,soit 80 % de la population irakien-ne qui n'avait cessĞ d'etre domi-n6e et rĞprimĞe. Mais la finalitâpolitique du projet de l'adminis-tration de George W. Bush s'est re-v616e un 6chec. L'ancien dictateura vğcu assez longtemps pour voirque ceux qui le faisaient juger nesortiraienl.pas victorieux d'uneentreprise qui paraissait promise âun triomphe.

Pour l'Iran, Israel et George W.Bush comme pour les chiites et lesKurdes, l'exexution de SaddamHussein est bienvenue. On ne doitcependant pas nögliger que pourles sunnites, en Irak commeailleurs, il est considerĞ commecelui qui a dâfie les Etats-Unis,cherchĞ â renverser un statü quoet s'est voulu comme un cham-pion de l'arabisme. Sa mort para¬cheve le destin qu'il s'est choisi envoulant devenir un heros parmiles siens et un bourreau pour sesvictimes.

* Giopolitologue, spâcialistedes conflits, familier de l'Irak,auteur avec Sophie Moussetd'un Guide du voyageur autourdu monde (Odilejacob)

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

autre helicoptere râcheminait SaddamHussein de sa cellule de Camp Cropperpres de l'aeroport, jusqu'â la « zone ver-te » ultra-securisee de la capitale oû il aeti remis aux autorit.es irakiennes.

Selon la meme source, Saddam Hus¬sein, qui tenaitun Coran â la main ne mani-festait aucune frayeur. Aux cris de « Vive lepeuple, vive le djihad, vive la nation », « â

bas les Perses et les Amerkains », l'ancienpresident a tente d'interrompre le rappeldu verdict. II a confie son Çoran aujüge enlui demandant de le remettre au fils de l'an¬cien president de l'ex-tribunal revolûtion-naire, lui aussi condamne a mort, ou â l'undes membres de sa famille.

Conduit dans la piece şans fenetre oûetait dresse le gibet, il a replique â l'un

des hommes encagoules qui lui repro-chait d'avoir « appauvri l'Irak » : «J'aifait de l'Irak un pays riche, un pays puis-sant ! » II a ensuite refuse qu'on lui cou-vre la tete d'une cagoule.

MounaNaim

LEFIGARO ler janvier2007

Le destin shakespearien de Saddam Hussein,dictateur sanguinaire et ambiguLe dictateur qui vient

d'etre execute de façonexpeditive, apres unproces tronque, avait da-

vantage de sang sur les mains et6tait moins mediocre que beau-coup d'autres â travers l'histoirecontemporaine. Megalomanecomme la plupart, il avait eu cesdebuts difficiles qui durcissent âla fois la volonte et la sensibilite,dans un pays qui, par rapportâ d'autres de la region, passaitâ juste titre pour violent.

En 1975, Saddam Husseinavait renforce son pouvoir. Nonseulement etait-il devenu le veri-table chef du pays mais grâce auxcapitaux de la nationalisation dupetrole et â la hausse des prix, ilpouvait se targuer d'etre un bâtis-seur d'Etat. Habilement, il venaitde consentir des concessions auShah d'Iran. En echange d'une re-nonciation â la souverainete' sur lavoie d'eau du Chatt al-Arab et âl'abandon de la revendication surla province arabophone et p£tro-liere du Khouzistan iranien, il ob-tenait du Shah que celui-ci cessetout aide logistique â l'insurrec-tiûn kürde de M Barzaniqui durait depuis 1961. L'accordconclu, l'insurrection kürde s'ef-fondrait. Saddam Hussein conti-nuait avec succes de developpereconomiquement le pays tout enrenforçant avec l'aide de la Fran-ce, entre autres, ses capacites mi-litaires en maintenant le pays soussa poigne de fer. II se voulait l'he-ritier de Babylone et de l'Assyrieet, depuis que l'Egypte de Sadateavait choisi la paix avec Israel(1978), comme le charnpion desArabes.

Lorsque le Shah fut renversepar la reVolution khomeiniste quiremettait en cause le statü quo re-gional et inqui6tait l'Occident,

ParGĞrard Chaliand *

« La mort de Saddamparacheve le destin

qu'il s'est choisien voulant devenirun heros parmi les

siens et un bourreaupour ses victimes »

Saddam Hussein crut son heurevenue. Sous-estimant l'6paisseurculturelle et le poids dĞmographi-que du vieil empire ilimagina dereediter la conquete arabe duVlle siecle qui mit â genoux celuides Perses, şans oublier d'en ap-peler au sunnisme. Â l'exceptiondu rival baasiste syrien et d'Israel,soucieux du renforcement militai-re d'un adversaire arabe, prati-quement tous les Etats, de l'Unionsoviâtique â l'Occident, soutinrentI'effort de guerre irakien. La guer-re fut şans merci, des gaz chimi-ques furent fournis et utilisĞs con-tre les Iraniens. L'un des objectifsdes fournisseurs d'armes âtait queles deux adversaires s'6puisent.

Ce fut le cas apres huit annĞes.L'Irak terminait â peine territoria-lement vainqueur et financiere-ment ruine\ Les Kurdes d'Irak quiavaient 6t6 soutenus par l'Iran su-bissaient une terrible repression.Halabja 6tait gazĞ şans grande

protestation internationale. Ons'en souviendra plus tard lorsqueSaddam Hussein deviendra unadversaire. Les Etats du Golfe,dont le Kovve'it qui avait fınancie-rement soutenu l'Irak, rĞcla-maient un remboursement pres-sant. Saddam Hussein tenta de serefaire en annexant le Kovveıt. Laperspective d'un Etat disposantd'un tel potentiel petrolier âtaitinacceptable pour les fitats-Unis.Tandis que l'URSS Ğtait en pleinedeliquescence, ce fut la premiereguerre du Golfe menee avec l'ap-pui des Nations unies. Quatrepays arabes majeurs participaientde la coalition : l'Arabie saoudite,la Syrie, la Jordanie et l'Egyptedont les dettes avaient etĞ apureespar les Etats-Unis pour obtenir saparticipation.

La victoire de la coalition futais6e. Le regime ne fut pas abattu,des avis autorisös aux Ğtats-Uniscomme du cöte' saoudien ayantmis en garde sur les cons6quencesde l'effondrement d'un rĞgimefonde' sur la suprömatie. des sun-nites depuis le mandat britanni-que dans un pays oü la majorite6tait chiite, done non hostile âl'Iran. Kurdes et chiites que lesEtats-Unis appelerent alors â serevolter tandis qu'ils n'avaient pasl'intention de les soutenir, furentmassacr6s en masse par la garderĞpublicaine de Saddam Hussein.

Puis ce fut l'embargo avec desconsâquences dures pour la

population plutot qüe pour le r6gi-me. Les Kurdes, grâce aux imagesfilmâes par les t616visions occi-dentales reçurent par l'interces-sion de la France puis de l'Angle-terre un soutien des alliĞsgarantissant la s6curit6 de leur iğ-gion. Les chiites furent bientötprot6g6s aussi dans le sud du pays.

On connaît mieux la süite. Au len-demain immediat du 11 septem-bre, Paul VVolfovvitz, le plus en vuedes neoconservateurs designaitl'Irak comme l'adversaire â abat-tre. L'occasion paraissait propicede mener une guerre de choix fon-dee sur le risque que l'Irak faisaitcourir â la söcuritĞ de la region et âcelle du monde ainsi qu'aux liensque ce pays pouvait avoir avec leterrorisme islamiste. La secondeguerre du Golfe eut lieu şans l'ac¬cord cette fois des Nations unies etmalgre la reticence affichee denombreux Etats. La chute du dic¬tateur fut accueillie avec contente-ment par les chiites et les Kurdes,soit 80 % de la population irakien-ne qui n'avait cessĞ d'etre domi-n6e et rĞprimĞe. Mais la finalitâpolitique du projet de l'adminis-tration de George W. Bush s'est re-v616e un 6chec. L'ancien dictateura vğcu assez longtemps pour voirque ceux qui le faisaient juger nesortiraienl.pas victorieux d'uneentreprise qui paraissait promise âun triomphe.

Pour l'Iran, Israel et George W.Bush comme pour les chiites et lesKurdes, l'exexution de SaddamHussein est bienvenue. On ne doitcependant pas nögliger que pourles sunnites, en Irak commeailleurs, il est considerĞ commecelui qui a dâfie les Etats-Unis,cherchĞ â renverser un statü quoet s'est voulu comme un cham-pion de l'arabisme. Sa mort para¬cheve le destin qu'il s'est choisi envoulant devenir un heros parmiles siens et un bourreau pour sesvictimes.

* Giopolitologue, spâcialistedes conflits, familier de l'Irak,auteur avec Sophie Moussetd'un Guide du voyageur autourdu monde (Odilejacob)

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

L'inexorable chute d'un dictateur megalomane

oo

LU

oCE<2

Xı-HO

Uh-1

Apres avoir diriğe l'Irakpar la terreur pendantplus de trente ans,Saddam Husseina ete executepar pendaison â l'issued'un proces bâcle

L'histoire gardera de lui l'imaged'un homme hagard, hirsute,le visage mange' par une

barbe de plusieurs semaines, sortide son trou â rats par des soldatsamĞricains le 13 decembre 2003,huit mois apres la chute de son re¬gime. Loin, tres loin de l'homme âla belle prestance qui haranguaitles foules, conspuait les leadersarabes â la solde de l'Ameriqueet menaçait le president Bush.Celui qui dirigeait d'une mainde fer son pays, faisant r^gner laterreur chez ses concitoyens, esttombe pour 25 millions de dollars(20 millions d'euros) de prime of-ferte par les Amöricains.

Saddam, «le cogneur» en arabe,mais aussi «l'homme qui fait faceau danger», est ne dans une famillepaysanne sunnite d'un villageproche de Tikrit (150 km au nordde Bagdad), le 28 avril 1937. II esteUeve â Bagdad dans les milieuxnationalistes arabes et il frequente,des 18 ans, les cellules, â l'epoqueclandestines, du parti Baas.

En 1983, Washingtonlui fournit des miüiardsde dollars de credits etd'equipements, y comprîsdes souches bsologîques.

Le 14 juillet 1958, la monarchieirakienne est renversee par ungroupe d'officiers diriğe par le ge¬neral Abdel Kassem. L'annee sui-vante, Saddam Hussein fait partied'un commando qui tente en vainde l'assassiner. II doit s'exiler mo-mentanement au Caire. II revientet prepare, â la tete d'une milice,le coup d'Ğtat de juillet 1968, quiporte au pouvoir son cousin, lepresident Ahmad Hassan El Bakr,etle parti Baas.

Pendant onze ans, Saddam Hus¬sein organise et contröle les servi-ces de renseignements, qui serontla pierre angulaire de son regime.

Car il n'a pas l'intentionde rester un officier durang. En 1979, il renverseou pousse â la demissionle president El Bakr. II n'aque 42 ans.

Rapidement, il donne unaperçu de ce dont il est ca-pable pour se maintenir aupouvoir. Le 18 juillet, l'en¬semble du parti Baas estr£uni a Bagdad. SaddamHussein prend la parole etd^nonce une tentative decoup d'Etat ourdie par laSyrie avec des complicitösirakiennes. II invite le se-cretaire general du conseilde commandement de larevolution, Mohyi -Ab dEl Hussein, a avouer avoirconspire" contre lui et â li-vrer la liste de ses acolytes.Chaque personne nommöe- en tout, une soixantaine- est emmenee hors de lasalle. La s.Ğance est filmeeet les cassettes diffusöesdans tout le pays. D'autresarrestations ont lieu. Les« traîtres » sont fusilles parles membres du cercle diri-geant invites â faire partiedu peloton d'ex6cution.

Les eventuels opposantssont avertis. Saddam Hus¬sein regne en despote etn'hesitera devant rien pourse maintenir au pouvoir.Ce qui explique sa lon-gevite malgre ses erreurspolitiques, comme la lon-gue et meurtriere guerrecontre l'Iran dans laquelleil lance son pays. Ou l'inva-sion du Kovveit, suivie parla riposte americaine de lapremiere guerre du Golfe,d'oü son regime şort pas-sablement affaibli. Le pays, soumisâ douze ans d'embargo impose parles Nations unies, en şort exsangue.Le regime est honni par les Kurdesdeportes massivement et contre quiSaddam n'hesitera pas â utiliser desgaz toxiques, faisant plus de 5 000morts civils â Halabja.

Les chiites, majoritaires en Irak,sont persecutes. Leurs leaders sontassassines et leurs sanctuaires deNadjaf et Kerbala bombardes lorsdu soulevement chiite de 1991.« Ce n'est pas que les Irakiens aientpeur de parler, Us ont peur de pen-ser», explique l'un d'entre eux. Le

Saddam Husseinâu sanctuaire d'Al İmamAli, â Nadjaf, en 1998.

"Le delire de puissancede ce tyran sanguinairele conduit â sa perte.

regime de Saddam Hussein. peutetre compare â celui de Staline.Ce qui n'empeche pas les puis-sants de la terre de le frequenter.C'est un pays riche en petrole quel'on courtise.

En 1983, les Etats-Unis scellentun accord de cooperation mili-taire avec Saddam Hussein qui estle seul a pouvoir s'opposer a l'Irandes mollahs. Donald Rumsfeld estalors venu en personne rencontrerle leader irakien â qui Washingtonfournit des milliards de dollars decredits et d'equipements, y comprisdes souches biologiques, notam-

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

L'inexorable chute d'un dictateur megalomane

oo

LU

oCE<2

Xı-HO

Uh-1

Apres avoir diriğe l'Irakpar la terreur pendantplus de trente ans,Saddam Husseina ete executepar pendaison â l'issued'un proces bâcle

L'histoire gardera de lui l'imaged'un homme hagard, hirsute,le visage mange' par une

barbe de plusieurs semaines, sortide son trou â rats par des soldatsamĞricains le 13 decembre 2003,huit mois apres la chute de son re¬gime. Loin, tres loin de l'homme âla belle prestance qui haranguaitles foules, conspuait les leadersarabes â la solde de l'Ameriqueet menaçait le president Bush.Celui qui dirigeait d'une mainde fer son pays, faisant r^gner laterreur chez ses concitoyens, esttombe pour 25 millions de dollars(20 millions d'euros) de prime of-ferte par les Amöricains.

Saddam, «le cogneur» en arabe,mais aussi «l'homme qui fait faceau danger», est ne dans une famillepaysanne sunnite d'un villageproche de Tikrit (150 km au nordde Bagdad), le 28 avril 1937. II esteUeve â Bagdad dans les milieuxnationalistes arabes et il frequente,des 18 ans, les cellules, â l'epoqueclandestines, du parti Baas.

En 1983, Washingtonlui fournit des miüiardsde dollars de credits etd'equipements, y comprîsdes souches bsologîques.

Le 14 juillet 1958, la monarchieirakienne est renversee par ungroupe d'officiers diriğe par le ge¬neral Abdel Kassem. L'annee sui-vante, Saddam Hussein fait partied'un commando qui tente en vainde l'assassiner. II doit s'exiler mo-mentanement au Caire. II revientet prepare, â la tete d'une milice,le coup d'Ğtat de juillet 1968, quiporte au pouvoir son cousin, lepresident Ahmad Hassan El Bakr,etle parti Baas.

Pendant onze ans, Saddam Hus¬sein organise et contröle les servi-ces de renseignements, qui serontla pierre angulaire de son regime.

Car il n'a pas l'intentionde rester un officier durang. En 1979, il renverseou pousse â la demissionle president El Bakr. II n'aque 42 ans.

Rapidement, il donne unaperçu de ce dont il est ca-pable pour se maintenir aupouvoir. Le 18 juillet, l'en¬semble du parti Baas estr£uni a Bagdad. SaddamHussein prend la parole etd^nonce une tentative decoup d'Etat ourdie par laSyrie avec des complicitösirakiennes. II invite le se-cretaire general du conseilde commandement de larevolution, Mohyi -Ab dEl Hussein, a avouer avoirconspire" contre lui et â li-vrer la liste de ses acolytes.Chaque personne nommöe- en tout, une soixantaine- est emmenee hors de lasalle. La s.Ğance est filmeeet les cassettes diffusöesdans tout le pays. D'autresarrestations ont lieu. Les« traîtres » sont fusilles parles membres du cercle diri-geant invites â faire partiedu peloton d'ex6cution.

Les eventuels opposantssont avertis. Saddam Hus¬sein regne en despote etn'hesitera devant rien pourse maintenir au pouvoir.Ce qui explique sa lon-gevite malgre ses erreurspolitiques, comme la lon-gue et meurtriere guerrecontre l'Iran dans laquelleil lance son pays. Ou l'inva-sion du Kovveit, suivie parla riposte americaine de lapremiere guerre du Golfe,d'oü son regime şort pas-sablement affaibli. Le pays, soumisâ douze ans d'embargo impose parles Nations unies, en şort exsangue.Le regime est honni par les Kurdesdeportes massivement et contre quiSaddam n'hesitera pas â utiliser desgaz toxiques, faisant plus de 5 000morts civils â Halabja.

Les chiites, majoritaires en Irak,sont persecutes. Leurs leaders sontassassines et leurs sanctuaires deNadjaf et Kerbala bombardes lorsdu soulevement chiite de 1991.« Ce n'est pas que les Irakiens aientpeur de parler, Us ont peur de pen-ser», explique l'un d'entre eux. Le

Saddam Husseinâu sanctuaire d'Al İmamAli, â Nadjaf, en 1998.

"Le delire de puissancede ce tyran sanguinairele conduit â sa perte.

regime de Saddam Hussein. peutetre compare â celui de Staline.Ce qui n'empeche pas les puis-sants de la terre de le frequenter.C'est un pays riche en petrole quel'on courtise.

En 1983, les Etats-Unis scellentun accord de cooperation mili-taire avec Saddam Hussein qui estle seul a pouvoir s'opposer a l'Irandes mollahs. Donald Rumsfeld estalors venu en personne rencontrerle leader irakien â qui Washingtonfournit des milliards de dollars decredits et d'equipements, y comprisdes souches biologiques, notam-

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ment de la maladie du charbon(anthrax). De meme, la Francevend deux reacteurs nucleaiıres âBagdad, dont celui d'Osirak, detruitpar l'aviation israelienne, et four¬nit des avions Süper Etendard tressophistiques. En 1975, alors qu'ille reçoit a Versailles, Jacques Chi-rac, premier ministre de l'epoque,assure Saddam Hussein de «sonestime, sa consideration et sonaffection».

«II perd pied avec la realitedans les annees 1990»Le pouvoir du leader irakien

repose sur la tribu de son villaged'origine et sur le elan familial. IIplace ses fils Oudaî et Koussaı a despostes cles : l'un est â la tete des me-dias, l'autre diriğe les nombreuxservices de securite interieure. Ils

sefont tuös par les Americains enjuillet 2003 â Mossoul. Les regle-ments de comptes n'epargnent pasla famille. Les deux gendres de Sad-darti, les freres Hussein et SaddamKamel Al Madjid, font defection en

août 1995 en Jordânie. Lerai's dit leur pardonner et, âleur retour en Irak, les faitexecuter froidement.

Saddam Hussein est unleader sanguinaire et me¬galomane. II se reve enheros du monde arabe,en Saladin des tempsmodernes. Son delire depuissance le conduit â saperte. En 2003, â l'arriveedes chars americains, sonregime s'effondre commeun château de cartes.

Un rapport du Penta-gone de plus de 200 pa-

ges, intitule" Etüde sur lesperspeetives irakiennes, lepoint de vue du leadershipde Saddam sur l'operationIraqiFreedom, revele que leleader irakien etait totale-ment hors du coup, coupedu monde et plonge dansun univers imaginaire.Jusqu'au dernier mo¬ment, il n'a pas cru â uneattaque americaine, maisplutöt â un soulevementchiite, ou a une agressionde ses voisins iraniens outures. En fait, le leaderirakien pensait que Pariset Moscou arriveraient âbloquer les Americainsaux Nations unies. II etaitpersuade de la superioritemorale de ses troupes.Terrorise, son entourage

n'osait le contredire oului montrer la realite. De l'avis deson ancien vice-premier ministre,Tarek Aziz, « il a perdu pied avec larealite dans les annees 1990». Et sonentourage a contribue â l'isoler enne lui transmettant plus que debonnes nouvelles. Son secretairedonne comme instruction a ceuxqui l'approchent: «Vous devez lerendre heureux. »

Jusqu'â la fin, il continue de rece-voir des communiques de triom-phe et ses proches lui fournissentdes documents tronques sur desprogrammes de fabrication d'ar-mements qui n'existent pas. Â laveille de l'invasion americaine demars 2003, Saddam Hussein ignoreencore qu'il a dejâ perdu la guerre.Le mythe de son invincibilite s'ef-fondrera vite.

AGNES ROTIVEL

Mercredi 3 janvier 2007

L'execution de Saddam Hussein est une fauteJ'aurais akne saluer dans le proces de

Saddam Hussein une etape marquan-te de la demoeratisation de l'Irak.Malheureusement, l'execution del'ex-dictateur irakien jette le trouble

sur un evenement qui aurait dû etre positifpour la reconstruction de ce pays martyri-se. D'abord, il faut reconnaître avec satis-faction que Saddam Hussein a ete juge.

J'observe que le Haut Tribunal penal estune instance irakienne, formee exclusive-ment de magistrats irakiens, dont lesaudiences sontpubliques. Les experts et lesobservateurs disent, certainement â justetitre, que les debats ont ete menes de manie-re brouillonne, dans une atmosphere quimanquait de serenite. Trois avocats de ladefense ont d'ailleurs ete âssassines. Le faitque Saddam Hussein ait etejuge par un tri¬bunal irakien est dejâ un exploit en soi dansles cireonstances dans lesquelles se trouveplonge le pays. Rappelons que l'Irak n'a faitla decouverte que depuis quelques moisdes eleetions libres, d'une Constitutionlibrement consentie, d'tm gouvernementde coalition, de la deliberation parlementai-re et d'une justice independante, mais sur-tout qu'il est le lieu d'une guerre çivile parti-culierement sanglante.

C'est aussi un exploit parce que l'accusese trouve etre celui qui a asservi ses conci-

Nicolas SarkozyPresident de l'Union pour un mouvementpopulaire (UMP)

toyens par l'assassinat et la terreur pendantplus de trente ans, et dont se revendiquentencore les terroristes (je ne peux pour mapart appeler « resistants » ceux qui posentquotidiennement des bombes au milieudes civils).

J'aurais aime saluer le fait qu'â travers ceproces hautement symbolique l'Etat ira¬kien se soit approprie des elements quicontribuent essentiellement â sa souverai-nete, comme un systemejudiciaire indepen-dant et professionnel ou une poliçe demo-cratique et integre.

La condamnation â la peine capitale etl'execution du condamne m'en empeehent.Je suis oppose a la peine de mort. C'est pourmoi une question de principe. Je erois quele monde doit continuer â eheminer versson abolition totale. Et, en l'occurrence,bien qu'il s'agisse d'un des grands crimi-nels de l'Histoire, j 'esrime que l'Irak seşerait grandi en n'executant pas celui qui l'atant fait souffrir. Je souhaite ardemment lastabilisation de l'Irak. Mais, pour moi, la sta-

bilisation en profondeur de cette region pas-se par la promotion des valeurs demoerati-ques. Je deteste l'idee que certains peuplesseraient condamnes â la violence au seulmotif que cette violence s'inserirait dansvmetraditionmultiseculaire,voiremillenai-re. Et je considere comme une etape indis-pensable du processus de demoeratisationde l'Irak l'abolition de la peine de mort.

Enfin,je deplore profondement que Sad¬dam Hussein, le dictateur qui avait plus desang sur les mains que quiconque au mon¬de, n'ait pas eu â comparaître pour sesautres crimes. Je regrette que justice n'aitpas ete rendue aux Kurdes, dont les souf-frances ont ete indicibles, et dont le massa-cre au gaz de 5 000 civils dans la bourgaded'Halabja en 1988 n'aura ete qu'un evene¬ment atroce parmi de nombreux autres. Jeregrette quejustice n'ait pas ete rendue auxchiites, qui subirent en 1991 une repressionbarbare de la part de la garde republicaineirakienne - d'ailleurs sous le regard impas-sible de la communaute internationale.

II est difficile de reconcilier les differen-tes composantes d'un peuple au sortird'une dictature. Mais cette tâche me paraîtd'autant plus malaisee lorsque la lumieren'est pas faite sur le passe.

L'execution de Saddam Hussein, le piredes hommes, est une faute.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ment de la maladie du charbon(anthrax). De meme, la Francevend deux reacteurs nucleaiıres âBagdad, dont celui d'Osirak, detruitpar l'aviation israelienne, et four¬nit des avions Süper Etendard tressophistiques. En 1975, alors qu'ille reçoit a Versailles, Jacques Chi-rac, premier ministre de l'epoque,assure Saddam Hussein de «sonestime, sa consideration et sonaffection».

«II perd pied avec la realitedans les annees 1990»Le pouvoir du leader irakien

repose sur la tribu de son villaged'origine et sur le elan familial. IIplace ses fils Oudaî et Koussaı a despostes cles : l'un est â la tete des me-dias, l'autre diriğe les nombreuxservices de securite interieure. Ils

sefont tuös par les Americains enjuillet 2003 â Mossoul. Les regle-ments de comptes n'epargnent pasla famille. Les deux gendres de Sad-darti, les freres Hussein et SaddamKamel Al Madjid, font defection en

août 1995 en Jordânie. Lerai's dit leur pardonner et, âleur retour en Irak, les faitexecuter froidement.

Saddam Hussein est unleader sanguinaire et me¬galomane. II se reve enheros du monde arabe,en Saladin des tempsmodernes. Son delire depuissance le conduit â saperte. En 2003, â l'arriveedes chars americains, sonregime s'effondre commeun château de cartes.

Un rapport du Penta-gone de plus de 200 pa-

ges, intitule" Etüde sur lesperspeetives irakiennes, lepoint de vue du leadershipde Saddam sur l'operationIraqiFreedom, revele que leleader irakien etait totale-ment hors du coup, coupedu monde et plonge dansun univers imaginaire.Jusqu'au dernier mo¬ment, il n'a pas cru â uneattaque americaine, maisplutöt â un soulevementchiite, ou a une agressionde ses voisins iraniens outures. En fait, le leaderirakien pensait que Pariset Moscou arriveraient âbloquer les Americainsaux Nations unies. II etaitpersuade de la superioritemorale de ses troupes.Terrorise, son entourage

n'osait le contredire oului montrer la realite. De l'avis deson ancien vice-premier ministre,Tarek Aziz, « il a perdu pied avec larealite dans les annees 1990». Et sonentourage a contribue â l'isoler enne lui transmettant plus que debonnes nouvelles. Son secretairedonne comme instruction a ceuxqui l'approchent: «Vous devez lerendre heureux. »

Jusqu'â la fin, il continue de rece-voir des communiques de triom-phe et ses proches lui fournissentdes documents tronques sur desprogrammes de fabrication d'ar-mements qui n'existent pas. Â laveille de l'invasion americaine demars 2003, Saddam Hussein ignoreencore qu'il a dejâ perdu la guerre.Le mythe de son invincibilite s'ef-fondrera vite.

AGNES ROTIVEL

Mercredi 3 janvier 2007

L'execution de Saddam Hussein est une fauteJ'aurais akne saluer dans le proces de

Saddam Hussein une etape marquan-te de la demoeratisation de l'Irak.Malheureusement, l'execution del'ex-dictateur irakien jette le trouble

sur un evenement qui aurait dû etre positifpour la reconstruction de ce pays martyri-se. D'abord, il faut reconnaître avec satis-faction que Saddam Hussein a ete juge.

J'observe que le Haut Tribunal penal estune instance irakienne, formee exclusive-ment de magistrats irakiens, dont lesaudiences sontpubliques. Les experts et lesobservateurs disent, certainement â justetitre, que les debats ont ete menes de manie-re brouillonne, dans une atmosphere quimanquait de serenite. Trois avocats de ladefense ont d'ailleurs ete âssassines. Le faitque Saddam Hussein ait etejuge par un tri¬bunal irakien est dejâ un exploit en soi dansles cireonstances dans lesquelles se trouveplonge le pays. Rappelons que l'Irak n'a faitla decouverte que depuis quelques moisdes eleetions libres, d'une Constitutionlibrement consentie, d'tm gouvernementde coalition, de la deliberation parlementai-re et d'une justice independante, mais sur-tout qu'il est le lieu d'une guerre çivile parti-culierement sanglante.

C'est aussi un exploit parce que l'accusese trouve etre celui qui a asservi ses conci-

Nicolas SarkozyPresident de l'Union pour un mouvementpopulaire (UMP)

toyens par l'assassinat et la terreur pendantplus de trente ans, et dont se revendiquentencore les terroristes (je ne peux pour mapart appeler « resistants » ceux qui posentquotidiennement des bombes au milieudes civils).

J'aurais aime saluer le fait qu'â travers ceproces hautement symbolique l'Etat ira¬kien se soit approprie des elements quicontribuent essentiellement â sa souverai-nete, comme un systemejudiciaire indepen-dant et professionnel ou une poliçe demo-cratique et integre.

La condamnation â la peine capitale etl'execution du condamne m'en empeehent.Je suis oppose a la peine de mort. C'est pourmoi une question de principe. Je erois quele monde doit continuer â eheminer versson abolition totale. Et, en l'occurrence,bien qu'il s'agisse d'un des grands crimi-nels de l'Histoire, j 'esrime que l'Irak seşerait grandi en n'executant pas celui qui l'atant fait souffrir. Je souhaite ardemment lastabilisation de l'Irak. Mais, pour moi, la sta-

bilisation en profondeur de cette region pas-se par la promotion des valeurs demoerati-ques. Je deteste l'idee que certains peuplesseraient condamnes â la violence au seulmotif que cette violence s'inserirait dansvmetraditionmultiseculaire,voiremillenai-re. Et je considere comme une etape indis-pensable du processus de demoeratisationde l'Irak l'abolition de la peine de mort.

Enfin,je deplore profondement que Sad¬dam Hussein, le dictateur qui avait plus desang sur les mains que quiconque au mon¬de, n'ait pas eu â comparaître pour sesautres crimes. Je regrette que justice n'aitpas ete rendue aux Kurdes, dont les souf-frances ont ete indicibles, et dont le massa-cre au gaz de 5 000 civils dans la bourgaded'Halabja en 1988 n'aura ete qu'un evene¬ment atroce parmi de nombreux autres. Jeregrette quejustice n'ait pas ete rendue auxchiites, qui subirent en 1991 une repressionbarbare de la part de la garde republicaineirakienne - d'ailleurs sous le regard impas-sible de la communaute internationale.

II est difficile de reconcilier les differen-tes composantes d'un peuple au sortird'une dictature. Mais cette tâche me paraîtd'autant plus malaisee lorsque la lumieren'est pas faite sur le passe.

L'execution de Saddam Hussein, le piredes hommes, est une faute.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO ' 3janvier2007

L'eKecution de Saddam Hussein,sacrifice fondateur du nouvel Irak

I İs s'appellent Rizgan Amin,Ary Shaheen, Raed luni. Ilssont magistrats et irakiens. Ilsont juge Saddam Hussein et,

conformement a la loi irakienne,ils l'ont condamne â mort. Ceshommes, quoi que l'on pense duproces et de sa conclusion, ont ma¬nifesto un courage physique et in-tellectuel peu commun ; ils ont af-frontĞ Saddam Hussein, şansflechir, sous le regard des cameras,au peöril de leur propre vie et de leurhonneur. Longtemps, des tueurs âgages les guetteront, d'autres cher-cheront k les dĞshonorer en lesqualifiant de laquais des Etats-Unis. Cependant, si l'on se fıe auximages de ces juges entraperçus kla tĞİĞvision, ils ne semblaientcraindre personne et n'etre a lasolde de personne ; ces magistratsimpassibles donnaient le senti-ment de fonder un ordre nouveau,un Ğtat de droit.

Demain, apres-demain plusprobablement, les enfants irakiensapprendront-ils, dans leurs ma-nuels scolaires, les noms de cesmagistrats parmi les fondateursd'une nouvelle republique ? C'estpossible, les guerres ont une fin, lepire n'est pas toujours certain, me¬me en Irak. Le jour venu, les histo-riens s'attacheront â reconstruireune histoire de l'Irak, coherente etlinâaire : l'Irak comme colonie bri-tannique, puis comme monarchieparlementaire, comme dictaturepuis comme republique enfin.Dans cette histoire â venir, la mortdu dictateur apparaîtra comme lesacrifice fondateur de la republi-que nouvelle, comme la mort duroi en 1958 fut le sacrifice fonda¬teur de la dictature. Certainement,les juges irakiens ont-ils songe,par-delâ l'etat de droit, a ce sangversĞ qui, dans toutes les civilisa-tions, clöt une epoque pour enouvfir une autre ; par-delâ le droit,il faut envisager que la mort de

Saddam fut pour ces juges une n6-cessite historique. Peut-etre me¬me, l'exĞcution de Saddam etait-elle, en Irak, indispensable pourque les soldats de la guerre çivilecomprennent que les tempsavaient vraiment, oui vraimentchange.

ParGuy Sorman*

« Ce sangverse qui,

dans toutesles civilisations,clöt une epoquepour en ouvrir

une autre »

Mais, en dehors de l'Irak, cescirconstances historiques et

locales ont rarement ou jamais ĞtĞ

prises en considĞration par lescommentateurs. I'insisterai ici surceux, nombreux mais pas majori-taires dans l'opinion (d'apres lessondages, la mort de Saddam estplutöt approuvee), en Europe etaux Etats-Unis, qui ont conteste leproces puis reprouvĞ l'execution.Done, le proces aurait ete invalideparce que tenu en presence d'unearmee Ğtrangere. Le proces aurait6te bâcle parce que Saddam n'a paseu le temps de rĞpondre de tousses crimes. Le proces aurait dû etrecelui des gouvernements qui, na-guere, ont arme Saddam Hussein,français, allemand, americain,saoudien... Le proces aurait dû setenir devant une Cour internatio-nale. Le proces a souffert d'imper-feetions juridiques qui, aux Etats-Unis, auraient conduit â son annu-lation, ete.

Eh bien, toutes ces critiques sontfondâes. Şans plus. Car, nul ne con¬teste. les faits reproehâs a Saddam

Hussein ; nul ne nie que 148 villa-geois ont ete executes a Dujail parcequ'ils etaient chiites. Nul ne nie qu'ils'agissait bien la d'un gĞnocide. Nulne conteste que Saddam Hussein aiteu tout le loisir de se defendre en pu-

blic et ses avocats aussi.Nul ne devrait done contester

que la seule tenue de ce proces dansl'Irak en guerre, malgre la presencedes troupes ötrangeres, a etĞ un

. speetaculaire progres du droit, şansprecedent dans le monde arabe !

Les irakiens auraient-ils dû re-ehereher d'abord la perfection juri-dique ? Ou, malgre les conditionsadverses, faire progresser l'etat dedroit ? C'est bien ainsi, et pas demaniere plus theorique, que laquestion se posait â eux, reelle-ment : le temps a Bagdad n'est pascelui des etats d'âme.

Quant aux commentaires idea-listes en Europe et aux Etats-Unis,ils me font penser â cette citationde Charles PĞguy : « Les moralistesont les mains blanches parce qu'ilsn'ont pas de mains. »

 vrai dire, tous les contemp-teurs du proces et de l'exĞcution deSaddam Hussein sont-ils des mora¬listes et ont-ils les mains aussi blan¬ches ? Loin s'en faut. On reperedans ce camp quelques-uns ehezqui la haine de George W. Bush, oudes Etats-Unis en general, est si vi¬ve que tout evenement qui, de presou de loin, direetement ou indirec-

tement, pourra etre aceroehe âBush, est en soi condamnable.Pour ces adversaires de l'interven-tion americaine en Irak (qui ont ledroit de l'etre et j'en fus des le pre-mier jour) et de toute interventionamĞricaine dans les affaires dumonde (la, je n'en suis pas), l'ex6-cution de Saddam Hussein simpli-fie le dâbat : il ne leur est plus ne-cessaire de discutailler du proces, ilsuffît de rappeler que, par principe,on est contre la peine de mort. Lacontroverse s'Ğteint par une victoi-re du principe, non negociable, unpassage en douceur de la realitecomplexe vers la symbolique püre.Ainsi, â Paris, Le Monde bien-pen-sant proclame dans son editorialdu jour « Nous sommes contre lapeine de mort par principe ». Com¬me un principe ne se nĞgocie pas,oublions - n'est-ce pas - les cir¬constances en Irak et ces irakienscompliquĞs.

couvre que le gouvemement del'Argentine a publiâ un communi-que qui condamne l'execution deSaddam Hussein « au nom desdroits de l'homme », tout en con-damnant les crimes commis parSaddam Hussein « au nom des me-mes droits de l'homme ».

Pour ce gouvemement qui nes'etait jamais interesse â l'Irak aupa-

ravant (mais dont rantiameiicanis-me est un fonds de commerce), lesdroits de l'homme de Saddam Hus¬sein sont done Ğquivalents â ceux deses millions de victimes : etrangeequivalence morale qui aurait placesur un meme niveau Staline et lesvictimes du goulag, Hitler et les vic¬times de l'Holocauste. II est des casoü 1'antiamericanisme rend bete.(Si je voulais verser dans un argu-ment facile, je rappellerais a cegouvemement et â tous les adver¬saires vocaux de la peine de mort« par principe », qu'elle frappe aumoins dix mille Chinois par an, ge-neralement şans proces, şans avo-cat et que les ex6cutions se tiennentdans le silence assourdissant ; jesuis bien seul â signer des pĞtitionssur ce sujet.)

Fallait-il executer Saddam Hus¬sein ? Pour ma part, j'aurais preförequ'il fût condamnö â perpĞtuite âdeterrer les morts des fosses com-munes et k les rĞinhumer de sesmains, conformâment aux rites is-lamiques dont il se rĞclamait â la finde sa vie. Mais je ne suis pas ira¬kien ; ma famille n'a pas 6t6 exter-minee par Saddam Hussein, je nesuis pas en guerre, je ne peux pasdĞcider â la place des irakiens.Avant de les juger et jauger depuisnötre position confortable, es-sayons de les comprendre.

'Essayiste.

A l'autre bout de la planete,dans un registre voisin, je dû-

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO ' 3janvier2007

L'eKecution de Saddam Hussein,sacrifice fondateur du nouvel Irak

I İs s'appellent Rizgan Amin,Ary Shaheen, Raed luni. Ilssont magistrats et irakiens. Ilsont juge Saddam Hussein et,

conformement a la loi irakienne,ils l'ont condamne â mort. Ceshommes, quoi que l'on pense duproces et de sa conclusion, ont ma¬nifesto un courage physique et in-tellectuel peu commun ; ils ont af-frontĞ Saddam Hussein, şansflechir, sous le regard des cameras,au peöril de leur propre vie et de leurhonneur. Longtemps, des tueurs âgages les guetteront, d'autres cher-cheront k les dĞshonorer en lesqualifiant de laquais des Etats-Unis. Cependant, si l'on se fıe auximages de ces juges entraperçus kla tĞİĞvision, ils ne semblaientcraindre personne et n'etre a lasolde de personne ; ces magistratsimpassibles donnaient le senti-ment de fonder un ordre nouveau,un Ğtat de droit.

Demain, apres-demain plusprobablement, les enfants irakiensapprendront-ils, dans leurs ma-nuels scolaires, les noms de cesmagistrats parmi les fondateursd'une nouvelle republique ? C'estpossible, les guerres ont une fin, lepire n'est pas toujours certain, me¬me en Irak. Le jour venu, les histo-riens s'attacheront â reconstruireune histoire de l'Irak, coherente etlinâaire : l'Irak comme colonie bri-tannique, puis comme monarchieparlementaire, comme dictaturepuis comme republique enfin.Dans cette histoire â venir, la mortdu dictateur apparaîtra comme lesacrifice fondateur de la republi-que nouvelle, comme la mort duroi en 1958 fut le sacrifice fonda¬teur de la dictature. Certainement,les juges irakiens ont-ils songe,par-delâ l'etat de droit, a ce sangversĞ qui, dans toutes les civilisa-tions, clöt une epoque pour enouvfir une autre ; par-delâ le droit,il faut envisager que la mort de

Saddam fut pour ces juges une n6-cessite historique. Peut-etre me¬me, l'exĞcution de Saddam etait-elle, en Irak, indispensable pourque les soldats de la guerre çivilecomprennent que les tempsavaient vraiment, oui vraimentchange.

ParGuy Sorman*

« Ce sangverse qui,

dans toutesles civilisations,clöt une epoquepour en ouvrir

une autre »

Mais, en dehors de l'Irak, cescirconstances historiques et

locales ont rarement ou jamais ĞtĞ

prises en considĞration par lescommentateurs. I'insisterai ici surceux, nombreux mais pas majori-taires dans l'opinion (d'apres lessondages, la mort de Saddam estplutöt approuvee), en Europe etaux Etats-Unis, qui ont conteste leproces puis reprouvĞ l'execution.Done, le proces aurait ete invalideparce que tenu en presence d'unearmee Ğtrangere. Le proces aurait6te bâcle parce que Saddam n'a paseu le temps de rĞpondre de tousses crimes. Le proces aurait dû etrecelui des gouvernements qui, na-guere, ont arme Saddam Hussein,français, allemand, americain,saoudien... Le proces aurait dû setenir devant une Cour internatio-nale. Le proces a souffert d'imper-feetions juridiques qui, aux Etats-Unis, auraient conduit â son annu-lation, ete.

Eh bien, toutes ces critiques sontfondâes. Şans plus. Car, nul ne con¬teste. les faits reproehâs a Saddam

Hussein ; nul ne nie que 148 villa-geois ont ete executes a Dujail parcequ'ils etaient chiites. Nul ne nie qu'ils'agissait bien la d'un gĞnocide. Nulne conteste que Saddam Hussein aiteu tout le loisir de se defendre en pu-

blic et ses avocats aussi.Nul ne devrait done contester

que la seule tenue de ce proces dansl'Irak en guerre, malgre la presencedes troupes ötrangeres, a etĞ un

. speetaculaire progres du droit, şansprecedent dans le monde arabe !

Les irakiens auraient-ils dû re-ehereher d'abord la perfection juri-dique ? Ou, malgre les conditionsadverses, faire progresser l'etat dedroit ? C'est bien ainsi, et pas demaniere plus theorique, que laquestion se posait â eux, reelle-ment : le temps a Bagdad n'est pascelui des etats d'âme.

Quant aux commentaires idea-listes en Europe et aux Etats-Unis,ils me font penser â cette citationde Charles PĞguy : « Les moralistesont les mains blanches parce qu'ilsn'ont pas de mains. »

 vrai dire, tous les contemp-teurs du proces et de l'exĞcution deSaddam Hussein sont-ils des mora¬listes et ont-ils les mains aussi blan¬ches ? Loin s'en faut. On reperedans ce camp quelques-uns ehezqui la haine de George W. Bush, oudes Etats-Unis en general, est si vi¬ve que tout evenement qui, de presou de loin, direetement ou indirec-

tement, pourra etre aceroehe âBush, est en soi condamnable.Pour ces adversaires de l'interven-tion americaine en Irak (qui ont ledroit de l'etre et j'en fus des le pre-mier jour) et de toute interventionamĞricaine dans les affaires dumonde (la, je n'en suis pas), l'ex6-cution de Saddam Hussein simpli-fie le dâbat : il ne leur est plus ne-cessaire de discutailler du proces, ilsuffît de rappeler que, par principe,on est contre la peine de mort. Lacontroverse s'Ğteint par une victoi-re du principe, non negociable, unpassage en douceur de la realitecomplexe vers la symbolique püre.Ainsi, â Paris, Le Monde bien-pen-sant proclame dans son editorialdu jour « Nous sommes contre lapeine de mort par principe ». Com¬me un principe ne se nĞgocie pas,oublions - n'est-ce pas - les cir¬constances en Irak et ces irakienscompliquĞs.

couvre que le gouvemement del'Argentine a publiâ un communi-que qui condamne l'execution deSaddam Hussein « au nom desdroits de l'homme », tout en con-damnant les crimes commis parSaddam Hussein « au nom des me-mes droits de l'homme ».

Pour ce gouvemement qui nes'etait jamais interesse â l'Irak aupa-

ravant (mais dont rantiameiicanis-me est un fonds de commerce), lesdroits de l'homme de Saddam Hus¬sein sont done Ğquivalents â ceux deses millions de victimes : etrangeequivalence morale qui aurait placesur un meme niveau Staline et lesvictimes du goulag, Hitler et les vic¬times de l'Holocauste. II est des casoü 1'antiamericanisme rend bete.(Si je voulais verser dans un argu-ment facile, je rappellerais a cegouvemement et â tous les adver¬saires vocaux de la peine de mort« par principe », qu'elle frappe aumoins dix mille Chinois par an, ge-neralement şans proces, şans avo-cat et que les ex6cutions se tiennentdans le silence assourdissant ; jesuis bien seul â signer des pĞtitionssur ce sujet.)

Fallait-il executer Saddam Hus¬sein ? Pour ma part, j'aurais preförequ'il fût condamnö â perpĞtuite âdeterrer les morts des fosses com-munes et k les rĞinhumer de sesmains, conformâment aux rites is-lamiques dont il se rĞclamait â la finde sa vie. Mais je ne suis pas ira¬kien ; ma famille n'a pas 6t6 exter-minee par Saddam Hussein, je nesuis pas en guerre, je ne peux pasdĞcider â la place des irakiens.Avant de les juger et jauger depuisnötre position confortable, es-sayons de les comprendre.

'Essayiste.

A l'autre bout de la planete,dans un registre voisin, je dû-

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 3 janvier 2007

La justice des vainqueurs chiitesSaddam Hussein est mort,

mais tous les irakiens nes'en rejouissent pas. Aucontraire, la maniere dont

les differents groupes ethniques etreligieux ont râagi a son ex6cutionest emblematique de la diffıculte âmaintenir la cohesion de l'Irak.

Pour la majorite chiite, long-temps violemment opprimĞe parSaddam Hussein et par tous lesprâcĞdents regimes irakiensd'obĞdience sunnite, la mort deSaddam symbolise leur conquetede l'hegemonie politique. Parailleurs, leurs manifestations deliesse triomphalistes sont un rap-pel cruel de la maniere dont lesopprimes, une fois libĞres, peu-vent si facilement devenir des op-presseurs â leur tour.

Pour la minorite sunnite, ecar-te du pouvoir par l'invasion ame¬ricaine et qui exprime sa frustra-tion par des attaques quotidiennescontre la population chiite et seslieux saints, Saddam restera unhĞros pour longtemps. Les Kurdes- qui, comme les chiites, ont subiles sâvices de Saddam pendant desdĞcennies - s'accrochent discrete-ment â leur independance de fait,tout en faisant ce qu'il faut pours'assurer qu'ils ne seront plusjamais soumis k un regime arabe.

Le premier ministre irakien,Nouri- al-Maliki, qui reprĞsente lacoalition chiite et kürde au pou¬voir, a fait part de son espoir quel'execution du dictateur permettrade surmonter les divisions sectai-res. Mais meme si ses parolessemblent sinceres, la realite' menevers la direction opposee, et lesĞchanges verbaux injurieux aumoment de l'execution memen'aideront certainement pas a fai-re oublier qu'il s'agissait lâ de lajustice des vainqueurs - pas desEtats-Unis, mais des chiites.

Ces evönements n'augurentrien de bon pour l'avenir de ce quenous devrions nous habituer ânommer « l'ex-Irak ». Â vrai dire, ledâbat actuel k Washington sur lastabilisation de l'Irak est deplaceparce qu'on ne peut pas stabiliserquelque chose qui n'existe plus -dans ce cas precis, l'Irak en tantqu'Etat souverain. Sous le couvertd'amendementş constitutionnelsinspires par les Etats-Unis, la ma¬jorite chiite est parvenue â s'arro-ger un pouvoir quasi absolu.

C'est ainsi que ce qui semblaitâtre pour Washington, il y a quel-

ParShlomoAvineri*

« Le debat actuelâ Washington

sur la stabilisationde l'Irak

est deplace parcequ'on ne peut passtabiliser quelque

chose quin'existe plus »

ques mois â peine, une transitionrâussie vers un gouvemement re-prĞsentatif n'est plus qu'une far-ce : comme sous Saddam, l'autori-te depend du contröle des armes.La difference est qu'aujourd'hui legouvemement n'a plus le mono¬pole de la violence. Chaque mili¬ce, chaque ministere, chaque fac-tion politique chiite a ses propresarmes, ses gros bras et escadronsde la mort. De leur cote, les sunni-tes continuent a se servir desstocks d'armes accumulĞs sousSaddam pour mener un combatd'arriere-garde contre le nouvelordre, apparemment lĞgitime parles elections.

Al'exception d'une nouvelledictature violente, aucune

autorite n'est â meme de rassem-bler les chiites, les sunnites et lesKurdes en une seule entite politi-que. Le reve chimerique de l'ad-ministration americaine - demo-cratiser en une nuit une societĞprofondâment divisĞe et habitueea la violence et â la coercition - alibere un terrifiant cortege de dâ-mons politiques.

Dans ces circonstances, le dâ¬bat consecutif au rapport Baker-

Hamilton â Washington n'a quepeu d'incidence sur l'avenir del'Irak, bien qu'il reste essentiel al'avenir du pouvoir, du prestige etdu statut des Etats-Unis memesdans le monde. L'avenir de l'Iraksera decidĞ par les irakiens, mais

par des balles et non des bulletinsde vote. Les Etats-Unis et l'en¬semble de la communaute inter-nationale sont totalement imprĞ-pares â affronter la versionmoyen-orientale de la Yougosla-vie et ses consequences regiona-les. Et contrairement aux Etats is-sus de la dislocation de laYougoslavie, qui pouvaient s'ins-pirer de l'Europe, l'absence d'unmodele d6mocratique arabe 16gi-time rend plus ardue encore lamise en place d'un ordre dĞmo-cratique.

Certains Europeens, et d'autres,peuvent se gausser de l'echec

des Etats-Unis en Irak, et de l'inep-tie - ou pire - de leur politique dû-sespârĞe suivant l'occupation. Etpourtant les raisons profondes decet echec remontent bien plus loin,a la cröation de toutes pieces del'Irak dans les annâes 1920 par lesautorites imperialistes britanni-ques, qui rassemblerent trois pro-vinces disparates de l'Empire otto-man vaincu en un Etat qui n'ajamais eu d'identite coherente.

C'est ainsi que la fondationmeme de l'Irak repose sur la « jus¬tice des vainqueurs » : l'Empirebritafinique, apres avoir vaincu lesOttomans, a donne le pouvoir auxArabes sunnites dans un pays oûils etaient minoritaires. Aujour-d'hui, cet arrangement se dĞlite âla süite d'un nouveau cycle de« justice des vainqueurs ».

Les consequences de ce rĞa-menagement du pouvoir ne sontpas encore evidentes. Mais il estcertain qu'un Etat irakien cohĞ-rent, qu'il soit unifie, federal ouconfâderal, ne pourra âmergerd'une societe dont une partie con-sidere â juste titre Saddam Hus¬sein comme un dictateur sangui-naire, et dont une autre partie lerevere comme heros et martyr.

Les guerres ont toujours desconsequences inattendues et desironies cruelles. En Irak, il devientaujourd'hui apparent que certainsEtats ne peuvent etre sauves şansetre dĞtruits.

* Ancien directeur ge'neraldu ministere israeliendes Affaires etrangeres,professeur de sciences politiquesâ l'Universite hebral'quedeJerusalem.

© Project Syndicate, 2006.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 3 janvier 2007

La justice des vainqueurs chiitesSaddam Hussein est mort,

mais tous les irakiens nes'en rejouissent pas. Aucontraire, la maniere dont

les differents groupes ethniques etreligieux ont râagi a son ex6cutionest emblematique de la diffıculte âmaintenir la cohesion de l'Irak.

Pour la majorite chiite, long-temps violemment opprimĞe parSaddam Hussein et par tous lesprâcĞdents regimes irakiensd'obĞdience sunnite, la mort deSaddam symbolise leur conquetede l'hegemonie politique. Parailleurs, leurs manifestations deliesse triomphalistes sont un rap-pel cruel de la maniere dont lesopprimes, une fois libĞres, peu-vent si facilement devenir des op-presseurs â leur tour.

Pour la minorite sunnite, ecar-te du pouvoir par l'invasion ame¬ricaine et qui exprime sa frustra-tion par des attaques quotidiennescontre la population chiite et seslieux saints, Saddam restera unhĞros pour longtemps. Les Kurdes- qui, comme les chiites, ont subiles sâvices de Saddam pendant desdĞcennies - s'accrochent discrete-ment â leur independance de fait,tout en faisant ce qu'il faut pours'assurer qu'ils ne seront plusjamais soumis k un regime arabe.

Le premier ministre irakien,Nouri- al-Maliki, qui reprĞsente lacoalition chiite et kürde au pou¬voir, a fait part de son espoir quel'execution du dictateur permettrade surmonter les divisions sectai-res. Mais meme si ses parolessemblent sinceres, la realite' menevers la direction opposee, et lesĞchanges verbaux injurieux aumoment de l'execution memen'aideront certainement pas a fai-re oublier qu'il s'agissait lâ de lajustice des vainqueurs - pas desEtats-Unis, mais des chiites.

Ces evönements n'augurentrien de bon pour l'avenir de ce quenous devrions nous habituer ânommer « l'ex-Irak ». Â vrai dire, ledâbat actuel k Washington sur lastabilisation de l'Irak est deplaceparce qu'on ne peut pas stabiliserquelque chose qui n'existe plus -dans ce cas precis, l'Irak en tantqu'Etat souverain. Sous le couvertd'amendementş constitutionnelsinspires par les Etats-Unis, la ma¬jorite chiite est parvenue â s'arro-ger un pouvoir quasi absolu.

C'est ainsi que ce qui semblaitâtre pour Washington, il y a quel-

ParShlomoAvineri*

« Le debat actuelâ Washington

sur la stabilisationde l'Irak

est deplace parcequ'on ne peut passtabiliser quelque

chose quin'existe plus »

ques mois â peine, une transitionrâussie vers un gouvemement re-prĞsentatif n'est plus qu'une far-ce : comme sous Saddam, l'autori-te depend du contröle des armes.La difference est qu'aujourd'hui legouvemement n'a plus le mono¬pole de la violence. Chaque mili¬ce, chaque ministere, chaque fac-tion politique chiite a ses propresarmes, ses gros bras et escadronsde la mort. De leur cote, les sunni-tes continuent a se servir desstocks d'armes accumulĞs sousSaddam pour mener un combatd'arriere-garde contre le nouvelordre, apparemment lĞgitime parles elections.

Al'exception d'une nouvelledictature violente, aucune

autorite n'est â meme de rassem-bler les chiites, les sunnites et lesKurdes en une seule entite politi-que. Le reve chimerique de l'ad-ministration americaine - demo-cratiser en une nuit une societĞprofondâment divisĞe et habitueea la violence et â la coercition - alibere un terrifiant cortege de dâ-mons politiques.

Dans ces circonstances, le dâ¬bat consecutif au rapport Baker-

Hamilton â Washington n'a quepeu d'incidence sur l'avenir del'Irak, bien qu'il reste essentiel al'avenir du pouvoir, du prestige etdu statut des Etats-Unis memesdans le monde. L'avenir de l'Iraksera decidĞ par les irakiens, mais

par des balles et non des bulletinsde vote. Les Etats-Unis et l'en¬semble de la communaute inter-nationale sont totalement imprĞ-pares â affronter la versionmoyen-orientale de la Yougosla-vie et ses consequences regiona-les. Et contrairement aux Etats is-sus de la dislocation de laYougoslavie, qui pouvaient s'ins-pirer de l'Europe, l'absence d'unmodele d6mocratique arabe 16gi-time rend plus ardue encore lamise en place d'un ordre dĞmo-cratique.

Certains Europeens, et d'autres,peuvent se gausser de l'echec

des Etats-Unis en Irak, et de l'inep-tie - ou pire - de leur politique dû-sespârĞe suivant l'occupation. Etpourtant les raisons profondes decet echec remontent bien plus loin,a la cröation de toutes pieces del'Irak dans les annâes 1920 par lesautorites imperialistes britanni-ques, qui rassemblerent trois pro-vinces disparates de l'Empire otto-man vaincu en un Etat qui n'ajamais eu d'identite coherente.

C'est ainsi que la fondationmeme de l'Irak repose sur la « jus¬tice des vainqueurs » : l'Empirebritafinique, apres avoir vaincu lesOttomans, a donne le pouvoir auxArabes sunnites dans un pays oûils etaient minoritaires. Aujour-d'hui, cet arrangement se dĞlite âla süite d'un nouveau cycle de« justice des vainqueurs ».

Les consequences de ce rĞa-menagement du pouvoir ne sontpas encore evidentes. Mais il estcertain qu'un Etat irakien cohĞ-rent, qu'il soit unifie, federal ouconfâderal, ne pourra âmergerd'une societe dont une partie con-sidere â juste titre Saddam Hus¬sein comme un dictateur sangui-naire, et dont une autre partie lerevere comme heros et martyr.

Les guerres ont toujours desconsequences inattendues et desironies cruelles. En Irak, il devientaujourd'hui apparent que certainsEtats ne peuvent etre sauves şansetre dĞtruits.

* Ancien directeur ge'neraldu ministere israeliendes Affaires etrangeres,professeur de sciences politiquesâ l'Universite hebral'quedeJerusalem.

© Project Syndicate, 2006.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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U.S. death toll in Iraq hits 3,000Sophistication of insurgency makes soldiers' tasks riskierBy Lizette Alvarezand Andrew Lehren

. Jordan Hess was the unlikeliest ofsoldiers.

He could bench-press 300 pounds,about 135 kilograms, and then go homeand write poetry.

He learned the art of glass blowingand built a computer with only amagazine as his guide. Most recently, hefell in love with a woman from Braziland took up digital photography, lettingboth sweep his heart away.

Specialist Hess, the seventh of eightchildren, was never keen on premoni-tions, but on Christmas Day, 2005, as histight-knit family gathered on a beachför the vveekend, he told each siblingand parent privately that he did not ex-pect to come home from Iraq.

On Nov. 11, Hess, 26, freshly arrived inIraq, was conducting a mission as thedriver of an Abrams tank when an im-provised explosive device, or IED, blewup. The blast was so powerful that itpenetrated the 67-ton tank, flingingHess against the top and critically in-juring his spine. His four crew matessurvived. For three weeks, Hess hung onat Brooke Army Medical Center in SanAntonip, Texas, long enough to utter afew words to his loved ones and absorbali their kindness.

On Dec. 4, Hess slipped onto the ever-expanding list öf American militaryfatalities in Iraq, whjch has increasedby an average of more than three a daysince Oct. 1, the highest three-monthtoll in two years. On Sunday, with theannouncement of the death in Baghdadof Specialist Dustin Donica, 22, ofSpring, Texas, the list reached the mile-stone of at least 3,000 deaths since theinvasion in March 2003.

The number reflects how much moredangerous and muddled a soldier's jobin Iraq has become in the face of a grow-ing and increasingly sophisticated in¬surgency. Violence in the country is atan all-time high, according to a Penta¬gon report releâsed last month. Decem-ber was the third-deadliest month forAmerican troops since the start of thewar, with insurgents claiming the livesof 111 soldiers. October and Novemberalso vvitnessed a jump in casualties, 106and 68 respectively, as American forcesstepped up combat operations to try tostabilize Baghdad.

"it escalated while I was there," saidCaptain Scott Stanford, a NationalGuard officer who was a commander ofa company in Ramadi for a year afterarriving in June 2005. "When we leftthis June, it was completely unhinged.There was a huge increase in the sui-cide car bombs we had. The IEDs werebigger and more complex."

"And it was very tense before we leftin terms of snipers," added Stanford, amember of the Iraq and AfghanistanVeterans of America.

"I don't know if there were more ofthem, or if they were getting better."

This spike in violence, which hasbeen felt most profoundly by Iraqi civil-ians, has stoked feverish debate aboutthe U.S. military's presence in Iraq.Many Democrats in Congress are urg-ing a phased withdrawal from the coun¬try, but the administration of PresidentGeorge W. Bush is leaning toward de-ploying additional troops in 2007. If theconflict continues into March, the Iraqwar will be the third-longest in Ameri¬can history, ranked behind the VietnamWar and the American Revolution.

Bush did not specifıcally acknovvledgereaching the milestone of 3,000 Ameri¬can deaths, but a White House spokes-man, Scott Stanzel, said that the presi¬dent "grieves for each one that is lost"and would ensure that their sacrifice wasnot made in vain. The war on terror,Stanzel said, will be a long struggle.

Hess had volunteered for his missionto spare another soldier the danger ofgoing outside the wire that day. Like so

December representedthe third-deadliest

month for U.S. troopssince the start of the war.

many ofhis fallen comrades, he had be¬come the victim of an inescapably dan¬gerous roadside landscape.

"it was the type of injury you rarelyrecover from; in past wars you vrouldn'thave götten out of theater," said his fa-ther, Bili Hess, a Boeing engineer and re-tired air force man. "So that was a bless-ing, that he could talk to us. He mouthedwords, and we were able to say we lovedhim. There is a lot to be said for that."

in many ways, the third 1,000 menand women to die in Iraq faced the sameunflinching challenge as the second1,000 soldiers to die there a dedicatedand ruthless Iraqi insurgency that hasexploited the power of roadside bombsto chilling effect. These bombs nowcause about half of ali American com¬bat deaths and injuries in Iraq.

Över ali, the casualty rate has re-mained relatively steady since last year,dipping only slightly. it took 14 monthsfor the death toll to jump to 2,000 sol¬diers from 1,000. it took about twoweeks longer than that for it to rise to3,000 from 2,000, during the period cov-ering Oct. 25, 2005, to this week.

"it is hugely frustrating, tragic anddisappointing that we can't reduce thefatality rate," said Michael O'Hanlon, amilitary analyst for the Brookings Insti-tution.

The service members who died dur¬ing this latest period fit an unchangingprofile. They were mostly white men

from rural areas, soldiers so young theystili held fresh memories ofhigh-schoolfootball heroics and teenage escapades.Many men and women were in Iraq forthe second or third time. Some were go¬ing on their fourth, fifth or sixth de-ployment.

But in other ways, the situation haschanged in the past year.

Improvised explosive devices thekind that killed Hess have growndeadlier, despite concerted Pentagon ef-forts and billions of dollars spent tryingto counteract them. insurgents are nowmore adept at concealing bombs, booby-trapping them and powering them topenetrate well-armored vehicles.

They are also scattering more of themalong countless roads, using myriad trig-gers and hiding spots. At the same time,Iraqis have grown less inclined to tip offsoldiers to the presence of these bombs.

The toll of war has fallen most heav-ily this year on regular army soldiers, atleast 544 of whom died in this group of1,000, compared with 405 in the lastgroup. This increase was the result offewer National Guard soldiers and re-servists being deployed to Iraq in 2006.

Considering the intensity of the vio¬lence in Iraq this year, it is remarkablethat the casualty rate did not climb high-er, analysts and officers say. Long-awaited improvements in body and ve-hicle armor have helped protect sol¬diers, and advances in battlefield medi-cine have saved many lives. Newprocedures, like leaving vrounds öpen toprevent infection, and relaying soldiersto hospitals faster than ever, have keptmore service members alive.

During World War II, 30 percent ofali wounded soldiers died of their injur¬ies, a number that dipped to 24 percentduring the Vietnam War and then to 9percent for the Iraq conflict. Thoughthis is a positive development, it alsomeans that more soldiers are cominghome with life-changing vvounds, in-cluding amputations and brain trauma.

More than 22,000 soldiers have beenvvounded in Iraq.

"There is no question that the num¬ber of dead should have been far high-er," said Dr. William Winkenwerder,the assistant secretary of defense forhealth affairs, referring to the Iraqi con¬flict. "Some of these blast injuries arevery povverful."

Bombs and bullets are not the onlythings that can kili soldiers; nearly 20percent of those who die in Iraq do sooutside of combat operations. Some-times it is the hazard of driving too faston badly rutted roads to avoid danger.

iht.com/mideastAn Interactivefeature offers photographsoffallen soldiers, an analysis ofcasualtynumbers and the stories ofseven soldiers

who were killed, as told by comradeswho served with them.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

o

S

U.S. death toll in Iraq hits 3,000Sophistication of insurgency makes soldiers' tasks riskierBy Lizette Alvarezand Andrew Lehren

. Jordan Hess was the unlikeliest ofsoldiers.

He could bench-press 300 pounds,about 135 kilograms, and then go homeand write poetry.

He learned the art of glass blowingand built a computer with only amagazine as his guide. Most recently, hefell in love with a woman from Braziland took up digital photography, lettingboth sweep his heart away.

Specialist Hess, the seventh of eightchildren, was never keen on premoni-tions, but on Christmas Day, 2005, as histight-knit family gathered on a beachför the vveekend, he told each siblingand parent privately that he did not ex-pect to come home from Iraq.

On Nov. 11, Hess, 26, freshly arrived inIraq, was conducting a mission as thedriver of an Abrams tank when an im-provised explosive device, or IED, blewup. The blast was so powerful that itpenetrated the 67-ton tank, flingingHess against the top and critically in-juring his spine. His four crew matessurvived. For three weeks, Hess hung onat Brooke Army Medical Center in SanAntonip, Texas, long enough to utter afew words to his loved ones and absorbali their kindness.

On Dec. 4, Hess slipped onto the ever-expanding list öf American militaryfatalities in Iraq, whjch has increasedby an average of more than three a daysince Oct. 1, the highest three-monthtoll in two years. On Sunday, with theannouncement of the death in Baghdadof Specialist Dustin Donica, 22, ofSpring, Texas, the list reached the mile-stone of at least 3,000 deaths since theinvasion in March 2003.

The number reflects how much moredangerous and muddled a soldier's jobin Iraq has become in the face of a grow-ing and increasingly sophisticated in¬surgency. Violence in the country is atan all-time high, according to a Penta¬gon report releâsed last month. Decem-ber was the third-deadliest month forAmerican troops since the start of thewar, with insurgents claiming the livesof 111 soldiers. October and Novemberalso vvitnessed a jump in casualties, 106and 68 respectively, as American forcesstepped up combat operations to try tostabilize Baghdad.

"it escalated while I was there," saidCaptain Scott Stanford, a NationalGuard officer who was a commander ofa company in Ramadi for a year afterarriving in June 2005. "When we leftthis June, it was completely unhinged.There was a huge increase in the sui-cide car bombs we had. The IEDs werebigger and more complex."

"And it was very tense before we leftin terms of snipers," added Stanford, amember of the Iraq and AfghanistanVeterans of America.

"I don't know if there were more ofthem, or if they were getting better."

This spike in violence, which hasbeen felt most profoundly by Iraqi civil-ians, has stoked feverish debate aboutthe U.S. military's presence in Iraq.Many Democrats in Congress are urg-ing a phased withdrawal from the coun¬try, but the administration of PresidentGeorge W. Bush is leaning toward de-ploying additional troops in 2007. If theconflict continues into March, the Iraqwar will be the third-longest in Ameri¬can history, ranked behind the VietnamWar and the American Revolution.

Bush did not specifıcally acknovvledgereaching the milestone of 3,000 Ameri¬can deaths, but a White House spokes-man, Scott Stanzel, said that the presi¬dent "grieves for each one that is lost"and would ensure that their sacrifice wasnot made in vain. The war on terror,Stanzel said, will be a long struggle.

Hess had volunteered for his missionto spare another soldier the danger ofgoing outside the wire that day. Like so

December representedthe third-deadliest

month for U.S. troopssince the start of the war.

many ofhis fallen comrades, he had be¬come the victim of an inescapably dan¬gerous roadside landscape.

"it was the type of injury you rarelyrecover from; in past wars you vrouldn'thave götten out of theater," said his fa-ther, Bili Hess, a Boeing engineer and re-tired air force man. "So that was a bless-ing, that he could talk to us. He mouthedwords, and we were able to say we lovedhim. There is a lot to be said for that."

in many ways, the third 1,000 menand women to die in Iraq faced the sameunflinching challenge as the second1,000 soldiers to die there a dedicatedand ruthless Iraqi insurgency that hasexploited the power of roadside bombsto chilling effect. These bombs nowcause about half of ali American com¬bat deaths and injuries in Iraq.

Över ali, the casualty rate has re-mained relatively steady since last year,dipping only slightly. it took 14 monthsfor the death toll to jump to 2,000 sol¬diers from 1,000. it took about twoweeks longer than that for it to rise to3,000 from 2,000, during the period cov-ering Oct. 25, 2005, to this week.

"it is hugely frustrating, tragic anddisappointing that we can't reduce thefatality rate," said Michael O'Hanlon, amilitary analyst for the Brookings Insti-tution.

The service members who died dur¬ing this latest period fit an unchangingprofile. They were mostly white men

from rural areas, soldiers so young theystili held fresh memories ofhigh-schoolfootball heroics and teenage escapades.Many men and women were in Iraq forthe second or third time. Some were go¬ing on their fourth, fifth or sixth de-ployment.

But in other ways, the situation haschanged in the past year.

Improvised explosive devices thekind that killed Hess have growndeadlier, despite concerted Pentagon ef-forts and billions of dollars spent tryingto counteract them. insurgents are nowmore adept at concealing bombs, booby-trapping them and powering them topenetrate well-armored vehicles.

They are also scattering more of themalong countless roads, using myriad trig-gers and hiding spots. At the same time,Iraqis have grown less inclined to tip offsoldiers to the presence of these bombs.

The toll of war has fallen most heav-ily this year on regular army soldiers, atleast 544 of whom died in this group of1,000, compared with 405 in the lastgroup. This increase was the result offewer National Guard soldiers and re-servists being deployed to Iraq in 2006.

Considering the intensity of the vio¬lence in Iraq this year, it is remarkablethat the casualty rate did not climb high-er, analysts and officers say. Long-awaited improvements in body and ve-hicle armor have helped protect sol¬diers, and advances in battlefield medi-cine have saved many lives. Newprocedures, like leaving vrounds öpen toprevent infection, and relaying soldiersto hospitals faster than ever, have keptmore service members alive.

During World War II, 30 percent ofali wounded soldiers died of their injur¬ies, a number that dipped to 24 percentduring the Vietnam War and then to 9percent for the Iraq conflict. Thoughthis is a positive development, it alsomeans that more soldiers are cominghome with life-changing vvounds, in-cluding amputations and brain trauma.

More than 22,000 soldiers have beenvvounded in Iraq.

"There is no question that the num¬ber of dead should have been far high-er," said Dr. William Winkenwerder,the assistant secretary of defense forhealth affairs, referring to the Iraqi con¬flict. "Some of these blast injuries arevery povverful."

Bombs and bullets are not the onlythings that can kili soldiers; nearly 20percent of those who die in Iraq do sooutside of combat operations. Some-times it is the hazard of driving too faston badly rutted roads to avoid danger.

iht.com/mideastAn Interactivefeature offers photographsoffallen soldiers, an analysis ofcasualtynumbers and the stories ofseven soldiers

who were killed, as told by comradeswho served with them.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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Iraq to investigatechaos at executionAngry demonstrations are spreadingafter taunting of Saddam on gallows

*£ By John F. Burns

BAGHDAD: With angry demonstra¬tions spreading across Iraq's SünniArab' heartland, the country's Shiite-led government said Tuesday that ithad ordered an investigatioiı into thedisorderly scenes at the execution ofSaddam Hussein, who was mocked andtaunted by Shiite witnesses and guardsas he stood on the gallows.

Iraqi officials said a three-membercommittee of the Interior Ministrywould investigate scenes that haveraised outrage among Saddam's SünniArab loyalists and widespread con-sternation elsewhere as video record-ings of the execution have been broad-cast around the world.

in Britain, the deputy prime ministersaid that the taunting and baiting ofSaddam had been unacceptable andthat the people responsible should bepunished.

The Iraqi officials said the gövem- :

ment wanted to know how some ofthose present at the hanging had beenallovved to use cellphone cameras to re-cord grainy images of Saddam as he en-dured the mockery from a group stand-ing in front of the gallows. But theinvestigation would also ask why thehanging had been allovved to descendinto scenes that some Sünni criticshave described as a sectarian lynching,the officials said.

The government acted as agroundswell of angry protest spreadthrough centers of Sünni population incentral, vvestern and northern Iraq. Theprotests, sporadic in the first 72 hoursafter the hanging, appeared to be build-ing in numbers and intensity as Iraqiand U.S. troops relaxed the security cor-dons that had been thrown around somecenters of diehard support for Saddam,including his hometovra, Tikrit, and thenearby village of Awja, beside the TigrisRiver, where he was born.

There were demonstrations in coun-tries outside Iraq as well, includingTunisia, Yemen and Turkey, as well asin the Palestinian territories.

Thousands öf mourners flocked toAwja, where Saddam's body has beenlying in a reception hail he built for lo-cal residents. The body, in a plain woodcoffin draped in an Iraqi flag, has be-come a point of pilgrimage for loyal¬ists, almost ali Sunnis, from majör cen¬ters like Baghdad, Mosul and Kirkuk,'but also for Sünni tribesmen from com-munities far away in Iraq's southerndesert. Many of those reaching Awja

ReutersProtests of the execution were held inmany places Tuesday, including Turkey.

have wept as they have fıled past thecoffin or shouted slogans of fealty ofthe kind that were universal in Iraqwhen Saddam was the country's un-challenged dictator.

"Maliki, you coward, you are anAmerican agent!" cried one demonstra-tor in Tikrit, referring to Prime Minis¬ter Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, who signedthe order that hastened Saddam to thegallows. "Iran, out, out!" another manshouted, echoing the wave of angeramong Sunnis at the rise to power inBaghdad of Shiite religious groupsbacked by Iran, including Maliki'sparty, Dawa.

in Ad Dour, where Saddam was cap-tured by U.S. troops in December 2003,townspeople built a three-story-highbrick platform at the entry to one of thetown's residential areas and adorned itwith a portrait of Saddam in coloredtiles of the kind that dominated streetcorners ali över Iraq before he wasoverthrovra.

Sami al-Askari, a Shiite who is amember of Parliament and was amongthose who attended the hanging, saidby telephone that the investigationwould be thorough and vrould involvequestioning of ali those present. At thetime, officials said the group includedabout 25 people, including ah offıcialparty of about 14 nominated by Malikiand others who included guards and 5

executioners."The committee will question every-

one who was present at the execution

to ask what they saw there," Askarisaid. He said the role ofthose who usedtheir cellphones to record the eventvrould be one focus of the inquiry andthe identification of those responsiblefor the taunts another. He said thevrorst sectarian taunts appeared tohave come from one of the guards,whom he described as a poorly edu-cated man with a thick Arabic accent,and not from the officials who attendedthe execution.

Controversy has escalated since thehanging was carried out at dawn on Sat-urday in an execution chamber in thenorthern Baghdad district of Khadam-iya that was previously used for hun-dreds of hangings by Saddam's militaryintelligence agency. Anger has centeredon the role of Maliki, a Shiite, in short-circuiting constitutional and legal pro-cesses to hasten Saddam to the gallovvson the day when Iraq's Sunnis were be-ginning id al-Adha, the annual four-dayFeast of the Sacrifice, when devoutMuslims slaughter sheep to honor Ab-raham's test of faith.

Many of the demonstrators have car¬ried portraits of Saddam, and somefıred automatic vveapons in the air orslaughtered sheep in his name.

Consternation at the government'shaste to carry out the death sentencepassed on Saddam in November forcrimes against humanity has been com-pounded among critics by the marinerofthe execution. Video images recordedby cellphones have shown Saddam, withthe noose around his neck, facingshouts of "Go to hell!" and taunts of"Moktada! Moktada! Moktada!" inreference to the radical Shiite clericMoktada al-Sadr, who has become apopülist hero among many Shiites.

Askari, the member of Parliament,said the guard he identifıed as the vrorstverbal abuser of Saddam had shoutedSadr's name.

While there was much else on thevideos that lent a degrading atmosphereto the hanging, including mocking in-terruptions of Saddam's last prayers ashe vvaited for the trapdoor to öpen, itwas the invocation of Sadr's name,more than anything, that caused furyamong Iraqis of various faiths who sawit as emblematic of what they believeare the Maliki government's pro-,foundly sectarian instincts. Deathsquads acting in Sadr's name havekilled thousands of Iraqi Sunnis.

On the videos, which have been pos-ted on numerous Web sites and relayedacross Iraq via the country's new cell¬

phone netvrork, Saddam is shownstanding solemnly on the gallows withhis hands manacled behind his back.The taunts continued to the moment ofthe hanging and even afterward, as Sad¬dam hung suspended from the rope.

Along with their fury at the treatmentof Saddam, many Iraqi Sünni Arabsviewing the videos were pleased thatthe 69-year-old former ruler managed asequence of terse ripostes to his tor-mentors. He told a senior governmentofficial who demanded that he expressremorse for the suffering he had inflic-ted that he had nothing to apologize for,

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

o

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Iraq to investigatechaos at executionAngry demonstrations are spreadingafter taunting of Saddam on gallows

*£ By John F. Burns

BAGHDAD: With angry demonstra¬tions spreading across Iraq's SünniArab' heartland, the country's Shiite-led government said Tuesday that ithad ordered an investigatioiı into thedisorderly scenes at the execution ofSaddam Hussein, who was mocked andtaunted by Shiite witnesses and guardsas he stood on the gallows.

Iraqi officials said a three-membercommittee of the Interior Ministrywould investigate scenes that haveraised outrage among Saddam's SünniArab loyalists and widespread con-sternation elsewhere as video record-ings of the execution have been broad-cast around the world.

in Britain, the deputy prime ministersaid that the taunting and baiting ofSaddam had been unacceptable andthat the people responsible should bepunished.

The Iraqi officials said the gövem- :

ment wanted to know how some ofthose present at the hanging had beenallovved to use cellphone cameras to re-cord grainy images of Saddam as he en-dured the mockery from a group stand-ing in front of the gallows. But theinvestigation would also ask why thehanging had been allovved to descendinto scenes that some Sünni criticshave described as a sectarian lynching,the officials said.

The government acted as agroundswell of angry protest spreadthrough centers of Sünni population incentral, vvestern and northern Iraq. Theprotests, sporadic in the first 72 hoursafter the hanging, appeared to be build-ing in numbers and intensity as Iraqiand U.S. troops relaxed the security cor-dons that had been thrown around somecenters of diehard support for Saddam,including his hometovra, Tikrit, and thenearby village of Awja, beside the TigrisRiver, where he was born.

There were demonstrations in coun-tries outside Iraq as well, includingTunisia, Yemen and Turkey, as well asin the Palestinian territories.

Thousands öf mourners flocked toAwja, where Saddam's body has beenlying in a reception hail he built for lo-cal residents. The body, in a plain woodcoffin draped in an Iraqi flag, has be-come a point of pilgrimage for loyal¬ists, almost ali Sunnis, from majör cen¬ters like Baghdad, Mosul and Kirkuk,'but also for Sünni tribesmen from com-munities far away in Iraq's southerndesert. Many of those reaching Awja

ReutersProtests of the execution were held inmany places Tuesday, including Turkey.

have wept as they have fıled past thecoffin or shouted slogans of fealty ofthe kind that were universal in Iraqwhen Saddam was the country's un-challenged dictator.

"Maliki, you coward, you are anAmerican agent!" cried one demonstra-tor in Tikrit, referring to Prime Minis¬ter Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, who signedthe order that hastened Saddam to thegallows. "Iran, out, out!" another manshouted, echoing the wave of angeramong Sunnis at the rise to power inBaghdad of Shiite religious groupsbacked by Iran, including Maliki'sparty, Dawa.

in Ad Dour, where Saddam was cap-tured by U.S. troops in December 2003,townspeople built a three-story-highbrick platform at the entry to one of thetown's residential areas and adorned itwith a portrait of Saddam in coloredtiles of the kind that dominated streetcorners ali över Iraq before he wasoverthrovra.

Sami al-Askari, a Shiite who is amember of Parliament and was amongthose who attended the hanging, saidby telephone that the investigationwould be thorough and vrould involvequestioning of ali those present. At thetime, officials said the group includedabout 25 people, including ah offıcialparty of about 14 nominated by Malikiand others who included guards and 5

executioners."The committee will question every-

one who was present at the execution

to ask what they saw there," Askarisaid. He said the role ofthose who usedtheir cellphones to record the eventvrould be one focus of the inquiry andthe identification of those responsiblefor the taunts another. He said thevrorst sectarian taunts appeared tohave come from one of the guards,whom he described as a poorly edu-cated man with a thick Arabic accent,and not from the officials who attendedthe execution.

Controversy has escalated since thehanging was carried out at dawn on Sat-urday in an execution chamber in thenorthern Baghdad district of Khadam-iya that was previously used for hun-dreds of hangings by Saddam's militaryintelligence agency. Anger has centeredon the role of Maliki, a Shiite, in short-circuiting constitutional and legal pro-cesses to hasten Saddam to the gallovvson the day when Iraq's Sunnis were be-ginning id al-Adha, the annual four-dayFeast of the Sacrifice, when devoutMuslims slaughter sheep to honor Ab-raham's test of faith.

Many of the demonstrators have car¬ried portraits of Saddam, and somefıred automatic vveapons in the air orslaughtered sheep in his name.

Consternation at the government'shaste to carry out the death sentencepassed on Saddam in November forcrimes against humanity has been com-pounded among critics by the marinerofthe execution. Video images recordedby cellphones have shown Saddam, withthe noose around his neck, facingshouts of "Go to hell!" and taunts of"Moktada! Moktada! Moktada!" inreference to the radical Shiite clericMoktada al-Sadr, who has become apopülist hero among many Shiites.

Askari, the member of Parliament,said the guard he identifıed as the vrorstverbal abuser of Saddam had shoutedSadr's name.

While there was much else on thevideos that lent a degrading atmosphereto the hanging, including mocking in-terruptions of Saddam's last prayers ashe vvaited for the trapdoor to öpen, itwas the invocation of Sadr's name,more than anything, that caused furyamong Iraqis of various faiths who sawit as emblematic of what they believeare the Maliki government's pro-,foundly sectarian instincts. Deathsquads acting in Sadr's name havekilled thousands of Iraqi Sunnis.

On the videos, which have been pos-ted on numerous Web sites and relayedacross Iraq via the country's new cell¬

phone netvrork, Saddam is shownstanding solemnly on the gallows withhis hands manacled behind his back.The taunts continued to the moment ofthe hanging and even afterward, as Sad¬dam hung suspended from the rope.

Along with their fury at the treatmentof Saddam, many Iraqi Sünni Arabsviewing the videos were pleased thatthe 69-year-old former ruler managed asequence of terse ripostes to his tor-mentors. He told a senior governmentofficial who demanded that he expressremorse for the suffering he had inflic-ted that he had nothing to apologize for,

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

having lived his life, as he put it, in theservice of jihad, the Muslim's obligationto struggle against evil. To the chants of"Moktada," he replied, moments beforehe dropped through the trapdoor, "Isthis how real men behave?"

Among those most incensed by whathappened to Saddam in his final mo¬ments are U.S. officials in Baghdad andWashington, who had hoped that theexecution vrould bring Iraqis to a pointof closure över Saddam's role in Iraq'stürbulent history. One report circulat-ing among senior Iraqi officials Tues¬day, which no U.S. official vrould con-firm, was that the U.S. ambassador,Zalmay Khalilzad, had appealed in thelast hours before the execution for adelay of 14 days to provide time for ali

the constitutional and legal questionssurrounding the hanging to be resolved,and for detailed planning of the execu-tion to take place.

The U.S. concerns about the hanginghave a sharply political edge, since thehanging has come to be seen, amongIraqis and others, as a metaphor for alithat bedevils the U.S. enterprise in Iraq.

U.S. officials say privately that the Ma¬liki government, by allowing the execu-tion to be conducted as it did, signaledmore povrerfully than ever that it wasunwilling or incapable of surmountingthe deep sectarian divisions here.

The Americans have said in recentdays that they feared that matters mightget out of hand when Maliki, at mid-night Friday, chose to rush the hanging

within hours rather than wait untilafter id al-Adha.

in the end, these Americans havesaid, they decided that the U.S. role,önce Maliki signed the execution order,should be limited to making sure Sad¬dam was delivered securely to the exe-cution site from the U.S. detention cen-ter where he had been held since hiscapture in December 2003.

According to the account given bythe U.S. military command, the U.S.role ended when Saddam stepped offthe Black Hawk helicopter that carriedhim to the Khadamiya prison at about5:30 a.m. Saturday and w.as handed överto Iraqi officials. No Americans werepresent at the execution.

Saddam's execution By Najmaldin Karim

Justice, but no reckoning

oo

bö3-

,0

2

WASHNGTONMy personal battle with Saddam Hussein,

which began in 1972 when I abandonedmy medical career in Mosul, Iraq, andjoined the Kurdish armed resistance, is at

an end. To execute such a criminal, a man whoreveled in his atrocities, is an act of justice.

The only issue for me is the timing executinghım now is both too late and too early. Too late, be-cause had Saddam Hussein beenremoved from the scene manyyears ago, many lives vrould havebeensaved.

Killing 'Saddam now, hovvever,for ordering the massacre at Dujailin 1982, means that he will not facejustice for his ğreatest crimes: theso-called Anfal campaign againstthe Kurds in the late 1980s, the genocidal assault on the MarshArabs in the 1990s, and the slaughtering of the ShiiteArabs and Kurds who rose up against him, withAmerican encouragement, in 1991.

The sight of a tyirant held to account, if only briefly,has been an importaîıt precedent for the Middle East.The shabby diplomacy that has allowed dictators tothrive is now discredited.

Sadly, hovrover, we have not had full justice. Sad¬dam Hussein did not confront the full horror of hiscrimes. Building on pfevious initiatives by Arab na-tionalist governments to persecute the Kurds, heturned ethnic engineering and murder into an indus-try in the 1970s.

Hundreds of thousands were evicted from theirhomes and murdered. Svvathes of Kurdish coun-tryside were emptied of their population, men, vrom-en and children taken to shallow graves and shot.

Initially, the United States backed those of us whotook to the hills to save our lives and freedom, but in1975 (and here is an irony) President Gerald Fordagreed to stop financing us in order to settle a borderdispute between Iraq and Iran. As so many times

since, human rights were no matchfor a desire to keep the oil flowing.

During the 1980s, entire towns,including Qala Diza in Iraqi Kur-distan and Qasr-i-Shirin in neigh-boring Iranian Kurdistan, were de-stroyed. To ensure that survivorsvrould never return to their homes,

Killing Saddam nowmeans that he will not

face justice for hisğreatest crimes.

.the mountaihs were laced withland mines. The widows and chil¬dren were detained in settlements

lacking fresh water and sewage disposal; these werecalled "mujammat" in Arabic, which translates, withali the dreadful implications, as "concentrationareas."

While I escaped to America, my family was not solucky. My brother-in-law and nephevv were summar-ily executed. They never had anything remotely ap-proaching a fair trial, never got to write a will, nevergot to say goodbye to my sister.

Saddam Hussein's trial shed new light on thesetragic years. Documents came to liğht revealing thathis regime coordinated with Turkey in its efforts toisolate Kurdish villages in 1988, in which he used

chemical weappns. This should lead to some impor-tant soul searching in Turkey.

But the failure to put Saddam Hussein on trial forthe Anfal offensive itself will cheat us of learning thefull details of investigating whether the Turks sup-pressed evidence of Iraq's use of chemical weaponsby preventing foreign doctors from seeing Kurdishrefugees; of knowing the extent to which Saudi Ara-bia and Egypt may have aided Saddam Hussein'svreapons production.

Kurds aren't the only ones who will be cheatedout of full reckoning. in 1991, as we ali know,the retreating Iraqi army massacred ShiiteArabs as well as Kurds who had heeded Pres¬

ident George H.W. Bush's cali to överthrovv the Baath-ist regime. According to the 2004 report pf the IraqSuryey Group, the dictator used chemical vveaponsagainst Shiite Arab civilians in 1991. Without puttingSaddam Hussein on trial for these offenses, or for hiscampaigns against the Marsh Arabs of the south, willwe ever know what really happened?

For ali the mistakes that the United States hasmade in Iraq and I feel the betrayal of 1975 was thevrorst I am a proud (naturalized) American be-cause this country brought the murderous despot totrial. Stili, it is a great shame that he will not be heldaccountable for ali of his crimes, and a far greatertragedy that he was allovved, sometimes with Ameri¬can complicity, to commit them in the first place.

Najmaldin Karim, a neurosutgeon, is the presidentof the Washington Kurdish Institute.

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

having lived his life, as he put it, in theservice of jihad, the Muslim's obligationto struggle against evil. To the chants of"Moktada," he replied, moments beforehe dropped through the trapdoor, "Isthis how real men behave?"

Among those most incensed by whathappened to Saddam in his final mo¬ments are U.S. officials in Baghdad andWashington, who had hoped that theexecution vrould bring Iraqis to a pointof closure över Saddam's role in Iraq'stürbulent history. One report circulat-ing among senior Iraqi officials Tues¬day, which no U.S. official vrould con-firm, was that the U.S. ambassador,Zalmay Khalilzad, had appealed in thelast hours before the execution for adelay of 14 days to provide time for ali

the constitutional and legal questionssurrounding the hanging to be resolved,and for detailed planning of the execu-tion to take place.

The U.S. concerns about the hanginghave a sharply political edge, since thehanging has come to be seen, amongIraqis and others, as a metaphor for alithat bedevils the U.S. enterprise in Iraq.

U.S. officials say privately that the Ma¬liki government, by allowing the execu-tion to be conducted as it did, signaledmore povrerfully than ever that it wasunwilling or incapable of surmountingthe deep sectarian divisions here.

The Americans have said in recentdays that they feared that matters mightget out of hand when Maliki, at mid-night Friday, chose to rush the hanging

within hours rather than wait untilafter id al-Adha.

in the end, these Americans havesaid, they decided that the U.S. role,önce Maliki signed the execution order,should be limited to making sure Sad¬dam was delivered securely to the exe-cution site from the U.S. detention cen-ter where he had been held since hiscapture in December 2003.

According to the account given bythe U.S. military command, the U.S.role ended when Saddam stepped offthe Black Hawk helicopter that carriedhim to the Khadamiya prison at about5:30 a.m. Saturday and w.as handed överto Iraqi officials. No Americans werepresent at the execution.

Saddam's execution By Najmaldin Karim

Justice, but no reckoning

oo

bö3-

,0

2

WASHNGTONMy personal battle with Saddam Hussein,

which began in 1972 when I abandonedmy medical career in Mosul, Iraq, andjoined the Kurdish armed resistance, is at

an end. To execute such a criminal, a man whoreveled in his atrocities, is an act of justice.

The only issue for me is the timing executinghım now is both too late and too early. Too late, be-cause had Saddam Hussein beenremoved from the scene manyyears ago, many lives vrould havebeensaved.

Killing 'Saddam now, hovvever,for ordering the massacre at Dujailin 1982, means that he will not facejustice for his ğreatest crimes: theso-called Anfal campaign againstthe Kurds in the late 1980s, the genocidal assault on the MarshArabs in the 1990s, and the slaughtering of the ShiiteArabs and Kurds who rose up against him, withAmerican encouragement, in 1991.

The sight of a tyirant held to account, if only briefly,has been an importaîıt precedent for the Middle East.The shabby diplomacy that has allowed dictators tothrive is now discredited.

Sadly, hovrover, we have not had full justice. Sad¬dam Hussein did not confront the full horror of hiscrimes. Building on pfevious initiatives by Arab na-tionalist governments to persecute the Kurds, heturned ethnic engineering and murder into an indus-try in the 1970s.

Hundreds of thousands were evicted from theirhomes and murdered. Svvathes of Kurdish coun-tryside were emptied of their population, men, vrom-en and children taken to shallow graves and shot.

Initially, the United States backed those of us whotook to the hills to save our lives and freedom, but in1975 (and here is an irony) President Gerald Fordagreed to stop financing us in order to settle a borderdispute between Iraq and Iran. As so many times

since, human rights were no matchfor a desire to keep the oil flowing.

During the 1980s, entire towns,including Qala Diza in Iraqi Kur-distan and Qasr-i-Shirin in neigh-boring Iranian Kurdistan, were de-stroyed. To ensure that survivorsvrould never return to their homes,

Killing Saddam nowmeans that he will not

face justice for hisğreatest crimes.

.the mountaihs were laced withland mines. The widows and chil¬dren were detained in settlements

lacking fresh water and sewage disposal; these werecalled "mujammat" in Arabic, which translates, withali the dreadful implications, as "concentrationareas."

While I escaped to America, my family was not solucky. My brother-in-law and nephevv were summar-ily executed. They never had anything remotely ap-proaching a fair trial, never got to write a will, nevergot to say goodbye to my sister.

Saddam Hussein's trial shed new light on thesetragic years. Documents came to liğht revealing thathis regime coordinated with Turkey in its efforts toisolate Kurdish villages in 1988, in which he used

chemical weappns. This should lead to some impor-tant soul searching in Turkey.

But the failure to put Saddam Hussein on trial forthe Anfal offensive itself will cheat us of learning thefull details of investigating whether the Turks sup-pressed evidence of Iraq's use of chemical weaponsby preventing foreign doctors from seeing Kurdishrefugees; of knowing the extent to which Saudi Ara-bia and Egypt may have aided Saddam Hussein'svreapons production.

Kurds aren't the only ones who will be cheatedout of full reckoning. in 1991, as we ali know,the retreating Iraqi army massacred ShiiteArabs as well as Kurds who had heeded Pres¬

ident George H.W. Bush's cali to överthrovv the Baath-ist regime. According to the 2004 report pf the IraqSuryey Group, the dictator used chemical vveaponsagainst Shiite Arab civilians in 1991. Without puttingSaddam Hussein on trial for these offenses, or for hiscampaigns against the Marsh Arabs of the south, willwe ever know what really happened?

For ali the mistakes that the United States hasmade in Iraq and I feel the betrayal of 1975 was thevrorst I am a proud (naturalized) American be-cause this country brought the murderous despot totrial. Stili, it is a great shame that he will not be heldaccountable for ali of his crimes, and a far greatertragedy that he was allovved, sometimes with Ameri¬can complicity, to commit them in the first place.

Najmaldin Karim, a neurosutgeon, is the presidentof the Washington Kurdish Institute.

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

A university for Iraq, far fromBaghdad's chaosBy Edward Wong

SULAIMANIYA, lraq: it would be anambitious project even in a MiddleEastern country not embroiled in war:Build an American-style universitywhere classes are taught in English,teachers come from around the vrorldand graduates compete for lucrativejobs in fields like business and com-puter science.

Yet some of the leading lights of Iraq'spolitical and intellectual classes are do-ing exactly that, even as the bloodshedvvidens.

Their planned American UniversityofIraq is modeled on the famous privateuniversities in Cairo and Beirut. Theproject's managers have a board oftrustees; a business plan recently com-pleted by McKinsey, the internationalconsulting firm; three candidates foruniversity president; and $25 million,much of it in pledges from the U.S. gov¬ernment and Kurdish sources. To fulfilltheir dream, they need much more:$200 million to $250 million över 15

years, said Azzam Ahvash, the board'sexecutive secretary.

But if it does become a reality, theuniversity will not be built in Baghdad,which for centuries was a beacon oflearning in the Arab vrorld.

Instead, it is slated for what is themost non-Iraqi part of Iraq.

The site is on a windswept hilltopalong the outskirts of Sulaimaniya, theeastern capital of Iraqi Kurdistan, 240 ki-lometers, or 150 miles, north of Baghdadand far from the car bombs and deathsquads that are tearing apart the Arabregions of Iraq. Because of its relativesafety so far, Kurdistan can more easilyattract aid and reconstruction money.

With doctors, engineers, busi-nesspeople, academics and studentsamong the hundreds of thousands flee-ing to neighboring countries or theWest, the university raises hopes ofstanching the country's enormousbrain drain and pushing Iraq forward. '

"You really need to develop the polit¬ical elite of the future, the educated eliteof the future," said Barham Salih, theproject's Kurdish founder, a deputyprime minister who received a doctor-ate in statistics and computer modelingfrom Liverpool University in Britain,and whose daughter attends PrincetonUniversity, in New Jersey. "The focus isalso to stimulate reform in the Iraqieducation system."

However, some Arab education offi¬cials in Baghdad, the capital, have ar-gued that the university should be builtthere, not in a part of Iraq where seces-sionist ambitions are well known.

Baghdad first achieved fame for itsschools and scholars during the Ab-basid caliphate, which reached itsheight in the eighth century.

Even in the 20th century, before theIran-Iraq war of the 1980s and interna¬tional economic sanctions of the 1990s,students from the region flocked toBaghdad.

But because of security threats, manyuniversities in Baghdad have been closedsince October. Up to 150 employees oftheMinistry of Higher Education were ab-ducted by men in commando uniformsin mid-November. Jihadist groups havethreatened to kili students on campuses.

So intellectuals like Kanan Makiya,the prominent former exile and writerwho strongly advocated the U.S. inva-sion, say they plan to move their researchprojects to the American University.Makiya founded the Iraq Memory Foun¬

dation, an organization based in the for-tified Green Zone in Baghdad that is doc-umenting Saddam Hussein's atrocities.

"The problem is nobody can thrive inBaghdad anymore," said Makiya, whoteaches Middle Eastern studies at Bran-deis University, the only nonsectarianJewish college in the United States, lo-cated outside Boston.

Makiya sits on the new university'sboard of trustees. "The north is muchmore stable, growing, prosperouş,"\ hesaid. "There is a sadness that we're be-ing driven out of Baghdad."

The planners of the university intendfor Makiya's documentary project toform the core of the humanities depart-ment. Ahvash, an environmental scien-tist, has also said he will use the univer¬sity as a base for his research project,which is focused on rejuvenating thesouthern marshlands.

Other prominent intellectual andpolitical fıgures, many of whqm suppor-ted the American invasion, are on theboard. They include Fouad Ajami, a pro-fessor of Middle Eastern studies at JohnsHopkins University in Washington; andJohn Agresto, an education adviser in theCoalition Provisional Authority who, ashe ended his tenure there in 2004i told areporter he was "a neoconservativewho's been mugged by reality."

The planners have sketched a roughschedule. Construction vrould start inthe spring, and the first 15 to 30 studentscould begin a six-month intensive Eng¬lish course, to be taught in rented spacehere in Sulaimaniya, before they start atvro-year master's program in businessadministration. The first class to earnbachelor's degrees vrould start in au-tumn 2008; the program vrould take fiveyears, with the first devoted to the studyof English, Alwash said.

Although the university has regionalaspirations like its counterparts inCairo and Beirut, the first undergradu-ate class vrould be mostly Iraqis, Ahvashsaid, and a majority probably Kurds.

in the university's first five years, de-gree programs vrould focus on subjectsthat the board judges to be crucial toIraq's development: business, petro-leum engineering and computer sci¬ence, for exam'ple.

"This has to have immediate practic-al consequences for the economy of

Irâq and the politics of Iraq," said Salih,the founder.

After five years, the university mayadd humanities degree programs.

"We want them to study the ideas ofLocke, the ideas and writings of Paineand Madison," Ahvash said. "We wantthem to understand what democracy is

not only majority rule, but also therights of minorities. They should bewell rounded."

Projected undergraduate enrollmentis 1,000 students by 2011 and 5,000 by2021. The numbers are small comparedwith the enrollment at Baghdad Univer¬sity, the country's flagship public uni¬versity, which has 70,000 students. Su¬laimaniya University here has about12,000 students.

in total, about 475,000 Iraqis are pur-suing college-level degrees across thecountry, in 21 public universities or col-leges, 18 private ones and about 40 tech-nical institutes, according to the U.S.Embassy.

Tuition at American University vrouldbe $8,500 to $10,000 a year, Ahvash said.That places the university beyond thereach of the average middle-class Iraqifamily. But Salih said the schoolplanned to give loans and scholarships.

Zalmay Khalilzad, the U.S. ambassa-dor and an alumnus of the university inBeirut, has promised that U.S. agencieswill give the school $10.5 million, possi-bly the largest donation by the UnitedStates to any single education project inIraq, if officials approve the plan.

Khalilzad, a native Afghan, helpedfound the American University of Ka¬bul after the U.S. military removed theTaliban from power in Afghanistan in2001.

Some Kurds fear the Patriotic Unionof Kurdistan, the governing party ofeastern Kurdistan that is led byTalabani and Salih, could end up divert-ing money from the university for itsown purposes. Among many Kurds, themain Kurdish parties have a reputationfor corruption and authoritarian rule.

"I hope this will not just be party pro¬paganda, because we need a real aca-demic center for this society," said Asoslardi, the editör in chief of a weekly

newspaper here.

10

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S

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

A university for Iraq, far fromBaghdad's chaosBy Edward Wong

SULAIMANIYA, lraq: it would be anambitious project even in a MiddleEastern country not embroiled in war:Build an American-style universitywhere classes are taught in English,teachers come from around the vrorldand graduates compete for lucrativejobs in fields like business and com-puter science.

Yet some of the leading lights of Iraq'spolitical and intellectual classes are do-ing exactly that, even as the bloodshedvvidens.

Their planned American UniversityofIraq is modeled on the famous privateuniversities in Cairo and Beirut. Theproject's managers have a board oftrustees; a business plan recently com-pleted by McKinsey, the internationalconsulting firm; three candidates foruniversity president; and $25 million,much of it in pledges from the U.S. gov¬ernment and Kurdish sources. To fulfilltheir dream, they need much more:$200 million to $250 million över 15

years, said Azzam Ahvash, the board'sexecutive secretary.

But if it does become a reality, theuniversity will not be built in Baghdad,which for centuries was a beacon oflearning in the Arab vrorld.

Instead, it is slated for what is themost non-Iraqi part of Iraq.

The site is on a windswept hilltopalong the outskirts of Sulaimaniya, theeastern capital of Iraqi Kurdistan, 240 ki-lometers, or 150 miles, north of Baghdadand far from the car bombs and deathsquads that are tearing apart the Arabregions of Iraq. Because of its relativesafety so far, Kurdistan can more easilyattract aid and reconstruction money.

With doctors, engineers, busi-nesspeople, academics and studentsamong the hundreds of thousands flee-ing to neighboring countries or theWest, the university raises hopes ofstanching the country's enormousbrain drain and pushing Iraq forward. '

"You really need to develop the polit¬ical elite of the future, the educated eliteof the future," said Barham Salih, theproject's Kurdish founder, a deputyprime minister who received a doctor-ate in statistics and computer modelingfrom Liverpool University in Britain,and whose daughter attends PrincetonUniversity, in New Jersey. "The focus isalso to stimulate reform in the Iraqieducation system."

However, some Arab education offi¬cials in Baghdad, the capital, have ar-gued that the university should be builtthere, not in a part of Iraq where seces-sionist ambitions are well known.

Baghdad first achieved fame for itsschools and scholars during the Ab-basid caliphate, which reached itsheight in the eighth century.

Even in the 20th century, before theIran-Iraq war of the 1980s and interna¬tional economic sanctions of the 1990s,students from the region flocked toBaghdad.

But because of security threats, manyuniversities in Baghdad have been closedsince October. Up to 150 employees oftheMinistry of Higher Education were ab-ducted by men in commando uniformsin mid-November. Jihadist groups havethreatened to kili students on campuses.

So intellectuals like Kanan Makiya,the prominent former exile and writerwho strongly advocated the U.S. inva-sion, say they plan to move their researchprojects to the American University.Makiya founded the Iraq Memory Foun¬

dation, an organization based in the for-tified Green Zone in Baghdad that is doc-umenting Saddam Hussein's atrocities.

"The problem is nobody can thrive inBaghdad anymore," said Makiya, whoteaches Middle Eastern studies at Bran-deis University, the only nonsectarianJewish college in the United States, lo-cated outside Boston.

Makiya sits on the new university'sboard of trustees. "The north is muchmore stable, growing, prosperouş,"\ hesaid. "There is a sadness that we're be-ing driven out of Baghdad."

The planners of the university intendfor Makiya's documentary project toform the core of the humanities depart-ment. Ahvash, an environmental scien-tist, has also said he will use the univer¬sity as a base for his research project,which is focused on rejuvenating thesouthern marshlands.

Other prominent intellectual andpolitical fıgures, many of whqm suppor-ted the American invasion, are on theboard. They include Fouad Ajami, a pro-fessor of Middle Eastern studies at JohnsHopkins University in Washington; andJohn Agresto, an education adviser in theCoalition Provisional Authority who, ashe ended his tenure there in 2004i told areporter he was "a neoconservativewho's been mugged by reality."

The planners have sketched a roughschedule. Construction vrould start inthe spring, and the first 15 to 30 studentscould begin a six-month intensive Eng¬lish course, to be taught in rented spacehere in Sulaimaniya, before they start atvro-year master's program in businessadministration. The first class to earnbachelor's degrees vrould start in au-tumn 2008; the program vrould take fiveyears, with the first devoted to the studyof English, Alwash said.

Although the university has regionalaspirations like its counterparts inCairo and Beirut, the first undergradu-ate class vrould be mostly Iraqis, Ahvashsaid, and a majority probably Kurds.

in the university's first five years, de-gree programs vrould focus on subjectsthat the board judges to be crucial toIraq's development: business, petro-leum engineering and computer sci¬ence, for exam'ple.

"This has to have immediate practic-al consequences for the economy of

Irâq and the politics of Iraq," said Salih,the founder.

After five years, the university mayadd humanities degree programs.

"We want them to study the ideas ofLocke, the ideas and writings of Paineand Madison," Ahvash said. "We wantthem to understand what democracy is

not only majority rule, but also therights of minorities. They should bewell rounded."

Projected undergraduate enrollmentis 1,000 students by 2011 and 5,000 by2021. The numbers are small comparedwith the enrollment at Baghdad Univer¬sity, the country's flagship public uni¬versity, which has 70,000 students. Su¬laimaniya University here has about12,000 students.

in total, about 475,000 Iraqis are pur-suing college-level degrees across thecountry, in 21 public universities or col-leges, 18 private ones and about 40 tech-nical institutes, according to the U.S.Embassy.

Tuition at American University vrouldbe $8,500 to $10,000 a year, Ahvash said.That places the university beyond thereach of the average middle-class Iraqifamily. But Salih said the schoolplanned to give loans and scholarships.

Zalmay Khalilzad, the U.S. ambassa-dor and an alumnus of the university inBeirut, has promised that U.S. agencieswill give the school $10.5 million, possi-bly the largest donation by the UnitedStates to any single education project inIraq, if officials approve the plan.

Khalilzad, a native Afghan, helpedfound the American University of Ka¬bul after the U.S. military removed theTaliban from power in Afghanistan in2001.

Some Kurds fear the Patriotic Unionof Kurdistan, the governing party ofeastern Kurdistan that is led byTalabani and Salih, could end up divert-ing money from the university for itsown purposes. Among many Kurds, themain Kurdish parties have a reputationfor corruption and authoritarian rule.

"I hope this will not just be party pro¬paganda, because we need a real aca-demic center for this society," said Asoslardi, the editör in chief of a weekly

newspaper here.

10

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

The transformation of Saddamoo

t*

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By Hassan M. Fattah

BEİRUT: in the week since SaddamHussein was hanged in an executionsteeped in sectarian overtones, hispublic image in the Arab vrorld,formerly that of a convicted dictator,has undergone a resurgence of admira-tion and awe.

On the streets, in nevvspapers andöver the Internet, Saddam has re-emerged as a Sünni Arab hero whostood calm and composed as his Shiiteexecutioners tormented and abusedhim.

"No one will ever forget the way inwhich Saddam was executed," re-marked President Hosni Mubarak ofEgypt in an interview with the Israelinevvspaper Yediot Aharonot and re-published by the official Egyptian newsagency. "They turned him into a mar-tyr."

in Libya, a government official de-clared that Libya vrould erect a statueof Saddam near the site of a monumentto Omar al Mukhtar, a Libyan nationalsymbol who resisted the Italian inva-sion of Libya and was hanged by theItalians in 1931.

Here in Beirut, hundreds of mem¬bers of Lebanon's Baath party and Pal-estinian activists marched Friday be-hind a symbolic coffin representingthat of Saddam, praying for' his soul.Photographs of Saddam standing up incourt, against the backdrop of theDome ofthe Rock mosque in Jerusalemwere pasted on city walls, praising"Saddam the Martyr."

Arab world declareshis image cleansed

A banner across one majör Beirutthoroughfare cursed "America and itsspies."

"Our Condolences to the Nation forthe Assassination of Saddam and Vic-tory to the Iraqi Resistance," it read.

By standing up to the United Statesand its client government in Baghdad,and dying with seeming dignity farfrom the hole where he was captured,Saddam appears to have been virtuallycleansed of his murderous past.

Just a month ago, Saddam, who ruledIraq in a brutal 27-year reign of terrorand destruction, was widely dismissedas a criminal who deserved the deathpenalty, even if his trial was seen asflawed. But shortly after his executionSaturday, when a video apparentlyfilmed with a cellphone showed Shiiteguards taunting Saddam and him re-sponding calmly but firmly to them,many across the region began lookingat him as a martyr.

"The Arab vrorld has been devoid ofpride for a long time," said Ahmad Mazinal-Shugairi, hoşt of a television show onthe Middle East Broadcasting Center,which promotes a moderate version ofislam in Saudi Arabia. "The way Saddamacted in court and just before he was ex-ecuted, with dignity and no fear, struck achord with Arabs who are desperate fortheir own leaders to have pride, too."

Ayman Safadi, editör in chief of theindependent Jordanian daily Al Ghad,said: "The final scene for many was ofSaddam taken out of a hole. That has alichanged now."

At the heart of the surprising reversalof opinİon is the contrast betvroen theofficial video aired on Iraqi TV last Sat¬urday, of Saddam taken to the gallowsand fitted with a noose round his neck,and the grainy, shaky recording ofShiite militiamen taunting the deposedleader with his hands tied, telling Sad¬dam to go to hell, praising the militantShiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr and open-ing the trapdoor before Saddam hadcompleted his prayer.

Far from a solemn proceeding by adispassionate state, Saddam's executionhas been framed as an act of sectarianvengeance shrouded in political theaterand overseen by an American occupa-tion that has resulted in little more thanhumiliation and tragedy for Iraqis.

"If Saddam had media planners hecould not have planned it better thanthis," said Daoud Kuttab, an Arab media

critic and director of the online radiostation Ammannet.net. "Nobody couldever have imagined that Saddam vrouldhave göne down with such dignity."

in the days since, writers and com-mentators have stopped short of eulo-gizing the dictator but looked right pasthis bloody history as they comparedIraq's current circumstances with Iraqunder Saddam.

in Jordan, long a bastion of supportfor Saddam, many are lionizing himand decrying the timing of the execu-tion and the taunts as part of a Sunni-Shiite conflict.

"Was it a coincidence that Israel, Iran

and the United States ali welcomed Sad¬dam's execution?" Hamadeh Faraneh, anewspaper columnist, wrote in the dailyAl Rai. "Was it also a coincidence whenSaddam said bravely in front of his tor-mentors, 'Long live the nation,' and thatPalestine is Arab, then uttered the decla-ration of faith? His last vrords expresshis depths and what he died for."

Even the pro-Saudi media, normallycritical of Saddam, chimed in.

in the pan-Arab daily Al Hayat, BilalKhubbaiz, commenting on Iranian andIsraeli praise of Saddam's execution,noted, "Saddam, as Iraq's ruler, was anIron Curtain that prevented the Iranianinfluence from reaching into the Arabvrorld" as well as "a formidable party inthe Arab-Israeli conflict." And ZuhayrQusaybati, also vvriting in Al Hayat,noted that Prime Minister Nuri Kamalal-Maliki or Iraq "gave Saddam what hemost wanted; he turned him into a mar¬tyr in the eyes of many Iraqis, who cannow demand revenge."

Wprkers putting up a banner and poster in Tunis on Friday before a gathering to pay honıagc to Saddam Hussein. The bannerıeads, "Saddam the martyr, we will always follöw yoür principles," and the poster includes an excerpt of the îast poem he wrote.

11

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

The transformation of Saddamoo

t*

&

c3

as

By Hassan M. Fattah

BEİRUT: in the week since SaddamHussein was hanged in an executionsteeped in sectarian overtones, hispublic image in the Arab vrorld,formerly that of a convicted dictator,has undergone a resurgence of admira-tion and awe.

On the streets, in nevvspapers andöver the Internet, Saddam has re-emerged as a Sünni Arab hero whostood calm and composed as his Shiiteexecutioners tormented and abusedhim.

"No one will ever forget the way inwhich Saddam was executed," re-marked President Hosni Mubarak ofEgypt in an interview with the Israelinevvspaper Yediot Aharonot and re-published by the official Egyptian newsagency. "They turned him into a mar-tyr."

in Libya, a government official de-clared that Libya vrould erect a statueof Saddam near the site of a monumentto Omar al Mukhtar, a Libyan nationalsymbol who resisted the Italian inva-sion of Libya and was hanged by theItalians in 1931.

Here in Beirut, hundreds of mem¬bers of Lebanon's Baath party and Pal-estinian activists marched Friday be-hind a symbolic coffin representingthat of Saddam, praying for' his soul.Photographs of Saddam standing up incourt, against the backdrop of theDome ofthe Rock mosque in Jerusalemwere pasted on city walls, praising"Saddam the Martyr."

Arab world declareshis image cleansed

A banner across one majör Beirutthoroughfare cursed "America and itsspies."

"Our Condolences to the Nation forthe Assassination of Saddam and Vic-tory to the Iraqi Resistance," it read.

By standing up to the United Statesand its client government in Baghdad,and dying with seeming dignity farfrom the hole where he was captured,Saddam appears to have been virtuallycleansed of his murderous past.

Just a month ago, Saddam, who ruledIraq in a brutal 27-year reign of terrorand destruction, was widely dismissedas a criminal who deserved the deathpenalty, even if his trial was seen asflawed. But shortly after his executionSaturday, when a video apparentlyfilmed with a cellphone showed Shiiteguards taunting Saddam and him re-sponding calmly but firmly to them,many across the region began lookingat him as a martyr.

"The Arab vrorld has been devoid ofpride for a long time," said Ahmad Mazinal-Shugairi, hoşt of a television show onthe Middle East Broadcasting Center,which promotes a moderate version ofislam in Saudi Arabia. "The way Saddamacted in court and just before he was ex-ecuted, with dignity and no fear, struck achord with Arabs who are desperate fortheir own leaders to have pride, too."

Ayman Safadi, editör in chief of theindependent Jordanian daily Al Ghad,said: "The final scene for many was ofSaddam taken out of a hole. That has alichanged now."

At the heart of the surprising reversalof opinİon is the contrast betvroen theofficial video aired on Iraqi TV last Sat¬urday, of Saddam taken to the gallowsand fitted with a noose round his neck,and the grainy, shaky recording ofShiite militiamen taunting the deposedleader with his hands tied, telling Sad¬dam to go to hell, praising the militantShiite cleric Moktada al-Sadr and open-ing the trapdoor before Saddam hadcompleted his prayer.

Far from a solemn proceeding by adispassionate state, Saddam's executionhas been framed as an act of sectarianvengeance shrouded in political theaterand overseen by an American occupa-tion that has resulted in little more thanhumiliation and tragedy for Iraqis.

"If Saddam had media planners hecould not have planned it better thanthis," said Daoud Kuttab, an Arab media

critic and director of the online radiostation Ammannet.net. "Nobody couldever have imagined that Saddam vrouldhave göne down with such dignity."

in the days since, writers and com-mentators have stopped short of eulo-gizing the dictator but looked right pasthis bloody history as they comparedIraq's current circumstances with Iraqunder Saddam.

in Jordan, long a bastion of supportfor Saddam, many are lionizing himand decrying the timing of the execu-tion and the taunts as part of a Sunni-Shiite conflict.

"Was it a coincidence that Israel, Iran

and the United States ali welcomed Sad¬dam's execution?" Hamadeh Faraneh, anewspaper columnist, wrote in the dailyAl Rai. "Was it also a coincidence whenSaddam said bravely in front of his tor-mentors, 'Long live the nation,' and thatPalestine is Arab, then uttered the decla-ration of faith? His last vrords expresshis depths and what he died for."

Even the pro-Saudi media, normallycritical of Saddam, chimed in.

in the pan-Arab daily Al Hayat, BilalKhubbaiz, commenting on Iranian andIsraeli praise of Saddam's execution,noted, "Saddam, as Iraq's ruler, was anIron Curtain that prevented the Iranianinfluence from reaching into the Arabvrorld" as well as "a formidable party inthe Arab-Israeli conflict." And ZuhayrQusaybati, also vvriting in Al Hayat,noted that Prime Minister Nuri Kamalal-Maliki or Iraq "gave Saddam what hemost wanted; he turned him into a mar¬tyr in the eyes of many Iraqis, who cannow demand revenge."

Wprkers putting up a banner and poster in Tunis on Friday before a gathering to pay honıagc to Saddam Hussein. The bannerıeads, "Saddam the martyr, we will always follöw yoür principles," and the poster includes an excerpt of the îast poem he wrote.

11

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Iraq defends Saddam executionOo

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'Not an insult,'Maliki aide says;guard at gallowsheld över video

S By James Glanz

BAGHDAD: The Iraqi prime minis-ter's office on Wednesday gave its firstpublic defense of the way the govern¬ment carried out the execution of Sad¬dam Hussein, and said that Iraqi au-thorities had arrested a guard they be-lieve recorded the moment in amacabre and unauthorized video thathas generated a wave of revulsionaround the vrorld.

Iraqi officials sought to challenğethe impression created by the videothat Saddam, for ali his brutal crimes,had behaved with far more dignity inhis final minutes than his seeminglythuggish executioners.

The Iraqis also defended their de-cision to resist American pressure todelay the hanging until after a Müslimholiday, when remaining legal issuescould be resolved.

"The execution operation has beenmischaracterized for political pur-poses," said Sadiq al-Rikabi, an adviserto Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Ma-liki who was present at the execution ofSaddam. "What has happened is not aninsult or degradation."

But even as Maliki's governmenttried to defend its aetions, the U.S. mil¬itary, which had held Saddam in cus-tody until transferring him to the Iraqiauthorities only minutes before he washanged, sought to distance itself fromany responsibility for the scenes re-vealed in the video.

"You know, if you're asking me,'Would we have done things differ-ently?' yes, we vrould have," Majör Gen¬eral William Cakhvell, an Americanmilitary spokesman in Baghdad, said ata press brieliüg on Wednesday.

"But that's not our decision," Cald-well said. "That's an Iraqi governmentdecision."

Caldwell said that the U.S. troopsguarding Saddam had no choice but toturn him över to Iraqi officials, sinceIraq had "legal custody" of the formerdictator.

"We've only had physical custody ofhim, and so ali we did is return physicalcustody of him back to the Iraqis,who've ahvays had the legal custody ofhim," Caldwell said. "It's their system.They make those decisions."

He also described a very differentscene at Saddam's departure from thatat the American-run prison where hehad been held. Caldwell said that Sad-

ucııy ımagci-Hrr

An image taken from unauthorized video footage shot by a guard using a cellphoneand showing Saddam apparently speaking to those present at his execution Saturday.

dam had been "dignified, as ahvays,"and had thanked his American militaryguards for the way he had been treated.

The arrest of one ofthe guards, prob-ably one of the men seen in the videowearing leather jackets and ski masks,also generated skepticism, with someofficials suggesting that Iraq was seek-ing a low-level scapegoat to blame forthe almost Gothic display of intimida-tion and death that the images depict.

Rikabi refused to name or othervvisecharâcterize the guard who had beenarrested other than to say that he wasbeing held in Baghdad after an investi¬gation had determined that he had shotthe video with a cellphone camera.

"it is clear that it was only one persondoing that filming, and he has been ar¬rested," Rikabi said.

But Munkith al-Faroun, who was theprosecutor at Saddam's trial andpresent at the execution, has said thattvro of the 14 Iraqi officials and courtrepresentatives flown in by Americanhelicopters to vvitness the event wereopenly filming it with cellphones.

When asked about Faroun's state-ments, Rikabi said, "I do not have thisinformation."

The White House sought to distancePresident George W. Bush from thegrowing uproar över the execution.

"The president is focused on the newway forvvard in Iraq, so these issues arebest addressed out of Iraq, out of Bagh¬dad," Scott Stanzel, the deputy WhiteHouse press secretary, said Wednesday.

Stanzel declined to discuss what role,if any, the White House had had in the

discussions leading up to the execution,but he said the administration had beenkept informed of developments before-hand.

Stanzel said the president had notseen the video of Saddam on the gal-lows. Bush declined to respond when hewas ' asked» after a Cabinet meetingWednesday morning, whether hethought the execution had been"handled appropriately."

Maliki has made no public commentabout the hanging.

On Tuesday, his top aides announcedan investigation into the events, sayingthat a three-man Interior Ministry com¬mittee vrould look into the conduet ofthe execution.

Also on Tuesday, as the reaction tothe unofficial video reached newheights in Iraq, American officials saidthat they had vrorked until the lasthours of Saddam's life to persuade Ma¬liki to delay the execution.

[Preparations are under way to ex-ecute tvro of Saddam's co-defendants inthe next few days, but the details stilimust be vrorked out with the U.S. mili¬tary, Iraqi media and a government offi¬cial said Wednesday, according to TheAssociated Press in Baghdad.

[Saddam's half-brother Barzanibrahim al-Tikriti, a former intelligencechief, and Awad al-Bandar, the formerchief justice of the RevolutionaryCourt, were originally seheduled to diewith Saddam.

[But their execution was delayed un¬til after Islam's id al-Adha holiday,which ends Wednesday for I*aq's ma-

12

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Iraq defends Saddam executionOo

^~

a3ces

&

S2

'Not an insult,'Maliki aide says;guard at gallowsheld över video

S By James Glanz

BAGHDAD: The Iraqi prime minis-ter's office on Wednesday gave its firstpublic defense of the way the govern¬ment carried out the execution of Sad¬dam Hussein, and said that Iraqi au-thorities had arrested a guard they be-lieve recorded the moment in amacabre and unauthorized video thathas generated a wave of revulsionaround the vrorld.

Iraqi officials sought to challenğethe impression created by the videothat Saddam, for ali his brutal crimes,had behaved with far more dignity inhis final minutes than his seeminglythuggish executioners.

The Iraqis also defended their de-cision to resist American pressure todelay the hanging until after a Müslimholiday, when remaining legal issuescould be resolved.

"The execution operation has beenmischaracterized for political pur-poses," said Sadiq al-Rikabi, an adviserto Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Ma-liki who was present at the execution ofSaddam. "What has happened is not aninsult or degradation."

But even as Maliki's governmenttried to defend its aetions, the U.S. mil¬itary, which had held Saddam in cus-tody until transferring him to the Iraqiauthorities only minutes before he washanged, sought to distance itself fromany responsibility for the scenes re-vealed in the video.

"You know, if you're asking me,'Would we have done things differ-ently?' yes, we vrould have," Majör Gen¬eral William Cakhvell, an Americanmilitary spokesman in Baghdad, said ata press brieliüg on Wednesday.

"But that's not our decision," Cald-well said. "That's an Iraqi governmentdecision."

Caldwell said that the U.S. troopsguarding Saddam had no choice but toturn him över to Iraqi officials, sinceIraq had "legal custody" of the formerdictator.

"We've only had physical custody ofhim, and so ali we did is return physicalcustody of him back to the Iraqis,who've ahvays had the legal custody ofhim," Caldwell said. "It's their system.They make those decisions."

He also described a very differentscene at Saddam's departure from thatat the American-run prison where hehad been held. Caldwell said that Sad-

ucııy ımagci-Hrr

An image taken from unauthorized video footage shot by a guard using a cellphoneand showing Saddam apparently speaking to those present at his execution Saturday.

dam had been "dignified, as ahvays,"and had thanked his American militaryguards for the way he had been treated.

The arrest of one ofthe guards, prob-ably one of the men seen in the videowearing leather jackets and ski masks,also generated skepticism, with someofficials suggesting that Iraq was seek-ing a low-level scapegoat to blame forthe almost Gothic display of intimida-tion and death that the images depict.

Rikabi refused to name or othervvisecharâcterize the guard who had beenarrested other than to say that he wasbeing held in Baghdad after an investi¬gation had determined that he had shotthe video with a cellphone camera.

"it is clear that it was only one persondoing that filming, and he has been ar¬rested," Rikabi said.

But Munkith al-Faroun, who was theprosecutor at Saddam's trial andpresent at the execution, has said thattvro of the 14 Iraqi officials and courtrepresentatives flown in by Americanhelicopters to vvitness the event wereopenly filming it with cellphones.

When asked about Faroun's state-ments, Rikabi said, "I do not have thisinformation."

The White House sought to distancePresident George W. Bush from thegrowing uproar över the execution.

"The president is focused on the newway forvvard in Iraq, so these issues arebest addressed out of Iraq, out of Bagh¬dad," Scott Stanzel, the deputy WhiteHouse press secretary, said Wednesday.

Stanzel declined to discuss what role,if any, the White House had had in the

discussions leading up to the execution,but he said the administration had beenkept informed of developments before-hand.

Stanzel said the president had notseen the video of Saddam on the gal-lows. Bush declined to respond when hewas ' asked» after a Cabinet meetingWednesday morning, whether hethought the execution had been"handled appropriately."

Maliki has made no public commentabout the hanging.

On Tuesday, his top aides announcedan investigation into the events, sayingthat a three-man Interior Ministry com¬mittee vrould look into the conduet ofthe execution.

Also on Tuesday, as the reaction tothe unofficial video reached newheights in Iraq, American officials saidthat they had vrorked until the lasthours of Saddam's life to persuade Ma¬liki to delay the execution.

[Preparations are under way to ex-ecute tvro of Saddam's co-defendants inthe next few days, but the details stilimust be vrorked out with the U.S. mili¬tary, Iraqi media and a government offi¬cial said Wednesday, according to TheAssociated Press in Baghdad.

[Saddam's half-brother Barzanibrahim al-Tikriti, a former intelligencechief, and Awad al-Bandar, the formerchief justice of the RevolutionaryCourt, were originally seheduled to diewith Saddam.

[But their execution was delayed un¬til after Islam's id al-Adha holiday,which ends Wednesday for I*aq's ma-

12

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

jority Shiites, markinğ the end of theannual pilgrimage to Mecca. ]

A senior American official earliersaid that Maliki had never fully ex-plained his urgency in carrying out thedeath sentence, which was upheld last

Tuesday in an appeals court ruling thatset off a 30-day countdowh for execu-tions to be carried out after a final ap-peal had been turned down.

But the prime minister gave one ex-planation that appeared to weigh heav-

ily on his mind, the American said, andthat was his fear that Saddam might bethe subject of ân insurgent attempt tofree him if the procedural wranglingöver the execution were protracted.

üeHfonîleDimanche 7 - Lundi 8 janvier 2007

George Bush designe l'ecpıipe chargeede la « nouvelle strategie » en IrakA quelques jours d'un discoursattendu sur l'Irak, le presidentamericain a procede â un vasteremaniement des directionsdu renseignement,de la diplomatie et de l'armeeNEVVYORK

CORRESPONDANTAvant l'annonce tres attendue, mer-

credi 10 janvier, de sa « nouvellestrategie de victoire en Irak », le pre¬

sident americain George Bush a procedeâ une serie de nominations des hommesqui la conduiront. Lors d'une courte cere-monie, vendredi 5 janvier, a la MaisonBlanche, il a annonce que John Negropon-te etait nomme au poste de numero deuxdu departement d'Etat. Son remplaçant âla tete des services de renseignement serale vice-amiral â la retraite Michael McCon-nell qui a diriğe dans les annees 1990 laNational Security Agency (NSA), l'agenceamericaine chargee des ecoutes.

Le president a salue « lagrande experien-ce, lejugement sûr et l'expertise sur l'Irak deJohn Negroponte qui en font un superbechobc comme secretaire d'Etat adjoint » . Unpeu plus tard dans la journee, le Pentago-

ne a confirme le changement des deuxprincipaux generaux qui dirigent les trou-pes en Irak.

L'amiral Wiıham Fallon, 62 ans, quicommande les forces americaines du Paci-fique, va succeder au general John Abi-zaid, commandant du Commandementcentral (Centcom) qui a notamment soussa responsabilite l'Irak et PAfghanistan.L'amiral Fallon est le premier officier demarine â occuper cette fonction. Cela refle-te notamment la volonte de Washingtonde contrer Pinfluence grandissante del'Iran en mettant l'accent sur la puissancenavale et aerienne.

Manuel antiguerillaPar ailleurs, le commandant sur le ter-

rain des troupes americaines en Irak, legeneral George Casey, en desaccord avecla nouvelle strategie de renforcement deseffectifs, est remplace par le generalDavid Petraeus, 54 ans, et revient au depar¬tement de la defense en tant que chefd'etat-major de l'armee de terre.

Autant le depart du general Abizaidetait anticipe, autant le remplacement dugeneral Casey plusieurs mois avant la dateprevue est clairement un choix pohtique.Son successeur, David Petraeus, diriğe leCentre de l'armee de terre â Fort Lea-

Pour les democrates, « il est temps que la guerre se termine »

Les democrates Nancy Pelosi, presiden-te de la Chambre des representants, etHarry Reid, chef de la majorite au Senat,ont mis en garde le president GeorgeBush contre un enlisement en Irak.'« Apres pres de quatre ans de combat,des milliers de victimes americaines etplus de 300 milliards de dollars, il esttemps que la guerre se termine », ont-ilsecrit dans une lettre rendue publique ven¬dredi 5 janvier. « Le peuple americain asignifie lors des elections de novembre

[2006] qu'ilne croitpas que votre politi-que actuelle en Irak conduira au succeset que nous avons besoin d'un change¬ment de direction pour le bien de nos trou¬pes », ajoutent ces responsables. « Aug-menter le nombre de soldats est une stra¬tegie que vous avez dejâ tentee et qui adejâ âchoue (...), augmenter le nombre detroupes de combat va seulement mettreen perilplus d'Americains et demanderun effort supplementaire â nötre armee(...) şans gain strategique. » - (AFP.)

venvrorth au Kansas. II a supervise l'entraî-nement des forces iralaennes et a comman¬de en Irak la 101" division aeroportee.

II est surtout le co-auteur du nouveaumanuel de 241 pages definissant la doctri-ne de l'armee americaine pour combattreune insurrection. David Petraeus a la repu-tation d'etre l'un des generaux les plus habi-les de l'armee, capable de mener des opera¬tions de combat et dans le meme temps defaire beaucoup d'efforts pour ameiiorer lesconditions de vie de la population çivile. Ladoctrine qu'il preconise consiste a « inte-grer les operations civiles et militaires ».

Pour lui, lutter contre une insurrectionimplique â la fois de reconstruire une socie-te, proteger la population, renforcer la legi-timite du gouvemement, entraîner l'ar¬mee nationale et combattre la guerilla.« Les insurges gagnent en repandant le cha-os et le desordre. Le gouvemementechoue s'iln'est pas capable de maintenir l'ordrepar-tout. Perdre la legitimite morale revientâper-dre la guerre ».

II souligne dans son manuel qu'« uneoperation qui tue cinq insurges estcontre-pro-ductive si les dommages coUateraux condui-sent au recrutement de cinquante autres ».Et d'ajouter : « Essayez de ne pas vous lais-ser entraînerdans une serie de reactionspourtuer et capturer les insurges. Une defectionest mieux qu'une reddition, une redditionmieux qu'une capture et une capture mieuxqu'un meurtre. »

Le personnel diplomatique est aussiconceme par la valse des nominations.L'ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en Irak, Zal-may Khalilzad, devrait succeder âJohn Bol-ton comme ambassadeur â l'ONU. Ne enAfghanistan, ce musulman sunnite de55 ans est en poste â Bagdad depuisjuin 2005. Son remplaçant devrait etre leveteran Ryan Crocker, aujourd'hui ambas¬sadeur au Pakistan et qui a commence sacarriere en Irak dans les annees 1970.

Eric Leser

13

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

jority Shiites, markinğ the end of theannual pilgrimage to Mecca. ]

A senior American official earliersaid that Maliki had never fully ex-plained his urgency in carrying out thedeath sentence, which was upheld last

Tuesday in an appeals court ruling thatset off a 30-day countdowh for execu-tions to be carried out after a final ap-peal had been turned down.

But the prime minister gave one ex-planation that appeared to weigh heav-

ily on his mind, the American said, andthat was his fear that Saddam might bethe subject of ân insurgent attempt tofree him if the procedural wranglingöver the execution were protracted.

üeHfonîleDimanche 7 - Lundi 8 janvier 2007

George Bush designe l'ecpıipe chargeede la « nouvelle strategie » en IrakA quelques jours d'un discoursattendu sur l'Irak, le presidentamericain a procede â un vasteremaniement des directionsdu renseignement,de la diplomatie et de l'armeeNEVVYORK

CORRESPONDANTAvant l'annonce tres attendue, mer-

credi 10 janvier, de sa « nouvellestrategie de victoire en Irak », le pre¬

sident americain George Bush a procedeâ une serie de nominations des hommesqui la conduiront. Lors d'une courte cere-monie, vendredi 5 janvier, a la MaisonBlanche, il a annonce que John Negropon-te etait nomme au poste de numero deuxdu departement d'Etat. Son remplaçant âla tete des services de renseignement serale vice-amiral â la retraite Michael McCon-nell qui a diriğe dans les annees 1990 laNational Security Agency (NSA), l'agenceamericaine chargee des ecoutes.

Le president a salue « lagrande experien-ce, lejugement sûr et l'expertise sur l'Irak deJohn Negroponte qui en font un superbechobc comme secretaire d'Etat adjoint » . Unpeu plus tard dans la journee, le Pentago-

ne a confirme le changement des deuxprincipaux generaux qui dirigent les trou-pes en Irak.

L'amiral Wiıham Fallon, 62 ans, quicommande les forces americaines du Paci-fique, va succeder au general John Abi-zaid, commandant du Commandementcentral (Centcom) qui a notamment soussa responsabilite l'Irak et PAfghanistan.L'amiral Fallon est le premier officier demarine â occuper cette fonction. Cela refle-te notamment la volonte de Washingtonde contrer Pinfluence grandissante del'Iran en mettant l'accent sur la puissancenavale et aerienne.

Manuel antiguerillaPar ailleurs, le commandant sur le ter-

rain des troupes americaines en Irak, legeneral George Casey, en desaccord avecla nouvelle strategie de renforcement deseffectifs, est remplace par le generalDavid Petraeus, 54 ans, et revient au depar¬tement de la defense en tant que chefd'etat-major de l'armee de terre.

Autant le depart du general Abizaidetait anticipe, autant le remplacement dugeneral Casey plusieurs mois avant la dateprevue est clairement un choix pohtique.Son successeur, David Petraeus, diriğe leCentre de l'armee de terre â Fort Lea-

Pour les democrates, « il est temps que la guerre se termine »

Les democrates Nancy Pelosi, presiden-te de la Chambre des representants, etHarry Reid, chef de la majorite au Senat,ont mis en garde le president GeorgeBush contre un enlisement en Irak.'« Apres pres de quatre ans de combat,des milliers de victimes americaines etplus de 300 milliards de dollars, il esttemps que la guerre se termine », ont-ilsecrit dans une lettre rendue publique ven¬dredi 5 janvier. « Le peuple americain asignifie lors des elections de novembre

[2006] qu'ilne croitpas que votre politi-que actuelle en Irak conduira au succeset que nous avons besoin d'un change¬ment de direction pour le bien de nos trou¬pes », ajoutent ces responsables. « Aug-menter le nombre de soldats est une stra¬tegie que vous avez dejâ tentee et qui adejâ âchoue (...), augmenter le nombre detroupes de combat va seulement mettreen perilplus d'Americains et demanderun effort supplementaire â nötre armee(...) şans gain strategique. » - (AFP.)

venvrorth au Kansas. II a supervise l'entraî-nement des forces iralaennes et a comman¬de en Irak la 101" division aeroportee.

II est surtout le co-auteur du nouveaumanuel de 241 pages definissant la doctri-ne de l'armee americaine pour combattreune insurrection. David Petraeus a la repu-tation d'etre l'un des generaux les plus habi-les de l'armee, capable de mener des opera¬tions de combat et dans le meme temps defaire beaucoup d'efforts pour ameiiorer lesconditions de vie de la population çivile. Ladoctrine qu'il preconise consiste a « inte-grer les operations civiles et militaires ».

Pour lui, lutter contre une insurrectionimplique â la fois de reconstruire une socie-te, proteger la population, renforcer la legi-timite du gouvemement, entraîner l'ar¬mee nationale et combattre la guerilla.« Les insurges gagnent en repandant le cha-os et le desordre. Le gouvemementechoue s'iln'est pas capable de maintenir l'ordrepar-tout. Perdre la legitimite morale revientâper-dre la guerre ».

II souligne dans son manuel qu'« uneoperation qui tue cinq insurges estcontre-pro-ductive si les dommages coUateraux condui-sent au recrutement de cinquante autres ».Et d'ajouter : « Essayez de ne pas vous lais-ser entraînerdans une serie de reactionspourtuer et capturer les insurges. Une defectionest mieux qu'une reddition, une redditionmieux qu'une capture et une capture mieuxqu'un meurtre. »

Le personnel diplomatique est aussiconceme par la valse des nominations.L'ambassadeur des Etats-Unis en Irak, Zal-may Khalilzad, devrait succeder âJohn Bol-ton comme ambassadeur â l'ONU. Ne enAfghanistan, ce musulman sunnite de55 ans est en poste â Bagdad depuisjuin 2005. Son remplaçant devrait etre leveteran Ryan Crocker, aujourd'hui ambas¬sadeur au Pakistan et qui a commence sacarriere en Irak dans les annees 1970.

Eric Leser

13

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

SADDAMPORTRAITSD'UNE VİE DE FEUET DE SANG

La mise â mort de SaddamHussein, le 30 decembre 2006,

prive l'Irak de l'examen descrimes les plus graves qu'ilavait perpetres tout au longde son regne - et des memeson ascension au pouvoir.Parcours photographique ârebours, des derniers instantsde sa vie â sa jeunesse.ALAIN FRACHON

6 janvier 2007

L'EXECUTION. Sequence de la television nationale irakienne lraqiya montrant l'execution par pendaison de Saddam Husseinâ Bagdad, le 30 decembre 2006. Alors meme que debute l'A'ı'd al-Adha, la fete la plus sacree du calendrier musulman.AL IRAQIYATV/AFP. AL IRAQIYA TV/ REUTERS

C'est comme s'ils avaient vouluajouter encore un peu de violence,televisee celle-lâ, â celle que

connaissent les İrakiens depuis quaranteans; un peu comme si l'on avait voulu resterdans l'univers de celui que l'on pend cesamedi 30 decembre â l'aube, dans unecaserne des renseignements militaires, dansle quartier chiite d'AI-Qadimiya, au nord deBagdad - un univers de brutaliti absolue. Etla violence fut au rendez-vous de cette miseâ mort scenarisee.

A peine diffusĞes sur cassettes et autresgadgets de Tere electronique, les images dela pendaison de Saddam Hussein exacerbentle conflit qui ravage l'Irak depuis la chutedu tyran le 9 avril 2003 et son arrestationle 13 dĞcembre de la meme annee: sunnitesd'un cöte, contre chiites et Kurdes de l'autre.Des qu'il s'empare du pouvoir (vice-presidenten 1969, president en 1979), Saddam gou-verne avec les siens : les sunnites (un cin-quieme d'une population de quelque 26 mil¬

lions d'habitants) et, dans une moindremesure, les chretiens. II martyrise les deuxautres grandes communautĞs du pays : leschiites (la majorit£) et les Kurdes. Ceux-lâhurlent leur joie â la scene saisie sur unportable equipe d'une camera : epaisse cordeau cou, bien ajustâe par l'un des bourreauxmasqu6s, le dictateur avance sur la trappe,visage d£couvert, calme; la trappe s'ouvredans un grand vacarme mĞtalligue. Saddam

tombe dans le vide; gros plan sur la tete dusupplicie, pendu â bout de corde, du sang surune joue, cou brise, yeux grands ouverts.

Les sunnites voient dans la video de lamise â mort la confirmation d'un «complot»ourdi contre eux. L'annonce de l'executionde Saddam Hussein est suivie d'une seried'attentats perpetres par des sunnites dansles quartiers chiites : quelque cent personnesvont payer de leur vie celle que l'on vient deprendre â leur heros. II va falloir les venger,bien sûr; les milices chiites s'en chargeront,auxquelles repliqueront les sunnites, ete.Meme mort et enterre, le 31 decembre dansson village natal d'AI-Ojah, â 1 80 km au nordde Bagdad, Saddam seme la terreur.

II en avait fait l'arme d'un pouvoir exercepar la torture, les disparitions, les exĞcutionssommaires, les deplacements de popula-tions, enfin le erime de masse. II fut şansdoute l'un des tyrans les plus sanguinairesde l'histoire de la seconde moitie duxxe siecle. Ne~ le 28 avril 1 937, dans une tribusunnite, il adhere des l'adolescence au partiBaas elandestin, une formation socialiste,lai'que, prönant le nationalisme irakien etarabe. Au pouvoir depuis la fin desannees 1960, Saddam Hussein profite duboom petrolier de 1973 pour moderniserl'Irak, le rapprocher de l'URSS şans en faireun satellite, sĞduire nombre de pays occi-dentaux aussi, â commencer par la France,et meme les Etats-Unis dans les annĞes 1 980.

Mais son regne est d'abord marquĞpar la guerre: de 1974 â 1975 contre lesKurdes d'lrak en quete d'autonomie sinond'independance; contre l'Iran de l'ayatollahKhomeiny de 1980 â 1988, campagne quicoûte la vie â quelque 300000 İrakiens etruine le pays; contre ses Kurdes encore,avec l'operation dite «Al-Anfal» oü l'armechimique est employee et qui se solde par la

mort de 180000 personnes, au bas mot;contre le Kovvei't, envahi en août 1990 pours'emparer du petrole de Pemirat et «payer»sa guerre d'lran...

Jusqu'â l'invasion du Kovvei't, en 1990,

aucune des entreprises sanglantes deSaddam Hussein, m£me celles qui releventdu erime contre 1'humanitĞ, ne suscitel'opprobre des Occidentaux. ChassĞ duKovvei't par une coalition militaire menĞepar les Etats-Unis, Saddam ne s'en remettrapas. II martyrise encore les Kurdes et leschiites, massacrĞs dans le sud du pays,mais l'Irak est sous souverainetĞ limitee,sous tutelle onusienne et embargo inter-national. C'est un pays exsangue que lesEtats-Unis vont d^stabiliser un peu plusen l'envahissant dĞbut 2003, au nom d'undouble mensonge: un prĞtendu arsenald'armes de destruction massive et de sup-poses liens avec les islamistes d'AI-Qaida.Le reste de l'histoire est connu et tient en unmot : la violence, toujours la violence, avecou şans Saddam Hussein.

14

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

SADDAMPORTRAITSD'UNE VİE DE FEUET DE SANG

La mise â mort de SaddamHussein, le 30 decembre 2006,

prive l'Irak de l'examen descrimes les plus graves qu'ilavait perpetres tout au longde son regne - et des memeson ascension au pouvoir.Parcours photographique ârebours, des derniers instantsde sa vie â sa jeunesse.ALAIN FRACHON

6 janvier 2007

L'EXECUTION. Sequence de la television nationale irakienne lraqiya montrant l'execution par pendaison de Saddam Husseinâ Bagdad, le 30 decembre 2006. Alors meme que debute l'A'ı'd al-Adha, la fete la plus sacree du calendrier musulman.AL IRAQIYATV/AFP. AL IRAQIYA TV/ REUTERS

C'est comme s'ils avaient vouluajouter encore un peu de violence,televisee celle-lâ, â celle que

connaissent les İrakiens depuis quaranteans; un peu comme si l'on avait voulu resterdans l'univers de celui que l'on pend cesamedi 30 decembre â l'aube, dans unecaserne des renseignements militaires, dansle quartier chiite d'AI-Qadimiya, au nord deBagdad - un univers de brutaliti absolue. Etla violence fut au rendez-vous de cette miseâ mort scenarisee.

A peine diffusĞes sur cassettes et autresgadgets de Tere electronique, les images dela pendaison de Saddam Hussein exacerbentle conflit qui ravage l'Irak depuis la chutedu tyran le 9 avril 2003 et son arrestationle 13 dĞcembre de la meme annee: sunnitesd'un cöte, contre chiites et Kurdes de l'autre.Des qu'il s'empare du pouvoir (vice-presidenten 1969, president en 1979), Saddam gou-verne avec les siens : les sunnites (un cin-quieme d'une population de quelque 26 mil¬

lions d'habitants) et, dans une moindremesure, les chretiens. II martyrise les deuxautres grandes communautĞs du pays : leschiites (la majorit£) et les Kurdes. Ceux-lâhurlent leur joie â la scene saisie sur unportable equipe d'une camera : epaisse cordeau cou, bien ajustâe par l'un des bourreauxmasqu6s, le dictateur avance sur la trappe,visage d£couvert, calme; la trappe s'ouvredans un grand vacarme mĞtalligue. Saddam

tombe dans le vide; gros plan sur la tete dusupplicie, pendu â bout de corde, du sang surune joue, cou brise, yeux grands ouverts.

Les sunnites voient dans la video de lamise â mort la confirmation d'un «complot»ourdi contre eux. L'annonce de l'executionde Saddam Hussein est suivie d'une seried'attentats perpetres par des sunnites dansles quartiers chiites : quelque cent personnesvont payer de leur vie celle que l'on vient deprendre â leur heros. II va falloir les venger,bien sûr; les milices chiites s'en chargeront,auxquelles repliqueront les sunnites, ete.Meme mort et enterre, le 31 decembre dansson village natal d'AI-Ojah, â 1 80 km au nordde Bagdad, Saddam seme la terreur.

II en avait fait l'arme d'un pouvoir exercepar la torture, les disparitions, les exĞcutionssommaires, les deplacements de popula-tions, enfin le erime de masse. II fut şansdoute l'un des tyrans les plus sanguinairesde l'histoire de la seconde moitie duxxe siecle. Ne~ le 28 avril 1 937, dans une tribusunnite, il adhere des l'adolescence au partiBaas elandestin, une formation socialiste,lai'que, prönant le nationalisme irakien etarabe. Au pouvoir depuis la fin desannees 1960, Saddam Hussein profite duboom petrolier de 1973 pour moderniserl'Irak, le rapprocher de l'URSS şans en faireun satellite, sĞduire nombre de pays occi-dentaux aussi, â commencer par la France,et meme les Etats-Unis dans les annĞes 1 980.

Mais son regne est d'abord marquĞpar la guerre: de 1974 â 1975 contre lesKurdes d'lrak en quete d'autonomie sinond'independance; contre l'Iran de l'ayatollahKhomeiny de 1980 â 1988, campagne quicoûte la vie â quelque 300000 İrakiens etruine le pays; contre ses Kurdes encore,avec l'operation dite «Al-Anfal» oü l'armechimique est employee et qui se solde par la

mort de 180000 personnes, au bas mot;contre le Kovvei't, envahi en août 1990 pours'emparer du petrole de Pemirat et «payer»sa guerre d'lran...

Jusqu'â l'invasion du Kovvei't, en 1990,

aucune des entreprises sanglantes deSaddam Hussein, m£me celles qui releventdu erime contre 1'humanitĞ, ne suscitel'opprobre des Occidentaux. ChassĞ duKovvei't par une coalition militaire menĞepar les Etats-Unis, Saddam ne s'en remettrapas. II martyrise encore les Kurdes et leschiites, massacrĞs dans le sud du pays,mais l'Irak est sous souverainetĞ limitee,sous tutelle onusienne et embargo inter-national. C'est un pays exsangue que lesEtats-Unis vont d^stabiliser un peu plusen l'envahissant dĞbut 2003, au nom d'undouble mensonge: un prĞtendu arsenald'armes de destruction massive et de sup-poses liens avec les islamistes d'AI-Qaida.Le reste de l'histoire est connu et tient en unmot : la violence, toujours la violence, avecou şans Saddam Hussein.

14

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

IRAK-du

o

CM

ec.

Les massacres des Kurdesjuges şans Saddam Hussein

L'audience consacree aux massacres de 182 000 Kurdes s'est ouverte şans la presenceprincipal accuse qui, ainsi, ne temoignera pas du röle de ses complices occidentaux.

C'est şans le principal dam Hussein a ete execute.accuse, Saddam Hus- Faisant fi des prptestationssein, que s'est ou- emises tant par des' ONG,verte hier la 34e au- dont Human Right Watch,

accuse, Saddam Hus-ı sein, que s'est ou¬verte hier la 34e au-

dience du proces sur l'opera-tıon «Anfal» (1987-1 988) quiaurait provoque la mort de182 000 civils kurdes. Lors desa premiere comparution, le21 août 2006, l'ancien chefd'Etat irakien a refuse deplaider « coupable ou noncoupable », comme le luiavait demande le president dutribunal, et çe, avant de deci-der de boycotter les audiencessuivantes. « Quand j'ai tentede faire eclater la verite, vousne m'avez pas donne lachance de le faire, je ne peuxplus le sup.porter », ecrivaitSaddam Hussein â l'intentiondu juge Mohammed OreibiAl Khalifa du Haut Tribunalpenal irakien au tout debutdu mois de decembre. II nesavait pas encore que la courirakienne allak confirmer sacondamnation â mortetqu'ilallait etre execute avant la findel'annee2006.

C0NTEXTE DE CETTE35*AUDIENCE

L'ouverture de cette 35eaudience intervient dans uncontexte encore marque parle tolle international provo-que par la maniere dont Sad-

que par des gouvernements,la justice irakienne â ainsi de-cidede poursuivre les procesintentes aux anciens diri-geants du regime de Saddam.Pis : Abdelaziz Hakim, diri¬geants de l'AUiance uriifieeirakienne (chiite) a adresseune lettre au premier ministreNouri Al Maliki lui deman-dânt « d'accelerer l'executiondes criminels condamnes âmort », en particulier BarzanAl Tikriti, demi-frere de Sad¬dam et Awad Al Bandar, quidevaient etre pendus enmeme temps que l'ex-dicta-teur irakien et dont l'execu-tiona ete âjourhee a une dateulterieure. Et « â continuer âappliquer la justice contre lesfuturs condamnes ».

Hier, en l'absence de Sad¬dam, seuls done. Ali HassanAl Madjid, dit Ali le Chi-mique, qui avait organise etcommande l'operation « An¬fal », et cinq autres dirigeantsdu regime baasiste, etaientpresents dans le box des ac-cuses pour repondre des mas¬sacres perpetres contre lepeuple kürde. Assis, derriereune chaise vide, celle que de-vait oecuper Saddam Hus

sein, ils ont ecoute şans bron-eher un enregistrement so-nore de l'ancien dictateurevoquant l'utilisation del'arme chimique contre sesadversaires kurdes. « Je pren-drai la responsabilite d'utili-ser l'arme chimique [ . . . j dansun endroit peuple pourqu'elle fasse le plus de degâtspossibles », declarait l'ancienpresident irakien avantd'ajouter qu'il fallait « chas-ser le peuple kürde versd'autres provinces et d'autrespays [...], mettre fin â la na-tionalite kürde, faire cesser lesaetes des saboteurs kurdes ».

UN DOCUMENTSIGNEPAR SADDAM HUSSEİN

L'accusation a, de plus,produit un document signepar Saddam Hussein accor-dant les pleins pouvoirs â Alile Chimique dans la « regionnord » de l'Irak (le Kurdis¬tan). Elle a egalement diffuseune video montrant Ali leChimique en uniforme de-clarant au cours d'une cere-monie militaire : « Je les at-taquerai avec des armes chi--miques. » Puis des imagesdes victimes - des femmes etdes enfants - des bombarde-

ments â l'arme chimique.« Regardez ces enfants â lapeau brûlee. Sont-ils des sa¬boteurs, les agents del'Iran », s'est ecrie le procu-reur â 1' adresse d' Ali HassanAl Madjid. Autant depreuves accablantes pour lesaccuses qui risquent la peinede mort.

Reste qu'au cours de ces35 audiences, l'accusationn'a â aucun moment pointele doigt sur la responsabilitedes pays ayant soutenu,equipe militairement et cou-vert le regime de Saddam etcelle des entreprises, comme

l'americain Beclıtei, luiayant permis de se doterd'armes sophistiquees.LTrak, alors en guerrecontre l'Iran, etait soutenupar toutes les puissances oc-cidentales, Etats-Unis etFrance en tete. Et en 1988,quand a ete revele le gazagede la population çivile deHalabja (5 000 morts), Wa¬shington s'est empresse dediscülper Bagdad pour accu-ser Teheran. Tandis que Pa¬ris, Londres etBerlin se dis-tinguaient par un silencecomplice. Aujourd'hui, pourse donner bonne conscience,il est de bon ton d'accuserleur ancien protege irakien etde lui faire endosser tous lescrimes.

Hassane Zerrouky

Ali, « le chimiste » duProche de Saddam, il estquiacoûtelavieâdesmiNe en 1941 â Tikrit, Ali Hassan

Al Madjid, cousin de SaddamHussein, figurait en cinquieme

position sur la liste des 55 dirigeantsirakiens reeherehes par les forcesd'occupation americaines apres lachute de Bagdad en avril 2003. Ar-rete le 21 août 2003, il est accused'avoir mis au point l'operation« Anfal » (1987-1988) dirigee contrel'UPK (Union patriotique du Kur¬distan) de Jalal Talabani, alors allie al'Iran en guerre contre l'Irak de Sad¬dam.

Dote des pleins pouvoirs par Sad¬dam Hussein, il a diriğe l'operation

l'un des ehefs d'orchestrelliersde Kurdes. Portrait.

« Anfal » (du nom d'un verset du Co-ran autorisant le pillage des biens desinfideles) qui a vu pres de 2 000 vil-lages kurdes bombardes par l'aviationirakienne et au cours de laquelle il aordonne le gazage de la localite de Ha-lajba, alors que les forces iranienness'en etaient retirees.

En depit de ce erime qui a provo-que la mort de 5 000 civils, les Occi-dentaux, Washington en tete, alliesalors de l'Irak, ne souhaitaient pasune condamnation de Bagdad. Cen'est qu'apres la fin de la guerrecontre l'Iran, apres que Saddam eutfait le sale boulot, que son regime fut

regimede l'operation « Anfal »

ouvertement accuse de crimes contrel'humanite.

Avant cela Ali Hassan Al Madjidavait ete promu ministre de la De-fense, avant d'etre nomme en 1991par Saddam « gouverneur de la 19cprovince », â savoir le Kovve'it occupepar l'Irak. Quelques annees plus tard,en 1999, il a fait fusiller des milliers dechiites - on evoque le chiffre de120 000 personnes passees par lesarmes dans le Sud irakien - apres lesrevoltes provoquees par l'assassinat del'ayatollah Sadek Al Sadr, pere de Mo-katada Sadr, chef de l'armee du Mahdi.

H.Z

15

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

IRAK-du

o

CM

ec.

Les massacres des Kurdesjuges şans Saddam Hussein

L'audience consacree aux massacres de 182 000 Kurdes s'est ouverte şans la presenceprincipal accuse qui, ainsi, ne temoignera pas du röle de ses complices occidentaux.

C'est şans le principal dam Hussein a ete execute.accuse, Saddam Hus- Faisant fi des prptestationssein, que s'est ou- emises tant par des' ONG,verte hier la 34e au- dont Human Right Watch,

accuse, Saddam Hus-ı sein, que s'est ou¬verte hier la 34e au-

dience du proces sur l'opera-tıon «Anfal» (1987-1 988) quiaurait provoque la mort de182 000 civils kurdes. Lors desa premiere comparution, le21 août 2006, l'ancien chefd'Etat irakien a refuse deplaider « coupable ou noncoupable », comme le luiavait demande le president dutribunal, et çe, avant de deci-der de boycotter les audiencessuivantes. « Quand j'ai tentede faire eclater la verite, vousne m'avez pas donne lachance de le faire, je ne peuxplus le sup.porter », ecrivaitSaddam Hussein â l'intentiondu juge Mohammed OreibiAl Khalifa du Haut Tribunalpenal irakien au tout debutdu mois de decembre. II nesavait pas encore que la courirakienne allak confirmer sacondamnation â mortetqu'ilallait etre execute avant la findel'annee2006.

C0NTEXTE DE CETTE35*AUDIENCE

L'ouverture de cette 35eaudience intervient dans uncontexte encore marque parle tolle international provo-que par la maniere dont Sad-

que par des gouvernements,la justice irakienne â ainsi de-cidede poursuivre les procesintentes aux anciens diri-geants du regime de Saddam.Pis : Abdelaziz Hakim, diri¬geants de l'AUiance uriifieeirakienne (chiite) a adresseune lettre au premier ministreNouri Al Maliki lui deman-dânt « d'accelerer l'executiondes criminels condamnes âmort », en particulier BarzanAl Tikriti, demi-frere de Sad¬dam et Awad Al Bandar, quidevaient etre pendus enmeme temps que l'ex-dicta-teur irakien et dont l'execu-tiona ete âjourhee a une dateulterieure. Et « â continuer âappliquer la justice contre lesfuturs condamnes ».

Hier, en l'absence de Sad¬dam, seuls done. Ali HassanAl Madjid, dit Ali le Chi-mique, qui avait organise etcommande l'operation « An¬fal », et cinq autres dirigeantsdu regime baasiste, etaientpresents dans le box des ac-cuses pour repondre des mas¬sacres perpetres contre lepeuple kürde. Assis, derriereune chaise vide, celle que de-vait oecuper Saddam Hus

sein, ils ont ecoute şans bron-eher un enregistrement so-nore de l'ancien dictateurevoquant l'utilisation del'arme chimique contre sesadversaires kurdes. « Je pren-drai la responsabilite d'utili-ser l'arme chimique [ . . . j dansun endroit peuple pourqu'elle fasse le plus de degâtspossibles », declarait l'ancienpresident irakien avantd'ajouter qu'il fallait « chas-ser le peuple kürde versd'autres provinces et d'autrespays [...], mettre fin â la na-tionalite kürde, faire cesser lesaetes des saboteurs kurdes ».

UN DOCUMENTSIGNEPAR SADDAM HUSSEİN

L'accusation a, de plus,produit un document signepar Saddam Hussein accor-dant les pleins pouvoirs â Alile Chimique dans la « regionnord » de l'Irak (le Kurdis¬tan). Elle a egalement diffuseune video montrant Ali leChimique en uniforme de-clarant au cours d'une cere-monie militaire : « Je les at-taquerai avec des armes chi--miques. » Puis des imagesdes victimes - des femmes etdes enfants - des bombarde-

ments â l'arme chimique.« Regardez ces enfants â lapeau brûlee. Sont-ils des sa¬boteurs, les agents del'Iran », s'est ecrie le procu-reur â 1' adresse d' Ali HassanAl Madjid. Autant depreuves accablantes pour lesaccuses qui risquent la peinede mort.

Reste qu'au cours de ces35 audiences, l'accusationn'a â aucun moment pointele doigt sur la responsabilitedes pays ayant soutenu,equipe militairement et cou-vert le regime de Saddam etcelle des entreprises, comme

l'americain Beclıtei, luiayant permis de se doterd'armes sophistiquees.LTrak, alors en guerrecontre l'Iran, etait soutenupar toutes les puissances oc-cidentales, Etats-Unis etFrance en tete. Et en 1988,quand a ete revele le gazagede la population çivile deHalabja (5 000 morts), Wa¬shington s'est empresse dediscülper Bagdad pour accu-ser Teheran. Tandis que Pa¬ris, Londres etBerlin se dis-tinguaient par un silencecomplice. Aujourd'hui, pourse donner bonne conscience,il est de bon ton d'accuserleur ancien protege irakien etde lui faire endosser tous lescrimes.

Hassane Zerrouky

Ali, « le chimiste » duProche de Saddam, il estquiacoûtelavieâdesmiNe en 1941 â Tikrit, Ali Hassan

Al Madjid, cousin de SaddamHussein, figurait en cinquieme

position sur la liste des 55 dirigeantsirakiens reeherehes par les forcesd'occupation americaines apres lachute de Bagdad en avril 2003. Ar-rete le 21 août 2003, il est accused'avoir mis au point l'operation« Anfal » (1987-1988) dirigee contrel'UPK (Union patriotique du Kur¬distan) de Jalal Talabani, alors allie al'Iran en guerre contre l'Irak de Sad¬dam.

Dote des pleins pouvoirs par Sad¬dam Hussein, il a diriğe l'operation

l'un des ehefs d'orchestrelliersde Kurdes. Portrait.

« Anfal » (du nom d'un verset du Co-ran autorisant le pillage des biens desinfideles) qui a vu pres de 2 000 vil-lages kurdes bombardes par l'aviationirakienne et au cours de laquelle il aordonne le gazage de la localite de Ha-lajba, alors que les forces iranienness'en etaient retirees.

En depit de ce erime qui a provo-que la mort de 5 000 civils, les Occi-dentaux, Washington en tete, alliesalors de l'Irak, ne souhaitaient pasune condamnation de Bagdad. Cen'est qu'apres la fin de la guerrecontre l'Iran, apres que Saddam eutfait le sale boulot, que son regime fut

regimede l'operation « Anfal »

ouvertement accuse de crimes contrel'humanite.

Avant cela Ali Hassan Al Madjidavait ete promu ministre de la De-fense, avant d'etre nomme en 1991par Saddam « gouverneur de la 19cprovince », â savoir le Kovve'it occupepar l'Irak. Quelques annees plus tard,en 1999, il a fait fusiller des milliers dechiites - on evoque le chiffre de120 000 personnes passees par lesarmes dans le Sud irakien - apres lesrevoltes provoquees par l'assassinat del'ayatollah Sadek Al Sadr, pere de Mo-katada Sadr, chef de l'armee du Mahdi.

H.Z

15

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

lurala^feGmbuncJanuary 9,2007

Muddled mullahs By Roger Stern

Iran actually is short of oilBALTİMORE

Iran has ensnared itself in a petroleumcrisis that could drive its oil exports tozero by 2015. While Iran has the third-largest oil reserves in the world, its ex-

ports may be shrinking by 10 to 12 percent peryear. How can this be happening?

Heavy industry infrastructure rnust be ° 'maintained to remain productive. This is es- (J

pecially so for oil, because each oil well's out-put declines slightly every year. If new wellsare not drilled to offset natural decline, pro-duction will fail.

This is what is happening in Iran, which hasfailed to reinvest in new production. Why?

For the mullahs, the short-run political re-turn on investment in oil production is zero.They are reluctant to wait the 4 to 6 years ittakes for a drilling investment to yield reven-ue. So rather than reinvest to refresh produc¬tion, the Islamic Republic starves its petro¬leum sector, diverting oil profits to a vast, inef- »ficient welfare state.

Employment in the loss-making state-sup-ported firms of this welfare state is essential tothe regime's political survival.

Another threat to exports is the growth in domes-tic demand. Iranian oil demand is not just grovving,it's exploding, driven by a subsidized gasoline priceof about 9 cents a liter. This has created a 6 percentgrowth in demand, the highest in the vvorld.

So Iran burns its candle at both ends, producingless and less while consuming more and more.

Absent some change in Iranian policy, a rapid de¬cline in exports seems likely. Policy gridlock and aSoviet-style command economy make practicalproblem-solving almost impossible.

The regime could help itselfby making it easier forforeign firms to invest in new production. Remark-ably, it has not done this even though the decline inexports, which provide more than 70 percent of staterevenue, directly threatens its survival.

While signs of a petroleum crisis in Iran, are nu-merous, neither the Bush administration nor its crit¬ics have recognized them.

Even Iran's nuclear power program, dismissed bythe U.S. administration as a foil for weapons develop-ment, is a symptom of petro-collapse.

The U.S. administration claims that a state as pe-troleum-rich as Iran cannot need nuclear power tomeet its energy needs. Yet while Iran is guilty of de-ception about its nuclear program, it should not beinferred that ali Iranian claims are false. Iran mayneed nuclear power as badly as it claims.

Most Iranian electric power generation is by oil orgas. Cheaper power from Iran's new Russian reactorwill leave more oil for export. Rebuilding Iran'saging gas-powered generators may not be muchcheaper than building a new nuclear reactor. ButRussia selis reactors to Iran on the cheap in an indi-rect subsidy to the regime.

investment in Iran has become so unattractive thateven energy-desperate states have quit trying. Ja-pan's Inpex, for example, just abandoned a seven-

year negotiation for the Azadegan field. HadIran been a berter negotiating partner, Azade¬gan oil would be flowing today.

Refınery leakage exemplifıes ali that iswrong with the Iranian petroleum sector. Ac¬cording to the state-run Iran Daily, leaks ac¬count for 6 percent of total production, yet gounattended.

This colossal revenue loss persists due tothe Soviet-style logic of Iran's state-plannedeconomy. Subsidized energy prices force thestate oil fırm to seli at a loss to the domesticmarket. Therefore, while Iran could gain bil-lions by fixing the leaks, the state oil fırmwould be worse off because the maintenancewould generate no new revenue. Thus oil andmoney simply seep into the ground.

For a vvorld rattled by President MahmoudAhmadinejad's bellicosity, Iran's petroleumproblems sound like good news. The UN Secu-rity Council's newfound willingness to con-front Iran över vreapons development alsoseems a welcome sign.

Yet the economic damage Iran inflicts on it¬self is far worse than anything the meaning-less UN sanctions could accomplish. Sanc-

tions might actually vrarsen the position of Iran's ad-versaries if Tehran were to succeed in portrayingthem as the cause of its economic woes.

The mullahs are doing a good job of destroyingIran's economy. They should be left alone to com-plete their work. Attacking Iran vrould allow the re¬gime to escape responsibility for the economic dis-aster it created. Worse, an attack could ünite Iran be-hind the clerical terror-sponsors whose grasp onpower may be slipping. For these reasons, the bestpolicy towards Iran may be to do nothing at ali.

Roger Stern is an economic geographer and nationalsecurity analyst in the Department ofGeography andEnvironmental Engineering at Johns Hopkins Univer¬sity. This column is adapted from his recent article,"The Iranian petroleum crisis and United States na¬tional security," published in the Proceedings of theNational Academy ofSciences.

IRAKim

Mardi 9 janvier 2007

Nouri Al-Malikicondamne les critiquessur l'executionde Saddam HusseinALORS que le proces pour « genocide »

contre les Kurdes a repris, lundi 8 janviera Bagdad, en l'absence de son principalaccuse, Saddam Hussein, les circonstan-

,ces de l'execution par pendaison, le30 decembre, de l'ancien dictateur ira¬kien continuent d'attiser la polemique.La diffusion, sur Internet, d'une vidĞopirate revelant que l'un des gardes ainsulte le condamne â mort, tout en cla-mant le nom du leader chiite MoqtadaAl-Sadr, a declenche l'indignation de lacommunaute internationale, et notam¬ment des pays arabes.

Face au tolle, le president americain,George Bush, a lui-meme estime quel'execution aurait dû etre menee de« maniereplus digne ». Critique pour sonsilence, le premier ministre britannique,Tony Blair, est finalement sorti de sareserve, dimanche, jugeant les condi-tions de l'execution « totalement inade-quates ». Quelques heures plus tât, sonprincipal rival et probable successeur, leministre des finances, Gordon Brown,avait condamne şans detours les circons-tances « deplorables » de la pendaison deSaddam Hussein. « Meme ceux qui sont,comme moi, favorable â la peine de mortont trouve [cette execution] totalementinacceptable, a-t-il declare sur la chaînede television BBC. Elle n'a rien fait pourattenuer les tensions communautairesentre chiites et sunnites. »

« Un juste proces »Le secretaire general de l'ONU, Ban

Ki-moon, a appele â suspendre l'execu-

tion du demi-frere de Saddam Hussein etancien chef des services secret, BarzanAl-Tikriti, ainsi que de l'ancien presidentdu tribunal revolutionnaire AvvadAl-Bander, condamnes â mort avec l'an¬cien rais pour la tuerie de 148 chiites duvillages de -Doujail en 1982. Leur execu-tion, annoncee comme imminente aprescelle de Saddam Hussein, a ete retardeeşans plus de precision de la part des auto-rites irakiennes. « Le secretaire general afortementpresse le gouvemement irakien âsuspendre [leurs] executions », a indique,samedi, un communique de l'ONU. Lechef de cabinet de M. Ban, Vijay Nam-biar, a envoye une lettre au representantirakien aux Nations unies evoquant « lespositionsdu secretairegeneral selonlesquel-les tous les membres de la communauteinternationale doivent respecter tous lesaspects du droit humanitaire intemationalet des droits de l'homme ».

A Bagdad, le premier ministre irakien,Nouri Al-Maliki, a rejete en bloc ces criti-

16

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

lurala^feGmbuncJanuary 9,2007

Muddled mullahs By Roger Stern

Iran actually is short of oilBALTİMORE

Iran has ensnared itself in a petroleumcrisis that could drive its oil exports tozero by 2015. While Iran has the third-largest oil reserves in the world, its ex-

ports may be shrinking by 10 to 12 percent peryear. How can this be happening?

Heavy industry infrastructure rnust be ° 'maintained to remain productive. This is es- (J

pecially so for oil, because each oil well's out-put declines slightly every year. If new wellsare not drilled to offset natural decline, pro-duction will fail.

This is what is happening in Iran, which hasfailed to reinvest in new production. Why?

For the mullahs, the short-run political re-turn on investment in oil production is zero.They are reluctant to wait the 4 to 6 years ittakes for a drilling investment to yield reven-ue. So rather than reinvest to refresh produc¬tion, the Islamic Republic starves its petro¬leum sector, diverting oil profits to a vast, inef- »ficient welfare state.

Employment in the loss-making state-sup-ported firms of this welfare state is essential tothe regime's political survival.

Another threat to exports is the growth in domes-tic demand. Iranian oil demand is not just grovving,it's exploding, driven by a subsidized gasoline priceof about 9 cents a liter. This has created a 6 percentgrowth in demand, the highest in the vvorld.

So Iran burns its candle at both ends, producingless and less while consuming more and more.

Absent some change in Iranian policy, a rapid de¬cline in exports seems likely. Policy gridlock and aSoviet-style command economy make practicalproblem-solving almost impossible.

The regime could help itselfby making it easier forforeign firms to invest in new production. Remark-ably, it has not done this even though the decline inexports, which provide more than 70 percent of staterevenue, directly threatens its survival.

While signs of a petroleum crisis in Iran, are nu-merous, neither the Bush administration nor its crit¬ics have recognized them.

Even Iran's nuclear power program, dismissed bythe U.S. administration as a foil for weapons develop-ment, is a symptom of petro-collapse.

The U.S. administration claims that a state as pe-troleum-rich as Iran cannot need nuclear power tomeet its energy needs. Yet while Iran is guilty of de-ception about its nuclear program, it should not beinferred that ali Iranian claims are false. Iran mayneed nuclear power as badly as it claims.

Most Iranian electric power generation is by oil orgas. Cheaper power from Iran's new Russian reactorwill leave more oil for export. Rebuilding Iran'saging gas-powered generators may not be muchcheaper than building a new nuclear reactor. ButRussia selis reactors to Iran on the cheap in an indi-rect subsidy to the regime.

investment in Iran has become so unattractive thateven energy-desperate states have quit trying. Ja-pan's Inpex, for example, just abandoned a seven-

year negotiation for the Azadegan field. HadIran been a berter negotiating partner, Azade¬gan oil would be flowing today.

Refınery leakage exemplifıes ali that iswrong with the Iranian petroleum sector. Ac¬cording to the state-run Iran Daily, leaks ac¬count for 6 percent of total production, yet gounattended.

This colossal revenue loss persists due tothe Soviet-style logic of Iran's state-plannedeconomy. Subsidized energy prices force thestate oil fırm to seli at a loss to the domesticmarket. Therefore, while Iran could gain bil-lions by fixing the leaks, the state oil fırmwould be worse off because the maintenancewould generate no new revenue. Thus oil andmoney simply seep into the ground.

For a vvorld rattled by President MahmoudAhmadinejad's bellicosity, Iran's petroleumproblems sound like good news. The UN Secu-rity Council's newfound willingness to con-front Iran över vreapons development alsoseems a welcome sign.

Yet the economic damage Iran inflicts on it¬self is far worse than anything the meaning-less UN sanctions could accomplish. Sanc-

tions might actually vrarsen the position of Iran's ad-versaries if Tehran were to succeed in portrayingthem as the cause of its economic woes.

The mullahs are doing a good job of destroyingIran's economy. They should be left alone to com-plete their work. Attacking Iran vrould allow the re¬gime to escape responsibility for the economic dis-aster it created. Worse, an attack could ünite Iran be-hind the clerical terror-sponsors whose grasp onpower may be slipping. For these reasons, the bestpolicy towards Iran may be to do nothing at ali.

Roger Stern is an economic geographer and nationalsecurity analyst in the Department ofGeography andEnvironmental Engineering at Johns Hopkins Univer¬sity. This column is adapted from his recent article,"The Iranian petroleum crisis and United States na¬tional security," published in the Proceedings of theNational Academy ofSciences.

IRAKim

Mardi 9 janvier 2007

Nouri Al-Malikicondamne les critiquessur l'executionde Saddam HusseinALORS que le proces pour « genocide »

contre les Kurdes a repris, lundi 8 janviera Bagdad, en l'absence de son principalaccuse, Saddam Hussein, les circonstan-

,ces de l'execution par pendaison, le30 decembre, de l'ancien dictateur ira¬kien continuent d'attiser la polemique.La diffusion, sur Internet, d'une vidĞopirate revelant que l'un des gardes ainsulte le condamne â mort, tout en cla-mant le nom du leader chiite MoqtadaAl-Sadr, a declenche l'indignation de lacommunaute internationale, et notam¬ment des pays arabes.

Face au tolle, le president americain,George Bush, a lui-meme estime quel'execution aurait dû etre menee de« maniereplus digne ». Critique pour sonsilence, le premier ministre britannique,Tony Blair, est finalement sorti de sareserve, dimanche, jugeant les condi-tions de l'execution « totalement inade-quates ». Quelques heures plus tât, sonprincipal rival et probable successeur, leministre des finances, Gordon Brown,avait condamne şans detours les circons-tances « deplorables » de la pendaison deSaddam Hussein. « Meme ceux qui sont,comme moi, favorable â la peine de mortont trouve [cette execution] totalementinacceptable, a-t-il declare sur la chaînede television BBC. Elle n'a rien fait pourattenuer les tensions communautairesentre chiites et sunnites. »

« Un juste proces »Le secretaire general de l'ONU, Ban

Ki-moon, a appele â suspendre l'execu-

tion du demi-frere de Saddam Hussein etancien chef des services secret, BarzanAl-Tikriti, ainsi que de l'ancien presidentdu tribunal revolutionnaire AvvadAl-Bander, condamnes â mort avec l'an¬cien rais pour la tuerie de 148 chiites duvillages de -Doujail en 1982. Leur execu-tion, annoncee comme imminente aprescelle de Saddam Hussein, a ete retardeeşans plus de precision de la part des auto-rites irakiennes. « Le secretaire general afortementpresse le gouvemement irakien âsuspendre [leurs] executions », a indique,samedi, un communique de l'ONU. Lechef de cabinet de M. Ban, Vijay Nam-biar, a envoye une lettre au representantirakien aux Nations unies evoquant « lespositionsdu secretairegeneral selonlesquel-les tous les membres de la communauteinternationale doivent respecter tous lesaspects du droit humanitaire intemationalet des droits de l'homme ».

A Bagdad, le premier ministre irakien,Nouri Al-Maliki, a rejete en bloc ces criti-

16

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ques. Au cours d'une ceremonie officielle,dans sa premiere reaction publique âl'execution de Saddam Hussein, il a souli-gne, samedi, que « l'execution du despoten'itait pas une decision politique, commel'affirment les ennemis du peuple irakien ».Cette decision, a esrime M. Maliki, « a ete

appliçuee apres unjusieproces, que le dicta¬teur he meritaitpas ». Le premier ministre:irakien a violemment « rejete et condamneles reactions, officielles ou â travers lesmedias, de certains gouvernements » .

L'Irak pourrait « revoir » ses relationsavec les Etats qui ont « fait un affront aux

familles des victimes », a-t-il menace, enajoütant : « Nouscontinueronsâ appliqüertajustice contre ceux qui öntabuse du peu¬ple irakien etquiontlesangd'innocentssurles mains. »-(AFP, Reuters.) m

THE^ÜsTIMES January 9 2007

Saddam speaks frombeyond grave to giveorders on genocide

Chemical attacksordered on crowds

Hanging may playinto defence's handsNed ParkerBaghdad

Saddam Hussein spoke frombeyond the grave yesterday asprosecutors played a purportedaudiotape of his voice duringthe stalled genocide trial ofIraqi Kurds, which resumed inthe absence of the hangeddictator.

The seat occupied by Sadd¬am for 15 months remainedempty, as six other defendantstook their place in thecourtroom.

At the opening of tbe session,Judge Muhammad al-Oreibial-Khalifa announced that thecourt had dropped ali chargesagainst Saddam över the1987-88 military campaignagainst the Kurds.

Saddam was on trial forgenocide, war crimes andcrimes against humanity överhis offensive, named Anfal (thespoils of war), vvhich prosecu¬tors claimed killed 182,000people. But his execution onDecember 30 for ordering thedeaths of 148 Shias from thevillage of Dujail in the 1980sbrought an end to the caseagainst Saddam över Anfal.

The charges vvere droppedunder a 1971 Iraqi law thatterminated cases against aperson who had died, saidAhmed Shames, an officialfrom the office of the PrimeMinister, Nouri al-Maliki. Twoco-defendants in the Dujailcase are stili avvaiting their tripto the gallovvs. Yesterday the

chief prosecutor, Munqith al-Faroon, a vvitness to Saddam'sdeath, played an audiotape invvhich, he said, the dictatorgave approval for using chemi¬cal vveapons in places crovvdedvvith Kurds.

"I vvill take responsibility forusing the chemical vveapons.No one Can direct the strikevvithout my approval," the pur¬ported voice of Saddam washeard saying. "it is better to usethis vveapon in crowded placesto be effective on as manypeople as possible.

"We have to remove theKurdish people to other gover-norates and countries, to endthe Kurdish nationality and tostop saboteurs' acts. We haveto allovv them to live and workin Tikrit so that they vvillbecome Arabs."

Mr al-Faroon said the tapedemonstrated that Saddam'sregime was carrying out a cam¬paign to annihilate the Kurds.

50,000 to100,000killed in the Anfal campaignSource: Human Rlgtıts Watch

He did not reveal when thetape was recorded or to whomSaddam was speaking.

The attention in the Anfaltrial now shifts to Saddam's firstcousin, Ali Hassan al-Majid, who earned the name"Chemical Ali" for using chemi¬cal vveapons as he led the1987-88 campaign against theKurds. Al-Majid, like Saddam,has also been charged vvithgenocide, vvhile the five remain-ing co-accused are being prose-cuted for war crimes and crimes

against humanity. During yes-terday's session Mr al-Faroonpresented a video clip that heclaimed shovved al-Majid plot-ting chemical attacks.

"I vvill attack them vvithchemical vveapons," al-Majidvvas heard shouting tvvice in thevideo, vvhich also shovved pic-tures of children and vvomenkilled by chemical vveapons.

in the footage al-Majid, inmilitary uniform, expressed dis-dain for vvorld reaction to Iraq'sbrutal offensive against theKurds. "To hell vvith theinternational community," heshouted. When the video vvasplayed, al-Majid, novv a frail,ageing man vvho vvalks vvith acane, stayed silent.

Some vvorry that Saddam'sspeedy death vvill knock holesin the prosecution's caseagainst the remaining defend¬ants. On issues such as responsi¬bility formass executions andthe use of chemical vveapons,the defendants can novv referali questions to Saddam.

"If I vvere Ali Hassan al-Majid, Fd say I had nothing todo vvith that, go ask SaddamHussein," said Joost Hilter-mann, of the think-tank Inter¬national Crisis Group.

Kurds seemed to have lostinterest yesterday in the trialthat had been their passionvvhen Saddam vvas alive.

"I lost my brother in Anfal. Ivvas vvatching the trial, but Ivvanted to see Saddam die atthe end of Anfal trial. Novv Idon't vvant to vvatch it," saidNasireen Ahmed, 43, in thenorthern city of Kirkuk.

Ali Hassan al-Majid led the1987-88 campaign against Kurds

17

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ques. Au cours d'une ceremonie officielle,dans sa premiere reaction publique âl'execution de Saddam Hussein, il a souli-gne, samedi, que « l'execution du despoten'itait pas une decision politique, commel'affirment les ennemis du peuple irakien ».Cette decision, a esrime M. Maliki, « a ete

appliçuee apres unjusieproces, que le dicta¬teur he meritaitpas ». Le premier ministre:irakien a violemment « rejete et condamneles reactions, officielles ou â travers lesmedias, de certains gouvernements » .

L'Irak pourrait « revoir » ses relationsavec les Etats qui ont « fait un affront aux

familles des victimes », a-t-il menace, enajoütant : « Nouscontinueronsâ appliqüertajustice contre ceux qui öntabuse du peu¬ple irakien etquiontlesangd'innocentssurles mains. »-(AFP, Reuters.) m

THE^ÜsTIMES January 9 2007

Saddam speaks frombeyond grave to giveorders on genocide

Chemical attacksordered on crowds

Hanging may playinto defence's handsNed ParkerBaghdad

Saddam Hussein spoke frombeyond the grave yesterday asprosecutors played a purportedaudiotape of his voice duringthe stalled genocide trial ofIraqi Kurds, which resumed inthe absence of the hangeddictator.

The seat occupied by Sadd¬am for 15 months remainedempty, as six other defendantstook their place in thecourtroom.

At the opening of tbe session,Judge Muhammad al-Oreibial-Khalifa announced that thecourt had dropped ali chargesagainst Saddam över the1987-88 military campaignagainst the Kurds.

Saddam was on trial forgenocide, war crimes andcrimes against humanity överhis offensive, named Anfal (thespoils of war), vvhich prosecu¬tors claimed killed 182,000people. But his execution onDecember 30 for ordering thedeaths of 148 Shias from thevillage of Dujail in the 1980sbrought an end to the caseagainst Saddam över Anfal.

The charges vvere droppedunder a 1971 Iraqi law thatterminated cases against aperson who had died, saidAhmed Shames, an officialfrom the office of the PrimeMinister, Nouri al-Maliki. Twoco-defendants in the Dujailcase are stili avvaiting their tripto the gallovvs. Yesterday the

chief prosecutor, Munqith al-Faroon, a vvitness to Saddam'sdeath, played an audiotape invvhich, he said, the dictatorgave approval for using chemi¬cal vveapons in places crovvdedvvith Kurds.

"I vvill take responsibility forusing the chemical vveapons.No one Can direct the strikevvithout my approval," the pur¬ported voice of Saddam washeard saying. "it is better to usethis vveapon in crowded placesto be effective on as manypeople as possible.

"We have to remove theKurdish people to other gover-norates and countries, to endthe Kurdish nationality and tostop saboteurs' acts. We haveto allovv them to live and workin Tikrit so that they vvillbecome Arabs."

Mr al-Faroon said the tapedemonstrated that Saddam'sregime was carrying out a cam¬paign to annihilate the Kurds.

50,000 to100,000killed in the Anfal campaignSource: Human Rlgtıts Watch

He did not reveal when thetape was recorded or to whomSaddam was speaking.

The attention in the Anfaltrial now shifts to Saddam's firstcousin, Ali Hassan al-Majid, who earned the name"Chemical Ali" for using chemi¬cal vveapons as he led the1987-88 campaign against theKurds. Al-Majid, like Saddam,has also been charged vvithgenocide, vvhile the five remain-ing co-accused are being prose-cuted for war crimes and crimes

against humanity. During yes-terday's session Mr al-Faroonpresented a video clip that heclaimed shovved al-Majid plot-ting chemical attacks.

"I vvill attack them vvithchemical vveapons," al-Majidvvas heard shouting tvvice in thevideo, vvhich also shovved pic-tures of children and vvomenkilled by chemical vveapons.

in the footage al-Majid, inmilitary uniform, expressed dis-dain for vvorld reaction to Iraq'sbrutal offensive against theKurds. "To hell vvith theinternational community," heshouted. When the video vvasplayed, al-Majid, novv a frail,ageing man vvho vvalks vvith acane, stayed silent.

Some vvorry that Saddam'sspeedy death vvill knock holesin the prosecution's caseagainst the remaining defend¬ants. On issues such as responsi¬bility formass executions andthe use of chemical vveapons,the defendants can novv referali questions to Saddam.

"If I vvere Ali Hassan al-Majid, Fd say I had nothing todo vvith that, go ask SaddamHussein," said Joost Hilter-mann, of the think-tank Inter¬national Crisis Group.

Kurds seemed to have lostinterest yesterday in the trialthat had been their passionvvhen Saddam vvas alive.

"I lost my brother in Anfal. Ivvas vvatching the trial, but Ivvanted to see Saddam die atthe end of Anfal trial. Novv Idon't vvant to vvatch it," saidNasireen Ahmed, 43, in thenorthern city of Kirkuk.

Ali Hassan al-Majid led the1987-88 campaign against Kurds

17

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

İ JANUARY 8, 2007

rWi;FVHBY CHRISTOPHER DICKEY

PRESİDENT george w. bush was sleepingat 9 p.m. at his ranch in Cravvford, Texas, whenSaddam Hussein's body plunged through thetrapdoor of a gallows in Kadhimiya Prison on tlıeoutskirts ofBaghdad. it vvas davvn in tlıe Iraqicapital, and die 69-year-old Butcher ofBaghdadvvore no blindfold. He hadcarried a Our'an for thelast fevv steps before hisdeath, looking uncertain,even afraid, according toone ofthe vvitnesses closeto him, but moudıingvvords ofdefiance. He sneered at Shiite guards dievvarlord Moqtada al-Sadr s men, by one account.He praised God and, as he neared the gallovvs,proclaimed, "Iraq vvidıout me is nothing."

18

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

İ JANUARY 8, 2007

rWi;FVHBY CHRISTOPHER DICKEY

PRESİDENT george w. bush was sleepingat 9 p.m. at his ranch in Cravvford, Texas, whenSaddam Hussein's body plunged through thetrapdoor of a gallows in Kadhimiya Prison on tlıeoutskirts ofBaghdad. it vvas davvn in tlıe Iraqicapital, and die 69-year-old Butcher ofBaghdadvvore no blindfold. He hadcarried a Our'an for thelast fevv steps before hisdeath, looking uncertain,even afraid, according toone ofthe vvitnesses closeto him, but moudıingvvords ofdefiance. He sneered at Shiite guards dievvarlord Moqtada al-Sadr s men, by one account.He praised God and, as he neared the gallovvs,proclaimed, "Iraq vvidıout me is nothing."

18

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Like tlıe war that overthrevv him in2003, the hanging of Saddam Hussein didnot turn out as planned. Instead of a studyin modern justice, the tyrant's end lookedmore like the result of a sectarian show tri¬al. From Cravvford, tlıe only comment vvasa mufed, vvritten statement: no proclama-tion of "mission accomplished," just of "animportant milestone" after "a diffıcult yearfor tiıe Iraqi people and for our troops."The best that could be said vvas that the tri¬al vvas fairer than those Saddam gave hismany enemies.

Saddam Hussein's savage totalitarianrule lasted more than three decades. Tortureand murder were his metiers, botiı practicedvvithout evident remorse or the slightestregret. (Telling a joke abou1Saddam vvas a capital erime i

his Iraq.) His arrogance löhim to disastrous misjudg-ments. He launehed a vvar against Iran tiıatlasted eight years, and one against Kuvvaitthat ended vvith his humiliating defeat inDesert Storm. He dreamed of imposinghimselfon tiıe region vviüı vveapons ofmassdestruction, and acted as Üıough he hadthem even when he didn't. He kept his dis¬tance from Al Oaeda, but aided and abettedmany other terroristgroups. And heannihi-lated would-be rebels along vvith their ex-tended families killing tens of thousandsof Shiites and Kurds vvith guns, bombs,chemical vveapons: vvhatever vvorked. Ifthe evil Üıat men do lives after them,

LICENSE TO KILL: With America's blessingsfor his vvar against Iran, he could shrug offcritics at a 1980 Arab summit. İn 1998 hecelebrated his 61st birthday vvith a bang.

then Saddam Hussein vvill long endure.But Üıe much more complicated ques-

tion for novv and for Üıe future concernstiıe "good" he achieved, vvhich may vvellhave been interred vviüı his regime. At aterrible cost, but vvith ruthless efficacy, hekept Iraq unifıed and provided a criticalbalance of povver against Iran. If the Mid¬dle East is to be stabilized, and Americanlong-term interests proteeted, those goalsare stili critically important.

So as Bush searehes for vvays to extricate

rent Iraqi government so itcan sustain itself vvitiıout thebacking of 140,000 U.S. troops.According to a senior Bush aidevvho declined to be namedvvhile discussing internal delib-erations, the administration'snevv strategy for doing so, likelyto be announced next vveek, vvillinvolve tiıree pillars: a tempo-rary surge ofmore troops, moremoney for jobs and reconstruc-tion, and an attempt to broadeııpolitical support for ploddingPrime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

But Üıe confusion Üıat sur-rounded Saddam's executionsuggests just hovv complicatedÜıe task vvill be, and how liftleçare Maliki takes to disguise tiıesectarian leanings ofhis Shiite-dominated government. AfterSaddam's last appeal was re-jected, Maliki reportedly toldÜıe families of some of his vic-tims Üıat any hesitation abouthanging him vvould be insult-ing. "Our respect for humanrights requires us to execute

him," Maliki said, "and there vvill be norevievv or delay in carrying out the sen-tence." As one of Maliki's top aides toldNEWSWEEK privately, Üıe prime minister's"vision for reconciliation doesn't ineludethose vvho vvould support Saddam Husseinin any vva)'."

Instead ofvvorking for the broad sense ofhealing other societies emerging from re-pression and vvar have sought, tiıe Malikigovernment took a proprietary vievv of Üıesuffering Saddam inflicted as if only itssupporters had felt his cruelty. During adeeply flavved trial, judges deemed too le-nient vvere fıred or pressured to resign, andthree of Saddam's defense lavvyers vveremurdered. He vvas fınally hanged for order-

At a Baath Party congress, he charged dozens ofrivals vvith treason. One by one they vvere led toexecution.

the United States from the increasingly un-popular vvar in Iraq, vvhich has novv cost al-most 3,000 American lives and drains morethan $2 billion a vveek from U.S. cofFers, lit-tle is gained from Saddam's demişe. Thechallenge vvas not hovv to eliminate him: heceased to be a factor vvhen he vvas draggedout of a "spider hole" three years ago. Theproblem remains hovv to replace him.

Bush and his national-security team nolonger talk about transforming the MiddleEast, merely about strengthening the cur-

ing tlıe killing of 148 Shiite men and boys inthe tovvn ofDujail in 1982 after members ofMaliki's Davva Party, vvhich vvas then a clan-destine terrorist organization, tried to assas-sinate him. The Kurds stili vvant their day incourt: Saddam massacred tens ofthousandsof them in a genocidal campaign Üıat in¬cluded an infamous poison-gas attack onthe tovvn of Halabjah in 1988. His fellowSunnis and Baath Party rivals, slaughteredon his orders and even by his ovvn hand, arenot even Üıe subject ofa court case.

19

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Like tlıe war that overthrevv him in2003, the hanging of Saddam Hussein didnot turn out as planned. Instead of a studyin modern justice, the tyrant's end lookedmore like the result of a sectarian show tri¬al. From Cravvford, tlıe only comment vvasa mufed, vvritten statement: no proclama-tion of "mission accomplished," just of "animportant milestone" after "a diffıcult yearfor tiıe Iraqi people and for our troops."The best that could be said vvas that the tri¬al vvas fairer than those Saddam gave hismany enemies.

Saddam Hussein's savage totalitarianrule lasted more than three decades. Tortureand murder were his metiers, botiı practicedvvithout evident remorse or the slightestregret. (Telling a joke abou1Saddam vvas a capital erime i

his Iraq.) His arrogance löhim to disastrous misjudg-ments. He launehed a vvar against Iran tiıatlasted eight years, and one against Kuvvaitthat ended vvith his humiliating defeat inDesert Storm. He dreamed of imposinghimselfon tiıe region vviüı vveapons ofmassdestruction, and acted as Üıough he hadthem even when he didn't. He kept his dis¬tance from Al Oaeda, but aided and abettedmany other terroristgroups. And heannihi-lated would-be rebels along vvith their ex-tended families killing tens of thousandsof Shiites and Kurds vvith guns, bombs,chemical vveapons: vvhatever vvorked. Ifthe evil Üıat men do lives after them,

LICENSE TO KILL: With America's blessingsfor his vvar against Iran, he could shrug offcritics at a 1980 Arab summit. İn 1998 hecelebrated his 61st birthday vvith a bang.

then Saddam Hussein vvill long endure.But Üıe much more complicated ques-

tion for novv and for Üıe future concernstiıe "good" he achieved, vvhich may vvellhave been interred vviüı his regime. At aterrible cost, but vvith ruthless efficacy, hekept Iraq unifıed and provided a criticalbalance of povver against Iran. If the Mid¬dle East is to be stabilized, and Americanlong-term interests proteeted, those goalsare stili critically important.

So as Bush searehes for vvays to extricate

rent Iraqi government so itcan sustain itself vvitiıout thebacking of 140,000 U.S. troops.According to a senior Bush aidevvho declined to be namedvvhile discussing internal delib-erations, the administration'snevv strategy for doing so, likelyto be announced next vveek, vvillinvolve tiıree pillars: a tempo-rary surge ofmore troops, moremoney for jobs and reconstruc-tion, and an attempt to broadeııpolitical support for ploddingPrime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

But Üıe confusion Üıat sur-rounded Saddam's executionsuggests just hovv complicatedÜıe task vvill be, and how liftleçare Maliki takes to disguise tiıesectarian leanings ofhis Shiite-dominated government. AfterSaddam's last appeal was re-jected, Maliki reportedly toldÜıe families of some of his vic-tims Üıat any hesitation abouthanging him vvould be insult-ing. "Our respect for humanrights requires us to execute

him," Maliki said, "and there vvill be norevievv or delay in carrying out the sen-tence." As one of Maliki's top aides toldNEWSWEEK privately, Üıe prime minister's"vision for reconciliation doesn't ineludethose vvho vvould support Saddam Husseinin any vva)'."

Instead ofvvorking for the broad sense ofhealing other societies emerging from re-pression and vvar have sought, tiıe Malikigovernment took a proprietary vievv of Üıesuffering Saddam inflicted as if only itssupporters had felt his cruelty. During adeeply flavved trial, judges deemed too le-nient vvere fıred or pressured to resign, andthree of Saddam's defense lavvyers vveremurdered. He vvas fınally hanged for order-

At a Baath Party congress, he charged dozens ofrivals vvith treason. One by one they vvere led toexecution.

the United States from the increasingly un-popular vvar in Iraq, vvhich has novv cost al-most 3,000 American lives and drains morethan $2 billion a vveek from U.S. cofFers, lit-tle is gained from Saddam's demişe. Thechallenge vvas not hovv to eliminate him: heceased to be a factor vvhen he vvas draggedout of a "spider hole" three years ago. Theproblem remains hovv to replace him.

Bush and his national-security team nolonger talk about transforming the MiddleEast, merely about strengthening the cur-

ing tlıe killing of 148 Shiite men and boys inthe tovvn ofDujail in 1982 after members ofMaliki's Davva Party, vvhich vvas then a clan-destine terrorist organization, tried to assas-sinate him. The Kurds stili vvant their day incourt: Saddam massacred tens ofthousandsof them in a genocidal campaign Üıat in¬cluded an infamous poison-gas attack onthe tovvn of Halabjah in 1988. His fellowSunnis and Baath Party rivals, slaughteredon his orders and even by his ovvn hand, arenot even Üıe subject ofa court case.

19

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Washington has never had a very deepunderstanding of Iraq's leaders. The Bushadministration vvas so focused on Üıe threatthat Saddam's vveapons of mass destructionmight pose that it brushed aside tiıe idea hemight be bluffing. (Saddam's motivation?The threat of poison gas and biologicalagents could deter rebels and keep Iran atbay.) The Americans vastiy overestimatedÜıe support exiled politicians vvould receiveafter returning to Iraq. They also underesti-mated tiıe influence of religious leaders likeAyatollah Ali al-Sistani, and failed to under-stand hovv sectarian Iraq's politics vvould be-come önce elections vvere held.

After Saddam's brutally ef-fective tyranny, any democracymight look feckless. But therehas been such chaos since the dictator'sfail that it's novv common to hear Iraqisyearn for Üıe order imposed by his strong-arm rule. Even some Americans share Üıatsentiment. "I feel like vve should let Sad¬dam put of jail and say, 'Sorry, vve didn'trealize you vvere so brutal because you hadto be'," a member of a U.S. Special Opera¬tions unit told NEWSWEEK after a hardday's fıghting in Fallujah in 2004. (Thesoldier said he vvas under orders not togive his name.) "It's going to take someoneeither exceptionally cruel or exceptionallyintelligent to rule this country."

That's a little too facile. VVhile Üıe U.S.-

CORNERED KİLLER: He vvas a sorry sight inDecember 2003 when he vvas hauled out of a'spider hole,' but the arrogance vvas back twoyears later as he angrily lectured his judge

led invasion vvas tiıe catalyst, the core prob-lems in Iraq are ones Saddam helped to cre-ate. He violently despised and suppressedali autiıority but his ovvn; it's little vvonderthat the leaders vvho follovved could not ap-proach his stature. Born to an impover-ished mother in a rural vill'age near thetovvn ofTikrit in 1937, he never knevv his fa-ther and vvas raised by an uncle vvho served

gress, he charged dozens of ri¬vals vvith treason. One by onethey vvere forced to leave thehail and face immediate execu-tion. They screamed and shout¬ed, pleaded and cried. Slightlybored, he sat behind a desk onthe stage sipping a glass of vva-ter and smoking Cuban cigars.Then he had a video of themeeting distributed through-out the Arab vvorld to shovvvvhat happened to anyone vvhomight even think about chal-lenging his rule.

The 1979 Iranian revolutionled by Ayatollah Khomeinigave Saddam an opening to tiıeWest. Fevv U.S. officials had il-lusions about his murderousregime, but Washington vvasfixated on tiıe threat posed byTehran. U.S. diplomats vverebeing held hostage. Khomeinivvas preaching jihad, and "Shi¬ite fundamentalism" seemedto threaten the vvhole region.So, fevv objections vvere raisedvvhen Saddam set about mur-dering Shiite leaders insideIraq vvho might, or might not,

sympathize vvith tlıe mullahs in Iran. Thenhis decision to invade Üıe Islamic Republiclooked like a good vvay to vveaken Tehran.

in 1983, President Ronald Reagan sentDonald Rumsfeld as a special envoy toBaghdad to forge a vvorking alliance vvithSaddam. By the mid-1980s, U.S. satelliteintelligence vvas helping Üıe Iraqis focuschemical-vveapon attacks on Iraniantroops. So strong vvas Washington's "tilt"tovvard Saddam that in 1987, vvhen one ofhis jet fıghters launched a missile strike ona U.S. frigate in tiıe Persian Gulf, killing 37

sailors, Üıe United States accepted his ex-

Saddam so dominated lraq that it vvas mucheasier to seli the threat by putting his sinîsterface on it.in the Iraqi Army. He vvas rejected by Üıemilitary academy, and slipped into Üıe vio-lent and conspiratorial politics of the Arab-nationalist Baath Party. At the age of 22, hetook part in a failed attempt to murder thethen President Abdel Karim Kassem in thestreets of Baghdad. By Üıe time the BaathParty seized povver in 1968, Saddam vvas itsrising star, effectively ruling Üıe countryfrom his position as vice president.

in 1979, at the age of42, he took the topjob for himselfand quickly moved to elimi-nate ali opposition. At a Baath Party con-

cuses and responded by stepping up pres-sure on his enemies in Iran.

Though the Iran-Iraq War ended instalemate in 1988, Üıe West's support em-boldened Saddam. He asserted his povverand influence ali över the region, convincedthat the United States vvould back his play.He hunted dovvn enemies in neighboringstates. He stepped up support for Palestin-ian leader Yasir Arafat, vvho vvas often resi-dent in Baghdad. As Saddam pressed hissecret program to develop atomic vveapons,he publicly Üıreatened to incinerate Israel.

20

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Washington has never had a very deepunderstanding of Iraq's leaders. The Bushadministration vvas so focused on Üıe threatthat Saddam's vveapons of mass destructionmight pose that it brushed aside tiıe idea hemight be bluffing. (Saddam's motivation?The threat of poison gas and biologicalagents could deter rebels and keep Iran atbay.) The Americans vastiy overestimatedÜıe support exiled politicians vvould receiveafter returning to Iraq. They also underesti-mated tiıe influence of religious leaders likeAyatollah Ali al-Sistani, and failed to under-stand hovv sectarian Iraq's politics vvould be-come önce elections vvere held.

After Saddam's brutally ef-fective tyranny, any democracymight look feckless. But therehas been such chaos since the dictator'sfail that it's novv common to hear Iraqisyearn for Üıe order imposed by his strong-arm rule. Even some Americans share Üıatsentiment. "I feel like vve should let Sad¬dam put of jail and say, 'Sorry, vve didn'trealize you vvere so brutal because you hadto be'," a member of a U.S. Special Opera¬tions unit told NEWSWEEK after a hardday's fıghting in Fallujah in 2004. (Thesoldier said he vvas under orders not togive his name.) "It's going to take someoneeither exceptionally cruel or exceptionallyintelligent to rule this country."

That's a little too facile. VVhile Üıe U.S.-

CORNERED KİLLER: He vvas a sorry sight inDecember 2003 when he vvas hauled out of a'spider hole,' but the arrogance vvas back twoyears later as he angrily lectured his judge

led invasion vvas tiıe catalyst, the core prob-lems in Iraq are ones Saddam helped to cre-ate. He violently despised and suppressedali autiıority but his ovvn; it's little vvonderthat the leaders vvho follovved could not ap-proach his stature. Born to an impover-ished mother in a rural vill'age near thetovvn ofTikrit in 1937, he never knevv his fa-ther and vvas raised by an uncle vvho served

gress, he charged dozens of ri¬vals vvith treason. One by onethey vvere forced to leave thehail and face immediate execu-tion. They screamed and shout¬ed, pleaded and cried. Slightlybored, he sat behind a desk onthe stage sipping a glass of vva-ter and smoking Cuban cigars.Then he had a video of themeeting distributed through-out the Arab vvorld to shovvvvhat happened to anyone vvhomight even think about chal-lenging his rule.

The 1979 Iranian revolutionled by Ayatollah Khomeinigave Saddam an opening to tiıeWest. Fevv U.S. officials had il-lusions about his murderousregime, but Washington vvasfixated on tiıe threat posed byTehran. U.S. diplomats vverebeing held hostage. Khomeinivvas preaching jihad, and "Shi¬ite fundamentalism" seemedto threaten the vvhole region.So, fevv objections vvere raisedvvhen Saddam set about mur-dering Shiite leaders insideIraq vvho might, or might not,

sympathize vvith tlıe mullahs in Iran. Thenhis decision to invade Üıe Islamic Republiclooked like a good vvay to vveaken Tehran.

in 1983, President Ronald Reagan sentDonald Rumsfeld as a special envoy toBaghdad to forge a vvorking alliance vvithSaddam. By the mid-1980s, U.S. satelliteintelligence vvas helping Üıe Iraqis focuschemical-vveapon attacks on Iraniantroops. So strong vvas Washington's "tilt"tovvard Saddam that in 1987, vvhen one ofhis jet fıghters launched a missile strike ona U.S. frigate in tiıe Persian Gulf, killing 37

sailors, Üıe United States accepted his ex-

Saddam so dominated lraq that it vvas mucheasier to seli the threat by putting his sinîsterface on it.in the Iraqi Army. He vvas rejected by Üıemilitary academy, and slipped into Üıe vio-lent and conspiratorial politics of the Arab-nationalist Baath Party. At the age of 22, hetook part in a failed attempt to murder thethen President Abdel Karim Kassem in thestreets of Baghdad. By Üıe time the BaathParty seized povver in 1968, Saddam vvas itsrising star, effectively ruling Üıe countryfrom his position as vice president.

in 1979, at the age of42, he took the topjob for himselfand quickly moved to elimi-nate ali opposition. At a Baath Party con-

cuses and responded by stepping up pres-sure on his enemies in Iran.

Though the Iran-Iraq War ended instalemate in 1988, Üıe West's support em-boldened Saddam. He asserted his povverand influence ali över the region, convincedthat the United States vvould back his play.He hunted dovvn enemies in neighboringstates. He stepped up support for Palestin-ian leader Yasir Arafat, vvho vvas often resi-dent in Baghdad. As Saddam pressed hissecret program to develop atomic vveapons,he publicly Üıreatened to incinerate Israel.

20

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Stili, by 1990, high-level U.S. delegationscoveting lucrative commercial agreementsvvere regular visitors to Baghdad.

His mistake vvas to invade the oil-richemirate of Kuvvait, vvhich he claimedshould have been part of Iraq ali along. Hisenvoys said he'd götten the nod fromWashington. But his nevv conquest putSaddam in a position to threaten SaudiArabia and dominate the vvorld oil market.When he refused to pull back, the ad¬ministration of President George H.W.Bush forged an international coalition ofWestern povvers and Arab countries to de-

DASHED HOPES: Because so many lraqishated Saddam, Washington vvrongly figuredthey vvould vvelcome invading Americans

molish his forces in 1991's Desert Storm.inside Iraq, hovvever, neitiıer the hun-

dreds of thousands killed fighting Iran northe crushing defeat in Kuvvait fazed Sad¬dam. When Üıe Kurds rose up against himin the late 1980s, he used chemical vveaponsagainst them. When they tried to revoltagain in 1991, just the threat Üıat such hor-rors vvould be unleashed sent them fleeingfrom their homes by the hundreds of thou

sands. in soutiıern Iraq, Shiites encouragedby the Bush 41 administration and helpedby Iran attacked the remnants of Saddam'sarmed forces after Desert Storm. Saddam'sresponse: mass murder. The U.S.-led coali¬tion stood back. Saddam hung on.

But the foundations of the modern na¬tion he had tried to build began to crumbleunder the pressure of sanctions and inter¬national isolation. By Üıe time the UnitedStates invaded in 2003, Iraq's economy andinstitutions, including its armed forces,vvere fragile shells of vvhat they'd been 15

years before. Shia and Kurdish leaders,many of them already in exile, started culti-vating policymakers in Washington, evenas they lost touch vvith Iraqis on the ground.in Baghdad, Saddam adopted a nevv reli-giosity, playing to Sünni fundamentalists.The already poor Shia grevv poorer andmore disenfranchised; the political culturegrevv more corrupt.

When George W. Bush decided to elim-inate Saddam önce and for ali in 2003,Bush personalized tiıe vvar, and for under-standable reasons. Saddam vvas a usefulsymbol a seeming madman. Hadn't hetried to kili Bush's retired father on a visitto Kuvvait in 1993? And Saddam so domi-nated Iraq that it vvas much easier to selithe threat vvhen you could put his sinisterface on it. But that also led to the miscon-ception that removing him vvould solve aliproblems the notion that ali Iraqis vvant-ed vvas "freedom," even though for genera-tions under totalitarian rule they had noclear idea vvhat that meant. Because somany Iraqis hated Saddam, Washingtonvvrongly figured they vvould vvelcome in¬vading Americans. Instead, the U.S.-ledoccupation opened the vvay for multipleinsurgencies.

The moment vvhen Saddam Hussein'scapture could be hailed as a turning pointin the conflict is long past. Having focusedthe vvorld's attention on the evil of thisone man, the Bush administration treatedhim as a kind of totem, declaring nevv vic-tories vvhen his statue vvas pulled dovvn byU.S. Marines in Baghdad, vvhen he vvasdragged out of the hole vvhere he vvas hid-ing several montiıs later, vvhen he vvas puton trial and vvhen he vvas convicted. Butthe execution ? A "milestone" on a long anddangerous road.

Here, then, is the tragedy of America'sinvolvement in Iraq, novv and in tiıe fu¬ture: vvhat Saddam achieved for his coun¬try came at a terrible cost, and of thecountless problems he created and perpet-uated, his death solves none.

With MICHAEL HASTINGS and SCOTT JOHNSON inBaghdad, RICHARD VVOLFFE in Washington

andBABAKOEHGHANPİSHEH

21

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Stili, by 1990, high-level U.S. delegationscoveting lucrative commercial agreementsvvere regular visitors to Baghdad.

His mistake vvas to invade the oil-richemirate of Kuvvait, vvhich he claimedshould have been part of Iraq ali along. Hisenvoys said he'd götten the nod fromWashington. But his nevv conquest putSaddam in a position to threaten SaudiArabia and dominate the vvorld oil market.When he refused to pull back, the ad¬ministration of President George H.W.Bush forged an international coalition ofWestern povvers and Arab countries to de-

DASHED HOPES: Because so many lraqishated Saddam, Washington vvrongly figuredthey vvould vvelcome invading Americans

molish his forces in 1991's Desert Storm.inside Iraq, hovvever, neitiıer the hun-

dreds of thousands killed fighting Iran northe crushing defeat in Kuvvait fazed Sad¬dam. When Üıe Kurds rose up against himin the late 1980s, he used chemical vveaponsagainst them. When they tried to revoltagain in 1991, just the threat Üıat such hor-rors vvould be unleashed sent them fleeingfrom their homes by the hundreds of thou

sands. in soutiıern Iraq, Shiites encouragedby the Bush 41 administration and helpedby Iran attacked the remnants of Saddam'sarmed forces after Desert Storm. Saddam'sresponse: mass murder. The U.S.-led coali¬tion stood back. Saddam hung on.

But the foundations of the modern na¬tion he had tried to build began to crumbleunder the pressure of sanctions and inter¬national isolation. By Üıe time the UnitedStates invaded in 2003, Iraq's economy andinstitutions, including its armed forces,vvere fragile shells of vvhat they'd been 15

years before. Shia and Kurdish leaders,many of them already in exile, started culti-vating policymakers in Washington, evenas they lost touch vvith Iraqis on the ground.in Baghdad, Saddam adopted a nevv reli-giosity, playing to Sünni fundamentalists.The already poor Shia grevv poorer andmore disenfranchised; the political culturegrevv more corrupt.

When George W. Bush decided to elim-inate Saddam önce and for ali in 2003,Bush personalized tiıe vvar, and for under-standable reasons. Saddam vvas a usefulsymbol a seeming madman. Hadn't hetried to kili Bush's retired father on a visitto Kuvvait in 1993? And Saddam so domi-nated Iraq that it vvas much easier to selithe threat vvhen you could put his sinisterface on it. But that also led to the miscon-ception that removing him vvould solve aliproblems the notion that ali Iraqis vvant-ed vvas "freedom," even though for genera-tions under totalitarian rule they had noclear idea vvhat that meant. Because somany Iraqis hated Saddam, Washingtonvvrongly figured they vvould vvelcome in¬vading Americans. Instead, the U.S.-ledoccupation opened the vvay for multipleinsurgencies.

The moment vvhen Saddam Hussein'scapture could be hailed as a turning pointin the conflict is long past. Having focusedthe vvorld's attention on the evil of thisone man, the Bush administration treatedhim as a kind of totem, declaring nevv vic-tories vvhen his statue vvas pulled dovvn byU.S. Marines in Baghdad, vvhen he vvasdragged out of the hole vvhere he vvas hid-ing several montiıs later, vvhen he vvas puton trial and vvhen he vvas convicted. Butthe execution ? A "milestone" on a long anddangerous road.

Here, then, is the tragedy of America'sinvolvement in Iraq, novv and in tiıe fu¬ture: vvhat Saddam achieved for his coun¬try came at a terrible cost, and of thecountless problems he created and perpet-uated, his death solves none.

With MICHAEL HASTINGS and SCOTT JOHNSON inBaghdad, RICHARD VVOLFFE in Washington

andBABAKOEHGHANPİSHEH

21

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

L'EXPRESS 11/1/2007

Sunnites-chiitesAdeptesdelasunna...Lamajoritedes

musulmansacceptentcomme eritire de foilatradition(sunna)duProphete et de ses com-pagnons. Lesunnismecomptequatregrandesecolesplusou moinsouvertesou rigoristesselon la place qu'ellesfont â l'ijtihad, Pinterpre-tationdestextes.

...etpaıtisansducalifeAliPrincipaledissidence

del'islam, le chiismevientd'undesaccordsurlasuccessionduProphete. Les chiites sontles partisansd'AI i (chi'atAli), lequatriemecalife,gendre du Prophete, dontilsrefusent, en 66ı, lade-position par Mou'avviya,le fondateur de la dynas-tiedesOmeyyades.Les chiites duodecimainsreconnaissent une chaîne

L'ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

dei2İmamsjusqu'audernier, Mohammed,disparuen874, imam«cache»qui devrait,comme leMessie,revenir âla fin des temps.Contrairement au clergesunnite, leclerge chiiteesttreshierarchise.

L'Irak est-il le creuset d'un af-frontement communautaireentre les deuxgrandes familiesde l'islam ? Le revelateur, plu-töt, d'une lutted'influenceentre l'Iran etl'Arabiesaoudite

Manifestation â la memoire de Saddam, le ıer janvier.

Une semaine apres sa mort,les partisans de l'ex-dicta-teur irakien etaient encorenombreıoc â venir prier sursa tombe, dans son villagenatal d'Aouja, pres de Ti¬

krit. Saddam Hussein etait un tyran, as-surement, mais il etait sunnite, commeceux qui le pleurent aujourd'hui. Cettecommunaute, minoritaire en Irak, avait,tant qu'il dirigeait le pays, le sentimentd'etre aux commandes. Elle detenait l'es-sentiel du pouvoir, au sein du parti Baascomme dans l'armee. La majorite chiiteetait ecrasee, et toute tentative de revolte,impitoyablement reprimee dans le sang.En 2003, apres avoir renverse le dictateur,les Americains ont decrete la democratie.Les baasistes ont ete chasses des allees dupouvoir. Et les chiites ont pris les renes dupays. C'etait la loi du nombre... Pour lessunnites d'Irak, cependant, c'est la jus¬tice des vainqueurs qui est passee, au pe-tit matin du 30 decembre, dans ce peni-tencier de Bagdad oü le rai's a ete execute.Les images volees montrant Saddam, lacorde au cou, invective par des gardesscandant le nom de Moqtada al-Sadr - lechef d'une milice chiite - illustrent la di-vision d'un pays qui, chaque jour, s'en-fonce un peu plus dans la guerre çivile.

Faut-il voir, dans les violences inter-irakiennes, les premisses d'un nouvel af-frontement entre chiites et sunnites, quiembraserait tout le Moyen-Orient ? Cer¬tains analystes sont convaincus que leconflit a dejâ commence - a Bagdad, maisaussi â Beyrouth, oü une coalition conduitepar les partis chiites exige, avec le soutiende Teheran et de Damas, le depart du Pre¬mier ministre sunnite, Fouad Siniora, pro-occidental et prosaoudien. Le roi Abdal-lah de Jordanie n'evoquait-il pas, il y aquelques mois dejâ, le danger que repre-senterait, pour le monde arabe sunnite,l'emergence d'un « are chiite » reliant l'Iranau Liban en passant par l'Irak ?

Si la guerre çivile irakienne est bien unconflit seetaire - elle pose, en cela, la ques-tion du devenir de l'Irak, nation impro-bable inventee par les Britanniques aulendemain de la Premiere Guerre mon-diale - la rivalite qu'elle nourrit â l'echellede la region releve pourtant plus d'unelutte d'influence entre puissances qued'une guerre communautaire. Et l'ideed'une solidarite chiite, ou sunnite, quitranscenderait les frontieres des Etats estâ tout le moins simplificatrice.

Tous les chiites sont loin d'etre pro-iraniens. Dans les monarchies du Golfe,la plupart d'entre eux recusent le magis-tere religieux du Guide de la revolutioniranienne, l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Etla popülarite de Hassan Nasrallah, le chefde la milice chiite du Hezbollah, dans lespays arabes sunnites - oü il fut parfoiscompare â Gamal Abdel Nasser - exprimeune dynamique radicale qui depasse lesclivages entre les communautes.

Ce qui emerge aujourd'hui au Moyen-Orient, c'est l'affrontement de deux am-bitions et de deux logiques : celle de l'Iran,qui entend devenir un acteur majeur dansla region en federant un front du refus anti-occidental, et celle des grands Etats arabessunnites conservateurs, au premier rangdesquels l'Arabie saoudite, qui s'estimentmenaces par l'activisme de Teheran.Aussi paradoxal que cela soit, les mol-

lahs iraniens sont les principaux benefi-ciaires de la politique americaine en Irak.En chassant Saddam du pouvoir, les Ame-

22

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

L'EXPRESS 11/1/2007

Sunnites-chiitesAdeptesdelasunna...Lamajoritedes

musulmansacceptentcomme eritire de foilatradition(sunna)duProphete et de ses com-pagnons. Lesunnismecomptequatregrandesecolesplusou moinsouvertesou rigoristesselon la place qu'ellesfont â l'ijtihad, Pinterpre-tationdestextes.

...etpaıtisansducalifeAliPrincipaledissidence

del'islam, le chiismevientd'undesaccordsurlasuccessionduProphete. Les chiites sontles partisansd'AI i (chi'atAli), lequatriemecalife,gendre du Prophete, dontilsrefusent, en 66ı, lade-position par Mou'avviya,le fondateur de la dynas-tiedesOmeyyades.Les chiites duodecimainsreconnaissent une chaîne

L'ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

dei2İmamsjusqu'audernier, Mohammed,disparuen874, imam«cache»qui devrait,comme leMessie,revenir âla fin des temps.Contrairement au clergesunnite, leclerge chiiteesttreshierarchise.

L'Irak est-il le creuset d'un af-frontement communautaireentre les deuxgrandes familiesde l'islam ? Le revelateur, plu-töt, d'une lutted'influenceentre l'Iran etl'Arabiesaoudite

Manifestation â la memoire de Saddam, le ıer janvier.

Une semaine apres sa mort,les partisans de l'ex-dicta-teur irakien etaient encorenombreıoc â venir prier sursa tombe, dans son villagenatal d'Aouja, pres de Ti¬

krit. Saddam Hussein etait un tyran, as-surement, mais il etait sunnite, commeceux qui le pleurent aujourd'hui. Cettecommunaute, minoritaire en Irak, avait,tant qu'il dirigeait le pays, le sentimentd'etre aux commandes. Elle detenait l'es-sentiel du pouvoir, au sein du parti Baascomme dans l'armee. La majorite chiiteetait ecrasee, et toute tentative de revolte,impitoyablement reprimee dans le sang.En 2003, apres avoir renverse le dictateur,les Americains ont decrete la democratie.Les baasistes ont ete chasses des allees dupouvoir. Et les chiites ont pris les renes dupays. C'etait la loi du nombre... Pour lessunnites d'Irak, cependant, c'est la jus¬tice des vainqueurs qui est passee, au pe-tit matin du 30 decembre, dans ce peni-tencier de Bagdad oü le rai's a ete execute.Les images volees montrant Saddam, lacorde au cou, invective par des gardesscandant le nom de Moqtada al-Sadr - lechef d'une milice chiite - illustrent la di-vision d'un pays qui, chaque jour, s'en-fonce un peu plus dans la guerre çivile.

Faut-il voir, dans les violences inter-irakiennes, les premisses d'un nouvel af-frontement entre chiites et sunnites, quiembraserait tout le Moyen-Orient ? Cer¬tains analystes sont convaincus que leconflit a dejâ commence - a Bagdad, maisaussi â Beyrouth, oü une coalition conduitepar les partis chiites exige, avec le soutiende Teheran et de Damas, le depart du Pre¬mier ministre sunnite, Fouad Siniora, pro-occidental et prosaoudien. Le roi Abdal-lah de Jordanie n'evoquait-il pas, il y aquelques mois dejâ, le danger que repre-senterait, pour le monde arabe sunnite,l'emergence d'un « are chiite » reliant l'Iranau Liban en passant par l'Irak ?

Si la guerre çivile irakienne est bien unconflit seetaire - elle pose, en cela, la ques-tion du devenir de l'Irak, nation impro-bable inventee par les Britanniques aulendemain de la Premiere Guerre mon-diale - la rivalite qu'elle nourrit â l'echellede la region releve pourtant plus d'unelutte d'influence entre puissances qued'une guerre communautaire. Et l'ideed'une solidarite chiite, ou sunnite, quitranscenderait les frontieres des Etats estâ tout le moins simplificatrice.

Tous les chiites sont loin d'etre pro-iraniens. Dans les monarchies du Golfe,la plupart d'entre eux recusent le magis-tere religieux du Guide de la revolutioniranienne, l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Etla popülarite de Hassan Nasrallah, le chefde la milice chiite du Hezbollah, dans lespays arabes sunnites - oü il fut parfoiscompare â Gamal Abdel Nasser - exprimeune dynamique radicale qui depasse lesclivages entre les communautes.

Ce qui emerge aujourd'hui au Moyen-Orient, c'est l'affrontement de deux am-bitions et de deux logiques : celle de l'Iran,qui entend devenir un acteur majeur dansla region en federant un front du refus anti-occidental, et celle des grands Etats arabessunnites conservateurs, au premier rangdesquels l'Arabie saoudite, qui s'estimentmenaces par l'activisme de Teheran.Aussi paradoxal que cela soit, les mol-

lahs iraniens sont les principaux benefi-ciaires de la politique americaine en Irak.En chassant Saddam du pouvoir, les Ame-

22

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

nouvelleguerre?

Minoritaires en Arabie saoudite, les chiites representent cependant 60 % de la population dans la province petrolifere du Hasa, dans l'est du pays.

ricains les ont debarrasses de leur prin¬cipal ennemi. En outre, les leaders despartis chiites au pouvoir â Bagdad sonttous, peu ou prou, leurs obliges : â l'epoquede Saddam, ils vivaient pour la plupart enexil en Iran.

Les Saoudiens redoutent surtoutl'eclatement de l'Irak

Mais la volonte de puissance de Teheranne se limite pas â la constitution d'un axechiite ni â la defense des minorites chiitesopprimees. Le discours du president Mah-moud Ahmadinejad, totalement dans laligne de l'ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini,pere de la revolution islamique, est reso-lument panislamique. Ses relais sontparfois chiites - le Hezbollah, au Liban -mais parfois aussi sunnites - le Hamaset le Djihad islamique, en Palestine. Bref,Teheran joue sur les deux tableaux. Avecun objectif tres pragmatique : devenir leleader de la region.

Les Saoudiens sont certainement ceuxque preoccupent le plus les ambitions del'Iran, qu'il s'agisse de sa diplomatie re-gionale ou de son volontarisme nucleaire.Ils redoutent par-dessus tout l'eclatementde l'Irak : aucune zone tampon ne les pro-

tegerait plus alors des Iraniens, et l'en-clave sunnite qui subsisterait entre le Nordkürde et le Sud chiite risquerait fort de de¬venir un fıef d'Al-Qaeda.

Le regime saoudien est-il pour autantpret a intervenir, en soutenant ouverte-ment les sunnites d'Irak face aux miliceschiites pro-iraniennes ? Cette hypotheseetait evoquee, le 29 novembre 2006, dansles colonnes du Washington Post par unconseiller du princeTurki al-Fayçal, alorsambassadeur de Riyad â Washington.Depuis, l'auteur de la tribüne a ete limogeet le prince a quitte precipitamment sonposte d'ambassadeur. On sait peu dechose des debats internes dans ce regimeopaque. Mais il semble bien que des chefsde tribus, cousines de celles d'Irak, ainsique certains religieux, plaident pour unepolitique de soutien aux sunnites irakiens.Cette revendication aurait trouve des avo-cats au sein de la famille royale, notam¬ment dans la jeune generation. Dejâ, lesjournaux du royaume evoquent la « me-nace iranienne », voire la « menace perse »

ou un « complot chiito-chretien ». Allu-sion au double parrainage, iranien et ame¬ricain, dont beneficie le gouvemementde Bagdad. Dominique Lagarde

LamosaîquechiiteEnvironi5%desmusul-mans,soitun peu plus de200 millions, sont chiites.C'est en Iran, seul paysoü le chiisme est religiond'Etat, qu'ils sont le plusnombreux (62 millions).Viennent ensuite le Pakis¬tan (33 millions) et l'lnde(31 millions).Les chiites arabesne representent que 18 %

du total.Ils sont majoritaires

en Irak (60 %) et â Bahrei'n(70%).

Ils sont une forteminorite au Liban (30 %),

au Yemen (42%)et au Kovvei't (40 %).

Ils sont presentsegalement en Arabiesaoudite (15 %),

auxEmirats arabes uniset au Qatar.

23

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

nouvelleguerre?

Minoritaires en Arabie saoudite, les chiites representent cependant 60 % de la population dans la province petrolifere du Hasa, dans l'est du pays.

ricains les ont debarrasses de leur prin¬cipal ennemi. En outre, les leaders despartis chiites au pouvoir â Bagdad sonttous, peu ou prou, leurs obliges : â l'epoquede Saddam, ils vivaient pour la plupart enexil en Iran.

Les Saoudiens redoutent surtoutl'eclatement de l'Irak

Mais la volonte de puissance de Teheranne se limite pas â la constitution d'un axechiite ni â la defense des minorites chiitesopprimees. Le discours du president Mah-moud Ahmadinejad, totalement dans laligne de l'ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini,pere de la revolution islamique, est reso-lument panislamique. Ses relais sontparfois chiites - le Hezbollah, au Liban -mais parfois aussi sunnites - le Hamaset le Djihad islamique, en Palestine. Bref,Teheran joue sur les deux tableaux. Avecun objectif tres pragmatique : devenir leleader de la region.

Les Saoudiens sont certainement ceuxque preoccupent le plus les ambitions del'Iran, qu'il s'agisse de sa diplomatie re-gionale ou de son volontarisme nucleaire.Ils redoutent par-dessus tout l'eclatementde l'Irak : aucune zone tampon ne les pro-

tegerait plus alors des Iraniens, et l'en-clave sunnite qui subsisterait entre le Nordkürde et le Sud chiite risquerait fort de de¬venir un fıef d'Al-Qaeda.

Le regime saoudien est-il pour autantpret a intervenir, en soutenant ouverte-ment les sunnites d'Irak face aux miliceschiites pro-iraniennes ? Cette hypotheseetait evoquee, le 29 novembre 2006, dansles colonnes du Washington Post par unconseiller du princeTurki al-Fayçal, alorsambassadeur de Riyad â Washington.Depuis, l'auteur de la tribüne a ete limogeet le prince a quitte precipitamment sonposte d'ambassadeur. On sait peu dechose des debats internes dans ce regimeopaque. Mais il semble bien que des chefsde tribus, cousines de celles d'Irak, ainsique certains religieux, plaident pour unepolitique de soutien aux sunnites irakiens.Cette revendication aurait trouve des avo-cats au sein de la famille royale, notam¬ment dans la jeune generation. Dejâ, lesjournaux du royaume evoquent la « me-nace iranienne », voire la « menace perse »

ou un « complot chiito-chretien ». Allu-sion au double parrainage, iranien et ame¬ricain, dont beneficie le gouvemementde Bagdad. Dominique Lagarde

LamosaîquechiiteEnvironi5%desmusul-mans,soitun peu plus de200 millions, sont chiites.C'est en Iran, seul paysoü le chiisme est religiond'Etat, qu'ils sont le plusnombreux (62 millions).Viennent ensuite le Pakis¬tan (33 millions) et l'lnde(31 millions).Les chiites arabesne representent que 18 %

du total.Ils sont majoritaires

en Irak (60 %) et â Bahrei'n(70%).

Ils sont une forteminorite au Liban (30 %),

au Yemen (42%)et au Kovvei't (40 %).

Ils sont presentsegalement en Arabiesaoudite (15 %),

auxEmirats arabes uniset au Qatar.

23

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL. JANUARY 10, 2007

U.S. allies see a 'nightmare' caseif Iraq situation worsens, spreads

As Bush readies a nevv strategy, Arab leadersfret that Sunni-Shiite rift could breach borders

By Neil King Jr. and Greg Jaffe in Washington

AS U.S. PRESİDENT George W. Bushprepares to unveil his latest Iraqstrategy, Arab allies are vvorriedabout vvhat might happen if the planfails: that vvorsening strife could en-

gulf the entire region, sparking a vvider vvar inthe middle of the vvorld's largest oil patch.

The potential of a much larger regionalconflict that pits Sunnis against Shiites is in-creasingly on the minds of both Arab leadersand U.S. military planners, according to re¬gional diplomats and U.S. officials. Some arecalling such a possible outcome the "night-mare scenario." A vvider conflict appearsmore plausible novv because, even as Iraq isseparating alonğ sectarian lines, regional dy-namics are shoving neighboring nations intotwo rival camps.

On one side is a Shiite-led are runningfrom Iran into central Iraq, through Syria andinto Lebanon. On the other side lie Americanallies Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt, alongvvith Persian Gulf states such as Qatar and theUnited Arab Emirates. These,Sunni regimesare horrified at the emerging, increasinglyradicalized Shiite bloc, largely financed andinspired by Iran, Arab diplomats say.

in the middle is Iraq, vvhich looks less andless Like a buffer betvveen these two axes ofMid¬dle East povver, and more of a no-man's landthat is bringing them into conflict. Arab offi¬cials fear that if the U.S. withdraws from there,or diminishes its troop numbers in ways thatIraq's own weak military can't fiil, the two sidescould come into direct and bloody conflict.

The U.S. is eager to tamp down these ris-'ing jitters över a vvider elash vvithin the Arabvvorld. Mr. Bush, in a televised speech to-night, vvill detail plans for reconstruction aidand a temporary surge in the number of U.S.troops in Iraq. The troop boost is meant inpart to calm regional fears of a U.S. pullout.Mr. Bush is expected to send Secretary ofState Coridoleezza Rice to the region soon tohelp explain his nevv Iraq strategy in vvhatcould be her most comprehensive trip therein more than a year.

The U.S. also is pushing a wide-rangingstrategy to persuade its Sünni allies that it isserious about counteracting the rise ofIran in exchange for Arab help in Iraq andthe Palestinian territories.

Key to the effort is the continued promiseto keep U.S. forces in Iraq for as long as neces-sary. The U.S. also is beefing up U.S. forces inthe Persian Gulf and plans to deepen securitycooperation vvith Gulf allies. The Pentagonhas proposed sending a second carrier battle

group to the Gulf region. There also are. ad-vanced plans under way to knit together theair-defense systems of the six smaller Gulfstates, including Qatar, Oman and the UnitedArab Emirates, and to build a U.S.-adminis-tered missile-defense system. Similarly, theU.S. Air Force is laying plans to step up exer-cises vvith Arab allies in the region. One pro-posal calls for the U.S. to hold combined air ex-ercises vvith Oman and the UAE.

Arab governments are putting in placetheir own contingeney plans in case Iraq be-gins to fail apart.

The Saudis have vvarned the Bush adminis¬tration that they are prepared to aid theSünni militias in Iraq if the Sünni populationthere becomes imperiled, a Saudi diplomatsaid. Jordanian officials have told the Penta¬gon that they may move troops into Iraq's un-inhabited vvestern desert as a buffer if eventsthere spiral out of control, according to U.S.military officials. Turkish officials, vvho aregrappling vvith a separatist Kurdish move-ment in their country, say they vvould opposethe creation of an independent Kurdistan innorthern Iraq. They also say they are pre¬

pared to defend Iraq's Türkmen population,vvho share a common ethnicity vvith Turkey'smajority population, should it come under at-tack. Even Syria, vvhich the U.S. alleges hasbeen abetting the conflict, is expressingalarm över the potential fraeturing of Iraq.

"Can you imâ'gine the effect of Iraq break-ing apart, and each group looking for a re¬gional or international povver to support theirterritorial claims or their ethnic claims?" asksImad Moustapha, Syria's ambassador to Wash¬ington. "The repercussions vvill be terrible,not just for Iraq but for ali the countries."

An all-out civil vvar in Iraq that drags inbordering countries vvould send shock vvavesthrough the global oil market, potentiallypushing oil prices to more than $100 a bar-rel, oil analysts predict. Iraq, Kuvvait, SaudiArabia and Iran together hold about two-thirds of the vvorld's proven oil reserves.

Two seholars, Kenneth Pollack at theBrookings Institution and Daniel Byman ofthe Rand Corp., have vvorked for months on astudy that lays out possible consequences ina vvorst-case scenario, from skyrocketing oilprices to huge, destabilizing refugee flovvs.They argue that Iraq could become thevvorld's premier sanetuary for terrorism andthat strife there could spark minority upris-ings in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria and evenamong Turkey's sizable Kurdish population.

Iraq's neighbors fear the inereasing reachof Shiite Iran, vvhose expansion has beenheld in eheck for cenfuries by the Sunnis ofIraq. Among ali of Iraq;s neighbors, Iran isthe one. country that could clearly benefitfrom a possible breakup of Iraq along sectar¬ian lines. The emergence of a large, oil-richand devoutly Shiite Arab state carved fromIraq's southern half, vvith a governmentclosely tied to Iran, vvould radically alter theface of the Middle East and grant more lever-age to Shiite leaders in Tehran.

Another core fear is that a sectarianblood-

bath in Iraq could draw in neighboring states,vvhich vvould feel pressed to defend their owninterests or to protect their brethren in Iraq.

Last month's bipartisan Iraq Study Groupreport sketehed out such a potential se-quence of events, based on intervievvs of se-nior Arab diplomats by the panel's top advis-ers. in one of the bleakest public assess-ments to date of vvhat it called the "conse-quences of continued decline in Iraq," the re¬port deseribes a potential cauldron of ethniceleansing in Iraq that could draw in the coun¬try's main neighbors: Turkey from the northto prevent the Iraqi Kurds from declaring in-dependence; Iran from the east to secure thecountry's south and gain control över oilfields in that region.

"Ambassadors from neighboring coun¬tries told us that they fear the distinet pössi-bility of Sunni-Shia elashes across the Is-lamic vvorld," the report notes. "Such abroader sectarian conflict could öpen a Pan-dora's box of problems including the radi-calization of populations, mass movementsof populations, and regime changes thatmight take decades to play.out."

Some öf the study group's top adviserscontend that the process of ethnic eleansing,particularly by Iraqi Shiites trying to rid cit-ies and regions of their Sünni populations, isalready under way. "We may be about one-third through the process, vvith little abilityto do anything about it," says Wayne VVhite,a former Middle East intelligence official atthe State Department.

Critics of the panel's core recommenda-tion that the U.S. begin a rapid dravvdovvnof American combat forces in Iraq thatvvould culminate in a full vvithdravval of com¬bat troops by early 2008 say such a movevvould leave a military vacuum in Iraq thatcould öpen the vvay for an upsurge in Shiiteviolence against the Sunnis in Iraq.

The Sunni-Shiite split goes back to theearly days of islam, vvhen a bloody feudbroke out över vvhich of the Prophet Muham-mad's descendants should lead the Müslimfaithful. Sunnis novv predominate through-out the Middle East, vvith the exception ofIran. Shiites have recently experienced a re-surgence in influence in the region, not just

24

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL. JANUARY 10, 2007

U.S. allies see a 'nightmare' caseif Iraq situation worsens, spreads

As Bush readies a nevv strategy, Arab leadersfret that Sunni-Shiite rift could breach borders

By Neil King Jr. and Greg Jaffe in Washington

AS U.S. PRESİDENT George W. Bushprepares to unveil his latest Iraqstrategy, Arab allies are vvorriedabout vvhat might happen if the planfails: that vvorsening strife could en-

gulf the entire region, sparking a vvider vvar inthe middle of the vvorld's largest oil patch.

The potential of a much larger regionalconflict that pits Sunnis against Shiites is in-creasingly on the minds of both Arab leadersand U.S. military planners, according to re¬gional diplomats and U.S. officials. Some arecalling such a possible outcome the "night-mare scenario." A vvider conflict appearsmore plausible novv because, even as Iraq isseparating alonğ sectarian lines, regional dy-namics are shoving neighboring nations intotwo rival camps.

On one side is a Shiite-led are runningfrom Iran into central Iraq, through Syria andinto Lebanon. On the other side lie Americanallies Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt, alongvvith Persian Gulf states such as Qatar and theUnited Arab Emirates. These,Sunni regimesare horrified at the emerging, increasinglyradicalized Shiite bloc, largely financed andinspired by Iran, Arab diplomats say.

in the middle is Iraq, vvhich looks less andless Like a buffer betvveen these two axes ofMid¬dle East povver, and more of a no-man's landthat is bringing them into conflict. Arab offi¬cials fear that if the U.S. withdraws from there,or diminishes its troop numbers in ways thatIraq's own weak military can't fiil, the two sidescould come into direct and bloody conflict.

The U.S. is eager to tamp down these ris-'ing jitters över a vvider elash vvithin the Arabvvorld. Mr. Bush, in a televised speech to-night, vvill detail plans for reconstruction aidand a temporary surge in the number of U.S.troops in Iraq. The troop boost is meant inpart to calm regional fears of a U.S. pullout.Mr. Bush is expected to send Secretary ofState Coridoleezza Rice to the region soon tohelp explain his nevv Iraq strategy in vvhatcould be her most comprehensive trip therein more than a year.

The U.S. also is pushing a wide-rangingstrategy to persuade its Sünni allies that it isserious about counteracting the rise ofIran in exchange for Arab help in Iraq andthe Palestinian territories.

Key to the effort is the continued promiseto keep U.S. forces in Iraq for as long as neces-sary. The U.S. also is beefing up U.S. forces inthe Persian Gulf and plans to deepen securitycooperation vvith Gulf allies. The Pentagonhas proposed sending a second carrier battle

group to the Gulf region. There also are. ad-vanced plans under way to knit together theair-defense systems of the six smaller Gulfstates, including Qatar, Oman and the UnitedArab Emirates, and to build a U.S.-adminis-tered missile-defense system. Similarly, theU.S. Air Force is laying plans to step up exer-cises vvith Arab allies in the region. One pro-posal calls for the U.S. to hold combined air ex-ercises vvith Oman and the UAE.

Arab governments are putting in placetheir own contingeney plans in case Iraq be-gins to fail apart.

The Saudis have vvarned the Bush adminis¬tration that they are prepared to aid theSünni militias in Iraq if the Sünni populationthere becomes imperiled, a Saudi diplomatsaid. Jordanian officials have told the Penta¬gon that they may move troops into Iraq's un-inhabited vvestern desert as a buffer if eventsthere spiral out of control, according to U.S.military officials. Turkish officials, vvho aregrappling vvith a separatist Kurdish move-ment in their country, say they vvould opposethe creation of an independent Kurdistan innorthern Iraq. They also say they are pre¬

pared to defend Iraq's Türkmen population,vvho share a common ethnicity vvith Turkey'smajority population, should it come under at-tack. Even Syria, vvhich the U.S. alleges hasbeen abetting the conflict, is expressingalarm över the potential fraeturing of Iraq.

"Can you imâ'gine the effect of Iraq break-ing apart, and each group looking for a re¬gional or international povver to support theirterritorial claims or their ethnic claims?" asksImad Moustapha, Syria's ambassador to Wash¬ington. "The repercussions vvill be terrible,not just for Iraq but for ali the countries."

An all-out civil vvar in Iraq that drags inbordering countries vvould send shock vvavesthrough the global oil market, potentiallypushing oil prices to more than $100 a bar-rel, oil analysts predict. Iraq, Kuvvait, SaudiArabia and Iran together hold about two-thirds of the vvorld's proven oil reserves.

Two seholars, Kenneth Pollack at theBrookings Institution and Daniel Byman ofthe Rand Corp., have vvorked for months on astudy that lays out possible consequences ina vvorst-case scenario, from skyrocketing oilprices to huge, destabilizing refugee flovvs.They argue that Iraq could become thevvorld's premier sanetuary for terrorism andthat strife there could spark minority upris-ings in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria and evenamong Turkey's sizable Kurdish population.

Iraq's neighbors fear the inereasing reachof Shiite Iran, vvhose expansion has beenheld in eheck for cenfuries by the Sunnis ofIraq. Among ali of Iraq;s neighbors, Iran isthe one. country that could clearly benefitfrom a possible breakup of Iraq along sectar¬ian lines. The emergence of a large, oil-richand devoutly Shiite Arab state carved fromIraq's southern half, vvith a governmentclosely tied to Iran, vvould radically alter theface of the Middle East and grant more lever-age to Shiite leaders in Tehran.

Another core fear is that a sectarianblood-

bath in Iraq could draw in neighboring states,vvhich vvould feel pressed to defend their owninterests or to protect their brethren in Iraq.

Last month's bipartisan Iraq Study Groupreport sketehed out such a potential se-quence of events, based on intervievvs of se-nior Arab diplomats by the panel's top advis-ers. in one of the bleakest public assess-ments to date of vvhat it called the "conse-quences of continued decline in Iraq," the re¬port deseribes a potential cauldron of ethniceleansing in Iraq that could draw in the coun¬try's main neighbors: Turkey from the northto prevent the Iraqi Kurds from declaring in-dependence; Iran from the east to secure thecountry's south and gain control över oilfields in that region.

"Ambassadors from neighboring coun¬tries told us that they fear the distinet pössi-bility of Sunni-Shia elashes across the Is-lamic vvorld," the report notes. "Such abroader sectarian conflict could öpen a Pan-dora's box of problems including the radi-calization of populations, mass movementsof populations, and regime changes thatmight take decades to play.out."

Some öf the study group's top adviserscontend that the process of ethnic eleansing,particularly by Iraqi Shiites trying to rid cit-ies and regions of their Sünni populations, isalready under way. "We may be about one-third through the process, vvith little abilityto do anything about it," says Wayne VVhite,a former Middle East intelligence official atthe State Department.

Critics of the panel's core recommenda-tion that the U.S. begin a rapid dravvdovvnof American combat forces in Iraq thatvvould culminate in a full vvithdravval of com¬bat troops by early 2008 say such a movevvould leave a military vacuum in Iraq thatcould öpen the vvay for an upsurge in Shiiteviolence against the Sunnis in Iraq.

The Sunni-Shiite split goes back to theearly days of islam, vvhen a bloody feudbroke out över vvhich of the Prophet Muham-mad's descendants should lead the Müslimfaithful. Sunnis novv predominate through-out the Middle East, vvith the exception ofIran. Shiites have recently experienced a re-surgence in influence in the region, not just

24

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Povvderkeg i

lraq's neighbors, fearing the possibility of an all-out civil vvar in lraq if the U.S. strategythere fails, have varying interests and contingencies that could pull the region into amuch larger conflict.

Religious majorityFİ Shiite Müslim

Sünni Müslim

Kurds

SAUDİ ARABİA: Fearing upheavalıf lraq's Shiites begin to rout theSunnis, has told the U.S. it vvouldhelp arm and equip Sünni militiasin lraq

JORDAN: Already svvelling vvithlraqi refugees, says it couldmove its armed forces into theraqi desert to stern a much

biggerflovv

SYRİA: Insists it vvon't intervenemilitarily, but fears huge internalupheaval if lraq begins tosplinter

TURKEY: Could move to cut offlraqi oil exports across its borderif lraq's Kurds declareindependence or could move introops if the Türkmen of Kirkukcome under attack

IRAN: Already offeringsignificant support for lraq'sShiites, is the one neighbor thatcould gain from lraq's breakup

vvith the rise of Iran but also vvith the Shiiteascendancy in Iraq and Hezbollah's successin fighting Israel in Lebanon last summer.

High-level Arab officials have been vvarn-ing for months that if left unchecked, the cur-rent slide into chaos in Iraq could spark a re¬gional sectarian clash, according to U.S. andArab diplomats. They have begun to sharetheir contingency plans vvith top U.S. offi¬cials, in part because they hope to jolt theBush administration into taking stronger ac-tion in Iraq and to secure the continued pres¬ence of U.S. troops there.

Jordanian officials have suggested that ifIraq vvere to fail into a full-out civil vvar, Jor-dan vvould push troops to the border, and pos-sibly across it, as far as Rutbah about.130 kilo-meters inside Iraq, to stern an expected flowof Sünni refugees, says a U.S. military plannervvho recently met vvith leaders in the region.

"The danger is that if the Jordanianscarve out a security zone or buffer zone in¬side Iraq, that the Syrians, Saudis and Turksvvill ali follovv," says the military planner. TheSyrians could move into vvestern Ninevehprovince, vvhile the Turks could send troopsto protect the Sünni Türkmen population inthe north, he says.

Jordanian officials say they are driven bytwo main concerns. The first is that Sunnis-fleeing Shiite oppression could turn Ammaninto the center of Sünni resistance againstthe Shiite-dominated government in Bagh¬

dad. Already the Jordanian capitalis home to about 900,000 Iraqis,vvho constitute as much as 15% ofthe population. The Jordaniansvvorry that Iraq's Shiite militiascould send small teams ofmilitantsto Amman to launch assassinationcampaigns or terror attacks

against the Sünni insurgency."We have quite enough instabil-

ity in Jordan as it is," says a seniorJordanian official.

Jordan'ş other big fear is sharedby the U.S.'s other Sünni alliesthroughout the region that anIraqi Shiite government closely al-lied vvith Iran could dominate theregion. Jordan is one of the mostuniformly Sünni countries in theGulf. But vvhen U.S. military offi¬cials visited the region recently,their^Jordanian counterparts de¬scribed vvith alarm hovv 200 oftheir Sünni citizens had convertedto Shia islam in recent months. TheJordanians said the converts vveremotivated by the Shiite-dominatedHezbollah's tough stand against Is¬rael över the summer and by thegrovving povver of radical cleric Mo-

qtada al-Sadr in Iraq."it seems preposterous, but it

shovvs hovv hyper-reactive they areto it," says the U.S. military planner.

Saudi Arabia, vvhich has a Sunni-majority population but significantpockets of Shiites in many of its oil-rich provinces, also has voicedalarm över the grovving popularityof both Hezbollah and the Sadrmovement in its own eastern ex-panses. "The Shiites in those prov¬inces love Sadr and Nasrallah,"Hezbollah's leader, the U.S. mili¬tary planner says. Saudi officialsalso fret över the prospect of adeepening civil vvar in Iraq.

A huge challenge for the U.S. isthat many of its Sünni allies in theregion already vievv the current sit-uation in Iraq as a defeat for theircause and a near-complete victoryfor Iran. "They refer to the Shiite Is-lamic parties in Iraq as the Per-sians," the military planner says, us¬ing the historical term for Persian-speaking Iranians.

in recent vveeks, some of theU.S. allies in the Gulf have quietlyadvocated breaking up the Iraqigovernment in favor of a militarydictatorship, governed by a seculaıShiite, a Sünni and a Kurd, according to the military planner. The military dictatorship^ vvould rule untithe country couldbe stabilized ancnevv elections held. Religious parties, like those that currently dominate Iraqi politics, vvould b(banned from participating in futüre elections.

U.S. officials have ruled out suclan option, saying that it runs contrary to their desire to bring democracy to Iraq and that it vvould neve:be accepted by Iraq's Shiites, wh<are already largely in control.

Some Middle East analysts dis

miss the possibility of interven-tion in Iraq by its Sunni-led neigh¬bors, saying these fragile regimesare interested foremost in theirown survival. U.S. officials say theparanoia surrounding Iran and therise of Shiite influence could leadthem to conclude that their sur¬vival depends on intervening on be-half of Iraq's Sünni minority. Someof the vvar-gaming, both vvithin theBush administration and amongoutside experts, focuses on suchpotential scenarios.

Under one scenario, sketched byMr. White of the Iraq Study Group,Iraq's Shiites vvould launch an exten-sive campaign to drive the Sunnis outof large areas of central Iraq. Fearinga rout of the Sünni population, SaudiArabia vvould finance a large-scalecounteroffensive, funneling aid toformer Iraqi military officers throughJordan, vvhich has longstanding tiesto Iraq's Sünni military class. Egyptvvould do its part by providing guns,munitions, artillery and vehicles.

"VVhat people forget is that theSunnis comprise nearly the entiretop brass of the former Iraqi armyand nearly ali of the old RepublicanGuard," says Mr. VVhite. "You givethem the guns and proper equip-mentandtheyvvillbecome aformida-ble force against the Shiite militias."

The possibilityofa full-blown civüvvar in Iraq dissolving into a regionalconflict "is a scenario that nearly ev-eryone vvas rejecting just a fevvmonths ago,"hesays. "Notanymore."

25

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Povvderkeg i

lraq's neighbors, fearing the possibility of an all-out civil vvar in lraq if the U.S. strategythere fails, have varying interests and contingencies that could pull the region into amuch larger conflict.

Religious majorityFİ Shiite Müslim

Sünni Müslim

Kurds

SAUDİ ARABİA: Fearing upheavalıf lraq's Shiites begin to rout theSunnis, has told the U.S. it vvouldhelp arm and equip Sünni militiasin lraq

JORDAN: Already svvelling vvithlraqi refugees, says it couldmove its armed forces into theraqi desert to stern a much

biggerflovv

SYRİA: Insists it vvon't intervenemilitarily, but fears huge internalupheaval if lraq begins tosplinter

TURKEY: Could move to cut offlraqi oil exports across its borderif lraq's Kurds declareindependence or could move introops if the Türkmen of Kirkukcome under attack

IRAN: Already offeringsignificant support for lraq'sShiites, is the one neighbor thatcould gain from lraq's breakup

vvith the rise of Iran but also vvith the Shiiteascendancy in Iraq and Hezbollah's successin fighting Israel in Lebanon last summer.

High-level Arab officials have been vvarn-ing for months that if left unchecked, the cur-rent slide into chaos in Iraq could spark a re¬gional sectarian clash, according to U.S. andArab diplomats. They have begun to sharetheir contingency plans vvith top U.S. offi¬cials, in part because they hope to jolt theBush administration into taking stronger ac-tion in Iraq and to secure the continued pres¬ence of U.S. troops there.

Jordanian officials have suggested that ifIraq vvere to fail into a full-out civil vvar, Jor-dan vvould push troops to the border, and pos-sibly across it, as far as Rutbah about.130 kilo-meters inside Iraq, to stern an expected flowof Sünni refugees, says a U.S. military plannervvho recently met vvith leaders in the region.

"The danger is that if the Jordanianscarve out a security zone or buffer zone in¬side Iraq, that the Syrians, Saudis and Turksvvill ali follovv," says the military planner. TheSyrians could move into vvestern Ninevehprovince, vvhile the Turks could send troopsto protect the Sünni Türkmen population inthe north, he says.

Jordanian officials say they are driven bytwo main concerns. The first is that Sunnis-fleeing Shiite oppression could turn Ammaninto the center of Sünni resistance againstthe Shiite-dominated government in Bagh¬

dad. Already the Jordanian capitalis home to about 900,000 Iraqis,vvho constitute as much as 15% ofthe population. The Jordaniansvvorry that Iraq's Shiite militiascould send small teams ofmilitantsto Amman to launch assassinationcampaigns or terror attacks

against the Sünni insurgency."We have quite enough instabil-

ity in Jordan as it is," says a seniorJordanian official.

Jordan'ş other big fear is sharedby the U.S.'s other Sünni alliesthroughout the region that anIraqi Shiite government closely al-lied vvith Iran could dominate theregion. Jordan is one of the mostuniformly Sünni countries in theGulf. But vvhen U.S. military offi¬cials visited the region recently,their^Jordanian counterparts de¬scribed vvith alarm hovv 200 oftheir Sünni citizens had convertedto Shia islam in recent months. TheJordanians said the converts vveremotivated by the Shiite-dominatedHezbollah's tough stand against Is¬rael över the summer and by thegrovving povver of radical cleric Mo-

qtada al-Sadr in Iraq."it seems preposterous, but it

shovvs hovv hyper-reactive they areto it," says the U.S. military planner.

Saudi Arabia, vvhich has a Sunni-majority population but significantpockets of Shiites in many of its oil-rich provinces, also has voicedalarm över the grovving popularityof both Hezbollah and the Sadrmovement in its own eastern ex-panses. "The Shiites in those prov¬inces love Sadr and Nasrallah,"Hezbollah's leader, the U.S. mili¬tary planner says. Saudi officialsalso fret över the prospect of adeepening civil vvar in Iraq.

A huge challenge for the U.S. isthat many of its Sünni allies in theregion already vievv the current sit-uation in Iraq as a defeat for theircause and a near-complete victoryfor Iran. "They refer to the Shiite Is-lamic parties in Iraq as the Per-sians," the military planner says, us¬ing the historical term for Persian-speaking Iranians.

in recent vveeks, some of theU.S. allies in the Gulf have quietlyadvocated breaking up the Iraqigovernment in favor of a militarydictatorship, governed by a seculaıShiite, a Sünni and a Kurd, according to the military planner. The military dictatorship^ vvould rule untithe country couldbe stabilized ancnevv elections held. Religious parties, like those that currently dominate Iraqi politics, vvould b(banned from participating in futüre elections.

U.S. officials have ruled out suclan option, saying that it runs contrary to their desire to bring democracy to Iraq and that it vvould neve:be accepted by Iraq's Shiites, wh<are already largely in control.

Some Middle East analysts dis

miss the possibility of interven-tion in Iraq by its Sunni-led neigh¬bors, saying these fragile regimesare interested foremost in theirown survival. U.S. officials say theparanoia surrounding Iran and therise of Shiite influence could leadthem to conclude that their sur¬vival depends on intervening on be-half of Iraq's Sünni minority. Someof the vvar-gaming, both vvithin theBush administration and amongoutside experts, focuses on suchpotential scenarios.

Under one scenario, sketched byMr. White of the Iraq Study Group,Iraq's Shiites vvould launch an exten-sive campaign to drive the Sunnis outof large areas of central Iraq. Fearinga rout of the Sünni population, SaudiArabia vvould finance a large-scalecounteroffensive, funneling aid toformer Iraqi military officers throughJordan, vvhich has longstanding tiesto Iraq's Sünni military class. Egyptvvould do its part by providing guns,munitions, artillery and vehicles.

"VVhat people forget is that theSunnis comprise nearly the entiretop brass of the former Iraqi armyand nearly ali of the old RepublicanGuard," says Mr. VVhite. "You givethem the guns and proper equip-mentandtheyvvillbecome aformida-ble force against the Shiite militias."

The possibilityofa full-blown civüvvar in Iraq dissolving into a regionalconflict "is a scenario that nearly ev-eryone vvas rejecting just a fevvmonths ago,"hesays. "Notanymore."

25

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

l[[rffT[!ffî||j^ 15 JANVİER 2007

L'ex-dictateur irakien a ete pendu pour le moins massif de ses crimes contre l'humanite.

addam, le proces inacheveL'execution de Saddam Hussein

marque la fin d'un chapitre parti-culierement tragique de l'histoireagitee de l'Irak. Ce tyran, qui a de-truit des centaines de milliers devies innocentes, terrorisependant

plus de trois decennies tout un peuple,apporte tant de malheurs â sonpays et âses voisins, afini sesjours aubout d'unecorde dans une salle oû sa Gestapo avaitcoutume de mettre âmort ses victimes.Les circonstances et le calendrier de sonexecution, critiques â l'etranger, divisentaussi les irakiens. Pour lagrande majori-te des chiites,justice a ete faite et le tyrana paye pour ses crimes. Ils se sentent en-fin venges, liberes d'un longcauchemar,debarrasses du spectre d'un retoureven-tueldudictateurhonni. Lapendaisonin-tervenue laveille de la grande fete musul-mane du sacrifice est consideree par euxcommeuncadeauducieletnon pas com¬me une entorse â l'observance d'une tre-ve pendantcetteperiode «sainte» de par¬don etde clemence.Les sunnites irakiens, quine sontpastousdes inconditionnels de Saddam Hussein,considerent, eux, cette execution precipi-tee comme un acte de vengeance sectairedes chiites, quiveulent proclamer ainsiqu'ils sontdorenavant les nouveaux maî-tres dupays. Les Kurdes, martyrises sousle regime baasiste, ne pleurent evidem-mentpas sur le şortdutyran, mais le sen-timent dominant est celui d'un deni dejustice.SaddamHussein devait etrejuge avec sescomplices pour la campagne genocidaireAnfal («butin de guerre») de 1987-1988qui s'est soldee par la mort de 182 000 ci¬vils kurdes et la destruction de plus de4500villages duKurdistan; pourle gaza¬

ge de 5 000 civils en mars 1988 â Halabja;pour la deportation et le massacre de8000 adolescents et hommes de latribuBarzani en 1983. Des tonnes d'archives dela poliçe et de l'armee saisies par la resis-tance kürde des 1991, des documents vi¬deo tournes par une bureaucratie ira¬kienne tatillonne et soucieuse de rendrecompte a ses superieurs de labonne exe-cution des ordres, des temoignages dessurvivants etablissant la realite de ces

. crimes de masse et la chaîne de comman-dement de leurs commanditaire's sontrassemblespourfaire toute la lumiere sur .

cette periode et pour rendre justice auxvictimes. Ces proces vont devoir se pour-

Par KENDALNEZANpresident del'lnstitut kürdede Paris.

suivre, şans SaddamHussein, avecses su-bordonnes, dont son cousin Ali Hassanal-Maj id, dit «Ali le Chirnique», â l'epoqueproconsul au Kurdistan. En l'absence duprincipal accuse, ils seront malheureuse-ment incomplets et tronques.Pour la plupart des Kurdes, Saddam Hus¬seinaurait dû finir sesjours au fond d'unecellule. Lui qui, avec l'argent vole â sonpeuple, menait une vie fastueuse, auraitainsi eutout le loisir de reflechir âlavani-te de sâ megalomanie et aux malheurscauses â son peuple. En refusant de re-pondre â labarbarie par l'acte barbare delapeine capitale, ITraknouveau auraitpufrapperles esprits et inaugurerpour lare-gionune ere fondee sur l'Etatde droit.Eprouvee, frappee quotidiennementpardes attentats, la societe irakienne deman-de â ses dirigeants d'assurer l'ordre et lasecurite. Le Premier ministre Nouri al-Maliki a cru faire preuve de determina-tionenapportant âson electoratlatete deson tyran et en promettant de punir avec

ultime diffusee sur ITnternet et sur CDvers des millions de destinataires apourbut de convaincre les chiites irakiens,mais aussi les Iraniens, que cette fois-ci

leur ennemi com-mun estbien mort,que le diable qui lesobsedait depuistant d'annees estbienexorcise.Ce detournement

de lajustice â des fins partisanes est cho-quant. Mais les irakiens d'aujourd'huisont les produits d'une histoire sanglan-te, oü l'exhibition en boucle surles ecransde television des corps mutiles, cribles deballes de «traîtres â la nation arabe» ou âla «revolution» etait pratique courante,Avecuntelheritage et le climat deviolen¬ce quotidienne, les irakiens ne sont paspres d'abolir la peine de mort, meme si unbon quart des membres du gouveme¬ment, avec â leur tete le presidentkürdeTalabani, sont des abolitionnistes .

convaincus. ^Meme dans un pays paisible etdemocra- :

tique comme la France, «la patrie desdroits de l'homme», la peine de mort n'aete abolie qu'en 1981, contre les vceux dela majorite des citoyens. Les dirigeants

occidentaux devraient done etre pru-dents dans leurs critiques de l'execution

Les Kurdes, martyrises sous le regime baasiste,ne pleurent evidemment pas sur le şortdu tyran, mais le sentiment dominantest celui d'un deni de justice.

vigueurtous les autres criminels. Sadeci¬sion d'agir vite s'expliquerait aussipar lacrainte d'enlevements de personnalitesproches du pouvoir par les partisans deSaddam Hussein, afin d'obtenir salibera-tion. On parle egalement de traetationssecretes entre Americains et insurgesbaasistes, visant â obtenir de ces derniersqu'ils deposent les armes et integrent leprocessus politique en eehange de laviesauve pour leur leader.Le pouvoir chiite a şans doute voulu cou-per court â ces rumeurs. Les images pi-rates de la pendaison, les propos echangesâ cette occasion entre le condamne etquelques personnes de l'assistance, n'ontşans doute rien d'accidentel. Cette scene

de Saddam Hussein. D'autant qu'aucund'entre eux n'a eu le courage de protesterpubliquement contre les massacres per¬petres par le boucher de Bagdad, y com-pris lorsqu'il gazait ses populations kur¬des et que les images faisaient le tour dumonde. L'Union europeenne, l'ONTJ etmeme leVatkan s'etaient alors refugiesdans un silence assourdissant. Grâce âl'argent dupetrole, Saddam Hussein avaitsumonnayer le soutien des uns et aeheterle silence des autres dans la elasse diri-geante de nombreuxpays occidentauxetarabes ainsi qu'en Russie et en inde. Oncomprendra que nul n'avait interet âunproces devant un tribunal internationalindependantpourfairelalumieresurcet-

26

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

l[[rffT[!ffî||j^ 15 JANVİER 2007

L'ex-dictateur irakien a ete pendu pour le moins massif de ses crimes contre l'humanite.

addam, le proces inacheveL'execution de Saddam Hussein

marque la fin d'un chapitre parti-culierement tragique de l'histoireagitee de l'Irak. Ce tyran, qui a de-truit des centaines de milliers devies innocentes, terrorisependant

plus de trois decennies tout un peuple,apporte tant de malheurs â sonpays et âses voisins, afini sesjours aubout d'unecorde dans une salle oû sa Gestapo avaitcoutume de mettre âmort ses victimes.Les circonstances et le calendrier de sonexecution, critiques â l'etranger, divisentaussi les irakiens. Pour lagrande majori-te des chiites,justice a ete faite et le tyrana paye pour ses crimes. Ils se sentent en-fin venges, liberes d'un longcauchemar,debarrasses du spectre d'un retoureven-tueldudictateurhonni. Lapendaisonin-tervenue laveille de la grande fete musul-mane du sacrifice est consideree par euxcommeuncadeauducieletnon pas com¬me une entorse â l'observance d'une tre-ve pendantcetteperiode «sainte» de par¬don etde clemence.Les sunnites irakiens, quine sontpastousdes inconditionnels de Saddam Hussein,considerent, eux, cette execution precipi-tee comme un acte de vengeance sectairedes chiites, quiveulent proclamer ainsiqu'ils sontdorenavant les nouveaux maî-tres dupays. Les Kurdes, martyrises sousle regime baasiste, ne pleurent evidem-mentpas sur le şortdutyran, mais le sen-timent dominant est celui d'un deni dejustice.SaddamHussein devait etrejuge avec sescomplices pour la campagne genocidaireAnfal («butin de guerre») de 1987-1988qui s'est soldee par la mort de 182 000 ci¬vils kurdes et la destruction de plus de4500villages duKurdistan; pourle gaza¬

ge de 5 000 civils en mars 1988 â Halabja;pour la deportation et le massacre de8000 adolescents et hommes de latribuBarzani en 1983. Des tonnes d'archives dela poliçe et de l'armee saisies par la resis-tance kürde des 1991, des documents vi¬deo tournes par une bureaucratie ira¬kienne tatillonne et soucieuse de rendrecompte a ses superieurs de labonne exe-cution des ordres, des temoignages dessurvivants etablissant la realite de ces

. crimes de masse et la chaîne de comman-dement de leurs commanditaire's sontrassemblespourfaire toute la lumiere sur .

cette periode et pour rendre justice auxvictimes. Ces proces vont devoir se pour-

Par KENDALNEZANpresident del'lnstitut kürdede Paris.

suivre, şans SaddamHussein, avecses su-bordonnes, dont son cousin Ali Hassanal-Maj id, dit «Ali le Chirnique», â l'epoqueproconsul au Kurdistan. En l'absence duprincipal accuse, ils seront malheureuse-ment incomplets et tronques.Pour la plupart des Kurdes, Saddam Hus¬seinaurait dû finir sesjours au fond d'unecellule. Lui qui, avec l'argent vole â sonpeuple, menait une vie fastueuse, auraitainsi eutout le loisir de reflechir âlavani-te de sâ megalomanie et aux malheurscauses â son peuple. En refusant de re-pondre â labarbarie par l'acte barbare delapeine capitale, ITraknouveau auraitpufrapperles esprits et inaugurerpour lare-gionune ere fondee sur l'Etatde droit.Eprouvee, frappee quotidiennementpardes attentats, la societe irakienne deman-de â ses dirigeants d'assurer l'ordre et lasecurite. Le Premier ministre Nouri al-Maliki a cru faire preuve de determina-tionenapportant âson electoratlatete deson tyran et en promettant de punir avec

ultime diffusee sur ITnternet et sur CDvers des millions de destinataires apourbut de convaincre les chiites irakiens,mais aussi les Iraniens, que cette fois-ci

leur ennemi com-mun estbien mort,que le diable qui lesobsedait depuistant d'annees estbienexorcise.Ce detournement

de lajustice â des fins partisanes est cho-quant. Mais les irakiens d'aujourd'huisont les produits d'une histoire sanglan-te, oü l'exhibition en boucle surles ecransde television des corps mutiles, cribles deballes de «traîtres â la nation arabe» ou âla «revolution» etait pratique courante,Avecuntelheritage et le climat deviolen¬ce quotidienne, les irakiens ne sont paspres d'abolir la peine de mort, meme si unbon quart des membres du gouveme¬ment, avec â leur tete le presidentkürdeTalabani, sont des abolitionnistes .

convaincus. ^Meme dans un pays paisible etdemocra- :

tique comme la France, «la patrie desdroits de l'homme», la peine de mort n'aete abolie qu'en 1981, contre les vceux dela majorite des citoyens. Les dirigeants

occidentaux devraient done etre pru-dents dans leurs critiques de l'execution

Les Kurdes, martyrises sous le regime baasiste,ne pleurent evidemment pas sur le şortdu tyran, mais le sentiment dominantest celui d'un deni de justice.

vigueurtous les autres criminels. Sadeci¬sion d'agir vite s'expliquerait aussipar lacrainte d'enlevements de personnalitesproches du pouvoir par les partisans deSaddam Hussein, afin d'obtenir salibera-tion. On parle egalement de traetationssecretes entre Americains et insurgesbaasistes, visant â obtenir de ces derniersqu'ils deposent les armes et integrent leprocessus politique en eehange de laviesauve pour leur leader.Le pouvoir chiite a şans doute voulu cou-per court â ces rumeurs. Les images pi-rates de la pendaison, les propos echangesâ cette occasion entre le condamne etquelques personnes de l'assistance, n'ontşans doute rien d'accidentel. Cette scene

de Saddam Hussein. D'autant qu'aucund'entre eux n'a eu le courage de protesterpubliquement contre les massacres per¬petres par le boucher de Bagdad, y com-pris lorsqu'il gazait ses populations kur¬des et que les images faisaient le tour dumonde. L'Union europeenne, l'ONTJ etmeme leVatkan s'etaient alors refugiesdans un silence assourdissant. Grâce âl'argent dupetrole, Saddam Hussein avaitsumonnayer le soutien des uns et aeheterle silence des autres dans la elasse diri-geante de nombreuxpays occidentauxetarabes ainsi qu'en Russie et en inde. Oncomprendra que nul n'avait interet âunproces devant un tribunal internationalindependantpourfairelalumieresurcet-

26

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

te periode honteuse de l'Histoire. Imagi-nezuninstantque ses avocats appellent âlabarre comme temoins des personnali;tes politiques de premier plan allant deDonald Rumsfeld â Jacques Chirac enpassant par de nombreux emirs et roisarabes, d'ex-ministres russes, français, al-lemands et indiens.Latâchedejugerl'ex-maîtredeBagdadadone ete laissee â lajusticebalbutiante de

PIrak Celle-ci afaitce qu'elle apu avec lesmoyens dont elle pouvait disposer dansun pays encore en guerre. Malgre les er-reurs et imperfeetions de procedure, cri-tiquees âjuste titre par les ONG, elle a eule merite d'organiser un proces publiccontradictoire, retransmis â la television(ce quiest şans precedentdans le mondearabe), d'etablir les faits et de demontrerque l'ordre de iexecution des 148 civilschiites en 1982 emanaitbien de Saddam

Hussein.Celui-ci aura done ete pendu pour lemoins massifde ses crimes contre l'hu-manite. Sonproces demeure inaeheve. IIrestera aussi a instruire le proces de sescomplices âl'etrangerpour le necessaireassainissement de nos mceurs politiqueset la bonne sante de nos democraties,pour que les citoyens puissent retrouverconfiance dans leurs institutions.

îtcralö^^Srİbunc Januaryll,2007

Iraqi Kurds and the U.S. By Diane E. King

A 16-year eyele of treacheryPULLMAN, Washington

The United States abandoned the Kurds in1975 and again in 1991. Sixteen years separat-ed these first two betrayals. Another 16 yearshave elapsed, and America may be on the

verge of another betrayal, hovvever unintended andinadvertent, of the residents of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Iraqi Kurds (and members ofother ethnic groups inthe Kurdistan region) have been unflinching allies ofthe U.S. forces in Iraq. Some of their support has en-tailed aeting under a Kurdish ban- ner, like vvhen Kurdish fighters, thepeshmerga, provided logistical sup¬port and hospitality to paratroop-ers landing in the north as the vvarbegan.

But much more of their supporthas been under an Iraqi rubric. Onmy several trips to Iraq since 2003, 1

have observed that at least in thenorthern part of the country, Iraqitroop composition is very heavily Kurdish. I also sawstrong evidence of a warm, cooperative relationshipbetvveen Kurdish Iraqi and U.S. soldiers. Statistics onthe makeup of the Iraqi Army released in late 2005also suggest that ethnic Kurds are probably the heav-iest participants, proportionally, in the Iraqi military.

Such elose Kurdish-American cooperation in Iraqis potentially dangerous for the Kurdish people inIraq, and it puts a moral onus on the United States toprotect them.

Iraqi society has as its sociopolitical bedrock a pat-ron-client system. A rich patron provides for, proteets

and lends identity to clients, vvho pledge loyalty in ex-change. By participating vigorously in the Americanproject in Iraq, many Kurds may have initially thoughtthey vvere hitehing their wagon to a star patron.

But Kurdish leaders' grumblings of discontentöver their relationship vvith the United States beganlong before their terse responses to the Iraq StudyGroup's report. Some wondered aloud vvhether overtdisplays of allegiance have been worth it, and vvhatthey vvill yield in the long run.

Since the great povvers deniedthe Kurds a state in vvhich theyvvere the majority after World WarI, Kurds have sought patrons out¬side the boundaries of their ownstates. With Iraq's Shiites turningto Iran, and Sünni Arab Iraq turn-

When America scalesdown or leaves Iraq,

retribution against IraqiKurds will follow.

ing to the Sünni Arab vvorld outsideIraq, to whom vvill Iraqi Kurds turnvvhen the United States scalesdown its presence in Iraq? Turkey?

Although Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan have longcooperated economically and even militarily(against PKK guerrillas), their relationship is fraughtand unpredictable. No other realistic regional part-ners exist for the Iraqi Kurds.

Iraqi Kurds vvill badly need a friend. Their strongparticipation in the Iraqi military has not göne un-noticed by the many Arab Iraqis vvho see them as do-ing America's bidding. When America scales down itspresence or leaves entirely, retribution vvill follovv.

The vietims vvill not so much be Kurdish fighters,vvho by virtue of their membership in the peshmerga

or Iraqi Army vvill be able to protect themselves, butcivilian Kurds living in areas vvith large non-Kurdishpopulations. This has already happened on a smallscale.

in 1975, Henry Kissinger uttered his famouş rebut-tal "Covert action should not be confused vvithmissionary work" after the United States first sup-ported then withdrew its support for Iraqi Kurds intheir conflict vvith Baghdad. A bloodbath follovvedand the Kurdish resistance movement collapsed.

Sixteen years later, President George H.W. Bushencouraged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam Hussein.Kurds and Shiites took this to heart, revolting vviththe expectation that the United States vvould go therest of the way and unseat their oppressor. But it didnot, and the Iraqi Army began another bloodbath (es-pecially in Shiite areas).

The United States and its allies' response of a hu-manitarian effort in the north and no-fly zones överthe northern and southern portions of the countryfell far short of the dreams of the uprisers.

Sixteen years later, America must not repeat thesemistakes. it must recognize the responsibility it hastaken in depending so heavily on the people of IraqiKurdistan for its mission in Iraq, and consider vvhatvvill happen to them vvhen it significantly scales backits military presence.

Diane E. King, a cultural anthropologist whose re¬search focuses on the Kurdistan region ofIraq, is cur-rently afellow with the Howard Foundation ofBrownUniversity and a researeher at Washington State Uni¬versity.

27

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

te periode honteuse de l'Histoire. Imagi-nezuninstantque ses avocats appellent âlabarre comme temoins des personnali;tes politiques de premier plan allant deDonald Rumsfeld â Jacques Chirac enpassant par de nombreux emirs et roisarabes, d'ex-ministres russes, français, al-lemands et indiens.Latâchedejugerl'ex-maîtredeBagdadadone ete laissee â lajusticebalbutiante de

PIrak Celle-ci afaitce qu'elle apu avec lesmoyens dont elle pouvait disposer dansun pays encore en guerre. Malgre les er-reurs et imperfeetions de procedure, cri-tiquees âjuste titre par les ONG, elle a eule merite d'organiser un proces publiccontradictoire, retransmis â la television(ce quiest şans precedentdans le mondearabe), d'etablir les faits et de demontrerque l'ordre de iexecution des 148 civilschiites en 1982 emanaitbien de Saddam

Hussein.Celui-ci aura done ete pendu pour lemoins massifde ses crimes contre l'hu-manite. Sonproces demeure inaeheve. IIrestera aussi a instruire le proces de sescomplices âl'etrangerpour le necessaireassainissement de nos mceurs politiqueset la bonne sante de nos democraties,pour que les citoyens puissent retrouverconfiance dans leurs institutions.

îtcralö^^Srİbunc Januaryll,2007

Iraqi Kurds and the U.S. By Diane E. King

A 16-year eyele of treacheryPULLMAN, Washington

The United States abandoned the Kurds in1975 and again in 1991. Sixteen years separat-ed these first two betrayals. Another 16 yearshave elapsed, and America may be on the

verge of another betrayal, hovvever unintended andinadvertent, of the residents of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Iraqi Kurds (and members ofother ethnic groups inthe Kurdistan region) have been unflinching allies ofthe U.S. forces in Iraq. Some of their support has en-tailed aeting under a Kurdish ban- ner, like vvhen Kurdish fighters, thepeshmerga, provided logistical sup¬port and hospitality to paratroop-ers landing in the north as the vvarbegan.

But much more of their supporthas been under an Iraqi rubric. Onmy several trips to Iraq since 2003, 1

have observed that at least in thenorthern part of the country, Iraqitroop composition is very heavily Kurdish. I also sawstrong evidence of a warm, cooperative relationshipbetvveen Kurdish Iraqi and U.S. soldiers. Statistics onthe makeup of the Iraqi Army released in late 2005also suggest that ethnic Kurds are probably the heav-iest participants, proportionally, in the Iraqi military.

Such elose Kurdish-American cooperation in Iraqis potentially dangerous for the Kurdish people inIraq, and it puts a moral onus on the United States toprotect them.

Iraqi society has as its sociopolitical bedrock a pat-ron-client system. A rich patron provides for, proteets

and lends identity to clients, vvho pledge loyalty in ex-change. By participating vigorously in the Americanproject in Iraq, many Kurds may have initially thoughtthey vvere hitehing their wagon to a star patron.

But Kurdish leaders' grumblings of discontentöver their relationship vvith the United States beganlong before their terse responses to the Iraq StudyGroup's report. Some wondered aloud vvhether overtdisplays of allegiance have been worth it, and vvhatthey vvill yield in the long run.

Since the great povvers deniedthe Kurds a state in vvhich theyvvere the majority after World WarI, Kurds have sought patrons out¬side the boundaries of their ownstates. With Iraq's Shiites turningto Iran, and Sünni Arab Iraq turn-

When America scalesdown or leaves Iraq,

retribution against IraqiKurds will follow.

ing to the Sünni Arab vvorld outsideIraq, to whom vvill Iraqi Kurds turnvvhen the United States scalesdown its presence in Iraq? Turkey?

Although Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan have longcooperated economically and even militarily(against PKK guerrillas), their relationship is fraughtand unpredictable. No other realistic regional part-ners exist for the Iraqi Kurds.

Iraqi Kurds vvill badly need a friend. Their strongparticipation in the Iraqi military has not göne un-noticed by the many Arab Iraqis vvho see them as do-ing America's bidding. When America scales down itspresence or leaves entirely, retribution vvill follovv.

The vietims vvill not so much be Kurdish fighters,vvho by virtue of their membership in the peshmerga

or Iraqi Army vvill be able to protect themselves, butcivilian Kurds living in areas vvith large non-Kurdishpopulations. This has already happened on a smallscale.

in 1975, Henry Kissinger uttered his famouş rebut-tal "Covert action should not be confused vvithmissionary work" after the United States first sup-ported then withdrew its support for Iraqi Kurds intheir conflict vvith Baghdad. A bloodbath follovvedand the Kurdish resistance movement collapsed.

Sixteen years later, President George H.W. Bushencouraged Iraqis to rise up against Saddam Hussein.Kurds and Shiites took this to heart, revolting vviththe expectation that the United States vvould go therest of the way and unseat their oppressor. But it didnot, and the Iraqi Army began another bloodbath (es-pecially in Shiite areas).

The United States and its allies' response of a hu-manitarian effort in the north and no-fly zones överthe northern and southern portions of the countryfell far short of the dreams of the uprisers.

Sixteen years later, America must not repeat thesemistakes. it must recognize the responsibility it hastaken in depending so heavily on the people of IraqiKurdistan for its mission in Iraq, and consider vvhatvvill happen to them vvhen it significantly scales backits military presence.

Diane E. King, a cultural anthropologist whose re¬search focuses on the Kurdistan region ofIraq, is cur-rently afellow with the Howard Foundation ofBrownUniversity and a researeher at Washington State Uni¬versity.

27

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Des combattants kurdespourraient aidera pacifier Bagdad

LE FIGARO

11 janvier 2007

Trois brigadesde peshmergas devraientrallıer la capıtale irakiennepour essayer de s'interposerdans les affrontementsentre sunnites et chiites.

TUROÜSE ', l200kml

, Mossoul. O

SYRÎEErbilJ

ffiâN

Bagdad \. .

IRAKBassoraö

De nötre envoyâ special â Erbil

LA FANFARE joue l'Hayrakibe,l'hymne des Kurdes. De jeunesrecrues defilent sur le terraind'entraînement du quartier gene¬ral des peshmergas â Erbil, siegedes institutions de la region auto-nome du nord de l'Irak. Le gene¬ral majör Aziz Weysi, comman¬dant en chef de la garde, tient âdemontrer le caractere academi-,que de la formation de ses trou

pes. «Vous voyez bien que ce nesont pas des miliciens ! » lance-t-il. L'absence des couleurs de l'Irakdans la çaserne est, selon lui, ,

« normale ». « Nous ne voulonspas du drapeau de Saddam etnous h'avons pas encore reçu celui

des irakiens », cömmente ce mili-taire dont le grade est symbolisepar une epaulette barree d'unaigle, d'un poignard et d'un Ğpide ble.

Les peshmergas ont acquisüne reputation de bravoure lorsdes combats en montagne contreles soldats de Saddam. Ils se sont,depuis, reconvertis en forces anti-terroristes en milieu urbain. C'estâ ce titre que trois brigades, soitenviron 600 hommes, devraientetre envoyĞes â Bagdad pour par-ticiper k des operations de secu-rite' sous les ordres du gouveme¬ment central irakien. «Lesresponsables gouvernementauxirakiens et les forces coalisees sontconvaincus que nous pouvonsjouer un role â Bagdad, oü sederaule une guerre confessionnelleopposant les chiites aux sunnites.Nötre mission şerait d'aider, grâceâ nötre position de neutralite, dseparer les protagonistes », precisele general Weysi.

',': . Recommande par le nouveauplan de sâcuritĞ de Bagdad,l'appel aux peshmergas doitencore etre avalisâ par les autori-tes regionales kurdes. Cet obstaclefranchi, l'entree en scene des Kur¬des dans la capitale irakiennesignera un indĞniable change-ment de cap. Iusque-lâ, les miliceskurdes Ğtaient en effet tenues âl'ecart des champs d'affronte-ments entre chiites et sunnites.Les peshmergas se contentaientd'intervenir sur leurs frontieres, âKirkouk - la citĞ petroliere qu'ilsconvoitent -, et pour des missionsde defense des quartiers kurdes aMossoul, une ville multiethniquelivree au chaos.

Reve d'inde"pendanceLancĞ par le premier ministre

Nouri al-Maliki, le plan pour Bag¬dad est le pendant . irakien desmesures americaines annoncĞescette nuit par le president Bush. IIa en ligne de mire les insurgessunnites ainsi que les miliceschiites qui ont infiltre les servicesirakiens de securite. L'introduc-tion d'un nouvel acteur issu d'unecommunaute ethnique dans labataille de Bagdad traduit le

desarroi du gouvemementd'union nationale. Car les forceskurdes sont, aü-delâ de leursintentions, marquees par leur his¬toire.

Les combattants revent tousque leur peuple pourrâ accederun jour, meme lointain, k l'inde-pendance. Aguerris, ils cultiventleurs particularismes, au pointd'etre separes en deux branchesrivales. Une partie des peshmer¬gas depend de Massoud Barzani,president de region et chef du

Parti democratique du Kurdistan(PDK) tandis qu'une autre estsous la coupe de lalal Talabani,president de l'Irak et chef deî'Union patriotique du Kurdistan(UPK).

Les deux entites se sont livreesune feroce guerre çivile de 1992 k1998. Un gouvemement unifie aenfin vu le jour en mai 2006, avecdans sa feuille de route la reünifi-cation des peshmergas. «Leshommes s'entendent bien, mais ilfaut du temps pour . installer lesmecanismes ^ d'intâgration »,

assure le general Weysi qui est lie

au PDK. Comme la plupart desKurdes, le general est partisand'une nouvelle impulsion ameri¬caine en Irak. « Ce şerait uneerreur historique d'entamer dansles prochains mois un retrait, dit¬il. // n'est pas forcement necessaired'envoyer des troupes supplemen-taires car elles peseraie/ıt peu sur lecours des evenements. II faudraiten revanche revoir les options stra-tegiques de fond en comble pourredifler les erreurs qui ont conduitune armee de liberation â devenirune armee d'occupation ! »

THIERRY OBERLfi

De miliciens combattant les soldats de Saddam, les peshmergas se sont transform6s en une veütable arnıĞeprofessionnelle. Gamma.

28

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Des combattants kurdespourraient aidera pacifier Bagdad

LE FIGARO

11 janvier 2007

Trois brigadesde peshmergas devraientrallıer la capıtale irakiennepour essayer de s'interposerdans les affrontementsentre sunnites et chiites.

TUROÜSE ', l200kml

, Mossoul. O

SYRÎEErbilJ

ffiâN

Bagdad \. .

IRAKBassoraö

De nötre envoyâ special â Erbil

LA FANFARE joue l'Hayrakibe,l'hymne des Kurdes. De jeunesrecrues defilent sur le terraind'entraînement du quartier gene¬ral des peshmergas â Erbil, siegedes institutions de la region auto-nome du nord de l'Irak. Le gene¬ral majör Aziz Weysi, comman¬dant en chef de la garde, tient âdemontrer le caractere academi-,que de la formation de ses trou

pes. «Vous voyez bien que ce nesont pas des miliciens ! » lance-t-il. L'absence des couleurs de l'Irakdans la çaserne est, selon lui, ,

« normale ». « Nous ne voulonspas du drapeau de Saddam etnous h'avons pas encore reçu celui

des irakiens », cömmente ce mili-taire dont le grade est symbolisepar une epaulette barree d'unaigle, d'un poignard et d'un Ğpide ble.

Les peshmergas ont acquisüne reputation de bravoure lorsdes combats en montagne contreles soldats de Saddam. Ils se sont,depuis, reconvertis en forces anti-terroristes en milieu urbain. C'estâ ce titre que trois brigades, soitenviron 600 hommes, devraientetre envoyĞes â Bagdad pour par-ticiper k des operations de secu-rite' sous les ordres du gouveme¬ment central irakien. «Lesresponsables gouvernementauxirakiens et les forces coalisees sontconvaincus que nous pouvonsjouer un role â Bagdad, oü sederaule une guerre confessionnelleopposant les chiites aux sunnites.Nötre mission şerait d'aider, grâceâ nötre position de neutralite, dseparer les protagonistes », precisele general Weysi.

',': . Recommande par le nouveauplan de sâcuritĞ de Bagdad,l'appel aux peshmergas doitencore etre avalisâ par les autori-tes regionales kurdes. Cet obstaclefranchi, l'entree en scene des Kur¬des dans la capitale irakiennesignera un indĞniable change-ment de cap. Iusque-lâ, les miliceskurdes Ğtaient en effet tenues âl'ecart des champs d'affronte-ments entre chiites et sunnites.Les peshmergas se contentaientd'intervenir sur leurs frontieres, âKirkouk - la citĞ petroliere qu'ilsconvoitent -, et pour des missionsde defense des quartiers kurdes aMossoul, une ville multiethniquelivree au chaos.

Reve d'inde"pendanceLancĞ par le premier ministre

Nouri al-Maliki, le plan pour Bag¬dad est le pendant . irakien desmesures americaines annoncĞescette nuit par le president Bush. IIa en ligne de mire les insurgessunnites ainsi que les miliceschiites qui ont infiltre les servicesirakiens de securite. L'introduc-tion d'un nouvel acteur issu d'unecommunaute ethnique dans labataille de Bagdad traduit le

desarroi du gouvemementd'union nationale. Car les forceskurdes sont, aü-delâ de leursintentions, marquees par leur his¬toire.

Les combattants revent tousque leur peuple pourrâ accederun jour, meme lointain, k l'inde-pendance. Aguerris, ils cultiventleurs particularismes, au pointd'etre separes en deux branchesrivales. Une partie des peshmer¬gas depend de Massoud Barzani,president de region et chef du

Parti democratique du Kurdistan(PDK) tandis qu'une autre estsous la coupe de lalal Talabani,president de l'Irak et chef deî'Union patriotique du Kurdistan(UPK).

Les deux entites se sont livreesune feroce guerre çivile de 1992 k1998. Un gouvemement unifie aenfin vu le jour en mai 2006, avecdans sa feuille de route la reünifi-cation des peshmergas. «Leshommes s'entendent bien, mais ilfaut du temps pour . installer lesmecanismes ^ d'intâgration »,

assure le general Weysi qui est lie

au PDK. Comme la plupart desKurdes, le general est partisand'une nouvelle impulsion ameri¬caine en Irak. « Ce şerait uneerreur historique d'entamer dansles prochains mois un retrait, dit¬il. // n'est pas forcement necessaired'envoyer des troupes supplemen-taires car elles peseraie/ıt peu sur lecours des evenements. II faudraiten revanche revoir les options stra-tegiques de fond en comble pourredifler les erreurs qui ont conduitune armee de liberation â devenirune armee d'occupation ! »

THIERRY OBERLfi

De miliciens combattant les soldats de Saddam, les peshmergas se sont transform6s en une veütable arnıĞeprofessionnelle. Gamma.

28

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Etats-Unis Le president reaffirme l'engagement dans « raflrontement ideologique decisif de nötre temps »

»9§

La strategiede George Bush :

20 000 soldatsen renfort en Irak

VERBATIM

« Un echec şerait desastreuxpour les Etats-Unis »

Voici lesprincipauxpassages de l'al-locutionprononceepar George Bush,mercredi10janvier, d la television.

s La situation en Irak estI inacceptable pour les Ame-ı ricains et elle est inaccepta¬

ble pour moi. Nos troupes ontcombattu courageusement. Ellesont fait tout ce que nous leuravons demande de faire. J'assu-me la responsabilite des erreurscommises.II est clair que nous devons chan-ger de strategie en Irak. (...) Unechec şerait desastreux pour lesEtats-Unis. (...) Le 11 septembre2001, nous avons vu ce qu'un refu-ge pour les extremist.es â l'autrebout du monde pouvait produiredans les rues de nos propres vil-les. Pour la securite de nötre peu¬ple, l'Amerique doit reussir enIrak. (...)La priorite la plus urgente est lasecurite, specialement â Bagdad.(...) Le gouvemement irakien vanommer un commandant et deuxadjoints pour la capitale. [II] va.deployer des brigades de l'armeeirakienne et de la poliçe nationaledans les neuf quartiers de Bag¬dad. (...) Nous allons changer destrategie afin d'aider les irakiensdans leur campagne pour en finiravec la violence communautaireet assurer la securite des habi-tants de Bagdad. 11 faudra aug-menter le niveau des forces ameri¬caines. Aussi ai-je assigne â l'Irakun effectif supplementaire devingt mille hommes. La grandemajorite d'entre eux - cinq briga¬des - seront affectes âBagdad. (...)J'ai dit clairement au pre¬mier ministre et auxautres responsables ira¬kiens que l'engagementamericain n'est pas illimi-

te. Si le gouvemement ira¬kien ne remplit pas sespromesses, il perdra le soutien dupeuple americain - et aussi celuidu peuple iraMen.(...)Cette nouvelle strategie ne va pasmettre fin immediatement auxattentats-suicides, aux assassi-nats ni aux attaques a l'explosif.Nos ennemis vont faire tout cequ'ils pourront pour que nosecrans de television soient rem-plis d'images de mort et de souf-france. Cependant, avec le temps,nous pouvons escompter que lestroupes irakiennes traqueront lesmeurtriers, que les actes de terro-risme diminueront et que les habi-tants de Bagdad auront confianceetcoopereront. (...)Pour etablir son autorite, le gou¬vemement irakien prevoit deprendre la responsabilite de lasdcurite dans toutes les provincesd'ici â novembre. Pour que cha-que citoyen irakien ait un interetdans Peconomie du pays, l'Irak vaadopter une legislation assurantla repartition des revenus dupetrole parmi tous les IraMens.Afin de montrer qu'il s'engage âprocurer â chacun une vie meilleu-re, le gouvemement irakien vaaffecter 10 milliards de dollars,sur son propre budget, â des pro-jets de reconstruction et d'infras-tructures qui vont creer de nou-veaux emplois. Pour donner dupouvoir aux dirigeants locaux, ilprevoit des elections provincialescette armee. Pour permettre adavantage dTrakiens de repren-dre part â la vie politique de leurpays, il va reformer les lois sur ladebaasisation et mettre en placeune procedure juste pour exami-ner des amendements â la Consti-tution. (...) La secretaire d'Etat,Condoleezza Rice, va bientöt nom¬mer, â Bagdad, un cöordinateur

charge de la reconstruction, pourfaire en sorte que l'aide economi-que depensee en Irak donne demeilleurs resultats. (...)Parallelement, nous allons conti-nuer â pourchasser les combat¬tants d'Al-Qaida et les combat¬tants etrangers. (....) Al-Qaida acontribue â faire de la provinced'Anbar la zone la plus violente

en dehors de la capitale. (...) J'aidonne l'ordre d'[y] augmenter dequatre mille hommes les forcesamericaines. (...)Le succes en Irak consistera aussiâ defendre son integrite territoria-le et â stabiliser la region face auxdefis extremistes. Cela suppose deregler les problemes crees parl'Iran et la Syrie (...), qui autori-sent les terroristes et les insurgesa utiiiser leurs territoires pourentrer en Irak et en sortir. (...)Nous allons mettre fin [aux] atta-ques, empecher l'arrivee des aidesen provenance d'Iran et de Syrie,rechercher et detruire les reseauxqui fournissent des armes avan-cees et un entraînement â nosennemis. (...)J'ai recemment ordonne ledeploiement d'un groupe aerona-val supplementaire dans laregion. (...) Nous allons etendrePechange de renseignements etdeployer des missiles antimissilesPatriot pour rassurer nos amis etallies. Nous allons aider les gou-vernements turc et irakien âresoudre les problemes â leursfrontieres. Et nous allons tra-vailler, avec d'autres, pour empe¬cher l'Iran d'obtenir des armesnucleaires et de dominer laregion.Nous allons employer toutes lesressources de la diplomatie ameri¬caine pour susciter un soutien âl'Irak â travers tout le Moyen-Orient. Des pays comme l'Arabiesaoudite, l'Egypte, la Jordanie etles Etats du Golfe doivent com-prendre qu'une defaite americai¬

ne en Irak ferait naître unnouveau sanctuaire pourles extremist.es et unemenace strategique surleur survie. (...) Nous sou-tenons l'appel du gouver-nement irakien â la miseau point d'un accord inter-national lui fournissant

une nouvelle aide en echange deplus amples reformes economi-ques. Mme Rice va partir vendredi[12janvier] pour la region, afin demettre en place un soutien pourl'Irak et de poursuivre les effortsdiplomatiques urgents, necessai-

res pour aider â amener la paix auMoyen-Orient.Le defi en cours â travers leMoyen-Orient elargi est davanta¬ge qu'un conflit militaire. C'estPaffrontement ideologique decisifde nötre temps. D'un cote, il y aceux qui croient a la liberte et â lamoderation ; de l'autre, des extre-mistes qui tuent les innocents etqui ont annonce leur intention dedetruire nötre mode de vie. (...)De PAfghanistan au Liban et auxterritoires palestiniens, des mil¬lions de gens ordinaires en ontassez de la violence et veulent unavenir de pak et de developpe-ment pour leurs enfants. Ils obser-vent firak et ils veulent savoir :

l'Amerique va-t-elle se retirer etabandonner l'avenir de ce paysaux extremistes ou allons-nousrester aux cotes des irakiens quiont choisi la liberte ?(...)[La solutionproposeepar beau-coup, au Congres] est de reduirel'engagement de PAmerique enIrak ou d'annoncer le retrait pro-gramme de nos forces. Nousavons examine attentivement cespropositions et conclu que fairemarche arriere provoquerait l'ef-fondrement du gouvemement ira¬kien, la division du pays et desmassacres de masse, â une echelleinimaginable. Un tel scenarioaurait pour consequence d'obli-ger nos troupes â rester encoreplus longtemps et a affronter unennemi encore plus dangereux. Sinous augmentons nötre soutien âce moment crucial et aidons lesirakiens â briser le cycle de violen¬ce en cours, nous pouvons hâterle jour oû nos troupes commence-ront â rentrer â la maison. (...)L'annee qui vient va demanderencore de la patience, des sacrifi-ces et de la determination.(...) Nous pouvons et nousallons 1'emporter. m

29

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Etats-Unis Le president reaffirme l'engagement dans « raflrontement ideologique decisif de nötre temps »

»9§

La strategiede George Bush :

20 000 soldatsen renfort en Irak

VERBATIM

« Un echec şerait desastreuxpour les Etats-Unis »

Voici lesprincipauxpassages de l'al-locutionprononceepar George Bush,mercredi10janvier, d la television.

s La situation en Irak estI inacceptable pour les Ame-ı ricains et elle est inaccepta¬

ble pour moi. Nos troupes ontcombattu courageusement. Ellesont fait tout ce que nous leuravons demande de faire. J'assu-me la responsabilite des erreurscommises.II est clair que nous devons chan-ger de strategie en Irak. (...) Unechec şerait desastreux pour lesEtats-Unis. (...) Le 11 septembre2001, nous avons vu ce qu'un refu-ge pour les extremist.es â l'autrebout du monde pouvait produiredans les rues de nos propres vil-les. Pour la securite de nötre peu¬ple, l'Amerique doit reussir enIrak. (...)La priorite la plus urgente est lasecurite, specialement â Bagdad.(...) Le gouvemement irakien vanommer un commandant et deuxadjoints pour la capitale. [II] va.deployer des brigades de l'armeeirakienne et de la poliçe nationaledans les neuf quartiers de Bag¬dad. (...) Nous allons changer destrategie afin d'aider les irakiensdans leur campagne pour en finiravec la violence communautaireet assurer la securite des habi-tants de Bagdad. 11 faudra aug-menter le niveau des forces ameri¬caines. Aussi ai-je assigne â l'Irakun effectif supplementaire devingt mille hommes. La grandemajorite d'entre eux - cinq briga¬des - seront affectes âBagdad. (...)J'ai dit clairement au pre¬mier ministre et auxautres responsables ira¬kiens que l'engagementamericain n'est pas illimi-

te. Si le gouvemement ira¬kien ne remplit pas sespromesses, il perdra le soutien dupeuple americain - et aussi celuidu peuple iraMen.(...)Cette nouvelle strategie ne va pasmettre fin immediatement auxattentats-suicides, aux assassi-nats ni aux attaques a l'explosif.Nos ennemis vont faire tout cequ'ils pourront pour que nosecrans de television soient rem-plis d'images de mort et de souf-france. Cependant, avec le temps,nous pouvons escompter que lestroupes irakiennes traqueront lesmeurtriers, que les actes de terro-risme diminueront et que les habi-tants de Bagdad auront confianceetcoopereront. (...)Pour etablir son autorite, le gou¬vemement irakien prevoit deprendre la responsabilite de lasdcurite dans toutes les provincesd'ici â novembre. Pour que cha-que citoyen irakien ait un interetdans Peconomie du pays, l'Irak vaadopter une legislation assurantla repartition des revenus dupetrole parmi tous les IraMens.Afin de montrer qu'il s'engage âprocurer â chacun une vie meilleu-re, le gouvemement irakien vaaffecter 10 milliards de dollars,sur son propre budget, â des pro-jets de reconstruction et d'infras-tructures qui vont creer de nou-veaux emplois. Pour donner dupouvoir aux dirigeants locaux, ilprevoit des elections provincialescette armee. Pour permettre adavantage dTrakiens de repren-dre part â la vie politique de leurpays, il va reformer les lois sur ladebaasisation et mettre en placeune procedure juste pour exami-ner des amendements â la Consti-tution. (...) La secretaire d'Etat,Condoleezza Rice, va bientöt nom¬mer, â Bagdad, un cöordinateur

charge de la reconstruction, pourfaire en sorte que l'aide economi-que depensee en Irak donne demeilleurs resultats. (...)Parallelement, nous allons conti-nuer â pourchasser les combat¬tants d'Al-Qaida et les combat¬tants etrangers. (....) Al-Qaida acontribue â faire de la provinced'Anbar la zone la plus violente

en dehors de la capitale. (...) J'aidonne l'ordre d'[y] augmenter dequatre mille hommes les forcesamericaines. (...)Le succes en Irak consistera aussiâ defendre son integrite territoria-le et â stabiliser la region face auxdefis extremistes. Cela suppose deregler les problemes crees parl'Iran et la Syrie (...), qui autori-sent les terroristes et les insurgesa utiiiser leurs territoires pourentrer en Irak et en sortir. (...)Nous allons mettre fin [aux] atta-ques, empecher l'arrivee des aidesen provenance d'Iran et de Syrie,rechercher et detruire les reseauxqui fournissent des armes avan-cees et un entraînement â nosennemis. (...)J'ai recemment ordonne ledeploiement d'un groupe aerona-val supplementaire dans laregion. (...) Nous allons etendrePechange de renseignements etdeployer des missiles antimissilesPatriot pour rassurer nos amis etallies. Nous allons aider les gou-vernements turc et irakien âresoudre les problemes â leursfrontieres. Et nous allons tra-vailler, avec d'autres, pour empe¬cher l'Iran d'obtenir des armesnucleaires et de dominer laregion.Nous allons employer toutes lesressources de la diplomatie ameri¬caine pour susciter un soutien âl'Irak â travers tout le Moyen-Orient. Des pays comme l'Arabiesaoudite, l'Egypte, la Jordanie etles Etats du Golfe doivent com-prendre qu'une defaite americai¬

ne en Irak ferait naître unnouveau sanctuaire pourles extremist.es et unemenace strategique surleur survie. (...) Nous sou-tenons l'appel du gouver-nement irakien â la miseau point d'un accord inter-national lui fournissant

une nouvelle aide en echange deplus amples reformes economi-ques. Mme Rice va partir vendredi[12janvier] pour la region, afin demettre en place un soutien pourl'Irak et de poursuivre les effortsdiplomatiques urgents, necessai-

res pour aider â amener la paix auMoyen-Orient.Le defi en cours â travers leMoyen-Orient elargi est davanta¬ge qu'un conflit militaire. C'estPaffrontement ideologique decisifde nötre temps. D'un cote, il y aceux qui croient a la liberte et â lamoderation ; de l'autre, des extre-mistes qui tuent les innocents etqui ont annonce leur intention dedetruire nötre mode de vie. (...)De PAfghanistan au Liban et auxterritoires palestiniens, des mil¬lions de gens ordinaires en ontassez de la violence et veulent unavenir de pak et de developpe-ment pour leurs enfants. Ils obser-vent firak et ils veulent savoir :

l'Amerique va-t-elle se retirer etabandonner l'avenir de ce paysaux extremistes ou allons-nousrester aux cotes des irakiens quiont choisi la liberte ?(...)[La solutionproposeepar beau-coup, au Congres] est de reduirel'engagement de PAmerique enIrak ou d'annoncer le retrait pro-gramme de nos forces. Nousavons examine attentivement cespropositions et conclu que fairemarche arriere provoquerait l'ef-fondrement du gouvemement ira¬kien, la division du pays et desmassacres de masse, â une echelleinimaginable. Un tel scenarioaurait pour consequence d'obli-ger nos troupes â rester encoreplus longtemps et a affronter unennemi encore plus dangereux. Sinous augmentons nötre soutien âce moment crucial et aidons lesirakiens â briser le cycle de violen¬ce en cours, nous pouvons hâterle jour oû nos troupes commence-ront â rentrer â la maison. (...)L'annee qui vient va demanderencore de la patience, des sacrifi-ces et de la determination.(...) Nous pouvons et nousallons 1'emporter. m

29

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

* ! «Ali le Chimique» signe ses massacresa labarredu tribunal

12 JANVİER 2007

i Le cousin de Saddam Husseinreconnaît avoir donne l'ordre d'executer des milliers de Kurdes en 1988.

Malgre la pendaison deSaddam Hussein le30 decembre, le procespour le genocide kürde

continue â Bagdad devant leTribunal special irakien. Leprincipalaccuse estdesormaisson cousin, Ali Hassan al-Ma¬jid, surnomme «Ali le Chi-mique» pour son recours sys-tematique aux gaz de combatcontre lespopulations civilesnotamment lors del'operationAnfal («butinde guerre») qui,en 1988, fit 180 000victimeskurdes. L'armee irakienneavait alors rase des centainesde villages. «Oui, j'ai donnecomme instruction de consi-derer ces villages comme deszones interdites etj'ai donnel'ordre d'arreter lespersonnesquiyseraient trouvees etde lesexecuter apres avoir enquetesurelles», a reconnu Ali Has¬san al-Majid qui comparaît

«II est mieux d'utiliser cette arme[chimique] dans un endroit peuplepour qu'elle fasse le plus de degâtspossible.»

Saddam Hussein, dans un document sonore

avec cinqautres responsablesduparti Baas irakien.L'accusation a passe un enre-gistrementd'une voixpresen-tee comme etant celle d'Al-Majid, qui y parle de lanecessite de se debarrasserdes «saboteurs kurdes». 11 aneanmoins affirme «avoirprisseul la decision des deplace-ments depopulationşansen re-fererauhautcommandementmüitaireouaupartiBaas». Les

prevenus ont affir¬me que la cam-pagne Anfal avaitune legitimite mili-taire car elle visaitla guerilla du norddu Kurdistan qui

s'est range du cote des Ira-niens pendant laguerre Iran-IrakAli Hassanal-Majid et lescinq autres accuses, d'ancienshauts responsables, risquenttous lapeine de mort.L'ex-responsable du nord de

l'IrakdesigneparSaddamlui-meme, a toutefois nie touteresponsabilite dans lamortde300 combattants kurdes evo-ques par l'accusation. «J'aime¬me ecrit d Saddam le martyr,que Dieu ait son âme, qui lesavaitgracies», a-t-il assure aucours du proces â Bagdad.Pour la dermeme audiencedepuis la mort de SaddamHussein, le tribunal avait dis-pose differemment les chaisesdans le box des accuses etAli lechimique s'est retrouve aupremier rang sur la chaisequ'occupait le defunt dicta¬teur.

Lundi, l'accusationavaitpre-sente un enregistrement so¬

nore de Saddam Husseindanslequell'ex-dictateurdeclarait:«Jeprendrai la responsabilited'utiliser l'armechimique. Per¬sonne ne peut decider d'unefrappechimiqueşans mon au-torisation.» Ilyajoutait: «Ilestmieux d'utiliser cette armedans un endroit peuple pourqu'ellefasse leplus de degâtspossible.» L'accusation avaitaiffuse ensuite âlacourune vi¬deo montrantAli le chimiqueen uniforme de parade, decla-rant â deux reprises au coursd'une ceremonie militaire : «Jevais les attaqueravec des armeschimiques. Au diable la com¬munaute internationale.»**-

AFP, Reuters

LE FIGARO 14 janvier 2007

Face â Teheran, PUS Navy deploie un deuxiemeporte-avions dans le Golfe

En depechant un deımemegroupe aeronaval,Wasnington envoieun signal clair â l'Iran.

ON A COUTUME que dire qu'unporte-avions represente « 80 000tonnes de diplomatie ». Eh bien,dans le Golfe, Washington double letonnage, ce qui en dit long sur l'evo-lution du br.as de fer avec l'Iran. Dessources du Pentagone ont reveiehier que les Etats-Unis envisa-geaient de deployer un deuxiemegroupe aeronaval dans ces eauxsensibles, pendant plusieurs mois.

Le porte-avions LiSS Stennisirait rejoindre 1' Einsenhouıer, tem-porairement deploye au large de laSomalie. Dans quel dessein? «Lesecond groupe a&ronaval ne sera passeulement deploye pour montrernötre force, mais il sera impliquedans des operations de combat », adĞclarö un haut responsable mili¬taire âmâricain. Depuis mars 2003,les Americains deploient presqueen permanence un porte-avions

dans le Golfe, d'oû sont menees desoperations au-dessus de l'Irak. Demaniere plus elliptique, la memesource a declare que cette forcemusclee sera « un outil souple etutile dans toute la region». Et l'onpense inevitablement â un autreriverain du Golfe, l'Iran, aux trou-bles menees atomiques. D'autantqu'en sus de ce renfort aeronaval,un bataillon de defense aerienneequipe de missiles antimissilesPatriot şerait aussi envoye dans laregion. Et la, ce n'est pas la menacedes insurges irakiens qui est ciblee,mais celle des missiles balistiquesiraniens.

Le signal est clair, püisque cesera la premiere fois depuis 2003que deux groupes aeronavalsseront deployes dans le Golfe. Et ilintervient alors que le ton monteentre Washington et Teheran, sur la

question nucleaire comme sur les«activites» iraniennes en' Irak.L'opâraüon americaine de jeudicontre le consulat iranien au Kur¬distan irakien est une autre partie

- Les forces amöricalnes.dans la region :\

V..

.Q

»w " /

\ -%\ SAOUDİTE

S0UDAN \ "

V, 4 -

0\ .\Principales bases . '.,','amâricaines

ı @ Principaux sites sor,-Ai ^] nucieaires iraniens© .;.

du message.

Bombes atomiques tactiquesSur le registre militaire, la pres-

sion a ete entretenue par les dernie-res informations de l'hebdoma-daire britannique Sunday Times,quant k l'existence d'un plan d'atta-que israelien contre l'Iran. Des

EnMprewuUedeu> porte avlons

le Dıvlghl Els8nh6war'(actıffilBrnent a '

» be la Somalıe)'et" is'jofiri Stenrtls

« rumeurs », pour les autoritesisraeliennes, qui ont pourtantamene Teheran a avertir qu'une

attaque «ne resterait pas şansreponse ». Selon l'hebdomadaire,ces plans seraient hardis puisqu'ilsprevoiraient l'emploi de bombesatomiques tactiques pour detruire

30

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

* ! «Ali le Chimique» signe ses massacresa labarredu tribunal

12 JANVİER 2007

i Le cousin de Saddam Husseinreconnaît avoir donne l'ordre d'executer des milliers de Kurdes en 1988.

Malgre la pendaison deSaddam Hussein le30 decembre, le procespour le genocide kürde

continue â Bagdad devant leTribunal special irakien. Leprincipalaccuse estdesormaisson cousin, Ali Hassan al-Ma¬jid, surnomme «Ali le Chi-mique» pour son recours sys-tematique aux gaz de combatcontre lespopulations civilesnotamment lors del'operationAnfal («butinde guerre») qui,en 1988, fit 180 000victimeskurdes. L'armee irakienneavait alors rase des centainesde villages. «Oui, j'ai donnecomme instruction de consi-derer ces villages comme deszones interdites etj'ai donnel'ordre d'arreter lespersonnesquiyseraient trouvees etde lesexecuter apres avoir enquetesurelles», a reconnu Ali Has¬san al-Majid qui comparaît

«II est mieux d'utiliser cette arme[chimique] dans un endroit peuplepour qu'elle fasse le plus de degâtspossible.»

Saddam Hussein, dans un document sonore

avec cinqautres responsablesduparti Baas irakien.L'accusation a passe un enre-gistrementd'une voixpresen-tee comme etant celle d'Al-Majid, qui y parle de lanecessite de se debarrasserdes «saboteurs kurdes». 11 aneanmoins affirme «avoirprisseul la decision des deplace-ments depopulationşansen re-fererauhautcommandementmüitaireouaupartiBaas». Les

prevenus ont affir¬me que la cam-pagne Anfal avaitune legitimite mili-taire car elle visaitla guerilla du norddu Kurdistan qui

s'est range du cote des Ira-niens pendant laguerre Iran-IrakAli Hassanal-Majid et lescinq autres accuses, d'ancienshauts responsables, risquenttous lapeine de mort.L'ex-responsable du nord de

l'IrakdesigneparSaddamlui-meme, a toutefois nie touteresponsabilite dans lamortde300 combattants kurdes evo-ques par l'accusation. «J'aime¬me ecrit d Saddam le martyr,que Dieu ait son âme, qui lesavaitgracies», a-t-il assure aucours du proces â Bagdad.Pour la dermeme audiencedepuis la mort de SaddamHussein, le tribunal avait dis-pose differemment les chaisesdans le box des accuses etAli lechimique s'est retrouve aupremier rang sur la chaisequ'occupait le defunt dicta¬teur.

Lundi, l'accusationavaitpre-sente un enregistrement so¬

nore de Saddam Husseindanslequell'ex-dictateurdeclarait:«Jeprendrai la responsabilited'utiliser l'armechimique. Per¬sonne ne peut decider d'unefrappechimiqueşans mon au-torisation.» Ilyajoutait: «Ilestmieux d'utiliser cette armedans un endroit peuple pourqu'ellefasse leplus de degâtspossible.» L'accusation avaitaiffuse ensuite âlacourune vi¬deo montrantAli le chimiqueen uniforme de parade, decla-rant â deux reprises au coursd'une ceremonie militaire : «Jevais les attaqueravec des armeschimiques. Au diable la com¬munaute internationale.»**-

AFP, Reuters

LE FIGARO 14 janvier 2007

Face â Teheran, PUS Navy deploie un deuxiemeporte-avions dans le Golfe

En depechant un deımemegroupe aeronaval,Wasnington envoieun signal clair â l'Iran.

ON A COUTUME que dire qu'unporte-avions represente « 80 000tonnes de diplomatie ». Eh bien,dans le Golfe, Washington double letonnage, ce qui en dit long sur l'evo-lution du br.as de fer avec l'Iran. Dessources du Pentagone ont reveiehier que les Etats-Unis envisa-geaient de deployer un deuxiemegroupe aeronaval dans ces eauxsensibles, pendant plusieurs mois.

Le porte-avions LiSS Stennisirait rejoindre 1' Einsenhouıer, tem-porairement deploye au large de laSomalie. Dans quel dessein? «Lesecond groupe a&ronaval ne sera passeulement deploye pour montrernötre force, mais il sera impliquedans des operations de combat », adĞclarö un haut responsable mili¬taire âmâricain. Depuis mars 2003,les Americains deploient presqueen permanence un porte-avions

dans le Golfe, d'oû sont menees desoperations au-dessus de l'Irak. Demaniere plus elliptique, la memesource a declare que cette forcemusclee sera « un outil souple etutile dans toute la region». Et l'onpense inevitablement â un autreriverain du Golfe, l'Iran, aux trou-bles menees atomiques. D'autantqu'en sus de ce renfort aeronaval,un bataillon de defense aerienneequipe de missiles antimissilesPatriot şerait aussi envoye dans laregion. Et la, ce n'est pas la menacedes insurges irakiens qui est ciblee,mais celle des missiles balistiquesiraniens.

Le signal est clair, püisque cesera la premiere fois depuis 2003que deux groupes aeronavalsseront deployes dans le Golfe. Et ilintervient alors que le ton monteentre Washington et Teheran, sur la

question nucleaire comme sur les«activites» iraniennes en' Irak.L'opâraüon americaine de jeudicontre le consulat iranien au Kur¬distan irakien est une autre partie

- Les forces amöricalnes.dans la region :\

V..

.Q

»w " /

\ -%\ SAOUDİTE

S0UDAN \ "

V, 4 -

0\ .\Principales bases . '.,','amâricaines

ı @ Principaux sites sor,-Ai ^] nucieaires iraniens© .;.

du message.

Bombes atomiques tactiquesSur le registre militaire, la pres-

sion a ete entretenue par les dernie-res informations de l'hebdoma-daire britannique Sunday Times,quant k l'existence d'un plan d'atta-que israelien contre l'Iran. Des

EnMprewuUedeu> porte avlons

le Dıvlghl Els8nh6war'(actıffilBrnent a '

» be la Somalıe)'et" is'jofiri Stenrtls

« rumeurs », pour les autoritesisraeliennes, qui ont pourtantamene Teheran a avertir qu'une

attaque «ne resterait pas şansreponse ». Selon l'hebdomadaire,ces plans seraient hardis puisqu'ilsprevoiraient l'emploi de bombesatomiques tactiques pour detruire

30

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

les installations nucleaires enter-rĞes de l'Iran. Deux escadrilless'entraîneraient pour ces raids, quiviseraient l'usine d'enrichissementde Natanz, un site prpche d'Ispa-han, et le reacteur a eau lourded'Arak, pres de Teheran. Un plan

. qui ressemble k celui qu'auraient

envisage les Etats-Unis, selon unarticle publie en avril par le NewYorker. La Maison-Blanche avaitqualifie 1' article de « mal informe ».

Son porte-parole, Tony Snow, l'aredit hier, qualifiant de « rumeurs »

les informations selon lesquelles les

Etats-Unis prepareraient une atta-que contre l'Iran ou la Syrie.

Meme s'il s'agit plus de gesticu-lation militaire que de preparatifsde guerre, ces renforts font craindrel'escalade. « Une attaque soudainecontre l'Iran paraît peu plausible,

confie un observateur europeen,mais on peut craindre unjeu de pro-vocation militaire qui pousseraitl'Iran â la faute - une agressioncontre un petroller, par exemple - etlancerait le conflit. »

Ahnaud de La Grange

LE FIGARO 14 janvier 2007

Ahmadinejad en tournee dans PAmerique latineanti-imperialiste«

Le president iranien varencontrer Hugo Chavez etles autres dirigeantsantiliberaiDc du continent.

C'EST UNE bataille diplomatiquepar pays tiers interposes que l'Iranet les Etats-Unis vont se mener âpartir d' aujourd'hui. Alors que lasecretaire d'Etat americaine Con-doleezza Rice s'envolait hier pourle Proche-Orient, le president ira¬nien Mahmoud Ahmadinejadarrive k Caracas, pour une tournâeau caractere anti-americainaffirme. Le dirigeant iranien rendvisite a son « frere » Hugo Chavez,apres une premiere rencontre enseptembre. Demain, MahmoudAhmadinejad se rendra au Nicara-gua pour saluer une autre tâte de

' 'turc de Washington, le dirigeantsandiniste Daniel Ortega, elu ennovembre et qui vient d'entrer enfonction. U clöturera son periplepar un sejour en Equateur, afind'assister â l'investitüre du presi¬dent Rafael Correa, honni par laMaison-Blanche pour ses projets

: de reprise en main de l'industriepetrollere et sa volonte de fermerla base militaire americaine instal-

»lee dans son pays. Cerise sur legâteau, l'agenda d'Ahmadinejadprevoit une rencontre k Quito avecle chef d'Etat bolivien Evo Mora-les, autre critique acerbe desEtats-Unis.

Occulter les problemesdömestiques

De toutes les etapes, la plusimportante est celle de Caracas.Hugo Chavez est le seul chef d'Etatde la region â avoir pris fait etcause pour son homologue ira¬nien dans la bataille qui l'opposeaux Occidentaux sur le dossiernucleaire. Le Venezuela s'est pro-nonce contre la resolution del'Agence internationale de l'ener-gie atomique (AIEA) exigeant deTeheran de mettre fin â son pro-gramme d'enrichissement del'uranium. Respectivement qua-trieme et cinquieme pays exporta-teur de petrole, et membres del'Organisation des pays exporta-teurs de petrole (Opep), l'Iran et leVenezuela ont annonce plusieursprogrammes de collaborationentre leurs compagnies d'hydro-carbures. Se targuant d'incarner âl'Est comme a l'Ouest la resistance

aux Etats-Unis, les deux hommessont passes maîtres dans l'artd'occuper bruyamment la sceneinternationale pour occulter desproblemes domestiques, en parti-culier d'ordre social. Ils n'hesitentpas â jouer des inquietudes queprovoque leur rapprochementpour effrayer le marche du petroleet faire remonter les cours. Â52 dollars, le baril de brent est auplus bas depuis 19 mois, un niveaudangereux pour les equilibresfinanciers de leurs pays. D'ailleursl'Iran et le Venezuela sont les prin-cipaux partisans d'une reductiondes quotas pĞtroliers au sein del'Opep pour maintenir les cours.

Le jeu des deux chefs d'Etatstrouve d'autant plus d'echos en

Amerique latine que la politique deWashington dans la region est reje-tee par une bonne partie des opi-nions publiques, et qu'elle donnepeu de signes de changement. Larecente nomination de John Negro-ponte, l'ex-patron des renseigne-ments americains, comme numerodeux de Condoleezza Rice audepartement d'Etat, a ete mal reçuepar les capitales du sous-continent.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad doitse rendre successivementau Venezuela, au Nicaraguaet en 6quateur. Reuters.

Le passage de John Negropontedans plusieurs ambassades latino-americaines a laisse de mauvaissouvenirs, notamment en Hondu¬ras, oü il est soupçonne d'avoircouvert de nombreuses violationsde droits de l'homme au debut desannĞes 1980.

Lamla Oualalou

g

£f2

L'insecurite paralyse l'economie irakienneLES AUTORITES irakiennes disposent-elles de marges de manceuvre financie-res qui leur permettent de s'engagerdans la restauration de leur economie âla hauteur des esperances formulees mer-credi 10 janvier par George Bush ? Ellesdependent presque exclusivement de laproduction petroliere, qui assure environ95 % de leurs ressources financieresmais qui n'emploie, selon la Banque mon-diale, que 1 % de la population active.

Pres de quatre ans apres l'interven-tion americaine, cette production restepourtant inferieure aux resultats obtenusauparavant. L'Irak a produit, en 2006,une moyenne de 2,2 millions de barilspar jour, au lieu d'un peu plus de 3 mil

lions en 2000. Sur ces 2,2 millions,1,5 est exporte.

Les causes en sont connues : apres laguerre contre l'Iran et douze annees d'em-bargo qui ont limite l'approvisionhementen pieces de rechange, les installations ira¬kiennes sont particulierement vetustes.La stagnation de la production a ete mas-quee, en 2006, par la hausse des prix,mais les freins â la remise en etat de cesinstallations restent les memes depuistrois ans : la corruption, et surtout l'inse¬curite, d'autant qu'une partie de la pro¬duction - entre 150 000 et 200 000 barilspar jour, selon l'estimation de la commis-sion americaine Baker-Hamilton - estdetournee â des fins de contrebande. Le

ministere irakien du petrole lui-meme estincapable de consommer plus de 15 % deson budget annuel.

Sanctuarisation hors de porteeLa sanctuarisation de l'ensemble de la

filiere petroliere reste pour l'instant horsde portee des autorites. Les investisseursprives etrangers rechignent â s'engagercompte tenu du contexte de guerre çivile.La Banque mondiale a esrime en 2006 queles coûts lies â la securite ont absorbe plusdu quart de l'aide internationale prevue ini-tialement pour la reconstruction de Firak.

L'incertitude demeure en outre sur lestatut des puits qui pourront etre creusesdans les gisements du sud et du nord de

31

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

les installations nucleaires enter-rĞes de l'Iran. Deux escadrilless'entraîneraient pour ces raids, quiviseraient l'usine d'enrichissementde Natanz, un site prpche d'Ispa-han, et le reacteur a eau lourded'Arak, pres de Teheran. Un plan

. qui ressemble k celui qu'auraient

envisage les Etats-Unis, selon unarticle publie en avril par le NewYorker. La Maison-Blanche avaitqualifie 1' article de « mal informe ».

Son porte-parole, Tony Snow, l'aredit hier, qualifiant de « rumeurs »

les informations selon lesquelles les

Etats-Unis prepareraient une atta-que contre l'Iran ou la Syrie.

Meme s'il s'agit plus de gesticu-lation militaire que de preparatifsde guerre, ces renforts font craindrel'escalade. « Une attaque soudainecontre l'Iran paraît peu plausible,

confie un observateur europeen,mais on peut craindre unjeu de pro-vocation militaire qui pousseraitl'Iran â la faute - une agressioncontre un petroller, par exemple - etlancerait le conflit. »

Ahnaud de La Grange

LE FIGARO 14 janvier 2007

Ahmadinejad en tournee dans PAmerique latineanti-imperialiste«

Le president iranien varencontrer Hugo Chavez etles autres dirigeantsantiliberaiDc du continent.

C'EST UNE bataille diplomatiquepar pays tiers interposes que l'Iranet les Etats-Unis vont se mener âpartir d' aujourd'hui. Alors que lasecretaire d'Etat americaine Con-doleezza Rice s'envolait hier pourle Proche-Orient, le president ira¬nien Mahmoud Ahmadinejadarrive k Caracas, pour une tournâeau caractere anti-americainaffirme. Le dirigeant iranien rendvisite a son « frere » Hugo Chavez,apres une premiere rencontre enseptembre. Demain, MahmoudAhmadinejad se rendra au Nicara-gua pour saluer une autre tâte de

' 'turc de Washington, le dirigeantsandiniste Daniel Ortega, elu ennovembre et qui vient d'entrer enfonction. U clöturera son periplepar un sejour en Equateur, afind'assister â l'investitüre du presi¬dent Rafael Correa, honni par laMaison-Blanche pour ses projets

: de reprise en main de l'industriepetrollere et sa volonte de fermerla base militaire americaine instal-

»lee dans son pays. Cerise sur legâteau, l'agenda d'Ahmadinejadprevoit une rencontre k Quito avecle chef d'Etat bolivien Evo Mora-les, autre critique acerbe desEtats-Unis.

Occulter les problemesdömestiques

De toutes les etapes, la plusimportante est celle de Caracas.Hugo Chavez est le seul chef d'Etatde la region â avoir pris fait etcause pour son homologue ira¬nien dans la bataille qui l'opposeaux Occidentaux sur le dossiernucleaire. Le Venezuela s'est pro-nonce contre la resolution del'Agence internationale de l'ener-gie atomique (AIEA) exigeant deTeheran de mettre fin â son pro-gramme d'enrichissement del'uranium. Respectivement qua-trieme et cinquieme pays exporta-teur de petrole, et membres del'Organisation des pays exporta-teurs de petrole (Opep), l'Iran et leVenezuela ont annonce plusieursprogrammes de collaborationentre leurs compagnies d'hydro-carbures. Se targuant d'incarner âl'Est comme a l'Ouest la resistance

aux Etats-Unis, les deux hommessont passes maîtres dans l'artd'occuper bruyamment la sceneinternationale pour occulter desproblemes domestiques, en parti-culier d'ordre social. Ils n'hesitentpas â jouer des inquietudes queprovoque leur rapprochementpour effrayer le marche du petroleet faire remonter les cours. Â52 dollars, le baril de brent est auplus bas depuis 19 mois, un niveaudangereux pour les equilibresfinanciers de leurs pays. D'ailleursl'Iran et le Venezuela sont les prin-cipaux partisans d'une reductiondes quotas pĞtroliers au sein del'Opep pour maintenir les cours.

Le jeu des deux chefs d'Etatstrouve d'autant plus d'echos en

Amerique latine que la politique deWashington dans la region est reje-tee par une bonne partie des opi-nions publiques, et qu'elle donnepeu de signes de changement. Larecente nomination de John Negro-ponte, l'ex-patron des renseigne-ments americains, comme numerodeux de Condoleezza Rice audepartement d'Etat, a ete mal reçuepar les capitales du sous-continent.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad doitse rendre successivementau Venezuela, au Nicaraguaet en 6quateur. Reuters.

Le passage de John Negropontedans plusieurs ambassades latino-americaines a laisse de mauvaissouvenirs, notamment en Hondu¬ras, oü il est soupçonne d'avoircouvert de nombreuses violationsde droits de l'homme au debut desannĞes 1980.

Lamla Oualalou

g

£f2

L'insecurite paralyse l'economie irakienneLES AUTORITES irakiennes disposent-elles de marges de manceuvre financie-res qui leur permettent de s'engagerdans la restauration de leur economie âla hauteur des esperances formulees mer-credi 10 janvier par George Bush ? Ellesdependent presque exclusivement de laproduction petroliere, qui assure environ95 % de leurs ressources financieresmais qui n'emploie, selon la Banque mon-diale, que 1 % de la population active.

Pres de quatre ans apres l'interven-tion americaine, cette production restepourtant inferieure aux resultats obtenusauparavant. L'Irak a produit, en 2006,une moyenne de 2,2 millions de barilspar jour, au lieu d'un peu plus de 3 mil

lions en 2000. Sur ces 2,2 millions,1,5 est exporte.

Les causes en sont connues : apres laguerre contre l'Iran et douze annees d'em-bargo qui ont limite l'approvisionhementen pieces de rechange, les installations ira¬kiennes sont particulierement vetustes.La stagnation de la production a ete mas-quee, en 2006, par la hausse des prix,mais les freins â la remise en etat de cesinstallations restent les memes depuistrois ans : la corruption, et surtout l'inse¬curite, d'autant qu'une partie de la pro¬duction - entre 150 000 et 200 000 barilspar jour, selon l'estimation de la commis-sion americaine Baker-Hamilton - estdetournee â des fins de contrebande. Le

ministere irakien du petrole lui-meme estincapable de consommer plus de 15 % deson budget annuel.

Sanctuarisation hors de porteeLa sanctuarisation de l'ensemble de la

filiere petroliere reste pour l'instant horsde portee des autorites. Les investisseursprives etrangers rechignent â s'engagercompte tenu du contexte de guerre çivile.La Banque mondiale a esrime en 2006 queles coûts lies â la securite ont absorbe plusdu quart de l'aide internationale prevue ini-tialement pour la reconstruction de Firak.

L'incertitude demeure en outre sur lestatut des puits qui pourront etre creusesdans les gisements du sud et du nord de

31

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

l'Irak. En l'etat, la Constitution irakiennedispose que le petrole extrait aujourd'huidoitbeneficier â l'ensemble des IraMens.Rien n'estassure, en revanche, pour l'ave¬nir et Pattribution de nouvelles recettesdevra faire l'objet de tractations laborieu-ses entre chiites, Kurdes et sunnites.

Dans son allocution, le president ameri¬cain a egalement invite les pays voisins âs'engager financierement aux cotes des'

autorites iraMennes. Jusqu'â present, endepit des profits generes en 2006 par lahausse des cours du petrole, les monar-chies du Golfe sont restees plutot reticen-tes.Contrairementauxpaysrassembles .

dans le Club de Paris (dont la France et laRussie), qui ont prevu, des 2004, l'annula-tion en trois tranches de leur part de la det-te irakienne (la derniere prevue en 2008),ces monarchies (principalement l'Arabiesaoudite, le Kovvei't et les Emirats arabes

unis) se sont gardees de faire de meme.La monopolisation du pouvoir â Bag¬

dad par la majorite chiite n'est pas denature â pousser ces dirigeants sunnites âun soutien enthousiaste, alors que desvoix iconoclastes reclament dejâ, en Ara¬bie saoudite, un soutien â la minorite sun¬nite en cas de retrait americain.

Gilles Paris

Les Etats-Unis ne se resignent pas le«garo ^ vier2007

Le long du Tigre, la capitaleirakienne est de plus enplus divisee en deux zones,î'une chiite, l'autre sunnite.Les derniers quartiersmixtes, soumısâ une purifıcationethnique, sont les symbolesd'un Irak unitaire.

FUIR â l'etranger, ou se replier aunord dans une region plus sûre ?

. Face aux vialences interconfes-sionnelles, cet habitant d'al-Wathak, dans le centre de Bagdad,ne sait trop que faire. «Nousn'avons pas encore reçu de lettre

. d'avertissement avec une balle âVintĞrieur », se rassure-t-il. Ici, leschiites ont toujours ete majoritai-res. « Mais depuis un an, ajoute cetintellectuel qui veut rester ano-nyme, les milices chiites accen-tuent leur pression, beaucoup defamilies sunnites sont parties, et lesautres rasent les murs. »

Depuis l'attehtat anti chiite deSamarra en fevrier dernier, lenombre de deplaces dans la capi¬tale a augmente de façon «alar-mante », selon l'Organisationinternationale des migrations.Plus de 160 000 Bagdadiens ontete obliges de fuir leur maison parpeur des violences. La guerreçivile ~a fini par redessiner la geo- ,

graphie humaine de la capitale.ComitĞs d'autodefense par quar-tier, contröles des ajlees et venues,faux barrages policiers : un nou-veau Bagdad, marque par la segre-gation, emerge des affrontements. l'ouest du Tigre (al-Kharkh), unezone encore dominee par les sun¬nites. Et â I'est (al-Rusafa), un sec-teur essentiellement chiite.

fiviter une guerre çivile totaleAutrefois majoritaires â 70 %,

les sunnites quittent Bagdad enmasse. Farouk ne reconnaissaitplus son quartier d'al-Ghadrah, '(

un fief sunnite desormais encercle ,

par huit barrages tenus par lamilice chiite de l'ArmĞe du Mahdi,la hantise des sunnites. II a mis safamille â l'abri en Jordanie. Dans

â la partition ethnique de Bagdad, Repartition des populationsi de Bagdad, en octobre 2006

BAGDADO Majorite

chiiteMajoritesunnite

Mixle, Mıfle Mixte,mais a L-J L maisâ

SH0ULA

\

KAHAMY^hJ ^r\'> >; SADR CM- '(AADHAMIYA x .

HURIYA ' "i* t}

majoritechute majorite

sunnite

ADELHolel

AL MANS0UR M Rachıd

KHANSA

AL-GHADRAH

Aeroporlinlernatlonalde Bagdad

un autre bastion sunnite voisin,Mansour, les miliciens chiitesavancent egalement. « Us tiennent

des rues et sont parvenus â expul-ser des families sunnites»,s'inquiete Safia Taleb al-Souhail,un depute\ L'avenue commer-çante du 14-Ramadan estvide desormais. «Si vous restezouvert, vous serez tues », ontmenace les groupes armâs chiitesqui traquent les anciens bassistes.Les sunnites accusent les mili¬ciens du Mahdi de cibler systema-tiquement des hommes d'affairessunnites, pour les forcer â partirou stopper leur soutien financieraux insurges. Les pressions paient.Les milices chiites contrölent 50 %d'al-Khark, assure Falah Zedan,un dâpute sunnite.

« Quand les families sunnites

YARMUK

JIHAD

,,.,,, Palaıs de( KINDI la flâpublıque

^ / Üniversite ^de Bagdad

i ARABİE SAOUDİTE

TAMIN

ı de Bagdad '

f* *¥&

JIZIRA

AL DOURA

^ase militaire^d'AI-Rachfd

\\:Tim

2 km

sont menacees, elles vont voir lesAmericains au lieu de se plaindreaupres du gouvemement »,

repond, au Figaro, Sami al-Askari.Selon ce conseüier du premierministre chiite Nouri al-Maliki,« les Americains ne repondent pasâ leurs requetes, alors les sunnitesvont se venger contre des chiitesdans les quartiers oü ces dernierssont en minorite », comme Shoula,Hai al-Jamah ou Adel, oû les disci-ples d'Ali sont k leur tour victimesd'une epuration ethnique.

Ainsi, dans l'ancien quartiermbrte d'al-Doura, plus aucunchiite ne s'aventure dans un sec-teur, devenu « homogene ». « Lors-qu'un secteur a ete purifle, declareun responsable d'une ONG, lesattaques sefont alors â la roquetteet non plus d l'arme automati-

'. que. » La retenue n'a alors plus' cours. Les dâplaces sont utilises

par les groupes armes pour lesrenseigner sur les cibles k frapperdans leur ancien quartier. Avecleur cortege de cadavres, les trans-ferts forces de populations aggra-vent les prejuges. Ali, le chiite estassimile â un « iranien ». Et pourse proteger aux barrages del'Armee du Mahdi, Omar le sun¬nite exhibe sa seconde carted'identite, qui le definit commeAmar, le chiite.

Certains assurent qu'un par-tage confessionnel stabilisera, infine, la situation dans la capitale.« C'est impossible d'avoir des zonescompletement homogenes »,

constate Sami al-Askari. En effet,de larges enclaves chiites et sunni-

32

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

l'Irak. En l'etat, la Constitution irakiennedispose que le petrole extrait aujourd'huidoitbeneficier â l'ensemble des IraMens.Rien n'estassure, en revanche, pour l'ave¬nir et Pattribution de nouvelles recettesdevra faire l'objet de tractations laborieu-ses entre chiites, Kurdes et sunnites.

Dans son allocution, le president ameri¬cain a egalement invite les pays voisins âs'engager financierement aux cotes des'

autorites iraMennes. Jusqu'â present, endepit des profits generes en 2006 par lahausse des cours du petrole, les monar-chies du Golfe sont restees plutot reticen-tes.Contrairementauxpaysrassembles .

dans le Club de Paris (dont la France et laRussie), qui ont prevu, des 2004, l'annula-tion en trois tranches de leur part de la det-te irakienne (la derniere prevue en 2008),ces monarchies (principalement l'Arabiesaoudite, le Kovvei't et les Emirats arabes

unis) se sont gardees de faire de meme.La monopolisation du pouvoir â Bag¬

dad par la majorite chiite n'est pas denature â pousser ces dirigeants sunnites âun soutien enthousiaste, alors que desvoix iconoclastes reclament dejâ, en Ara¬bie saoudite, un soutien â la minorite sun¬nite en cas de retrait americain.

Gilles Paris

Les Etats-Unis ne se resignent pas le«garo ^ vier2007

Le long du Tigre, la capitaleirakienne est de plus enplus divisee en deux zones,î'une chiite, l'autre sunnite.Les derniers quartiersmixtes, soumısâ une purifıcationethnique, sont les symbolesd'un Irak unitaire.

FUIR â l'etranger, ou se replier aunord dans une region plus sûre ?

. Face aux vialences interconfes-sionnelles, cet habitant d'al-Wathak, dans le centre de Bagdad,ne sait trop que faire. «Nousn'avons pas encore reçu de lettre

. d'avertissement avec une balle âVintĞrieur », se rassure-t-il. Ici, leschiites ont toujours ete majoritai-res. « Mais depuis un an, ajoute cetintellectuel qui veut rester ano-nyme, les milices chiites accen-tuent leur pression, beaucoup defamilies sunnites sont parties, et lesautres rasent les murs. »

Depuis l'attehtat anti chiite deSamarra en fevrier dernier, lenombre de deplaces dans la capi¬tale a augmente de façon «alar-mante », selon l'Organisationinternationale des migrations.Plus de 160 000 Bagdadiens ontete obliges de fuir leur maison parpeur des violences. La guerreçivile ~a fini par redessiner la geo- ,

graphie humaine de la capitale.ComitĞs d'autodefense par quar-tier, contröles des ajlees et venues,faux barrages policiers : un nou-veau Bagdad, marque par la segre-gation, emerge des affrontements. l'ouest du Tigre (al-Kharkh), unezone encore dominee par les sun¬nites. Et â I'est (al-Rusafa), un sec-teur essentiellement chiite.

fiviter une guerre çivile totaleAutrefois majoritaires â 70 %,

les sunnites quittent Bagdad enmasse. Farouk ne reconnaissaitplus son quartier d'al-Ghadrah, '(

un fief sunnite desormais encercle ,

par huit barrages tenus par lamilice chiite de l'ArmĞe du Mahdi,la hantise des sunnites. II a mis safamille â l'abri en Jordanie. Dans

â la partition ethnique de Bagdad, Repartition des populationsi de Bagdad, en octobre 2006

BAGDADO Majorite

chiiteMajoritesunnite

Mixle, Mıfle Mixte,mais a L-J L maisâ

SH0ULA

\

KAHAMY^hJ ^r\'> >; SADR CM- '(AADHAMIYA x .

HURIYA ' "i* t}

majoritechute majorite

sunnite

ADELHolel

AL MANS0UR M Rachıd

KHANSA

AL-GHADRAH

Aeroporlinlernatlonalde Bagdad

un autre bastion sunnite voisin,Mansour, les miliciens chiitesavancent egalement. « Us tiennent

des rues et sont parvenus â expul-ser des families sunnites»,s'inquiete Safia Taleb al-Souhail,un depute\ L'avenue commer-çante du 14-Ramadan estvide desormais. «Si vous restezouvert, vous serez tues », ontmenace les groupes armâs chiitesqui traquent les anciens bassistes.Les sunnites accusent les mili¬ciens du Mahdi de cibler systema-tiquement des hommes d'affairessunnites, pour les forcer â partirou stopper leur soutien financieraux insurges. Les pressions paient.Les milices chiites contrölent 50 %d'al-Khark, assure Falah Zedan,un dâpute sunnite.

« Quand les families sunnites

YARMUK

JIHAD

,,.,,, Palaıs de( KINDI la flâpublıque

^ / Üniversite ^de Bagdad

i ARABİE SAOUDİTE

TAMIN

ı de Bagdad '

f* *¥&

JIZIRA

AL DOURA

^ase militaire^d'AI-Rachfd

\\:Tim

2 km

sont menacees, elles vont voir lesAmericains au lieu de se plaindreaupres du gouvemement »,

repond, au Figaro, Sami al-Askari.Selon ce conseüier du premierministre chiite Nouri al-Maliki,« les Americains ne repondent pasâ leurs requetes, alors les sunnitesvont se venger contre des chiitesdans les quartiers oü ces dernierssont en minorite », comme Shoula,Hai al-Jamah ou Adel, oû les disci-ples d'Ali sont k leur tour victimesd'une epuration ethnique.

Ainsi, dans l'ancien quartiermbrte d'al-Doura, plus aucunchiite ne s'aventure dans un sec-teur, devenu « homogene ». « Lors-qu'un secteur a ete purifle, declareun responsable d'une ONG, lesattaques sefont alors â la roquetteet non plus d l'arme automati-

'. que. » La retenue n'a alors plus' cours. Les dâplaces sont utilises

par les groupes armes pour lesrenseigner sur les cibles k frapperdans leur ancien quartier. Avecleur cortege de cadavres, les trans-ferts forces de populations aggra-vent les prejuges. Ali, le chiite estassimile â un « iranien ». Et pourse proteger aux barrages del'Armee du Mahdi, Omar le sun¬nite exhibe sa seconde carted'identite, qui le definit commeAmar, le chiite.

Certains assurent qu'un par-tage confessionnel stabilisera, infine, la situation dans la capitale.« C'est impossible d'avoir des zonescompletement homogenes »,

constate Sami al-Askari. En effet,de larges enclaves chiites et sunni-

32

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

tes restent dans des quartiersrivaux. Ce sont les points les plussensibles, Adhamiyah (sunnite)sur la rive chiite du Tigre, et enface, de l'autre cöte du pont, Kad-himiyah (chiite), sur la rive sun

nite. « Nous vivons un enfer, les tirsdurent toute la nuit », raconte unhabitant de Kadamyah. Les ren-forts americains, annonces parGeorge Bush, vont etre deployesdans ces points chauds. Objectif :

eviter â tout prix que la separationethnique n'aille â son terme, etque l'Irak sombre dans une guerreçivile totale. Uya urgence. «Lesgroupes armes de chaque camp sepreparent â la bataille finale pour

le contröle de Bagdad», ecrit lecentre de recherche internationalCrisis Group dans un recent rap-port.

Georges Malbrunot

«X

£3"

&

Iraqis see little usein adding U.S. forces

From news rcports

BAGHDAD: Iraqis weary of deathsquads and bombs nearly four yearsafter U.S. forces swept into Baghdadasked Thursday vvhat difference 21,500more troops vrould make novv underPresident George W. Bush's nevv plan.

"The government has promised us alot but nothing has changed," Ali AbdulRazzak, a Baghdad resident in his 20s,said as he waited to catch a bus in themorning rush hour. "The Americansvvill just come and sit in one place anddo nothing."

Admitting "mistakes" in a vvar thathas cost more than 3,000 U.S. soldiers'lives and killed tens of thousands ofIraqis, Bush said Wednesday that hevvas adding 17,500 troops in Baghdadand 4,000 in Anbar Province to tacklethe nation's sectarian violence.

Some among the Sünni Arab minor-ity vvho mistrust the Shiite-led govern¬ment appeared reassured by the U.S.presence. American commanders havemade it clear they vvant Prime MinisterNuri Kamal al-Maliki, a Shiite, to crackdovvn on Shiite militias, vvhich areblamed for targeting Sunnis in Bagh¬dad and elsevvhere.

"If they vvithdravv, it vvill not be good

for Iraq," said Abu Ahmed, a 60-year-old man stuck in Baghdad's traffıc. "Ivvill vvelcome the nevv strategy if itbrings security."

Abdul Rahman Mohammed, a 30-year-old civil servant in Falluja, vvhichis mainly Sünni Arab, said he saw noth¬ing nevv in Bush's plans. "it's the same asprevious promises and plans," he said.

He said it vvas vvrong to focus on themilitary vvhen the real problem vvaspolitics. What vvas needed, Mohammedsaid, vvas "a nevv policy vvith one condi-tion that the Americans dorft inter-fere in making it, because the peoplevvill see it as an agent of the Ameri¬cans."

Mezzael Hussein, president of asports club in the Shiite stronghold ofSadr City in Baghdad, vvas also skeptic-al. "Any strategy that comes from a for-eign country vvill not help the Iraqipeople," he said. "This strategy is likethe previous ones."

Some feared that more U.S. troopsand a security plan for Baghdad prom¬ised by the Iraqi government couldeven fuel the violence.

"The U.S. troop hike vvill spark a reac¬tion from the resistance vvhich vvill in¬crease violence in the streets, and crack-ing dovvn on militias vvill also spark a

A group of men in Basra in southern Iraq watched President

George W. Bush deüvering his speech to the United States.

reaction," said Bilal Fadhil, 29, an engi-neer in the southern city ofBasra. I don'texpect that the U.S. forces vvill handöver security at the end of the year."

Bush's decision to increase the U.S.troop level in Iraq to around 150,000drevv criticism from political support-

ers of the radical Shiite cleric Moktadaal-Sadr, vvhose Mahdi Army militiasare said by the Pentagon to be theğreatest threat to security in Iraq.

"Sending more troops to Iraq is avvrong decision, and it is against thevvill of Iraqis and the Americanpeople," said Nassar al-Rubaie, spokes-man for Sadr's parliamentary group.

"We consider it a dictator's decisionto use force tovvard the Iraqi people,and a nondemocratic decision tovvardthe American people because it isagainst the American majority repre-sented by the Democratic Party, vvhichcondemned and disagreed with send¬ing troops to Iraq."

On the other side of the sectarian di-vide, an official of Iraq's leading Sünnireligious gathering, the Müslim Cler-ics' Association, said in remarks typic-ally critical of the U.S. presence thatsending more troops vvould not solveproblems as long as Sunnis vvere disen-franchised from the political process.

"Bush is a prisoner of his owndreams," said the official, MohammadBashar al-Fhaidi. "The American pres¬ident is ignoring the dangerous politic¬al reality in Iraq. Those vvho are on theruling side today have taken the path ofexclusion, of marginalization and pur-suit of others. There are no links be-tvveen the Sunnis and those participat-ing in the political process."

One Kurdish lavvmaker, MahmoudOthman, said the plan vvould fail."Sending more troops and financialsupport vvill not help if there is no sec¬tarian and political solution," he said.

Osama Ahmed, a 50-year-old Sünnivvho vvorks in the Ministry of HigherEducation, said he got up early to vvatchBush's speech, vvhich vvas broadcastlive at 5 a.m. Thursday on Iraqi statetelevision.

"More U.S. troops vvill mean morevvasted blood and more people killed,"Ahmed said. "The violence vvill surgeunless the U.S. administration decidesto curb militiamen vvho are part of theIraqi government."

Abdel-Karim Jassim, a 44-year-oldShiite trader, said he had hoped Bushvvould come up vvith something otherthan the troop increase.

"Sending more troops vvill not solvethe problem," he said. But he did ac-knovvledge that "Iraqis cannot handlethe security issue on their own becauseof the sectarian divisions and thestrong militias and insurgents."

33

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

tes restent dans des quartiersrivaux. Ce sont les points les plussensibles, Adhamiyah (sunnite)sur la rive chiite du Tigre, et enface, de l'autre cöte du pont, Kad-himiyah (chiite), sur la rive sun

nite. « Nous vivons un enfer, les tirsdurent toute la nuit », raconte unhabitant de Kadamyah. Les ren-forts americains, annonces parGeorge Bush, vont etre deployesdans ces points chauds. Objectif :

eviter â tout prix que la separationethnique n'aille â son terme, etque l'Irak sombre dans une guerreçivile totale. Uya urgence. «Lesgroupes armes de chaque camp sepreparent â la bataille finale pour

le contröle de Bagdad», ecrit lecentre de recherche internationalCrisis Group dans un recent rap-port.

Georges Malbrunot

«X

£3"

&

Iraqis see little usein adding U.S. forces

From news rcports

BAGHDAD: Iraqis weary of deathsquads and bombs nearly four yearsafter U.S. forces swept into Baghdadasked Thursday vvhat difference 21,500more troops vrould make novv underPresident George W. Bush's nevv plan.

"The government has promised us alot but nothing has changed," Ali AbdulRazzak, a Baghdad resident in his 20s,said as he waited to catch a bus in themorning rush hour. "The Americansvvill just come and sit in one place anddo nothing."

Admitting "mistakes" in a vvar thathas cost more than 3,000 U.S. soldiers'lives and killed tens of thousands ofIraqis, Bush said Wednesday that hevvas adding 17,500 troops in Baghdadand 4,000 in Anbar Province to tacklethe nation's sectarian violence.

Some among the Sünni Arab minor-ity vvho mistrust the Shiite-led govern¬ment appeared reassured by the U.S.presence. American commanders havemade it clear they vvant Prime MinisterNuri Kamal al-Maliki, a Shiite, to crackdovvn on Shiite militias, vvhich areblamed for targeting Sunnis in Bagh¬dad and elsevvhere.

"If they vvithdravv, it vvill not be good

for Iraq," said Abu Ahmed, a 60-year-old man stuck in Baghdad's traffıc. "Ivvill vvelcome the nevv strategy if itbrings security."

Abdul Rahman Mohammed, a 30-year-old civil servant in Falluja, vvhichis mainly Sünni Arab, said he saw noth¬ing nevv in Bush's plans. "it's the same asprevious promises and plans," he said.

He said it vvas vvrong to focus on themilitary vvhen the real problem vvaspolitics. What vvas needed, Mohammedsaid, vvas "a nevv policy vvith one condi-tion that the Americans dorft inter-fere in making it, because the peoplevvill see it as an agent of the Ameri¬cans."

Mezzael Hussein, president of asports club in the Shiite stronghold ofSadr City in Baghdad, vvas also skeptic-al. "Any strategy that comes from a for-eign country vvill not help the Iraqipeople," he said. "This strategy is likethe previous ones."

Some feared that more U.S. troopsand a security plan for Baghdad prom¬ised by the Iraqi government couldeven fuel the violence.

"The U.S. troop hike vvill spark a reac¬tion from the resistance vvhich vvill in¬crease violence in the streets, and crack-ing dovvn on militias vvill also spark a

A group of men in Basra in southern Iraq watched President

George W. Bush deüvering his speech to the United States.

reaction," said Bilal Fadhil, 29, an engi-neer in the southern city ofBasra. I don'texpect that the U.S. forces vvill handöver security at the end of the year."

Bush's decision to increase the U.S.troop level in Iraq to around 150,000drevv criticism from political support-

ers of the radical Shiite cleric Moktadaal-Sadr, vvhose Mahdi Army militiasare said by the Pentagon to be theğreatest threat to security in Iraq.

"Sending more troops to Iraq is avvrong decision, and it is against thevvill of Iraqis and the Americanpeople," said Nassar al-Rubaie, spokes-man for Sadr's parliamentary group.

"We consider it a dictator's decisionto use force tovvard the Iraqi people,and a nondemocratic decision tovvardthe American people because it isagainst the American majority repre-sented by the Democratic Party, vvhichcondemned and disagreed with send¬ing troops to Iraq."

On the other side of the sectarian di-vide, an official of Iraq's leading Sünnireligious gathering, the Müslim Cler-ics' Association, said in remarks typic-ally critical of the U.S. presence thatsending more troops vvould not solveproblems as long as Sunnis vvere disen-franchised from the political process.

"Bush is a prisoner of his owndreams," said the official, MohammadBashar al-Fhaidi. "The American pres¬ident is ignoring the dangerous politic¬al reality in Iraq. Those vvho are on theruling side today have taken the path ofexclusion, of marginalization and pur-suit of others. There are no links be-tvveen the Sunnis and those participat-ing in the political process."

One Kurdish lavvmaker, MahmoudOthman, said the plan vvould fail."Sending more troops and financialsupport vvill not help if there is no sec¬tarian and political solution," he said.

Osama Ahmed, a 50-year-old Sünnivvho vvorks in the Ministry of HigherEducation, said he got up early to vvatchBush's speech, vvhich vvas broadcastlive at 5 a.m. Thursday on Iraqi statetelevision.

"More U.S. troops vvill mean morevvasted blood and more people killed,"Ahmed said. "The violence vvill surgeunless the U.S. administration decidesto curb militiamen vvho are part of theIraqi government."

Abdel-Karim Jassim, a 44-year-oldShiite trader, said he had hoped Bushvvould come up vvith something otherthan the troop increase.

"Sending more troops vvill not solvethe problem," he said. But he did ac-knovvledge that "Iraqis cannot handlethe security issue on their own becauseof the sectarian divisions and thestrong militias and insurgents."

33

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 12 janvier 2007

Le consulat iranienau Kurdistan pris d'assautpar les forces americaines

L'attaaue, par une centainede soldats americains,de la representationdiplomatique iranienneâ Erbil, hier, est un veritablecoup de semonce â Teheran.

L'Iran a demandĞ hier â l'Irakd'agir rapidement en faveur de lalibeYation de ses employĞs consu-laires arrğtĞs par les forces ameri¬caines au Kurdistan irakien, aucours d'un raid qualifi6 de « provo-cation americaine » par Telıeian.Le Pentagone a dementi que lebâtiment vise' ait etâ « un consulatou un bâtiment gouvernemental ».

De nötre envoye special â Erbil

İL EST UNE HEURE du matin â Erbillorsque debute le raid contre la repre¬sentation diplomatique de la republi-que islamique d'Iran. Â Washington,George Bush n'a pas ejıcore com-mence son discours sur sa nouvellestrategie en Irak. Une centaine de sol¬dats americains encerclent un quar-

tier residentiel de la capitale du Kur¬distan autonome irakien. Leshommes se glissent dans les ruesbouclees par des chars et montentsur le toit des maisons entouranUavilla qui abrite la legation iranienne.Au moins quatre helicopteres survo-lent le secteur â basse altitude. Unappareil inonde de lumiere la scene. trois heures, c'est l'attaque: lesassaillants tirent en l'air des rafalesd'arme automatique. Le portail dubâtiment est ouvert a la grenade. Lessept gardes iraniens se rendent şansresistance. Ils sont menottfe. Lescinq diplomates presents sur leslieux subissent le meme şort. Le dra-peau iranien est descendu de sonmât. Du materiel informatique et desdocuments sont saisis. Le quartierretrouve sa quietude au lever dujour.Des peshmergas, les combattantskurdes, et des policiers en civil econ-duisent les curieux.

Nouvelle escaladeSelon des sources kurdes, les gar¬

des iraniens ont ete liberes plus tard

tandis que les diplomates etaienttransferes vers une destinationinconnue. « // s'agit defonctionnairessubaltemes munis de passeportsdiplomatiquesqui, comme l'ensembledes representants. iraniens, dormentdans leur residence. Hadji Abbas, lecharge d'affaires, nefigüre pas parmieux car il etait en Iran depuis unmois», precise le Dr Abdullah, lerepresentant kürde du bureau deliaison irano-kürde, qui deplore « lamise â sac des locaıoc ».

Par un etrange hasard de calen-

drier, l'adjoint du chargâ d'affairesavait, pour sa part, quitte Erbil avant-hier avec une delegation dirigee parAra el laafari, le vice-pr6sident duConseil pour la haute securite' ira¬nienne, apres une entrevue k Salaha-dine avec Massoud Barzani, le prâsi-dent du Kurdistan irakien. RapportĞpar el-Khabat, l'organe du Parti duKurdistan democratkjue (PDK),l'entretien n'a pas ete couronne desucces puisqu'il portait surla « conso-Udation » des relations bilatĞrales. . .

«Le gouvemement n'a pas eteprevenu et nous ne savons pas ce queles Americains reprochent a ces per¬sonnes », jure le Dr Abdullah dans lacour du bureau de liaison, dâsormaisdesert. « Nous n'avions pas eu de pro¬blemes avec les iraniens depuisl'ouverture de leur bureau consulaireen 1991. II est â craindre qu'ils pren-nent, selon le principe de rĞciprocite,des methodes de rğtorsion contre nosinterets en Iran, oü nous avons desrepresentants », commente-t-il.S'agit-il d'une affaire d'espionnage ?

Le Dr Abdullah n'en sait rien. Selon

les forces americaines, l'operationvisait a « cibler des individus impli-ques dans des activites visant â tuerdes citoyens et des soldats ameri¬cains». «Les informations rassem-blees par les services de renseigne-ments americains etaient peut-etreerrpnees », retorque le Kürde.

L'assaut sonne comme un coupde semonce â l'Iran. Car, â l'heure oüles soldats americains devastaient larepresentation diplomatique, GeorgeBush s'engageait â « contrer tout sou¬tien » de l'Iran mais aussi de la Syrie k«ses ennemis en Irak». Prenant lecontre-pied du rapport Baker, le pre¬sident veut accroître la pression surles pays accuses de soutenir les mou-vements de guerilla impliques dans leconflit irakien. Le raid du consulatiranien est, dans cette optique, unsigne adresse a Teheran. H pourraitmarquer le debut d'une nouvelleescalade entre les deux pays.

Les iraniens ont des accointan-ces en İrak avec des milices chiitesqu'ils auraient infiltrees. Leurs liensavec Abdel Aziz el-HaMm, l'hommefort du regime irakien, sont de noto-riete publique. Ce demier peutcompter pour contröler ses flefs surles brigades Badr, tres actives dans lesud du pays. Certains groupes parmiles gardiens de la revolution accorde-raientune aide auxmiliciens de Moq-tada Sadr, qui regnent en maître dansles rues d'une partie de Bagdad et deKerbala. Ces fers au feu permettraientâ Teheran de peser au moins indirec-tement sur un niveau de violence quin'a jamais ete aussi eleve.

ThierryOberle

£§£D

Bush ordered raids on IraniansBy David E. Sanger and Thom Shanker

WASHNGTON: A recent series ofAmerican raids against Iranians in Iraqare the result of an order PresidentGeorge W. Bush secretly issued severalmonths ago to start a broad military of¬fensive against Iranian operatives in thecountry, Secretary of State Con-doleezza Rice said Friday.

"There has been a decision to go afterthese networks,'\Rice said in an inter-view vvith The Nevv York Times in heroffice on Friday afternoon.

Rice vvas vague on the question ofvvhen Bush issued the orders, but shemade it clear he did sö months ago.

Those orders appear to be the first byBush to authorize direct military actionto counter Iranian ambitions in Iraq orthe broader Middle East, though Ricecharacterized them as chiefly a movefor "force protection," because of evi-dence that Iran vvas providing sophisti- .

cated explosive devices for use againstAmerican troops.

Rice's comments came just a dayafter the nevv chairman of the Senate

'Networks' in Iraqtargeted, Rice saysForeign Relations Committee, SenatörJoseph Biden, Democrat ofDelavvare, is¬sued a sharp vvarning to the administra¬tion about the recent raids against Ira¬nians in Iraq, including one in Erbilearly Thursday.

Biden said that the vote to authorizethe president to order the use of force todepose Saddam Hussein should not beused as a vehicle for mounting attacksnetvvorks assisting insurgents or sec¬tarian militias.

Rice gave no indication that the pres-ident's orders extended to action insideIran.

Biden said: "I just want the record toshovv and I vvould like to have a legalresponse from the State Departmentif they think they have authority to pur-sue netvvorks or anything else acrossthe border into Iran and Iraq thatvvill generate a constitutional confron-

tation here in the Senate, I predict toyou."

Iraq describes Iranian officeThe Iraqi foreign minister, Hoshyar

Zebari, said Friday that five Iranians de-tained by U.S. forces in Kurdish-con-trolled northern Iraq on Thursday vverevvorking in a liaison office that had gov¬ernment approval and vvas in the pro¬cess of being approved as a consulate.

Zebari, a Kurd, also said that U.S.forces had tried to seize more people at .

the airport in Erbil, 350 kilometers, or220 miles, north of Baghdad, promptinga confrontation vvith Kurdish troopsvvho vvere guarding the facility. Thestandoff vvas resolved vvithout casual-ties.

The United States said that the build-ing vvhere the Iranians vvere detainedhad no official diplomatic status.

34

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 12 janvier 2007

Le consulat iranienau Kurdistan pris d'assautpar les forces americaines

L'attaaue, par une centainede soldats americains,de la representationdiplomatique iranienneâ Erbil, hier, est un veritablecoup de semonce â Teheran.

L'Iran a demandĞ hier â l'Irakd'agir rapidement en faveur de lalibeYation de ses employĞs consu-laires arrğtĞs par les forces ameri¬caines au Kurdistan irakien, aucours d'un raid qualifi6 de « provo-cation americaine » par Telıeian.Le Pentagone a dementi que lebâtiment vise' ait etâ « un consulatou un bâtiment gouvernemental ».

De nötre envoye special â Erbil

İL EST UNE HEURE du matin â Erbillorsque debute le raid contre la repre¬sentation diplomatique de la republi-que islamique d'Iran. Â Washington,George Bush n'a pas ejıcore com-mence son discours sur sa nouvellestrategie en Irak. Une centaine de sol¬dats americains encerclent un quar-

tier residentiel de la capitale du Kur¬distan autonome irakien. Leshommes se glissent dans les ruesbouclees par des chars et montentsur le toit des maisons entouranUavilla qui abrite la legation iranienne.Au moins quatre helicopteres survo-lent le secteur â basse altitude. Unappareil inonde de lumiere la scene. trois heures, c'est l'attaque: lesassaillants tirent en l'air des rafalesd'arme automatique. Le portail dubâtiment est ouvert a la grenade. Lessept gardes iraniens se rendent şansresistance. Ils sont menottfe. Lescinq diplomates presents sur leslieux subissent le meme şort. Le dra-peau iranien est descendu de sonmât. Du materiel informatique et desdocuments sont saisis. Le quartierretrouve sa quietude au lever dujour.Des peshmergas, les combattantskurdes, et des policiers en civil econ-duisent les curieux.

Nouvelle escaladeSelon des sources kurdes, les gar¬

des iraniens ont ete liberes plus tard

tandis que les diplomates etaienttransferes vers une destinationinconnue. « // s'agit defonctionnairessubaltemes munis de passeportsdiplomatiquesqui, comme l'ensembledes representants. iraniens, dormentdans leur residence. Hadji Abbas, lecharge d'affaires, nefigüre pas parmieux car il etait en Iran depuis unmois», precise le Dr Abdullah, lerepresentant kürde du bureau deliaison irano-kürde, qui deplore « lamise â sac des locaıoc ».

Par un etrange hasard de calen-

drier, l'adjoint du chargâ d'affairesavait, pour sa part, quitte Erbil avant-hier avec une delegation dirigee parAra el laafari, le vice-pr6sident duConseil pour la haute securite' ira¬nienne, apres une entrevue k Salaha-dine avec Massoud Barzani, le prâsi-dent du Kurdistan irakien. RapportĞpar el-Khabat, l'organe du Parti duKurdistan democratkjue (PDK),l'entretien n'a pas ete couronne desucces puisqu'il portait surla « conso-Udation » des relations bilatĞrales. . .

«Le gouvemement n'a pas eteprevenu et nous ne savons pas ce queles Americains reprochent a ces per¬sonnes », jure le Dr Abdullah dans lacour du bureau de liaison, dâsormaisdesert. « Nous n'avions pas eu de pro¬blemes avec les iraniens depuisl'ouverture de leur bureau consulaireen 1991. II est â craindre qu'ils pren-nent, selon le principe de rĞciprocite,des methodes de rğtorsion contre nosinterets en Iran, oü nous avons desrepresentants », commente-t-il.S'agit-il d'une affaire d'espionnage ?

Le Dr Abdullah n'en sait rien. Selon

les forces americaines, l'operationvisait a « cibler des individus impli-ques dans des activites visant â tuerdes citoyens et des soldats ameri¬cains». «Les informations rassem-blees par les services de renseigne-ments americains etaient peut-etreerrpnees », retorque le Kürde.

L'assaut sonne comme un coupde semonce â l'Iran. Car, â l'heure oüles soldats americains devastaient larepresentation diplomatique, GeorgeBush s'engageait â « contrer tout sou¬tien » de l'Iran mais aussi de la Syrie k«ses ennemis en Irak». Prenant lecontre-pied du rapport Baker, le pre¬sident veut accroître la pression surles pays accuses de soutenir les mou-vements de guerilla impliques dans leconflit irakien. Le raid du consulatiranien est, dans cette optique, unsigne adresse a Teheran. H pourraitmarquer le debut d'une nouvelleescalade entre les deux pays.

Les iraniens ont des accointan-ces en İrak avec des milices chiitesqu'ils auraient infiltrees. Leurs liensavec Abdel Aziz el-HaMm, l'hommefort du regime irakien, sont de noto-riete publique. Ce demier peutcompter pour contröler ses flefs surles brigades Badr, tres actives dans lesud du pays. Certains groupes parmiles gardiens de la revolution accorde-raientune aide auxmiliciens de Moq-tada Sadr, qui regnent en maître dansles rues d'une partie de Bagdad et deKerbala. Ces fers au feu permettraientâ Teheran de peser au moins indirec-tement sur un niveau de violence quin'a jamais ete aussi eleve.

ThierryOberle

£§£D

Bush ordered raids on IraniansBy David E. Sanger and Thom Shanker

WASHNGTON: A recent series ofAmerican raids against Iranians in Iraqare the result of an order PresidentGeorge W. Bush secretly issued severalmonths ago to start a broad military of¬fensive against Iranian operatives in thecountry, Secretary of State Con-doleezza Rice said Friday.

"There has been a decision to go afterthese networks,'\Rice said in an inter-view vvith The Nevv York Times in heroffice on Friday afternoon.

Rice vvas vague on the question ofvvhen Bush issued the orders, but shemade it clear he did sö months ago.

Those orders appear to be the first byBush to authorize direct military actionto counter Iranian ambitions in Iraq orthe broader Middle East, though Ricecharacterized them as chiefly a movefor "force protection," because of evi-dence that Iran vvas providing sophisti- .

cated explosive devices for use againstAmerican troops.

Rice's comments came just a dayafter the nevv chairman of the Senate

'Networks' in Iraqtargeted, Rice saysForeign Relations Committee, SenatörJoseph Biden, Democrat ofDelavvare, is¬sued a sharp vvarning to the administra¬tion about the recent raids against Ira¬nians in Iraq, including one in Erbilearly Thursday.

Biden said that the vote to authorizethe president to order the use of force todepose Saddam Hussein should not beused as a vehicle for mounting attacksnetvvorks assisting insurgents or sec¬tarian militias.

Rice gave no indication that the pres-ident's orders extended to action insideIran.

Biden said: "I just want the record toshovv and I vvould like to have a legalresponse from the State Departmentif they think they have authority to pur-sue netvvorks or anything else acrossthe border into Iran and Iraq thatvvill generate a constitutional confron-

tation here in the Senate, I predict toyou."

Iraq describes Iranian officeThe Iraqi foreign minister, Hoshyar

Zebari, said Friday that five Iranians de-tained by U.S. forces in Kurdish-con-trolled northern Iraq on Thursday vverevvorking in a liaison office that had gov¬ernment approval and vvas in the pro¬cess of being approved as a consulate.

Zebari, a Kurd, also said that U.S.forces had tried to seize more people at .

the airport in Erbil, 350 kilometers, or220 miles, north of Baghdad, promptinga confrontation vvith Kurdish troopsvvho vvere guarding the facility. Thestandoff vvas resolved vvithout casual-ties.

The United States said that the build-ing vvhere the Iranians vvere detainedhad no official diplomatic status.

34

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 12 janvier 2007

Visite historique du president irakien a DamasJalal Talabani devraitsceller la reconciliationentre les deux freresennemis, apresune brouillede vingt-six ans.

LES SYRIENS, assure un diplo-mate, « ont mis les petits platsdans les grands » pour recevoi'r lepresident irakien. Initialementprevue aujourd'hui, la visite deJalal Talabani devrait avoir lieudans les prochains jours. La dateexacte est tenue secrete pour desraisons de securite. Un ĞvĞne-ment : c'est le premier voyage âDamas d'un chef d'Etat irakiendepuis la rupture des relationsdiplomatiques, en 1980. Elles ontrepris fin novembre 2006, apresle voyage surprise du ministredes Affaires etrangeres syrien,Walid Mouallem, â Bagdad.

L'accueil du president irakienmarque le couronnement durĞchauffement entre les freresennemis baasistes, tous deuxissus de ce parti lai'que panarabe.Les deux pays n'en campent pasmoins dans des camps opposes.Jalal Talabani preside le gouver-nement mis en place grâce kl'assaut americain de 2003, tan¬dis que son homologue Bacharel-Assad est isole par VVashing-

Jalal Talabani devrait notammentevoquer avec Bachar el-Assad lesquestions de se-curite' â la frontieresyrienne.C/ij'p East/Reuters.

ton. Condoleezza Rice accuseouvertement la Syrie d'aider lesinsurges sunnites qui font regnerla terreur dans tout le pays.

Pour ajouter au paradoxe, laSyrie et l'Irak sont tous deuxallies de l'Iran. De source diplo-matique," on estime que JalalTalabani a şans doute reçu unfeu vert officieux de Washingtonavant de se rendre a Damas, mal¬gre le rejet par George Bush desuivre les recommandations durapport de l'ancien secretaired'Etat James Baker, qui luiconseille de parler avec. la Syrieet l'Iran. Le president irakien,estime un observateur syrien,voit aussi midi â sa porte: «LesEtats-Unis seront partis dans unou deux ans. Son gouvemementestfaible. II doit tenir compte desacteurs regionaux. »

La question du KurdistanLes questions de securite

seront au coeur des entretiens.VValid Mouallem avait dejâ ennovembre condamnâ « toutes lesactions terroristes » en Irak. Legouvemement irakien est nean-moins preoccupe par le transitde combattants et d'armes â tra¬vers la frontiere syrienne, longuede 600 km: Un memorandumpourrait etre signe, enterinant

une cooperation bilaterale dansla lutte contre le terrorisme etl'echange d'informations. Lesoffîciels syriens assurent ouver¬tement etre en mesure d'exercerleur influence sur des mouve-ments sunnites irakiens et memesur les hommes de MoqtadaSadr, le chef militaire chiite.

Cette influence reste âdemontrer, mais les deux presi-dents pourraient discuter d'unerâunion â Damas de toutes les '

factions irakiennes, dejâ Ğvoquâepar Bachar el-Assad devant lesânateur americain Arlen Spec-ter, un republicain qui s'etaitrendu â Damas, malgrâ l'aviscontraire de son gouveme¬ment...

 Damas, Talabani sera enpays de connaissance,. Sous Sad¬dam, qu'il combattait, le fonda¬teur de l'Union patriotique duKurdistan (UPK) pouvait trouverrefuge en Syrie, oü il possedetoujours une maison, et benefi-ciait meme d'un passeportsyrien. II l'a solennellementrendu avant son retour en Irak,apres la destitution de Saddam.Enfin, derriere le president seprofilera le chef kürde. Si un Kur¬distan indâpendant naît un jour,il aura besoin d'amis.

PlERRE PRIER

LE FIGARO 1 6 janvier 200 7

Robert Gates met en gardeUranOTANLe nouveau secretaireamericain â la Defenses'est rendu au siegede l'organisation nierâ Bruxelles.

De nötre correspondahte â Bnaelles

 L'OCCASION d'une visite au siegede l'Otan, hier, k Bruxelles, le qou-veau secretaire amâricain â laDefense, Robert Gates, a mis en gardel'Iran, en annonçant une presencemilitaire «forte» et «durable» desEtats-Unis dans la region du Golfe.Alors que Washington accroît sa pre¬sence au sol en Irak, avec 20 000hommes en renfort, deploie un

porte-avionş supplâmentaire et desmissiles antimissiles Patriot dans leGolfe, le successeur de Ronald Rums-feld accuse l'Iran de semer le troubleen Irak. « Les iraniens ont une attitudetres negaüve en ce moment» a estimâRobert Gates, excluant toute reprisedu dialogue avec le regime des mol-lahs, tel qu'il est preconise dans ledernier rapport bipartisan sur l'Irak« Es croientde touteevidenceque noussommes ligotes en Irak, et qu'ils ontl'initiative», a indique le secrâtaire âla DĞfense, visiblement itrite. « Maisles iraniens nefont rien de constructifen Irak ; ils ont egalement soutenu leHezbollah pour declencher un nou¬veau conflit au Liban », a-t-il ajoute.TĞhĞran a toujours rejetĞ ces accusa-

tions, afBrmant que la violence enIrak est entretenue par la presencemilitaire .amĞricaine, que Washing¬ton n'a pas l'intention d'affaiblir. Âl'unisson avec le chef de diplomatieamericaine, Condoleezza Rice, pourcondamner l'attitude de l'Iran,Robert Gates reste tres pmdent surles intentions militaires des Etats-Unis â l'egard de Teheran.

Depuis l'annonce par GeorgeW. Bush du renforcement de l'arse-nal antimissiles americain dans leGolfe, les speculations ont repris âWashington et dans les capitaleseuropeennes sur les intentionscachees de la Maison-Blanche dansla râgion. D'apres Robert Gates, lesiraniens n'auraient rien â craindre.

Ce deploiement ne şerait qu'uninvestissement defensif â longterme et non un signe de prepara-tifs guerriers. « Nous nefaisons quereaffirmer l'importance vitale etstrategique de cette region pour lesEtats- Unis, et nötre determinatioh amaintenir une presence forte danscette râgion et cela pour tres long-temps », a affirme le secretaire â laDeTense. Aussi ferme soit-il, le suc¬cesseur de Ronald Rumsfeld laisseune porte entre-ouverte avec Tehe¬ran. «Lorsque les iraniens serontprets âjouer un röle constructifdansle traitement de certains problemes,a-t-il conclu, il y aura, peut-etre,une chance d'agir ensemble. »

Alexandrine Bouilhet

35

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 12 janvier 2007

Visite historique du president irakien a DamasJalal Talabani devraitsceller la reconciliationentre les deux freresennemis, apresune brouillede vingt-six ans.

LES SYRIENS, assure un diplo-mate, « ont mis les petits platsdans les grands » pour recevoi'r lepresident irakien. Initialementprevue aujourd'hui, la visite deJalal Talabani devrait avoir lieudans les prochains jours. La dateexacte est tenue secrete pour desraisons de securite. Un ĞvĞne-ment : c'est le premier voyage âDamas d'un chef d'Etat irakiendepuis la rupture des relationsdiplomatiques, en 1980. Elles ontrepris fin novembre 2006, apresle voyage surprise du ministredes Affaires etrangeres syrien,Walid Mouallem, â Bagdad.

L'accueil du president irakienmarque le couronnement durĞchauffement entre les freresennemis baasistes, tous deuxissus de ce parti lai'que panarabe.Les deux pays n'en campent pasmoins dans des camps opposes.Jalal Talabani preside le gouver-nement mis en place grâce kl'assaut americain de 2003, tan¬dis que son homologue Bacharel-Assad est isole par VVashing-

Jalal Talabani devrait notammentevoquer avec Bachar el-Assad lesquestions de se-curite' â la frontieresyrienne.C/ij'p East/Reuters.

ton. Condoleezza Rice accuseouvertement la Syrie d'aider lesinsurges sunnites qui font regnerla terreur dans tout le pays.

Pour ajouter au paradoxe, laSyrie et l'Irak sont tous deuxallies de l'Iran. De source diplo-matique," on estime que JalalTalabani a şans doute reçu unfeu vert officieux de Washingtonavant de se rendre a Damas, mal¬gre le rejet par George Bush desuivre les recommandations durapport de l'ancien secretaired'Etat James Baker, qui luiconseille de parler avec. la Syrieet l'Iran. Le president irakien,estime un observateur syrien,voit aussi midi â sa porte: «LesEtats-Unis seront partis dans unou deux ans. Son gouvemementestfaible. II doit tenir compte desacteurs regionaux. »

La question du KurdistanLes questions de securite

seront au coeur des entretiens.VValid Mouallem avait dejâ ennovembre condamnâ « toutes lesactions terroristes » en Irak. Legouvemement irakien est nean-moins preoccupe par le transitde combattants et d'armes â tra¬vers la frontiere syrienne, longuede 600 km: Un memorandumpourrait etre signe, enterinant

une cooperation bilaterale dansla lutte contre le terrorisme etl'echange d'informations. Lesoffîciels syriens assurent ouver¬tement etre en mesure d'exercerleur influence sur des mouve-ments sunnites irakiens et memesur les hommes de MoqtadaSadr, le chef militaire chiite.

Cette influence reste âdemontrer, mais les deux presi-dents pourraient discuter d'unerâunion â Damas de toutes les '

factions irakiennes, dejâ Ğvoquâepar Bachar el-Assad devant lesânateur americain Arlen Spec-ter, un republicain qui s'etaitrendu â Damas, malgrâ l'aviscontraire de son gouveme¬ment...

 Damas, Talabani sera enpays de connaissance,. Sous Sad¬dam, qu'il combattait, le fonda¬teur de l'Union patriotique duKurdistan (UPK) pouvait trouverrefuge en Syrie, oü il possedetoujours une maison, et benefi-ciait meme d'un passeportsyrien. II l'a solennellementrendu avant son retour en Irak,apres la destitution de Saddam.Enfin, derriere le president seprofilera le chef kürde. Si un Kur¬distan indâpendant naît un jour,il aura besoin d'amis.

PlERRE PRIER

LE FIGARO 1 6 janvier 200 7

Robert Gates met en gardeUranOTANLe nouveau secretaireamericain â la Defenses'est rendu au siegede l'organisation nierâ Bruxelles.

De nötre correspondahte â Bnaelles

 L'OCCASION d'une visite au siegede l'Otan, hier, k Bruxelles, le qou-veau secretaire amâricain â laDefense, Robert Gates, a mis en gardel'Iran, en annonçant une presencemilitaire «forte» et «durable» desEtats-Unis dans la region du Golfe.Alors que Washington accroît sa pre¬sence au sol en Irak, avec 20 000hommes en renfort, deploie un

porte-avionş supplâmentaire et desmissiles antimissiles Patriot dans leGolfe, le successeur de Ronald Rums-feld accuse l'Iran de semer le troubleen Irak. « Les iraniens ont une attitudetres negaüve en ce moment» a estimâRobert Gates, excluant toute reprisedu dialogue avec le regime des mol-lahs, tel qu'il est preconise dans ledernier rapport bipartisan sur l'Irak« Es croientde touteevidenceque noussommes ligotes en Irak, et qu'ils ontl'initiative», a indique le secrâtaire âla DĞfense, visiblement itrite. « Maisles iraniens nefont rien de constructifen Irak ; ils ont egalement soutenu leHezbollah pour declencher un nou¬veau conflit au Liban », a-t-il ajoute.TĞhĞran a toujours rejetĞ ces accusa-

tions, afBrmant que la violence enIrak est entretenue par la presencemilitaire .amĞricaine, que Washing¬ton n'a pas l'intention d'affaiblir. Âl'unisson avec le chef de diplomatieamericaine, Condoleezza Rice, pourcondamner l'attitude de l'Iran,Robert Gates reste tres pmdent surles intentions militaires des Etats-Unis â l'egard de Teheran.

Depuis l'annonce par GeorgeW. Bush du renforcement de l'arse-nal antimissiles americain dans leGolfe, les speculations ont repris âWashington et dans les capitaleseuropeennes sur les intentionscachees de la Maison-Blanche dansla râgion. D'apres Robert Gates, lesiraniens n'auraient rien â craindre.

Ce deploiement ne şerait qu'uninvestissement defensif â longterme et non un signe de prepara-tifs guerriers. « Nous nefaisons quereaffirmer l'importance vitale etstrategique de cette region pour lesEtats- Unis, et nötre determinatioh amaintenir une presence forte danscette râgion et cela pour tres long-temps », a affirme le secretaire â laDeTense. Aussi ferme soit-il, le suc¬cesseur de Ronald Rumsfeld laisseune porte entre-ouverte avec Tehe¬ran. «Lorsque les iraniens serontprets âjouer un röle constructifdansle traitement de certains problemes,a-t-il conclu, il y aura, peut-etre,une chance d'agir ensemble. »

Alexandrine Bouilhet

35

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ts.oo<N

C«"i

CM

Le Kurdistanirakien, terred'asilepourles refugiessunnites

TÜRW X

o^llllll

\

SouleimanİyajKirkouk0 İ

Oîikrit iIRAK

DBagdad

ta

7K Yx_i

tujHalabjah

ı IRAN

75 kmJ I 1

| rj^] Zone de peuplemeni

ll£ Kurdistan irakien

ChassĞs par les vio-lences interemni-qu.es qui secouentla ville de Bagdadet ses environs,les sunnites arri-

vent en masse au Kurdistan ira¬kien, oü ils tentent de s'installerdans cette oasis de paix. L'arrivĞeparmi les Kurdes, maltrait6s parSaddam Hussein, de ces r6fugi6squi sont souvent d'anciens baa-sistes, n'est pas toujours facile.D'autant que les jeunes Kurdesne parlent plus l'arabe.

ErbilDe nötre envoye special

HASSAN, 45 ans, dört avec son fils '

Othman, 17 ans, dans un sous-solnon chauffe d'un immeuble ducentre d'Erbil. Cet Arabe sunnite afui en septembre les violences

confessionnelles de Bagdad pour serefugier au Kurdistan irakien. Has¬san a emmene avec lui son fils aînecar celui-ci etait menace de mort enraison de son patronyme. Othmanest, selon le Coran, l'un des pre-miers califes. Successeur du pro¬phete, il s'est oppose â Ali, le califevenere des chiites. « Mon autre filsHussein n'a pas d'ennuis tout sim-plement parce que son prenom estapprĞcie des chiites. La fitna (laguerre entre musulmans, NDLR)est aussi cruelle qu'absurde », com-mente-t-il.

 Bagdad, Hassan donnait descours de physicme dans un collegepublic de son quartier,un secteurdomino par les chiites. « Les mili¬ciens sont venus â l'ecole pour meprevenir que j'etais interdit de tra-vail. Ils avaient dejâ tue deux de mescollegues et pose des pains d'explo-sifs dans l'enceinte scolaire. Ü etaittemps de partır exphque t il

L'homme demeure sous l'emprisede la peur. Prudent, il refuse dedonner son identite. « Les miliciensdetruisent les fondements pedagogi-ques de ce pays. Ils ont des ideesbizarres qui plongent Bagdad dansl'anarchie », s'indigne le professeur.

Hassan a obtenu un contratd'instituteur dans un etablisse-ment scolaire kürde. II attend sonpremier salaire pour faire venir lesautres membres de sa famille blo-ques dans la capitale irakienne.Şans argent, il est venu queman-der une aide â l'antenne locale duCroissant rouge.

Depuis l'attentat en mars de lamosquee d'or de Samarra qui adonnâ le signal de l'epuration eth-nique en Irak, les deplaces sunni¬tes se pressent dans les locaux del'organisation de chariti. «Lemouvement s'est encore accentueses dernieres semaines. Ils deman-dent des tuyaux pour trouver deslogements, des meubles, des ticketsde ration, de la nourriture. Cinqmillefamilies sunnites sont passeesici en dix mois Nous en avons

Une histoire mouvementee

L'Irak compte environ 22 %-de Kurdes, 1 8 % d'Arabessunnites, 55 % de chiiteset 3 % de chretiens.1970 : Bagdad accorde uneautonomie partielle aux Kurdes.1988 : l'aviation irakiennebombarde â l'arme chimique levillage d'Halabjah (5 000 morts).1 991 : 1 ,5 million de Kurdesse röfugient dans les montagnes.1992 : le Kurdistan devientune region autonome.2003 : chute du regime baasiste.2006 : le Kurdistan se doted'un gouvemement reunifie.

recense âli 000 â Soulameiniya et4 000 â Dohouk, les deux autresgrandes villes du Kurdistan », pre-

. cise un responsable de l'aide auxdeplaces du Croissant rouged'Erbil. La majorite des familiesqui fuient Mossoul et Bagdad estd'origine kürde mais plusieursmilliers de deplaces sont des Ara¬bes irakiens.

Une oasis de paixLe phenomene resulte d'une

absence d'alternative : alors queles chiites trouvent refuge dansleur communaute â Najaf ou dansle sud du pays, les Arabes sunnitesn'ont pas d'asile. Leurs enclavessont des zones- de guerre oül'armee americaine affronte laguerilla. Les dĞplaces doivent, s'ilsveulent trouver la securite şanssortir des frontieres de l'Irak,prendre la route du Kurdistanautonome. Lâ, ils decouvrent uneoasis de paix qui offre l'avantage,outre sa tranquillite, d'etre peuencline au fanatisme religieux.Souvent tres hostiles aux forcesd'occupation americaine, les voilââ l'abri chez les meiüeurs alliĞs deceux qu'ils considerent comme lesresponsables de leur malheur. Lesvoilâ dans un pays dĞcrit dans lesconversations de bazar de Bagdadcomme une contree peuplee desauvages. Avec l'irruption de labarbarie au cceur de la capitaleirakienne, les prejuges commen-cent âs'estomper...

De leur cöte, les autorites kur¬des font preuve de tolerance. « Cesgens ont la mort aux trousses. Noussommes bien obliges de les accepterchez nous et de les aider pour desraisons humanitaires », assure legouverneur d'Erbil, Navvzad HadiMavvlood. C'est que les responsa¬bles de la region commencent â

Şans emploi, ces trois râfugiĞs arabes sunnites partagent un fhıgal repas dans un jardin public de Souleimaniya,

au Kurdistan irakien. L'arriv6e massive des d6plac6s dans la ville suscite l'inqui6tude de la population. Ceenvan Aziz/Reuters.

36

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ts.oo<N

C«"i

CM

Le Kurdistanirakien, terred'asilepourles refugiessunnites

TÜRW X

o^llllll

\

SouleimanİyajKirkouk0 İ

Oîikrit iIRAK

DBagdad

ta

7K Yx_i

tujHalabjah

ı IRAN

75 kmJ I 1

| rj^] Zone de peuplemeni

ll£ Kurdistan irakien

ChassĞs par les vio-lences interemni-qu.es qui secouentla ville de Bagdadet ses environs,les sunnites arri-

vent en masse au Kurdistan ira¬kien, oü ils tentent de s'installerdans cette oasis de paix. L'arrivĞeparmi les Kurdes, maltrait6s parSaddam Hussein, de ces r6fugi6squi sont souvent d'anciens baa-sistes, n'est pas toujours facile.D'autant que les jeunes Kurdesne parlent plus l'arabe.

ErbilDe nötre envoye special

HASSAN, 45 ans, dört avec son fils '

Othman, 17 ans, dans un sous-solnon chauffe d'un immeuble ducentre d'Erbil. Cet Arabe sunnite afui en septembre les violences

confessionnelles de Bagdad pour serefugier au Kurdistan irakien. Has¬san a emmene avec lui son fils aînecar celui-ci etait menace de mort enraison de son patronyme. Othmanest, selon le Coran, l'un des pre-miers califes. Successeur du pro¬phete, il s'est oppose â Ali, le califevenere des chiites. « Mon autre filsHussein n'a pas d'ennuis tout sim-plement parce que son prenom estapprĞcie des chiites. La fitna (laguerre entre musulmans, NDLR)est aussi cruelle qu'absurde », com-mente-t-il.

 Bagdad, Hassan donnait descours de physicme dans un collegepublic de son quartier,un secteurdomino par les chiites. « Les mili¬ciens sont venus â l'ecole pour meprevenir que j'etais interdit de tra-vail. Ils avaient dejâ tue deux de mescollegues et pose des pains d'explo-sifs dans l'enceinte scolaire. Ü etaittemps de partır exphque t il

L'homme demeure sous l'emprisede la peur. Prudent, il refuse dedonner son identite. « Les miliciensdetruisent les fondements pedagogi-ques de ce pays. Ils ont des ideesbizarres qui plongent Bagdad dansl'anarchie », s'indigne le professeur.

Hassan a obtenu un contratd'instituteur dans un etablisse-ment scolaire kürde. II attend sonpremier salaire pour faire venir lesautres membres de sa famille blo-ques dans la capitale irakienne.Şans argent, il est venu queman-der une aide â l'antenne locale duCroissant rouge.

Depuis l'attentat en mars de lamosquee d'or de Samarra qui adonnâ le signal de l'epuration eth-nique en Irak, les deplaces sunni¬tes se pressent dans les locaux del'organisation de chariti. «Lemouvement s'est encore accentueses dernieres semaines. Ils deman-dent des tuyaux pour trouver deslogements, des meubles, des ticketsde ration, de la nourriture. Cinqmillefamilies sunnites sont passeesici en dix mois Nous en avons

Une histoire mouvementee

L'Irak compte environ 22 %-de Kurdes, 1 8 % d'Arabessunnites, 55 % de chiiteset 3 % de chretiens.1970 : Bagdad accorde uneautonomie partielle aux Kurdes.1988 : l'aviation irakiennebombarde â l'arme chimique levillage d'Halabjah (5 000 morts).1 991 : 1 ,5 million de Kurdesse röfugient dans les montagnes.1992 : le Kurdistan devientune region autonome.2003 : chute du regime baasiste.2006 : le Kurdistan se doted'un gouvemement reunifie.

recense âli 000 â Soulameiniya et4 000 â Dohouk, les deux autresgrandes villes du Kurdistan », pre-

. cise un responsable de l'aide auxdeplaces du Croissant rouged'Erbil. La majorite des familiesqui fuient Mossoul et Bagdad estd'origine kürde mais plusieursmilliers de deplaces sont des Ara¬bes irakiens.

Une oasis de paixLe phenomene resulte d'une

absence d'alternative : alors queles chiites trouvent refuge dansleur communaute â Najaf ou dansle sud du pays, les Arabes sunnitesn'ont pas d'asile. Leurs enclavessont des zones- de guerre oül'armee americaine affronte laguerilla. Les dĞplaces doivent, s'ilsveulent trouver la securite şanssortir des frontieres de l'Irak,prendre la route du Kurdistanautonome. Lâ, ils decouvrent uneoasis de paix qui offre l'avantage,outre sa tranquillite, d'etre peuencline au fanatisme religieux.Souvent tres hostiles aux forcesd'occupation americaine, les voilââ l'abri chez les meiüeurs alliĞs deceux qu'ils considerent comme lesresponsables de leur malheur. Lesvoilâ dans un pays dĞcrit dans lesconversations de bazar de Bagdadcomme une contree peuplee desauvages. Avec l'irruption de labarbarie au cceur de la capitaleirakienne, les prejuges commen-cent âs'estomper...

De leur cöte, les autorites kur¬des font preuve de tolerance. « Cesgens ont la mort aux trousses. Noussommes bien obliges de les accepterchez nous et de les aider pour desraisons humanitaires », assure legouverneur d'Erbil, Navvzad HadiMavvlood. C'est que les responsa¬bles de la region commencent â

Şans emploi, ces trois râfugiĞs arabes sunnites partagent un fhıgal repas dans un jardin public de Souleimaniya,

au Kurdistan irakien. L'arriv6e massive des d6plac6s dans la ville suscite l'inqui6tude de la population. Ceenvan Aziz/Reuters.

36

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

tourner la page de Saddam et desatrocitĞs commises durant desdĞcennies contre la populationpar un regime contröle par les Ara¬bes sunnites.

Les Kurdes suivent bien sûrtoujours avec attention le procesAnfal, cette campagne militairemenĞe en 1988 contre les Kurdes.Ouvertes en août, les audiencesrevisitent un episode particuliere-ment sanglant de la repression de1'irrĞdentisme kürde. En quelquesmois, les forces irakiennes tuerentplus de 50 000 civils, userent de gazchimique, detruisirent plus de2 000 villages et pratiquerent desdeplacements massifs de popula¬tion. Six hauts dirigeants arabessunnites dont Ali Hassan al-Majid,dit Ali-le-chimique, figurent sur le '

banc des prevenus. Ils sont accusesde genocide et de crimes contrel'humanite. Mais la place de Sad¬dam, l'inculpe vedette, est inoccu-pee pour cause de pendaison. Sonabsencç öte de son interet au pro¬ces. Elle ouvre aussi un nouveaucycle. « Nous voulons lajustice maisnon la vengeance. II faut mainte-nant aller de l'avant», resume leg6nefalAzizWeyzi, le commandant :

des Peshmergas, les forces kurdes.Şans pour autant baisser la garde.

L'appareil securitaire süit depres l'afflux des deplacĞs arabes. I]

est hante par la crainte de voirarriver des kamikazes dans lesillage des sunnites de Bagdad.Des procedures de securite tresstrictes sont appliquees pour evi-ter les « infiltrations terroristes ».

Chaque arrivant doit etre parrainepar un habitant de la region puisune enquete de poliçe le passe aucrible.

Le souvenir douloureuxde la politique d'arabisation

Plus ouverte sur l'Irak pour desraisons j*eographiques, la ville deSouleimaniya accueille en ron-chonnant le gros du contingentarabe. Empreinte de mentalitâ

montagnarde, Erbil süit le mouve- ,

ment avec encore plus de rĞti-cence. Les dĞplacĞs sont accusĞsd'accentuer la flambee des prbcdes loyers, d'augmenter le chö-mage, d'etre - ce qui est souventexact - d'anciens baasistes et deremettre en cause les Ğquilibresethniques. Leur presence reveillele souvenir douloureux de la poli-tique d'arabisation imposee parSaddam dans les annees 1970pour modifier la carte demogra-phique des communautâs autourdes champs pĞtroliers de Kirkouk.Chasses de leurs maisons, les Kur¬des avaient dû se replier dansl'arriere-pays.

Au Parlement, les deputess'enervent. Ils rĞclament leregroupement pour des raisonssĞcuritaires des nouveaux venusdans des zones rĞserv6es. « Cesgens nous inquietent, ils n'ont rienâfaire chez nous. Le gouvemementa eti pris de vitesse, il doit reagird'urgence», prĞvient ' Khamen '

Zerar, depute' de l'Union patrioti- I

que kürde (UPK), le parti du prâsi-dent irakien Jalal Talabani.

Les premiers rĞfugiĞs Ğtaientissus des classes aisĞes. Ils sontmedecins, hommes d'affaires,universitaires. Les praticiens repu-t6s n'ont pas de mal â se creer uneclientele huppee dans un Kurdis¬tan oü les elites profıtent de la paixpour s'enrichir. Les hommesd'affaires prosperent. Les profes-seurs dĞcrochent des postes aucompte-gouttes grâce au piston decollegues kurdes cötoyĞs dans descolloques et des sĞminaires ou pard'anciens eleves dont ils ont diriğe'les theses.

« Nous devons privilegierl'acces a l'emploi â nötre popula¬tion. Nötre üniversite â dejâ soneauipe et son budget. Nous sommesobliges d'econduire les professeursarabes qui viennent chaque jourproposer leurs services », expliquedans son bureau le Dr Nasser,vice-doyen de la faculte de droit

de Salahaddin. L'un des rares heu-reux elus de l'institut l'Ğcoute lesbras croises. «Nous sommesaccueillis chaleureusement par lesKurdes. Ils nefont pas de differenceentre nous et eux », dĞclare-t-il surun ton reservĞ. Les annees de dic¬tature puis le basculement de Bag¬dad dans la fureur lui ont appris lamefiance. II applique les regles dela survie dans l'Irak d'avant etd'apres Saddam : en dire le moinspossible, etre sur ses gardes, nepas attirer l'attention.

Beaucoup ne trouvent pasde travail

Tous n'ont pas sa chance. Labarriere de la langue rend difficilela quete d'un emploi. Depuis laconquete du statut d'autonomieen 1992, l'arabe n'est plus utilisedans la vie quotidienne et profes-sionnelle. Et il n'est plus maîtrise'par les moins de trente ans.

Chez les Nahab, les hommessont tous au chömage. ComposĞede 38 membres, la famille a dĞbar-qu6 â Erbil en juin en pfovenancedu quartier Chaab de Bagdad, une

zone situöe pres de Sadr City, lefief des miliciens de MoqtadaSadr. La smala loue une maison de100 m* pour un loyer mensuel de200 dollars. Elle a connu dans lacapitale ûne descente en enfer.« Tout a commencâ un matin lors-que les miliciens ont enleve monfrere, Tarik, alors qu'il se rendait âson travail. Les kidnappeurs nousont appeles avec son telephoneportable pour nous dire qu'ils vou-laient aussi me capturer. Le corpsde Tarik estarrive â la morgue troisjours plus tard. »

Torture"par les chiites

Sunnite, la famille n'a pas osese rendre â l'institut medico-legalchiite pour rĞcupârer la dâpouille.«Nous avons des voisins qui ontĞtĞ enleves â la morgue dans descirconstances semblables. Des

amis chiites sont alles chercher lecadavre a nötre place», indiqueYoussef. II poursuit : « Son visageetait d&forme. Nous ne l'avons pasreconnu tellement il avait ete tor-ture. Sa cage thoracique avait eteretournee. C'est l'armâe du Mahdiqui Va tue. Ils veulentfaire de Bag¬dad une capitale chiite. Nousconnaissons son assassin : c'estl'un des pires criminels du quar-tier. Nous n'avons pas celebre ledeuil. Nous sommes montes dansun bus pour Erbil şans memeprendre de vetements derechange. »

Youssef laisse derriere lui sonrestaurant et ses deux hammams.Le premier etage de sa nouvellemaison est un dortoir oü regne lapromiscuite. Des enfants engour-dis par le froid sont recroquevill6ssous des couvertures. D'autresjouent dans la rue boueuse.

Youssef s'est installe â Erbilavec l'appui de Massoud, son vieilami de trente ans, un camaradede service militaire qui tient unpetit commerce. II n'avait jamaisimagine s'installer un jour au Kur¬distan. L'idee lui semblait « incon-cevable» meme sı «les hainesentre Arabes et Kurdes » lui sem-blent « artifîcielles ». « Nous. som¬mes d'abord sunnites » dit-il.

Thierry Oberle

Victimes d'assassinats et d'enlevements, les chretiens d'Irak prennent le ehemin de l'exodeS Mohzen, un chauffeur de taxi de43 ans, vient de passer unesemaine les yeux bandĞs, attaehe âune chaise sous un escalier dansune maison. II a 6te capture endecembre dans la rue â Dorah, unquartier sunnite de Bagdad. Sesagresseurs l'ont assommâ, puis jetedans le coffre d'une voiture. Ils ontensuite telephone â sa femme. Elle

raconte : « Ils ont reclame un grandsac d'argent de 240 000 dollars. Ilsont menace, si on ne payaitpas, dejeterla tete de mon maridans lejar-din. On a reussiâ reunirgrâce â desemprunts 30 000 dollars. J'airemisla rançon â un motard. » Assyro-chaldeen, Mohzen ignore qui l'aenlevö. « Mes geâliers m'accu-saient d'etre un mecreant. Ils vou-

laient que je me convertisse âl'islam. En me liberant, ils m'ont ditque je devais disparaître du quar-tier», precise-t-il. Mohzen a quitteBagdad pour Erbil. Sa famille devaitl'y rejoindre. Leur camion de demö-nagement a ete attaque. Les bra-queurs se sont empares de la car-gaison, des Ğconomies desvoyageurs et de leurs chaussures.

Le beau-pere de Mohzen a vouluremercier un bandit de lui avoirepargnö la vie. II s'est baissö pour luibaiser la main. L'homme l'a econ-duit en le traitant de «chien d'infi-de/e». «A Dorah, les chiites sonttous partis. Quant aux chretiens, ilen reste une poignâe », commenteMohzen.

T.O.

37

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

tourner la page de Saddam et desatrocitĞs commises durant desdĞcennies contre la populationpar un regime contröle par les Ara¬bes sunnites.

Les Kurdes suivent bien sûrtoujours avec attention le procesAnfal, cette campagne militairemenĞe en 1988 contre les Kurdes.Ouvertes en août, les audiencesrevisitent un episode particuliere-ment sanglant de la repression de1'irrĞdentisme kürde. En quelquesmois, les forces irakiennes tuerentplus de 50 000 civils, userent de gazchimique, detruisirent plus de2 000 villages et pratiquerent desdeplacements massifs de popula¬tion. Six hauts dirigeants arabessunnites dont Ali Hassan al-Majid,dit Ali-le-chimique, figurent sur le '

banc des prevenus. Ils sont accusesde genocide et de crimes contrel'humanite. Mais la place de Sad¬dam, l'inculpe vedette, est inoccu-pee pour cause de pendaison. Sonabsencç öte de son interet au pro¬ces. Elle ouvre aussi un nouveaucycle. « Nous voulons lajustice maisnon la vengeance. II faut mainte-nant aller de l'avant», resume leg6nefalAzizWeyzi, le commandant :

des Peshmergas, les forces kurdes.Şans pour autant baisser la garde.

L'appareil securitaire süit depres l'afflux des deplacĞs arabes. I]

est hante par la crainte de voirarriver des kamikazes dans lesillage des sunnites de Bagdad.Des procedures de securite tresstrictes sont appliquees pour evi-ter les « infiltrations terroristes ».

Chaque arrivant doit etre parrainepar un habitant de la region puisune enquete de poliçe le passe aucrible.

Le souvenir douloureuxde la politique d'arabisation

Plus ouverte sur l'Irak pour desraisons j*eographiques, la ville deSouleimaniya accueille en ron-chonnant le gros du contingentarabe. Empreinte de mentalitâ

montagnarde, Erbil süit le mouve- ,

ment avec encore plus de rĞti-cence. Les dĞplacĞs sont accusĞsd'accentuer la flambee des prbcdes loyers, d'augmenter le chö-mage, d'etre - ce qui est souventexact - d'anciens baasistes et deremettre en cause les Ğquilibresethniques. Leur presence reveillele souvenir douloureux de la poli-tique d'arabisation imposee parSaddam dans les annees 1970pour modifier la carte demogra-phique des communautâs autourdes champs pĞtroliers de Kirkouk.Chasses de leurs maisons, les Kur¬des avaient dû se replier dansl'arriere-pays.

Au Parlement, les deputess'enervent. Ils rĞclament leregroupement pour des raisonssĞcuritaires des nouveaux venusdans des zones rĞserv6es. « Cesgens nous inquietent, ils n'ont rienâfaire chez nous. Le gouvemementa eti pris de vitesse, il doit reagird'urgence», prĞvient ' Khamen '

Zerar, depute' de l'Union patrioti- I

que kürde (UPK), le parti du prâsi-dent irakien Jalal Talabani.

Les premiers rĞfugiĞs Ğtaientissus des classes aisĞes. Ils sontmedecins, hommes d'affaires,universitaires. Les praticiens repu-t6s n'ont pas de mal â se creer uneclientele huppee dans un Kurdis¬tan oü les elites profıtent de la paixpour s'enrichir. Les hommesd'affaires prosperent. Les profes-seurs dĞcrochent des postes aucompte-gouttes grâce au piston decollegues kurdes cötoyĞs dans descolloques et des sĞminaires ou pard'anciens eleves dont ils ont diriğe'les theses.

« Nous devons privilegierl'acces a l'emploi â nötre popula¬tion. Nötre üniversite â dejâ soneauipe et son budget. Nous sommesobliges d'econduire les professeursarabes qui viennent chaque jourproposer leurs services », expliquedans son bureau le Dr Nasser,vice-doyen de la faculte de droit

de Salahaddin. L'un des rares heu-reux elus de l'institut l'Ğcoute lesbras croises. «Nous sommesaccueillis chaleureusement par lesKurdes. Ils nefont pas de differenceentre nous et eux », dĞclare-t-il surun ton reservĞ. Les annees de dic¬tature puis le basculement de Bag¬dad dans la fureur lui ont appris lamefiance. II applique les regles dela survie dans l'Irak d'avant etd'apres Saddam : en dire le moinspossible, etre sur ses gardes, nepas attirer l'attention.

Beaucoup ne trouvent pasde travail

Tous n'ont pas sa chance. Labarriere de la langue rend difficilela quete d'un emploi. Depuis laconquete du statut d'autonomieen 1992, l'arabe n'est plus utilisedans la vie quotidienne et profes-sionnelle. Et il n'est plus maîtrise'par les moins de trente ans.

Chez les Nahab, les hommessont tous au chömage. ComposĞede 38 membres, la famille a dĞbar-qu6 â Erbil en juin en pfovenancedu quartier Chaab de Bagdad, une

zone situöe pres de Sadr City, lefief des miliciens de MoqtadaSadr. La smala loue une maison de100 m* pour un loyer mensuel de200 dollars. Elle a connu dans lacapitale ûne descente en enfer.« Tout a commencâ un matin lors-que les miliciens ont enleve monfrere, Tarik, alors qu'il se rendait âson travail. Les kidnappeurs nousont appeles avec son telephoneportable pour nous dire qu'ils vou-laient aussi me capturer. Le corpsde Tarik estarrive â la morgue troisjours plus tard. »

Torture"par les chiites

Sunnite, la famille n'a pas osese rendre â l'institut medico-legalchiite pour rĞcupârer la dâpouille.«Nous avons des voisins qui ontĞtĞ enleves â la morgue dans descirconstances semblables. Des

amis chiites sont alles chercher lecadavre a nötre place», indiqueYoussef. II poursuit : « Son visageetait d&forme. Nous ne l'avons pasreconnu tellement il avait ete tor-ture. Sa cage thoracique avait eteretournee. C'est l'armâe du Mahdiqui Va tue. Ils veulentfaire de Bag¬dad une capitale chiite. Nousconnaissons son assassin : c'estl'un des pires criminels du quar-tier. Nous n'avons pas celebre ledeuil. Nous sommes montes dansun bus pour Erbil şans memeprendre de vetements derechange. »

Youssef laisse derriere lui sonrestaurant et ses deux hammams.Le premier etage de sa nouvellemaison est un dortoir oü regne lapromiscuite. Des enfants engour-dis par le froid sont recroquevill6ssous des couvertures. D'autresjouent dans la rue boueuse.

Youssef s'est installe â Erbilavec l'appui de Massoud, son vieilami de trente ans, un camaradede service militaire qui tient unpetit commerce. II n'avait jamaisimagine s'installer un jour au Kur¬distan. L'idee lui semblait « incon-cevable» meme sı «les hainesentre Arabes et Kurdes » lui sem-blent « artifîcielles ». « Nous. som¬mes d'abord sunnites » dit-il.

Thierry Oberle

Victimes d'assassinats et d'enlevements, les chretiens d'Irak prennent le ehemin de l'exodeS Mohzen, un chauffeur de taxi de43 ans, vient de passer unesemaine les yeux bandĞs, attaehe âune chaise sous un escalier dansune maison. II a 6te capture endecembre dans la rue â Dorah, unquartier sunnite de Bagdad. Sesagresseurs l'ont assommâ, puis jetedans le coffre d'une voiture. Ils ontensuite telephone â sa femme. Elle

raconte : « Ils ont reclame un grandsac d'argent de 240 000 dollars. Ilsont menace, si on ne payaitpas, dejeterla tete de mon maridans lejar-din. On a reussiâ reunirgrâce â desemprunts 30 000 dollars. J'airemisla rançon â un motard. » Assyro-chaldeen, Mohzen ignore qui l'aenlevö. « Mes geâliers m'accu-saient d'etre un mecreant. Ils vou-

laient que je me convertisse âl'islam. En me liberant, ils m'ont ditque je devais disparaître du quar-tier», precise-t-il. Mohzen a quitteBagdad pour Erbil. Sa famille devaitl'y rejoindre. Leur camion de demö-nagement a ete attaque. Les bra-queurs se sont empares de la car-gaison, des Ğconomies desvoyageurs et de leurs chaussures.

Le beau-pere de Mohzen a vouluremercier un bandit de lui avoirepargnö la vie. II s'est baissö pour luibaiser la main. L'homme l'a econ-duit en le traitant de «chien d'infi-de/e». «A Dorah, les chiites sonttous partis. Quant aux chretiens, ilen reste une poignâe », commenteMohzen.

T.O.

37

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Congress must help Bushpick up the pieces in Iraq

o

öaaes

o'8S

-O'C

m

İt was surreal hovv disconneetedPresident George W. Bush vvasthe other night, both from Iraq'shorrifying reality and America's

anguish över this unnecessary, mis-managed and riovv unvvinnable war.Indeed, most Americans seem farahead of the president. They under-stand that vvhat the United States ur-gently needs is for Bush to chart away out of Iraq that also limits thechaos that vvill be left behind.

The president's disconnect goesfar to explain the harshly critical re-

' action of Congress and the public tohis plan to further bleed America'soverstretched forces by sending20,000 additional troops in an at-tempt to impose peace on Baghdad'svengeful streets. He proposes to dothat vvithout any enforceable com-mitments from the Iraqi governmentthat it vvill take the necessary politic¬al steps that are the only hope fortamping dovvn a spiraling civil vvar.

There are no really satisfying an-svvers in Iraq, since ali of the remain-ing options are bad. Stili, some arenotably worse than others, and Bushhas come up vvith possibly the vvorst.He would mortgage thousands moreAmerican lives and vvhat remains ofWashington's credibility in the regionto a destructively sectarian Shiitegovernment that he seems unvvillingor unable to influence or restrain.

Unlike Bush's vievvs on the Ameri¬can military presence in Iraq, ourvievvs have evolved as the evidentrealities on the ground have changed.At the outset, although vve opposedBush's invasion, vve hoped the U.S.military could provide enough secu¬rity to allovv an eleeted governmentto build the foundations of nationalunity and eventual demoeracy.

As it became increasingly clearthat Iraqi political leaders had other,less noble intentions, vve stili hopedthat a substantial American militarypresence could be used to shield in-nocent civilians from the grovving vi¬olence, train reliable and profession-al Iraqi security forces to take överthat task, and exert leverage on Iraqileaders to follovv a less divisive anddestruetive course.

Now, vvith Bush unvvilling or un¬able to persuade Prime MinisterNuri Kamal al-Maliki to take theminimum steps necessary to justifyany deeper American commitment,vve recognize that even that has be-come unrealistic. Maliki gave thelatest White House plan an evenchillier reception than it received inthe U.S. Congress, boyeotting a newsconference Thursday in Baghdad an-nouncing it. He apparently vvould

have preferred to see Americanforces sent to fight Sünni insurgentsin western Anbar Province, leavingBaghdad as a free-fire zone for hisShiite militia partners.

But even knovving ali that, Americacannot simply vvash its hands of Iraqand go home. The region's problems,many of them made vvorse by thisvvar, are unavoidably America's prob¬lems as vvell. For starters, Iraq is inimminent danger of violently break-ing apart, driving millions of refugeesacross its borders vvho will bringvvith them their ethnic grievances,and in some cases their vveaponsand potentially unleashing a chainreaction of regional conflicts thatcould dravv in Turkey, Saudi Arabia,Iran and perhaps others as vvell.

Whatever else happens,Iran has already becomemore formidable anddangerous. Where it

önce had a hostile Saddam Husseinon its vvestern border, it novv has afriendly Shiite fundamentalist gov¬ernment. its other longtime enemy,the United States, has had its diplo-matic and military clout severely di-minished by this vvar.

The expanding power of a revolu-tionary, Shiite Iran is profoundly un-settling to the conservative Sunni-ledgovernments in most of the ArabMiddle East, vvhich have been Amer¬ica's traditional allies in the region. If

the United States is to recoup any ofits standing and influence there, itvvill have to find a way to contain thechaos in Iraq. And it vvill have to do alot more to address other concerns ofthese governments and their people,starting vvith a genuine and sustainedeffort to mediate a peace agreementbetween Israel and the Palestinians.

If Bush does persist in sendingmore American troops to Baghdad,despite Congress's amply justifiedopposition, he vvill have to establishclear lines of command that assurethat those troops can enter thestrongholds of the Shiite militias re¬sponsible for much of the violencevvithout militia leaders' being tippedoff by allies in the Iraqi government.

And so long as any Americantroops remain in Iraq, Bush must putserious pressure on Maliki to sup¬port the troops' efforts vvith a genu¬ine program of national reconcili-ation. That must inelude, at aminimum, ridding the poliçe andother security services ofkillers, tor-turers and criminals and disarmingali sectarian militias.

The government must also as¬sure that Iraqi oil revenuesare fairly shared out amongthe entire Iraqi population.

And it must move quickly to offer anamnesty to Sünni insurgents vvillingto put dovvn their weapons, and nar-row the legal restrictions on formerBaath Party members so that Sünniprofessionals can önce again fullyparticipate in Iraqi national life.

These benehmarks should be ac-companied by fixed timelines. Andthey must be accompanied vvith aclear message that the United Statesis prepared to withdraw its troops ifthe Iraqis continue to refuse to takeresponsibility for their own future.Bush and other American officialsneed to make clear that as much asthe United States vvill suffer from acomplete collapse in Iraq, Iraq'sleaders vvill suffer far vvorse from theloss of their American proteetors.

Bush should reinforce that mes¬sage by convening a conference of aliof Iraq's neighbors to discuss hovvthey can help stabilize Iraq andvvhat they can do to contain thevvider chaos should it come. Withnearly tvvo million Iraqis alreadyseeking refuge, mainly in Syria andJordan, it is far past time for Ameri¬can officials to begin their own plan-ning and relief efforts.

If Bush refuses to deliver this ulti-matum to Maliki, Congress vvill haveto do so in his stead. That's not theusual division of labor betvveen theexecutive and legislative branehes,but it is one that Bush has made nec¬essary by his refusal to face realities.The potential consequences of hisfailed leadership are so serious thatneither the new Democratic majorit-ies in Congress, nor the public atlarge, can afford the luxury of merelycriticizing from the sidelines.

So far, Congress is off to an en-couraging start, holding substantiveoversight hearings and asking prob-ing questions of administration offi¬cials for the first time in too manyyears. Similarly encouraging hasbeen the bipartisan character of thisreinvigorated oversight. Congressshould continue asking hard ques-tions. And it must insist on real an-swers before aeting on any nevv re-quests for money to support Bush'splans to send more troops to Bagh¬dad. Congress has the authority to at-tach conditionş to that money, im-posing benehmarks and timetableson Bush, vvho then would be forcedto impose them on the Iraqi govern¬ment.

it's novv up to Congress to force thepresident to live up to his constitu-tional responsibilities and rescueAmerica from the consequences ofone of its vvorst strategie blunders inmodern times.

History vvill su'rely blame Bush forleading America into Iraq, but it vvillblame Congress if it does not act tonush him onto a more realistic path.

38

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Congress must help Bushpick up the pieces in Iraq

o

öaaes

o'8S

-O'C

m

İt was surreal hovv disconneetedPresident George W. Bush vvasthe other night, both from Iraq'shorrifying reality and America's

anguish över this unnecessary, mis-managed and riovv unvvinnable war.Indeed, most Americans seem farahead of the president. They under-stand that vvhat the United States ur-gently needs is for Bush to chart away out of Iraq that also limits thechaos that vvill be left behind.

The president's disconnect goesfar to explain the harshly critical re-

' action of Congress and the public tohis plan to further bleed America'soverstretched forces by sending20,000 additional troops in an at-tempt to impose peace on Baghdad'svengeful streets. He proposes to dothat vvithout any enforceable com-mitments from the Iraqi governmentthat it vvill take the necessary politic¬al steps that are the only hope fortamping dovvn a spiraling civil vvar.

There are no really satisfying an-svvers in Iraq, since ali of the remain-ing options are bad. Stili, some arenotably worse than others, and Bushhas come up vvith possibly the vvorst.He would mortgage thousands moreAmerican lives and vvhat remains ofWashington's credibility in the regionto a destructively sectarian Shiitegovernment that he seems unvvillingor unable to influence or restrain.

Unlike Bush's vievvs on the Ameri¬can military presence in Iraq, ourvievvs have evolved as the evidentrealities on the ground have changed.At the outset, although vve opposedBush's invasion, vve hoped the U.S.military could provide enough secu¬rity to allovv an eleeted governmentto build the foundations of nationalunity and eventual demoeracy.

As it became increasingly clearthat Iraqi political leaders had other,less noble intentions, vve stili hopedthat a substantial American militarypresence could be used to shield in-nocent civilians from the grovving vi¬olence, train reliable and profession-al Iraqi security forces to take överthat task, and exert leverage on Iraqileaders to follovv a less divisive anddestruetive course.

Now, vvith Bush unvvilling or un¬able to persuade Prime MinisterNuri Kamal al-Maliki to take theminimum steps necessary to justifyany deeper American commitment,vve recognize that even that has be-come unrealistic. Maliki gave thelatest White House plan an evenchillier reception than it received inthe U.S. Congress, boyeotting a newsconference Thursday in Baghdad an-nouncing it. He apparently vvould

have preferred to see Americanforces sent to fight Sünni insurgentsin western Anbar Province, leavingBaghdad as a free-fire zone for hisShiite militia partners.

But even knovving ali that, Americacannot simply vvash its hands of Iraqand go home. The region's problems,many of them made vvorse by thisvvar, are unavoidably America's prob¬lems as vvell. For starters, Iraq is inimminent danger of violently break-ing apart, driving millions of refugeesacross its borders vvho will bringvvith them their ethnic grievances,and in some cases their vveaponsand potentially unleashing a chainreaction of regional conflicts thatcould dravv in Turkey, Saudi Arabia,Iran and perhaps others as vvell.

Whatever else happens,Iran has already becomemore formidable anddangerous. Where it

önce had a hostile Saddam Husseinon its vvestern border, it novv has afriendly Shiite fundamentalist gov¬ernment. its other longtime enemy,the United States, has had its diplo-matic and military clout severely di-minished by this vvar.

The expanding power of a revolu-tionary, Shiite Iran is profoundly un-settling to the conservative Sunni-ledgovernments in most of the ArabMiddle East, vvhich have been Amer¬ica's traditional allies in the region. If

the United States is to recoup any ofits standing and influence there, itvvill have to find a way to contain thechaos in Iraq. And it vvill have to do alot more to address other concerns ofthese governments and their people,starting vvith a genuine and sustainedeffort to mediate a peace agreementbetween Israel and the Palestinians.

If Bush does persist in sendingmore American troops to Baghdad,despite Congress's amply justifiedopposition, he vvill have to establishclear lines of command that assurethat those troops can enter thestrongholds of the Shiite militias re¬sponsible for much of the violencevvithout militia leaders' being tippedoff by allies in the Iraqi government.

And so long as any Americantroops remain in Iraq, Bush must putserious pressure on Maliki to sup¬port the troops' efforts vvith a genu¬ine program of national reconcili-ation. That must inelude, at aminimum, ridding the poliçe andother security services ofkillers, tor-turers and criminals and disarmingali sectarian militias.

The government must also as¬sure that Iraqi oil revenuesare fairly shared out amongthe entire Iraqi population.

And it must move quickly to offer anamnesty to Sünni insurgents vvillingto put dovvn their weapons, and nar-row the legal restrictions on formerBaath Party members so that Sünniprofessionals can önce again fullyparticipate in Iraqi national life.

These benehmarks should be ac-companied by fixed timelines. Andthey must be accompanied vvith aclear message that the United Statesis prepared to withdraw its troops ifthe Iraqis continue to refuse to takeresponsibility for their own future.Bush and other American officialsneed to make clear that as much asthe United States vvill suffer from acomplete collapse in Iraq, Iraq'sleaders vvill suffer far vvorse from theloss of their American proteetors.

Bush should reinforce that mes¬sage by convening a conference of aliof Iraq's neighbors to discuss hovvthey can help stabilize Iraq andvvhat they can do to contain thevvider chaos should it come. Withnearly tvvo million Iraqis alreadyseeking refuge, mainly in Syria andJordan, it is far past time for Ameri¬can officials to begin their own plan-ning and relief efforts.

If Bush refuses to deliver this ulti-matum to Maliki, Congress vvill haveto do so in his stead. That's not theusual division of labor betvveen theexecutive and legislative branehes,but it is one that Bush has made nec¬essary by his refusal to face realities.The potential consequences of hisfailed leadership are so serious thatneither the new Democratic majorit-ies in Congress, nor the public atlarge, can afford the luxury of merelycriticizing from the sidelines.

So far, Congress is off to an en-couraging start, holding substantiveoversight hearings and asking prob-ing questions of administration offi¬cials for the first time in too manyyears. Similarly encouraging hasbeen the bipartisan character of thisreinvigorated oversight. Congressshould continue asking hard ques-tions. And it must insist on real an-swers before aeting on any nevv re-quests for money to support Bush'splans to send more troops to Bagh¬dad. Congress has the authority to at-tach conditionş to that money, im-posing benehmarks and timetableson Bush, vvho then would be forcedto impose them on the Iraqi govern¬ment.

it's novv up to Congress to force thepresident to live up to his constitu-tional responsibilities and rescueAmerica from the consequences ofone of its vvorst strategie blunders inmodern times.

History vvill su'rely blame Bush forleading America into Iraq, but it vvillblame Congress if it does not act tonush him onto a more realistic path.

38

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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a

J3

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Bush opens3rd frontin Iraqagainst Iran

By David E. Sanger

WASHNGTON: For more than tvvoyears after Saddam Hussein's fail, thewar in Iraq vvas about chasing dovvn in¬surgents and Al Qaeda in Iraq. Lastyear it expanded to tamping down sec¬tarian vvarfare.

But över the past three vveeks, in tvvosets of raids and nevvly revealed ordersissued by President George W. Bush, athird front has opened against Iran.

For novv, administration officials say,that effort has a limited goal: preventingIranians from aiding in attacks onAmerican and Iraqi forces inside Iraq.But in recent intervievvs and publicstatements, senior members of the Bushadministration have made clear thattheir real agenda goes significantly fur-ther, tovvard a goal of containing Iran'sability tö exploit America's troubles andrealizing its dream of re-emerging asthe ğreatest povver in the Middle East.

in an intervievv in her office Friday,before she left on her latest Mideasttrip, Secretary of State CondoleezzaRice described vvhat she called an"evolving" administration strategy toconfront "destabilizing behavior" byIran across the region. Bush's national

security adviser, StephenNews Hadley, vvent further Sun-Analysis day, vvhen he said on NBC's

"Meet the Press" that theUnited States vvas resisting an Iranianeffort "to basically establish hege-mony" throughout the region.

Even some of Bush's fiercest criticsdo not question that the administra-tion's diagnosis is correct. Some of themargued in 2003 that Iran was a far morepotent threat than Saddam Hussein everhad been, and questioned vvhether thepresident had taken on Iraq first simplybecause it seemed, at the time, like aneasier confrontation to resolve. Butnearly four years later, vvith American

forces stretched thin, confronting Iranraises strategie questions that the WhiteHouse is not eager to ansvver.

in many vvays, the new focus on Iranrepresents another vvay in vvhich theAmerican mission in Iraq has back-fired. in the lead-up to the 2003 inva-sion of Iraq, administration officials ar¬gued that successfully deposingSaddam Hussein vvould send a povver-ful signal to other nations seeking tochallenge Washington and racing fornuclear vveapons. Iran and North Ko-rea, the tvvo other countries that Bush

-t '/ ;

Yahya Ahmed/The Associated Press

The building in Erbil, lraq, on Sunday, where five Iranians were held. Washington is takinga hard line on Iranian activities in Iraq.

identified in his 2002 State of the Un¬ion address as part of an "axis of evil,"vvould take note of the costs ofdefianceand rein in their ambitions.

"You heard this argument in meetingsali the time," a senior official on the Na¬tional Security Council, vvho has sinceleft the administration, said recently."Iraq vvould make the harder problemsof Iran and North Korea easier."

But the opposite happened. NorthKorea tested a nuclear device in Octo-ber. And Iran has sped ahead vvith auranium enrichment program in defi¬ance of United Nations Security Coun¬cil demands. Novv, Rice confirms,Washington is moving to vvhat amountsto a Plan B: statiohing more naval, airand anti-missile batteries off Iran'scoast; cracking dovvn on its internation-al financial transactions in an effort tosqueeze its ability to pump oil; andhunting dovvn suspected members ofthe Revolutionary Guard and other Ira¬nian operatives inside Iraqi territory.

The strategy, officials say, is to raisethe cost for Iranians so much that theyquestion the hard-line tactics of thecountry's current leadership, especiallythat of President Mahmoud Ahmadine¬jad. To the administration's critics,though, the result could be the opposite

that Washington's hard line couldgive Ahmadinejad's movement nevv life.

"The administration does have Iranon the brain, and I think they are exag-gerating the amount of Iranian activi¬ties in Iraq," Kenneth Pollack, the direc-tor of research at the Saban Center atthe Brookings Institution, said on Sun¬day. "There's a good chance that this isgoing to be counterproduetive."

Administration officials say that ig-noring Iran's activities vvill lead only toescalation. "There's no question that ev-erything that has göne vvrong in Iraqhas made life easier for the Iranians,"one senior White House official said re¬cently. "The question is vvhat you doabout that."

The ansvver, shaped in the National

Security Council, is for the Americanmilitary to make targets of Iraniansvvho they believe are fueling attacks, adecision that Bush made months agothat vvas diselosed only last vveek. it is astrategy that raises many questions.

First is vvhether the confrontationvvill be limited to Iraqi territory. in testi-mony in recent days, the nevv secretaryof defense, Robert Gates, has arguedthat he sees no need to enter into Irani¬an territory.

Yet American officials have beencareful not to shut off the possibility ofAmerican aetions inside Iran, and theyhave been cagey about vvhat kind of or¬ders, including secret presidential find-ings, Bush may have signed in recentmonths. Pressed on ABC 's "This Week"on Sunday about excluding the optionof going after Iranians inside Iran's ownborders, Hadley said that for novv, Iraqvvas "the best place" for the UnitedStates to take on the Iranians.

"So, you don't believe you have the au-thority to go into Iran?" the hoşt of theshovv, George Stephanopoulos, askedHadley. "I didn't say that," he respond-ed. "This is another issue. Any time youhave questions about erossing interna-tional borders, there are legal issues."

The second question is vvhether Bushis novv determined to step up covert asvvell as overt efforts to halt Iran's nuclear program. So far, the evidence collec-ted by the International Atomic EnergyAgency suggests that Tehran's nuclearefforts have run into considerable teeh-nical obstacles. But concerns remainthat inspectors are missing secret facil-ities, bigger and more advanced thanthose that they discovered a fevv yearsago, aeting on tips from Iranian exiles.

And the third question is vvhat Wash¬

ington vvould do if the Iranians lookedfor vvays to strike back. Until novv, theconventional vvisdom in Washingtonhas been that Bush has his hands fulland is not eager to >add to America'schallenges in the Middle East.

39

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

oo

a

J3

e

m

2

Bush opens3rd frontin Iraqagainst Iran

By David E. Sanger

WASHNGTON: For more than tvvoyears after Saddam Hussein's fail, thewar in Iraq vvas about chasing dovvn in¬surgents and Al Qaeda in Iraq. Lastyear it expanded to tamping down sec¬tarian vvarfare.

But över the past three vveeks, in tvvosets of raids and nevvly revealed ordersissued by President George W. Bush, athird front has opened against Iran.

For novv, administration officials say,that effort has a limited goal: preventingIranians from aiding in attacks onAmerican and Iraqi forces inside Iraq.But in recent intervievvs and publicstatements, senior members of the Bushadministration have made clear thattheir real agenda goes significantly fur-ther, tovvard a goal of containing Iran'sability tö exploit America's troubles andrealizing its dream of re-emerging asthe ğreatest povver in the Middle East.

in an intervievv in her office Friday,before she left on her latest Mideasttrip, Secretary of State CondoleezzaRice described vvhat she called an"evolving" administration strategy toconfront "destabilizing behavior" byIran across the region. Bush's national

security adviser, StephenNews Hadley, vvent further Sun-Analysis day, vvhen he said on NBC's

"Meet the Press" that theUnited States vvas resisting an Iranianeffort "to basically establish hege-mony" throughout the region.

Even some of Bush's fiercest criticsdo not question that the administra-tion's diagnosis is correct. Some of themargued in 2003 that Iran was a far morepotent threat than Saddam Hussein everhad been, and questioned vvhether thepresident had taken on Iraq first simplybecause it seemed, at the time, like aneasier confrontation to resolve. Butnearly four years later, vvith American

forces stretched thin, confronting Iranraises strategie questions that the WhiteHouse is not eager to ansvver.

in many vvays, the new focus on Iranrepresents another vvay in vvhich theAmerican mission in Iraq has back-fired. in the lead-up to the 2003 inva-sion of Iraq, administration officials ar¬gued that successfully deposingSaddam Hussein vvould send a povver-ful signal to other nations seeking tochallenge Washington and racing fornuclear vveapons. Iran and North Ko-rea, the tvvo other countries that Bush

-t '/ ;

Yahya Ahmed/The Associated Press

The building in Erbil, lraq, on Sunday, where five Iranians were held. Washington is takinga hard line on Iranian activities in Iraq.

identified in his 2002 State of the Un¬ion address as part of an "axis of evil,"vvould take note of the costs ofdefianceand rein in their ambitions.

"You heard this argument in meetingsali the time," a senior official on the Na¬tional Security Council, vvho has sinceleft the administration, said recently."Iraq vvould make the harder problemsof Iran and North Korea easier."

But the opposite happened. NorthKorea tested a nuclear device in Octo-ber. And Iran has sped ahead vvith auranium enrichment program in defi¬ance of United Nations Security Coun¬cil demands. Novv, Rice confirms,Washington is moving to vvhat amountsto a Plan B: statiohing more naval, airand anti-missile batteries off Iran'scoast; cracking dovvn on its internation-al financial transactions in an effort tosqueeze its ability to pump oil; andhunting dovvn suspected members ofthe Revolutionary Guard and other Ira¬nian operatives inside Iraqi territory.

The strategy, officials say, is to raisethe cost for Iranians so much that theyquestion the hard-line tactics of thecountry's current leadership, especiallythat of President Mahmoud Ahmadine¬jad. To the administration's critics,though, the result could be the opposite

that Washington's hard line couldgive Ahmadinejad's movement nevv life.

"The administration does have Iranon the brain, and I think they are exag-gerating the amount of Iranian activi¬ties in Iraq," Kenneth Pollack, the direc-tor of research at the Saban Center atthe Brookings Institution, said on Sun¬day. "There's a good chance that this isgoing to be counterproduetive."

Administration officials say that ig-noring Iran's activities vvill lead only toescalation. "There's no question that ev-erything that has göne vvrong in Iraqhas made life easier for the Iranians,"one senior White House official said re¬cently. "The question is vvhat you doabout that."

The ansvver, shaped in the National

Security Council, is for the Americanmilitary to make targets of Iraniansvvho they believe are fueling attacks, adecision that Bush made months agothat vvas diselosed only last vveek. it is astrategy that raises many questions.

First is vvhether the confrontationvvill be limited to Iraqi territory. in testi-mony in recent days, the nevv secretaryof defense, Robert Gates, has arguedthat he sees no need to enter into Irani¬an territory.

Yet American officials have beencareful not to shut off the possibility ofAmerican aetions inside Iran, and theyhave been cagey about vvhat kind of or¬ders, including secret presidential find-ings, Bush may have signed in recentmonths. Pressed on ABC 's "This Week"on Sunday about excluding the optionof going after Iranians inside Iran's ownborders, Hadley said that for novv, Iraqvvas "the best place" for the UnitedStates to take on the Iranians.

"So, you don't believe you have the au-thority to go into Iran?" the hoşt of theshovv, George Stephanopoulos, askedHadley. "I didn't say that," he respond-ed. "This is another issue. Any time youhave questions about erossing interna-tional borders, there are legal issues."

The second question is vvhether Bushis novv determined to step up covert asvvell as overt efforts to halt Iran's nuclear program. So far, the evidence collec-ted by the International Atomic EnergyAgency suggests that Tehran's nuclearefforts have run into considerable teeh-nical obstacles. But concerns remainthat inspectors are missing secret facil-ities, bigger and more advanced thanthose that they discovered a fevv yearsago, aeting on tips from Iranian exiles.

And the third question is vvhat Wash¬

ington vvould do if the Iranians lookedfor vvays to strike back. Until novv, theconventional vvisdom in Washingtonhas been that Bush has his hands fulland is not eager to >add to America'schallenges in the Middle East.

39

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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Sünni angeröver conductof executionBy Steve Negus,lraq Correspondent

Iraq yesterday executedSaddam Hussein's co-defend-ants, eliciting fresh contro-versy after it vvas revealedthat one of the executionsvvas bungled.

Barzan al-Tikriti,Saddam's half brother, andAvvadh al-Bandar, a revolu-

tionary court judge, vverehanged before davVn.

The pair were convictedalongside the deposed Iraqileader on November 5 oncharges related to reprisalsagainst a Shia village whereSaddam suffered a 1982assassination attempt.Scores of villagers vvere exe:cuted and many more tor-tured and imprisoned.

The official video of theexecutions has not beenreleased, but vvas screenedfor reporters. it reportedlyshovvs Mr Bandar's bodydangling from a rope, andMr Tikriti's lying on thefloor vvith his severed heada short distance avvay.

Iraqi government officialsclaimed there vvere no "vio-lations" of procedure in yes-terday's executions, butadmitted that Mr Tikriti'shead vvas ripped from hisbody as he vvas hanged.

Such incidents can report¬edly occur vvhen a hangmanmisjudges the length of roperequired, but Iraqi Sünnihave already accused thegovernment of deliberatelymutilating Mr Tikriti's body.

in an example of the

potential sectarian backlash,Mr Tikriti's son-in-law saidin an intervievv on pan-Arabal-Jazeera television that"ripping off his head [vvas]the grudge of the Safavids".He vvas referring to an Ira¬nian dynasty that someSünni use as a generalinsult for Shia, because itemphasises their Iran ties.

Condoleezza Rice, US sec¬retary of state, yesterdayissued a muted criticism ofthe execution. "We vvere dis-appointed that there vvasnot greater dignity given tothe accused . . .

"I think that passions runhigh after years of turmoil,under dictatorship, and thatis apparently vvhat hap¬pened. But it shouldn't havehappened and I think that itdid not reflect vvell on the

Iraqi government."The United Nations yes¬

terday condemned the deci¬sion to go ahead vvith theexecutions. Yesterday'sevents came after vvide-spread criticism . över theexecution of Saddam tvvovveeks ago, and are likely tostrain Iraq's relations vvithits neighbours and vvith itsovvn Sünni Arab population.

Saddam's executionsparked accusations that theIraqi government had ignoredelements of due process inorder to rush him to the gal¬lovvs. Those criticisms vverecompounded by mobile phonefootage shovving executionerstaunting Saddam.Additional reporting byAndreuı England in Cairo

Iranian leaders speak out as theUS steps up pressure on Tehran

By Gareth Smyth in Tehran,Fidclius Schmid in Brussels andAndrevv England in Cairo

Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani,the influential former Ira¬nian president, yesterdayaccused the US of "seekingnevv adventurism" as Wash¬ington stepped up pressureon Tehran över its nuclearprogramme and Iraq.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei,the supreme leader, alsoexpressed concern that theUS vvas fostering sectarian-ism. Meeting Sünni and Shiaclerics he stressed that unitybetvve.en Islam's tvvo sectsvvas needed to prevent"these governments" - a ref-erence to Sünni Arabregimes - "taking refuge"vvith the US and Britain.

Iranian vvarnings came asAli Larijani, the country'stop security official, heldmeetings in Riyadh, in anapparent attempt to gaugethe level of Saudi support forVVashington's tougher policytovvards Tehran.

The trip came a day beforeCondoleezza Rice, the USsecretary of state, is due inSaudi Arabia - the most pow-efful Sünni country - fortalks on President George W.Bush's nevv Iraq plan.

The so-called "vvay for-vvard" for Iraq includes asurge of 20,000 extra troopsto pacify Baghdad andincreased pressure on Iran,vvhich Washington accusesof fomenting unrest in Iraqthrough its support for Shiaarmed groups.

Ms Rice's regional tourseems partly designed tocement a regional front

Kurdish troops of the lraqi army depart for Baghdad yesterday where they vvill help extra US forces try to overcome sectarian violence

against Shia Iran at a timevvhen Sünni Arab states areexpressing rising alarm överIranian influence in theregion. Last month, GulfArab states ordered a studyinto a possible civiliannuclear programme, a movethat vvas seen as a vvarningto vvestern governments todeal vvith Iran's programmeor face a regional arms race.

in Cairo yesterday Ms Riceappeared to have vvon back-ing for the. Iraq strategyfrom Ahmed Aboul Gheit,

the Egyptian foreign minis-ter, vvho said Egypt "hopesitis put into force in order toachieve stability in Iraq".Referring to Iran, Mr AboulGheit said "regional forcesshould refrain from interfer-ing vvithin the Iraqi domesticfront".

Robert Gates, the nevv USsecretary of defence, saidyesterday that the US vvasincreasing military activityin the Gulf in response tovvhat he called Tehran's"very negative behaviour".

"The Iranians clearlybelieve vve are tied dovvn inIraq, that they have the initi-ative, that they're in a posi-tion to press us in manyvvays," he told reporters atNato's Brussels headquar-ters. The US is planning tosend Patriot missile units tothe Gulf, to guard againstpossible Iranian rocketattacks, as vvell as a secondaircraft carrier and supportships. "The Iranians are act-ing in a very negative vvayin many reşpects," Mr Gates

said. "They are doing noth¬ing to be constructive in Iraqat this point."

But he did not exclude thepossibility of future negotia-tions vvith Tehran. "My vievvis that vvhen the Iranians areprepared to play a construc¬tive role in dealing vvithsome of these problems, thenthere might be opportunitiesfor engagement."

As part of its containmentefforts, the US is tighteningfinancial sanctions againstIran and asking its allies to

40

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Oo

>-<onLLJ

<

z<z

Sünni angeröver conductof executionBy Steve Negus,lraq Correspondent

Iraq yesterday executedSaddam Hussein's co-defend-ants, eliciting fresh contro-versy after it vvas revealedthat one of the executionsvvas bungled.

Barzan al-Tikriti,Saddam's half brother, andAvvadh al-Bandar, a revolu-

tionary court judge, vverehanged before davVn.

The pair were convictedalongside the deposed Iraqileader on November 5 oncharges related to reprisalsagainst a Shia village whereSaddam suffered a 1982assassination attempt.Scores of villagers vvere exe:cuted and many more tor-tured and imprisoned.

The official video of theexecutions has not beenreleased, but vvas screenedfor reporters. it reportedlyshovvs Mr Bandar's bodydangling from a rope, andMr Tikriti's lying on thefloor vvith his severed heada short distance avvay.

Iraqi government officialsclaimed there vvere no "vio-lations" of procedure in yes-terday's executions, butadmitted that Mr Tikriti'shead vvas ripped from hisbody as he vvas hanged.

Such incidents can report¬edly occur vvhen a hangmanmisjudges the length of roperequired, but Iraqi Sünnihave already accused thegovernment of deliberatelymutilating Mr Tikriti's body.

in an example of the

potential sectarian backlash,Mr Tikriti's son-in-law saidin an intervievv on pan-Arabal-Jazeera television that"ripping off his head [vvas]the grudge of the Safavids".He vvas referring to an Ira¬nian dynasty that someSünni use as a generalinsult for Shia, because itemphasises their Iran ties.

Condoleezza Rice, US sec¬retary of state, yesterdayissued a muted criticism ofthe execution. "We vvere dis-appointed that there vvasnot greater dignity given tothe accused . . .

"I think that passions runhigh after years of turmoil,under dictatorship, and thatis apparently vvhat hap¬pened. But it shouldn't havehappened and I think that itdid not reflect vvell on the

Iraqi government."The United Nations yes¬

terday condemned the deci¬sion to go ahead vvith theexecutions. Yesterday'sevents came after vvide-spread criticism . över theexecution of Saddam tvvovveeks ago, and are likely tostrain Iraq's relations vvithits neighbours and vvith itsovvn Sünni Arab population.

Saddam's executionsparked accusations that theIraqi government had ignoredelements of due process inorder to rush him to the gal¬lovvs. Those criticisms vverecompounded by mobile phonefootage shovving executionerstaunting Saddam.Additional reporting byAndreuı England in Cairo

Iranian leaders speak out as theUS steps up pressure on Tehran

By Gareth Smyth in Tehran,Fidclius Schmid in Brussels andAndrevv England in Cairo

Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani,the influential former Ira¬nian president, yesterdayaccused the US of "seekingnevv adventurism" as Wash¬ington stepped up pressureon Tehran över its nuclearprogramme and Iraq.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei,the supreme leader, alsoexpressed concern that theUS vvas fostering sectarian-ism. Meeting Sünni and Shiaclerics he stressed that unitybetvve.en Islam's tvvo sectsvvas needed to prevent"these governments" - a ref-erence to Sünni Arabregimes - "taking refuge"vvith the US and Britain.

Iranian vvarnings came asAli Larijani, the country'stop security official, heldmeetings in Riyadh, in anapparent attempt to gaugethe level of Saudi support forVVashington's tougher policytovvards Tehran.

The trip came a day beforeCondoleezza Rice, the USsecretary of state, is due inSaudi Arabia - the most pow-efful Sünni country - fortalks on President George W.Bush's nevv Iraq plan.

The so-called "vvay for-vvard" for Iraq includes asurge of 20,000 extra troopsto pacify Baghdad andincreased pressure on Iran,vvhich Washington accusesof fomenting unrest in Iraqthrough its support for Shiaarmed groups.

Ms Rice's regional tourseems partly designed tocement a regional front

Kurdish troops of the lraqi army depart for Baghdad yesterday where they vvill help extra US forces try to overcome sectarian violence

against Shia Iran at a timevvhen Sünni Arab states areexpressing rising alarm överIranian influence in theregion. Last month, GulfArab states ordered a studyinto a possible civiliannuclear programme, a movethat vvas seen as a vvarningto vvestern governments todeal vvith Iran's programmeor face a regional arms race.

in Cairo yesterday Ms Riceappeared to have vvon back-ing for the. Iraq strategyfrom Ahmed Aboul Gheit,

the Egyptian foreign minis-ter, vvho said Egypt "hopesitis put into force in order toachieve stability in Iraq".Referring to Iran, Mr AboulGheit said "regional forcesshould refrain from interfer-ing vvithin the Iraqi domesticfront".

Robert Gates, the nevv USsecretary of defence, saidyesterday that the US vvasincreasing military activityin the Gulf in response tovvhat he called Tehran's"very negative behaviour".

"The Iranians clearlybelieve vve are tied dovvn inIraq, that they have the initi-ative, that they're in a posi-tion to press us in manyvvays," he told reporters atNato's Brussels headquar-ters. The US is planning tosend Patriot missile units tothe Gulf, to guard againstpossible Iranian rocketattacks, as vvell as a secondaircraft carrier and supportships. "The Iranians are act-ing in a very negative vvayin many reşpects," Mr Gates

said. "They are doing noth¬ing to be constructive in Iraqat this point."

But he did not exclude thepossibility of future negotia-tions vvith Tehran. "My vievvis that vvhen the Iranians areprepared to play a construc¬tive role in dealing vvithsome of these problems, thenthere might be opportunitiesfor engagement."

As part of its containmentefforts, the US is tighteningfinancial sanctions againstIran and asking its allies to

40

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

go beyond the limited sanc-tions agreed in a UN resolu-tion last month.

"We vvould encourageother countries - Europeancountries, the EU, Japan - toconsider stronger sanctionsthan vvere in the SecurityCouncil resolution," Nicho-las Burns, US undersecre-tary of state, told Reuters at

the vveekend. "There are bil-lions of euros of export cred¬its available to Europeancountries from their govern¬ments to encourage trade

-,-. vvith Iran" that could be cur-î tailed, he said.

6 Tehran, hovvever, yester-' day indicated it vvould not

' heed UN Security Councilcalls for a suspension by the

end of February of its ura-nium enrichment pro¬gramme, the most sensitivepart of its nuclear experi-ments. Gholam-HosseinElham, the Iranian govern¬ment spokesman, claimedIran vvould soon increasefrom 330 to 3,000 the numberof centrifuges it uses toenrich uranium.

Tehran also rejected USclaims that five nationalsseized by US forces in north¬ern Iraq last vveek vvere partof a Revolutionary Guardgroup providing vveapons toIraqi armed organisatipns.

Hoshyar Zebari, the Iraqforeign minister, east doubton the US assertions. He saidthe individuals. arrested

LE FIGARO mardh6 janvier 2007

vvere members of a liaisonbureau and had been vvork-ing from an office in Irbil,northern Iraq, for 10 years,providing consular services.Additional reporting by SteveNe'gus

Irak : protestations apres deux autres executions

L'ex-pr6sident du tribunal revolutionnaire, Awad al-Bandar, et le demi-frere de Saddam Hussein, Barzan al-Tikriti, pendant leur proces.

un porte-parole du gouvemement, la mise â mort « s'est dârouUe dans la dignitâ ». Furst/AFP, De Castro/Reuters.

Selon

GOLFELes pendaisonsdu aemi-frere de SaddamHussein, Barzan,et d'un ancien chefde tribunal revolutionnaireont ete filrnees,quitte â nourrirune nouvelle polemique.

SOURDES aux appels â la elemence,les autoritfe irakiennes ont exĞcutehier deux proches de Saddam Hus¬sein. Son demi-frere, Barzan al-Tikriti, ancien chef des servicessecrets, et Avvad al-Bandar, ex-prĞsi-dent du tribunal revolutionnaire,ont ete pendus a trois fıeures localesa Bagdad. Tous deux avaient etĞcondamnes, avec l'ex-dictateur, a lapeine capitale pour « erime contrel'humanitĞ » pour leur responsabi¬lite dans le massacre de 148 villa-geois chiites de Doujail, dans lesannees 1980.

Le lieu de l'execution a 6te tenusecret, faisait savoir peu apres lapendaison le porte-parole du pre¬mier ministre. Elle «s'est derouleedans la dignite. II n'y a eu aucuneviolation», expliquait Ali al-Dab-bagh, qui assurait que les temoinss'etaient engagĞs par âcrit k respec-ter les supplicies. Le 30 decembre,une vidĞo pirate de la pendaison deSaddam Hussein, montrantl'ex-dic-tateur se faire insulter par plusieurstĞmoins k ses derniers instants, avait

suscite l'indignation de la commu¬naute internationale. Malgre lesdegâts causĞs par la diffusion decette cassette, le gouvemement ira¬kien n'a pas hesite â montrer â desjournalistes le film de la pendaisondes coaccuses de Saddam, hier.

On y voit Barzan et Bandar,tremblant de peur, et plus tard, ledemi-frere de l'ancien tyran, deca-pite par le nceud coulant de lacorde. Les deux hommes sont cöte kcöte, apparemment sur le memegibet que l'ancien president irakien,mais contrairement â Saddam, quiportait un costume, ils sont revâtusd'un survetement orange et coiffesde cagoules. Lorsque la trappe

s'ouvre, la tâte de Barzan est arra-châe et retombe dans une mare desang, tandis que le corps de l'ancienjuge Bandar se balance k cöte, aubout de la corde. II n'y a eu aucun erihostile, contrairement â l'executionde Saddam.

M6thodes exp6ditivesLes autoritĞs ont assure

qu'elles n'avaient pas l'intentionde rendre le film public. Mais aussi-tot ces executions connues, la sus-picion s'est propagee. Du Maroc auYĞmen, en passant par la minoritesunnite d'Irak, la version officielle aûtĞ mise en doute. « Cette executionfait partie d'un plan de vengeance.

La façon dont Barzan a ete tuetranspire la haine », tonne un com-merçant yemenite. Khaled Char-kaoui, le president marocain duCentre des droits de l'homme,denonce « une methode barbare »,.

« probablement commanditee del'exterieur par l'Iran et les Etats-Unis ». « Nous n'avons jamais vuqu'une tete se detaehe du corps d'unpendu »,. s'Ğtonne Charkaoui.Quant â la famille de Barzan al-Tikriti, elle s'insurge contre le faitde ne pas avoir ete informee de ladate de son execution. «Nousl'avons appris â la tâUvision, c'estchoquant », declare son beau-frere,Azzam Saleh Abdullah.

Les chiites et les kurdes d'Irak,severement reprimĞs par l'ancienchef de la poliçe secrete de Sad¬dam, se Klicitent au contraire deces disparitions. «Barzan n'a quece qu'ü merite », s'est ecrie MoussaIbor, un habitant de Sadr City, lebidonville chiite de Bagdad. «IIaurait dû etre livrâ aux irakiensdans une cage. » Washington etLondres, qui avaient critiqu6 lesmethodes expeditives de la pendai¬son de Saddam Hussein, mettenten avant la souverainete irakiennepour se dedouaner de toute res-,ponsabüitâ dans les exĞcutions deses deux coaccuses. « Ce fut uneaffaire irakienne et la decision fut

irakienne», a souligne ZalmanKhalilzad, l'ambassadeur ameri¬cain en Irak.

En revanehe, ces nouvellespendaisons ont ete condamneespar de nombreux pays europeens,ainsi que par Amnesty Internatio¬nal. Pour lose Barroso, le prâsidentde la Commission europeenne,« aucun etre humain n'a le droit deretirer la vie â un autre etrehumain», a-t-il dĞclarĞ â l'issue

. d'une rencontre k Rome avec lepresident du Conseil italien,Romano Prodi, qui a lui aussidenonce l'execution des deux pro¬ches de Saddam Hussein. Pour lacommissaire / europeenne auxRelations extârieures, la manieredont ont ete executes les deuxhommes va porter atteinte auxefforts de reconciliation nationaleen Irak, a souligne Benita Ferrero-VValdner. La France a Egalementrappele son opposition â la peinede mort, tout en ajoutant que lesresponsables des «exactions com-mises en Irak » devaient « repondrede leurs aetes ». Les corps de Bar¬zan et de Bandar ont ete transferesâ Tikrit, au nord de Bagdad. Lesdeux hommes ont ete inhumesaux cötes de Saddam Hussein dansle vülage d'al-Avvda, dans le fief tri-bal de l'ancien elan au pouvoir enIrak.

Georges Malbrunot(AVEC Afp ET REUTERS)

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

go beyond the limited sanc-tions agreed in a UN resolu-tion last month.

"We vvould encourageother countries - Europeancountries, the EU, Japan - toconsider stronger sanctionsthan vvere in the SecurityCouncil resolution," Nicho-las Burns, US undersecre-tary of state, told Reuters at

the vveekend. "There are bil-lions of euros of export cred¬its available to Europeancountries from their govern¬ments to encourage trade

-,-. vvith Iran" that could be cur-î tailed, he said.

6 Tehran, hovvever, yester-' day indicated it vvould not

' heed UN Security Councilcalls for a suspension by the

end of February of its ura-nium enrichment pro¬gramme, the most sensitivepart of its nuclear experi-ments. Gholam-HosseinElham, the Iranian govern¬ment spokesman, claimedIran vvould soon increasefrom 330 to 3,000 the numberof centrifuges it uses toenrich uranium.

Tehran also rejected USclaims that five nationalsseized by US forces in north¬ern Iraq last vveek vvere partof a Revolutionary Guardgroup providing vveapons toIraqi armed organisatipns.

Hoshyar Zebari, the Iraqforeign minister, east doubton the US assertions. He saidthe individuals. arrested

LE FIGARO mardh6 janvier 2007

vvere members of a liaisonbureau and had been vvork-ing from an office in Irbil,northern Iraq, for 10 years,providing consular services.Additional reporting by SteveNe'gus

Irak : protestations apres deux autres executions

L'ex-pr6sident du tribunal revolutionnaire, Awad al-Bandar, et le demi-frere de Saddam Hussein, Barzan al-Tikriti, pendant leur proces.

un porte-parole du gouvemement, la mise â mort « s'est dârouUe dans la dignitâ ». Furst/AFP, De Castro/Reuters.

Selon

GOLFELes pendaisonsdu aemi-frere de SaddamHussein, Barzan,et d'un ancien chefde tribunal revolutionnaireont ete filrnees,quitte â nourrirune nouvelle polemique.

SOURDES aux appels â la elemence,les autoritfe irakiennes ont exĞcutehier deux proches de Saddam Hus¬sein. Son demi-frere, Barzan al-Tikriti, ancien chef des servicessecrets, et Avvad al-Bandar, ex-prĞsi-dent du tribunal revolutionnaire,ont ete pendus a trois fıeures localesa Bagdad. Tous deux avaient etĞcondamnes, avec l'ex-dictateur, a lapeine capitale pour « erime contrel'humanitĞ » pour leur responsabi¬lite dans le massacre de 148 villa-geois chiites de Doujail, dans lesannees 1980.

Le lieu de l'execution a 6te tenusecret, faisait savoir peu apres lapendaison le porte-parole du pre¬mier ministre. Elle «s'est derouleedans la dignite. II n'y a eu aucuneviolation», expliquait Ali al-Dab-bagh, qui assurait que les temoinss'etaient engagĞs par âcrit k respec-ter les supplicies. Le 30 decembre,une vidĞo pirate de la pendaison deSaddam Hussein, montrantl'ex-dic-tateur se faire insulter par plusieurstĞmoins k ses derniers instants, avait

suscite l'indignation de la commu¬naute internationale. Malgre lesdegâts causĞs par la diffusion decette cassette, le gouvemement ira¬kien n'a pas hesite â montrer â desjournalistes le film de la pendaisondes coaccuses de Saddam, hier.

On y voit Barzan et Bandar,tremblant de peur, et plus tard, ledemi-frere de l'ancien tyran, deca-pite par le nceud coulant de lacorde. Les deux hommes sont cöte kcöte, apparemment sur le memegibet que l'ancien president irakien,mais contrairement â Saddam, quiportait un costume, ils sont revâtusd'un survetement orange et coiffesde cagoules. Lorsque la trappe

s'ouvre, la tâte de Barzan est arra-châe et retombe dans une mare desang, tandis que le corps de l'ancienjuge Bandar se balance k cöte, aubout de la corde. II n'y a eu aucun erihostile, contrairement â l'executionde Saddam.

M6thodes exp6ditivesLes autoritĞs ont assure

qu'elles n'avaient pas l'intentionde rendre le film public. Mais aussi-tot ces executions connues, la sus-picion s'est propagee. Du Maroc auYĞmen, en passant par la minoritesunnite d'Irak, la version officielle aûtĞ mise en doute. « Cette executionfait partie d'un plan de vengeance.

La façon dont Barzan a ete tuetranspire la haine », tonne un com-merçant yemenite. Khaled Char-kaoui, le president marocain duCentre des droits de l'homme,denonce « une methode barbare »,.

« probablement commanditee del'exterieur par l'Iran et les Etats-Unis ». « Nous n'avons jamais vuqu'une tete se detaehe du corps d'unpendu »,. s'Ğtonne Charkaoui.Quant â la famille de Barzan al-Tikriti, elle s'insurge contre le faitde ne pas avoir ete informee de ladate de son execution. «Nousl'avons appris â la tâUvision, c'estchoquant », declare son beau-frere,Azzam Saleh Abdullah.

Les chiites et les kurdes d'Irak,severement reprimĞs par l'ancienchef de la poliçe secrete de Sad¬dam, se Klicitent au contraire deces disparitions. «Barzan n'a quece qu'ü merite », s'est ecrie MoussaIbor, un habitant de Sadr City, lebidonville chiite de Bagdad. «IIaurait dû etre livrâ aux irakiensdans une cage. » Washington etLondres, qui avaient critiqu6 lesmethodes expeditives de la pendai¬son de Saddam Hussein, mettenten avant la souverainete irakiennepour se dedouaner de toute res-,ponsabüitâ dans les exĞcutions deses deux coaccuses. « Ce fut uneaffaire irakienne et la decision fut

irakienne», a souligne ZalmanKhalilzad, l'ambassadeur ameri¬cain en Irak.

En revanehe, ces nouvellespendaisons ont ete condamneespar de nombreux pays europeens,ainsi que par Amnesty Internatio¬nal. Pour lose Barroso, le prâsidentde la Commission europeenne,« aucun etre humain n'a le droit deretirer la vie â un autre etrehumain», a-t-il dĞclarĞ â l'issue

. d'une rencontre k Rome avec lepresident du Conseil italien,Romano Prodi, qui a lui aussidenonce l'execution des deux pro¬ches de Saddam Hussein. Pour lacommissaire / europeenne auxRelations extârieures, la manieredont ont ete executes les deuxhommes va porter atteinte auxefforts de reconciliation nationaleen Irak, a souligne Benita Ferrero-VValdner. La France a Egalementrappele son opposition â la peinede mort, tout en ajoutant que lesresponsables des «exactions com-mises en Irak » devaient « repondrede leurs aetes ». Les corps de Bar¬zan et de Bandar ont ete transferesâ Tikrit, au nord de Bagdad. Lesdeux hommes ont ete inhumesaux cötes de Saddam Hussein dansle vülage d'al-Avvda, dans le fief tri-bal de l'ancien elan au pouvoir enIrak.

Georges Malbrunot(AVEC Afp ET REUTERS)

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çapi-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turkey Ponders Cross-border Operation16 01,2007Today Zaman ercan yavuz, ali aslan kiliç ankara

Turkey is ready to implement a newly developed foreign policy strategy on Iraqand the disputed Kirkuk region.

it is adapting a pro-active policy line on issues pertinent to combating the separatist terrororganization Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and Iraqi Kurds' attempts to change thedemographic fabric of Kirkuk. Turkey may initiate a limited cross-border military operation inspring. Main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal expressed hissupport of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who said Turkey might conduct a militaryoperation against the PKK if necessary. CHP Deputy Chairman Onur Öymen, speaking at the'Kirkuk 2007' meeting in Ankara on Monday, recalled that if the US or domestic authoritiesproved themselves unable to maintain the security and stability in northern Iraq, Turkey'sinvolvement in the matter wou!d be inevitable.Last vveek, in a statement on developments in Kirkuk, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül underlinedthat a fait accompli in the city could result in the spread of the regional conflict. Gül and Chief ofGeneral Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt will pay separate visits to Washington in February.Combating terrorism and Iraq vvill be the main topic of both visits. The recent shift in Turkey'sstrategy on Iraq has triggered military activities in the region. Turkey began reinforcing itsmilitary presence at Bamemi Base in Donuk. Fifteen additional heavily armed tanks weretransported to the base. Combat forces in Beyttüşşebap and Çukurca towns \vere deployed atground zero. Meanvvhile, the US, for the first time in three years, brought sixteen F-16 vvarplanesto the İncirlik base.

According to British daily The Guardian, the recent activity at İncirlik is more related to the US'new Iran policy rather than easing of Turkey's concerns över northern Iraq-caused insecurity andinstability.

Turkish foreign policy expert Associate Proffessor Ali Tekin from Bilkent University, whileagreeing that Turkey has recently changed its Iraq policy, asserts that the US vvill not considerTurkey's vvarnings and determination to address the issue. Meanvvhile, tlıe PKK does not expect across-border military operation. inside reports indicate that vvhile pursuing a general strategychange, the PKK does not consider leaving the camps in Northern Iraq because of a prospeetiveTurkish military operation.

Even before United States President George W. Bush announced his nevv Iraq strategy, TurkishPrime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan issued hints at a change in his Iraqi policy. The USambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, vvas the first to be informed of Erdoğan's change. "Kirkukis an Iraqi internal matter. Foreign povvers should not intervene," Khalilzad said. But Erdoğanreplied saying the United States itself vvas intervening in Iraq.

The nevv Turkish policy comes after four years of vvatehing from the sidelines. The United Stateshas remained reluetant to approve Turkey's efforts to launch an operation against the PKK,Ieading Turkey to doubt the US government's sincerity about its fight against terror. When the UStold Turkey that there vvas nothing it could do about the extradition of PKK leader MuratKaraydan and Cemil Bayık, Turkey decided to take matters into its own hands.

Days before Erdoğan revealed his nevv plan, the National Intelligence Organization (MİT)Undersecretary Emre Taner vvarned that the recent developments in Iraq posed a strong danger tothe Turkish state. Taner's announcement and Erdoğan's change of plan vvere not independentdecisions. Ankara's change had been referred to in the MİT's 2006 report entitled: "Iraq, terror,Kirkuk and PKK". A previous report (2002) says that PKK military activities inereased each year,

42

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çapi-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turkey Ponders Cross-border Operation16 01,2007Today Zaman ercan yavuz, ali aslan kiliç ankara

Turkey is ready to implement a newly developed foreign policy strategy on Iraqand the disputed Kirkuk region.

it is adapting a pro-active policy line on issues pertinent to combating the separatist terrororganization Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and Iraqi Kurds' attempts to change thedemographic fabric of Kirkuk. Turkey may initiate a limited cross-border military operation inspring. Main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal expressed hissupport of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who said Turkey might conduct a militaryoperation against the PKK if necessary. CHP Deputy Chairman Onur Öymen, speaking at the'Kirkuk 2007' meeting in Ankara on Monday, recalled that if the US or domestic authoritiesproved themselves unable to maintain the security and stability in northern Iraq, Turkey'sinvolvement in the matter wou!d be inevitable.Last vveek, in a statement on developments in Kirkuk, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül underlinedthat a fait accompli in the city could result in the spread of the regional conflict. Gül and Chief ofGeneral Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt will pay separate visits to Washington in February.Combating terrorism and Iraq vvill be the main topic of both visits. The recent shift in Turkey'sstrategy on Iraq has triggered military activities in the region. Turkey began reinforcing itsmilitary presence at Bamemi Base in Donuk. Fifteen additional heavily armed tanks weretransported to the base. Combat forces in Beyttüşşebap and Çukurca towns \vere deployed atground zero. Meanvvhile, the US, for the first time in three years, brought sixteen F-16 vvarplanesto the İncirlik base.

According to British daily The Guardian, the recent activity at İncirlik is more related to the US'new Iran policy rather than easing of Turkey's concerns över northern Iraq-caused insecurity andinstability.

Turkish foreign policy expert Associate Proffessor Ali Tekin from Bilkent University, whileagreeing that Turkey has recently changed its Iraq policy, asserts that the US vvill not considerTurkey's vvarnings and determination to address the issue. Meanvvhile, tlıe PKK does not expect across-border military operation. inside reports indicate that vvhile pursuing a general strategychange, the PKK does not consider leaving the camps in Northern Iraq because of a prospeetiveTurkish military operation.

Even before United States President George W. Bush announced his nevv Iraq strategy, TurkishPrime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan issued hints at a change in his Iraqi policy. The USambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, vvas the first to be informed of Erdoğan's change. "Kirkukis an Iraqi internal matter. Foreign povvers should not intervene," Khalilzad said. But Erdoğanreplied saying the United States itself vvas intervening in Iraq.

The nevv Turkish policy comes after four years of vvatehing from the sidelines. The United Stateshas remained reluetant to approve Turkey's efforts to launch an operation against the PKK,Ieading Turkey to doubt the US government's sincerity about its fight against terror. When the UStold Turkey that there vvas nothing it could do about the extradition of PKK leader MuratKaraydan and Cemil Bayık, Turkey decided to take matters into its own hands.

Days before Erdoğan revealed his nevv plan, the National Intelligence Organization (MİT)Undersecretary Emre Taner vvarned that the recent developments in Iraq posed a strong danger tothe Turkish state. Taner's announcement and Erdoğan's change of plan vvere not independentdecisions. Ankara's change had been referred to in the MİT's 2006 report entitled: "Iraq, terror,Kirkuk and PKK". A previous report (2002) says that PKK military activities inereased each year,

42

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

especially during the months of June and July. According to the MİT, the PKK committed 1,927terrorist acts in 2002, mostly betvveen June and July. in the first half of 2006, it committed 1,946acts of terrorism. The MİT vvarns that the fıgures shovv the PKK's increasing povver, and it poses agreat danger to the Turkish nation.

The PKK spends the vvinter season in camps in Northern Iraq and launches activities in spring, thereport says. it seems odd that EU diplomats usually bring up the PKK issue during the vvinterseason, vvhen the PKK is hibernating and there are no imminent signs of danger. Ankara is avvareof the situation and is stepping up efforts to revievv EU policies. Ankara has already communicatedto the US that if necessary it vvould take matters into its ovvn hands and launch an operation toprevent the PKK from using Northern Iraq as a base or for logistic support.

The referendum to be held in Kirkuk has created extreme concern in Turkey. The Turkishgovernment vvould like the referendum to be postponed. Since the US intervention in Iraq, in orderto change the demographic characteristics of the city Kurds have started to burn deed registriesand birth certifıcates in Kirkuk. Despite vvarnings from Turkey regarding the status of Kirkuk,Northern Iraq's Kurdish Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani told the London-based Dar-ul Hayatnevvspaper that Kirkuk belonged to Kurdistan. His statements infuriated Ankara. Before the USintervention in Iraq, the Turkish government declared that some sensitive political issues should beregarded as priorities, so as not to cross över Ankara's "red lines." These vvere: protecting Iraq'sunity, leaving control of ali natural resources to the Iraqi federal government, and ensuring equalrepresentation of ali groups. According to Ankara, the US has failed to honor these guidelines andAnkara has the right to protect its ovvn interests, even if it means a cross-border operation in Iraqagainst the PKK.

The US distanccd itself from Turkey's efforts to launch an operation in Iraq because of Talabani'sand Barzani's opposition to such a move by Turkey. Hovvever, last vveek the US Ambassador toAnkara Ross Wilson said, "Every country has the right to protect itself, as long as there iscooperation," hinting that the Bush administration had softened its stance on a cross borderoperation. Deputy Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs Matt Bryza alsoaffirmed US support for Turkey by saying, "We need to do more to eliminate the PKK presence inIraq."

When US President George Bush announced his nevv strategy for Iraq, he also said hisadministration vvould help the Turkish and Iraqi governments resolve the problems at theirborders. The shift in the US strategy by the nevv US Defense Minister Robert Gates vvas interpretedas an acknovvlcdgment that if the nevv Iraqi strategy vvas not successful, Turkey vvould eventuallyintervene and instigate more chaos in the country, vvidening the gap betvveen Turks and Kurds.Ankara interpreted this as a green liglıt for a cross border operation to prevent more chaos in thefuture.

Turkey has been vvaiting to launch a cross border operation for four years and is keeping itsbrigades ready at Silopi. The Kayseri Air Brigadiers and Bolu, Eğridir and Foça commandos areready to go. Experts question vvhether stationing soldiers before an operation is launched is logicaland vvhether Turkey vvill push 30 to 60 kilometers beyond its border as it did during the Saddamperiod. While PKK militants initially built camps at the border, in the last four years they havecarried their camps into the very heart of Iraq. According to Turkish intelligence, the PKK hasöver 5,000 militants in över a dozen camps in Iraq.

Turkey launched the 1992 "Harkur," 1994 "Zeli," 1995 "Steel," 1997 "Hammer," and 1999"Sandvvich" operations, ali vvith the support of Washington, as vvell as Talabani and Barzani.

Today, Iraqi President Barzani and ali the Kurdish groups are strictly against a Turkish operationin the region. They vvould consider such an action a cause for vvar. According to the GlobalStrategy Research Institute, a havvkish Turkish foreign policy think-tank based in Ankara, Turkeyhas undertaken most of its cross border operations in the spring or fail. To date, Turkey hascarried out only one operation in January and four during the summer. This vvould seem tosuggest that Turkey vvill not launch an operation during the vvinter, but it might be possible in thespring.

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

especially during the months of June and July. According to the MİT, the PKK committed 1,927terrorist acts in 2002, mostly betvveen June and July. in the first half of 2006, it committed 1,946acts of terrorism. The MİT vvarns that the fıgures shovv the PKK's increasing povver, and it poses agreat danger to the Turkish nation.

The PKK spends the vvinter season in camps in Northern Iraq and launches activities in spring, thereport says. it seems odd that EU diplomats usually bring up the PKK issue during the vvinterseason, vvhen the PKK is hibernating and there are no imminent signs of danger. Ankara is avvareof the situation and is stepping up efforts to revievv EU policies. Ankara has already communicatedto the US that if necessary it vvould take matters into its ovvn hands and launch an operation toprevent the PKK from using Northern Iraq as a base or for logistic support.

The referendum to be held in Kirkuk has created extreme concern in Turkey. The Turkishgovernment vvould like the referendum to be postponed. Since the US intervention in Iraq, in orderto change the demographic characteristics of the city Kurds have started to burn deed registriesand birth certifıcates in Kirkuk. Despite vvarnings from Turkey regarding the status of Kirkuk,Northern Iraq's Kurdish Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani told the London-based Dar-ul Hayatnevvspaper that Kirkuk belonged to Kurdistan. His statements infuriated Ankara. Before the USintervention in Iraq, the Turkish government declared that some sensitive political issues should beregarded as priorities, so as not to cross över Ankara's "red lines." These vvere: protecting Iraq'sunity, leaving control of ali natural resources to the Iraqi federal government, and ensuring equalrepresentation of ali groups. According to Ankara, the US has failed to honor these guidelines andAnkara has the right to protect its ovvn interests, even if it means a cross-border operation in Iraqagainst the PKK.

The US distanccd itself from Turkey's efforts to launch an operation in Iraq because of Talabani'sand Barzani's opposition to such a move by Turkey. Hovvever, last vveek the US Ambassador toAnkara Ross Wilson said, "Every country has the right to protect itself, as long as there iscooperation," hinting that the Bush administration had softened its stance on a cross borderoperation. Deputy Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs Matt Bryza alsoaffirmed US support for Turkey by saying, "We need to do more to eliminate the PKK presence inIraq."

When US President George Bush announced his nevv strategy for Iraq, he also said hisadministration vvould help the Turkish and Iraqi governments resolve the problems at theirborders. The shift in the US strategy by the nevv US Defense Minister Robert Gates vvas interpretedas an acknovvlcdgment that if the nevv Iraqi strategy vvas not successful, Turkey vvould eventuallyintervene and instigate more chaos in the country, vvidening the gap betvveen Turks and Kurds.Ankara interpreted this as a green liglıt for a cross border operation to prevent more chaos in thefuture.

Turkey has been vvaiting to launch a cross border operation for four years and is keeping itsbrigades ready at Silopi. The Kayseri Air Brigadiers and Bolu, Eğridir and Foça commandos areready to go. Experts question vvhether stationing soldiers before an operation is launched is logicaland vvhether Turkey vvill push 30 to 60 kilometers beyond its border as it did during the Saddamperiod. While PKK militants initially built camps at the border, in the last four years they havecarried their camps into the very heart of Iraq. According to Turkish intelligence, the PKK hasöver 5,000 militants in över a dozen camps in Iraq.

Turkey launched the 1992 "Harkur," 1994 "Zeli," 1995 "Steel," 1997 "Hammer," and 1999"Sandvvich" operations, ali vvith the support of Washington, as vvell as Talabani and Barzani.

Today, Iraqi President Barzani and ali the Kurdish groups are strictly against a Turkish operationin the region. They vvould consider such an action a cause for vvar. According to the GlobalStrategy Research Institute, a havvkish Turkish foreign policy think-tank based in Ankara, Turkeyhas undertaken most of its cross border operations in the spring or fail. To date, Turkey hascarried out only one operation in January and four during the summer. This vvould seem tosuggest that Turkey vvill not launch an operation during the vvinter, but it might be possible in thespring.

43

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Kurds put Iraq'sfirst

safety _;, Vr.The Kurdish Globe January 16, 2007

perform their duties un¬der the jurisdiction of theMinistry of Defence, andpartake in its operations, itdoes not make a differencevvhether they are stationedin Baghdad or anyvvhereelse for that matter. At thesame time, these Peshmar-ga-lieutenants are avvareof the sectarian tensionsvvithin Iraq. They knowtheir tasks and responsi-bilities very vvell, vvhichmakes me believe that

they vvill not, under anycircumstances, partake ina sectarian vvar, or a con¬flict that may be caused byone sect against another.

Regarding this deci¬sion, first of ali, neitherthe Shiites nor the Sunnishave shovvn any resistanceagainst these lieutenantsgoing to Baghdad. This isat a time vvhen most of thelieutenants are Kurds.

Secondly, this participa-tion vvill prove vvrong aliallegations and the propa¬ganda that these Kurdishlieutenants vvill not follovvany orders given to themby Iraqi leaders, but thosegiven to them by their ovvnparties and agendas. Theseaccusations vvere made inattempts to try and calledthese Kurdish lieutenants"militia" as well.

Thirdly, Kurds considerconfronting terrorists andmilitia as one of their re-sponsibilities to perform.This nullifies ali rumoursthat Kurds vvill not standbehind other parts and re-gions of Iraq, as long astheir own region, Kurdis¬tan, is safe. This is despitethe fact that the Kurdishleadership has repeatedlymade clear and said, "Thisviolence, torture, and inse-curity that exists in the restof Iraq really upset us." Asstated earlier, hovvever, thisparticipation is not vvithoutrules and regulations, andsome conditions. it is par¬ticipation in achieving acommon goal.

Kurdish soldiers \vith the Iraqi army train in Kani Grzhala, ISkms vvest of Arbil, northern Iraq, U January 2007. Three brigades ofKurdish soldiers from the Iraqi army stationed in northern Kurdistan vvill soon be dispatched to Baghdad, as part of the nevv securityplan to stabilize the violent Iraq capital.

Aso KarimGlobe Sejnior Writer

Kurds have made con-tinuous efforts to partici-pate in Maliki's cabinetto a great extent. Theyhave tried to maintainbalance betvveen the Shi¬ites and the Sunnis, andto avoid being part of thesectarian violence thatexists betvveen the tvvo.

Kurds have also exertedefforts to make the currentgovernment an effectiveone by helping it installstability and security, andto provide basic publicservices and confront ter¬rorists. Hovvever, Maliki'sadministration stili, aftereight months of being inoffice, has not been able toachieve these goals. Thishas led the United States,along vvith many others,to criticize this not-so-suc-cessful government. Someare accusing it of being

nothing but a supporter ofthe Shiites in the ongoingShiite-Sunni conflict.The US government;

hovvever, stili seems tobe somevvhat hopeful andoptimistic about Maliki'sgovernment - or any othergovernment for that matterthat may, in the future, beable to run Iraqi affairs. itis confident that this gov¬ernment, or another, vvill '

finally be able to controlsecurity, confront terror¬ists, annihilate militias,and to bring about nationalreconciliation and equalservices to the popula¬tion. VVhat is crucial here;hovvever, is that the UnitedStates vvants practical re-sults from Maliki, vvithsecurity across Baghdadbeing one of the condi¬tions set for Maliki and hisgovernment to meet. Thismeans American supportfor Maliki is infinite andvvith no limits. And ac¬cording to Rice, the UnitedStates vvill oblige Maliki toabide by the promises heand his cabinet have madeto the US.

As mentioned earlier- being part of the currentgovernment of Maliki, theKurds have been, and stiliare, making efforts to helpthe Iraqi government toachieve these goals, but

also to protect their inter¬ests. This vvas made clearvvhen the President ofKurdistan stayed in Bagh¬dad for a number of vveeksto hold serious talks forfinding a solution and es-caping the current crises.

As vvitnessed, securityplans have started betvveenIraq and the multi-nationalforces against terroristsand militiamen. Amongthese plans, the Peshmargaforces of Kurdistan andtheir active participationhave also been discussed.

it must not be forgottenthat since the establishmentof the Iraqi Ministry ofDefence, Kurds have heldnumerous high-rankingpositions in the ministry. Anumber of Peshmargas, in¬cluding some lieutenants,have been involved and or-ganized vvithin the İNG toplay an active role as partof the Iraqi forces. There-fore, vvhether their officesand duties are in Kurdis¬tan, in Mosul, in Kirkuk orin Tikrit or anyvvhere else,the Peshmargas are stilirelated to Iraq's DefenceMinistry. in this regard,seeing these lieutenants,vvho vvere previously vviththe Peshmarga Forces inKurdistan, novv being partof İNG is something nor¬mal. Since the lieutenants

44

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Kurds put Iraq'sfirst

safety _;, Vr.The Kurdish Globe January 16, 2007

perform their duties un¬der the jurisdiction of theMinistry of Defence, andpartake in its operations, itdoes not make a differencevvhether they are stationedin Baghdad or anyvvhereelse for that matter. At thesame time, these Peshmar-ga-lieutenants are avvareof the sectarian tensionsvvithin Iraq. They knowtheir tasks and responsi-bilities very vvell, vvhichmakes me believe that

they vvill not, under anycircumstances, partake ina sectarian vvar, or a con¬flict that may be caused byone sect against another.

Regarding this deci¬sion, first of ali, neitherthe Shiites nor the Sunnishave shovvn any resistanceagainst these lieutenantsgoing to Baghdad. This isat a time vvhen most of thelieutenants are Kurds.

Secondly, this participa-tion vvill prove vvrong aliallegations and the propa¬ganda that these Kurdishlieutenants vvill not follovvany orders given to themby Iraqi leaders, but thosegiven to them by their ovvnparties and agendas. Theseaccusations vvere made inattempts to try and calledthese Kurdish lieutenants"militia" as well.

Thirdly, Kurds considerconfronting terrorists andmilitia as one of their re-sponsibilities to perform.This nullifies ali rumoursthat Kurds vvill not standbehind other parts and re-gions of Iraq, as long astheir own region, Kurdis¬tan, is safe. This is despitethe fact that the Kurdishleadership has repeatedlymade clear and said, "Thisviolence, torture, and inse-curity that exists in the restof Iraq really upset us." Asstated earlier, hovvever, thisparticipation is not vvithoutrules and regulations, andsome conditions. it is par¬ticipation in achieving acommon goal.

Kurdish soldiers \vith the Iraqi army train in Kani Grzhala, ISkms vvest of Arbil, northern Iraq, U January 2007. Three brigades ofKurdish soldiers from the Iraqi army stationed in northern Kurdistan vvill soon be dispatched to Baghdad, as part of the nevv securityplan to stabilize the violent Iraq capital.

Aso KarimGlobe Sejnior Writer

Kurds have made con-tinuous efforts to partici-pate in Maliki's cabinetto a great extent. Theyhave tried to maintainbalance betvveen the Shi¬ites and the Sunnis, andto avoid being part of thesectarian violence thatexists betvveen the tvvo.

Kurds have also exertedefforts to make the currentgovernment an effectiveone by helping it installstability and security, andto provide basic publicservices and confront ter¬rorists. Hovvever, Maliki'sadministration stili, aftereight months of being inoffice, has not been able toachieve these goals. Thishas led the United States,along vvith many others,to criticize this not-so-suc-cessful government. Someare accusing it of being

nothing but a supporter ofthe Shiites in the ongoingShiite-Sunni conflict.The US government;

hovvever, stili seems tobe somevvhat hopeful andoptimistic about Maliki'sgovernment - or any othergovernment for that matterthat may, in the future, beable to run Iraqi affairs. itis confident that this gov¬ernment, or another, vvill '

finally be able to controlsecurity, confront terror¬ists, annihilate militias,and to bring about nationalreconciliation and equalservices to the popula¬tion. VVhat is crucial here;hovvever, is that the UnitedStates vvants practical re-sults from Maliki, vvithsecurity across Baghdadbeing one of the condi¬tions set for Maliki and hisgovernment to meet. Thismeans American supportfor Maliki is infinite andvvith no limits. And ac¬cording to Rice, the UnitedStates vvill oblige Maliki toabide by the promises heand his cabinet have madeto the US.

As mentioned earlier- being part of the currentgovernment of Maliki, theKurds have been, and stiliare, making efforts to helpthe Iraqi government toachieve these goals, but

also to protect their inter¬ests. This vvas made clearvvhen the President ofKurdistan stayed in Bagh¬dad for a number of vveeksto hold serious talks forfinding a solution and es-caping the current crises.

As vvitnessed, securityplans have started betvveenIraq and the multi-nationalforces against terroristsand militiamen. Amongthese plans, the Peshmargaforces of Kurdistan andtheir active participationhave also been discussed.

it must not be forgottenthat since the establishmentof the Iraqi Ministry ofDefence, Kurds have heldnumerous high-rankingpositions in the ministry. Anumber of Peshmargas, in¬cluding some lieutenants,have been involved and or-ganized vvithin the İNG toplay an active role as partof the Iraqi forces. There-fore, vvhether their officesand duties are in Kurdis¬tan, in Mosul, in Kirkuk orin Tikrit or anyvvhere else,the Peshmargas are stilirelated to Iraq's DefenceMinistry. in this regard,seeing these lieutenants,vvho vvere previously vviththe Peshmarga Forces inKurdistan, novv being partof İNG is something nor¬mal. Since the lieutenants

44

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Fievres posthumes pourSaddam Hussein

IııtmoeMardi 16 janvier 2007

De la Palestine au Cachemire, des popu¬lations musulmanes ont defile dansles rues pour protester contre l'execu-tion de Saddam Hussein. De Bahrei'nau Liban, des rassemblements de

condoleances ont ete organises en la memoire del'ancien president irakien. De Riyad â Alger, desoulemas ontjoint leurs voix aux protestations. Plu¬sieurs dirigeants de pas musulmans, oû la peinede mort est pourtant presque partout la regle, ontdeplore la pendaison de leur ancien pair irakien.Faute de l'avoir suffisamment sanctifie de sonvivant, d'aucuns l'ont fait post-mortem.

L'ancien president irakien n'a pourtant jamais :

ete l'icöne transfrontaliere que furent â unmoment ou un autre, en leur temps, feu les :

anciens presidents egyptien Gamal Abdel Nasseret palestinien Yasser Arafat. Aussi, bien plusqu'une rehabilitation de l'ancien dictateur irakienet du bilan de son long regne, Phommage qui lui aete rendu apres sa mort - « il a vecu en homme etest mort en heros » - traduisait-il un sentiment decolere contre un etat des lieux arabe et musulmanperçu comme desormais soumis aux diktats desEtats-Unis. Jamais bien loin, meme s'ils n'ont pastoujours ete montres du doigt, une kyrielle de diri¬geants arabes et musulmans n'ont pas ete epar-gnes, juges au mieux pusillanimes, au pis infeo- 1

des â l'hyperpuissance americaine.D'apres une enquete d'opinion diffusee le 6 jan- ,

vier par la television satellitaire arabe Al-Arabiya, !

la majorite des plus de 3 000 sondes placent ;

Israel et les Etats-Unis en tete des pays « les plus \

dangereıvc » â leurs yeux. L'organisation djihadis- ;

te Al-Qaida et l'Iran n'occupent respectivement

que les troisieme et quatrieme places. L'adminis-tration americaine est de fait tenue pour laprincipale responsable du chaos qui regne en Iraket de rapparition de ce que Joseph Samaha, edito-rialiste du quotidien libanais Al-Akhbar qualifiede « monstre indomptable », et ne d'une « cesarien-ne prematuree » effectuee par les Etats-Unis demaniere arbitraire. Comme si, ajoutaitM. Samaha, une democratie pouvait automatique-ment succeder â une dictature, « de la meme ,

maniere que le mardi succede au lundi». Et dedenoncer la manceuvre americaine qui consiste,selon lui, â s'abriter derriere le climat devengeance et de haine communautaire danslequel a eu lieu la pendaison de Saddam Hussein,'pour feindre la surprise et le degoût, et faireoublier les horreurs commises par des militairesamericains dans la prison d'Abou Ghraîb et leursexactions dans l'ensemble de l'Irak qu'ilsoccunent depuis trois ans.

Toutefois, comme toutes celles qui secouentepisodiquement le monde arabe et musulmancontre ce qui est perçu comme une injustice levisant comme tel, les denonciations de l'executionde Saddam Hussein semblent ne devoir etrequ'autant de poussees de revolte ephemeres, que;ravivera eventuellement un nouveau motifd'indignation. D'aucuns ont voulu y voir

AnalyseMouna Na'ı'm

l'expression de la solidarite de musulmansmâjoritairement sunnites avec un coreligionnairejug£ çt execute par le nouveau pouvoir irakien,mâjoritairement chiite.

Une telle explication extrapole a l'ensemble dumonde musulman les germes de la fitna,c'est-â-dire la discorde entre sunnites et chiites,dejâ averes â Pinterieur des frontieres de l'Irak.Cette Üıese est neanmoins contredite par uneautre poussee de fievre toute recente dont abeneficie au sein de ce meme mondemâjoritairement sunnite le Hezbollah libanais(chiite). C'etait lors de la guerre de l'ete 2006 quiavait oppose les combattants du Parti de Dieu âl'armee israelienne. Cette empadıie, certes ancreede longue date, etait dictee par l'hosüliti enversl'Etat juif et les Etats-Unis, son principal soutien.

Cela n'a toutefois pas empeche la fievre pro-Hezbollah de retomber depuis la fin des hostilitesavec Israel. La popülarite de son secretairegeneral, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, aurait memechute de vingt points (54 % au lieu de 74 % â l'ete2006), d'apres le sondage effectue par Al-Arabiya,qu'il convient certes de lire avec les precautionsd'usage. L'enfoncement du Hezbollah dans lesproblemes interlibanais en şerait la cause.

Des manifestations limiteesQuoi qu'il en soit, pour l'heure, la memoire de

Saddam Hussein a ete honoree en plusieursendroits. Ces manifestations sont cependantdemeurees limitees. Alors que, en 2003, descentaines de milliers de personnes avaient defiledans les rues des grandes villes de tout le mondemusulman pour denoncer la guerre menee par lesEtats-Unis contre l'ancien regime irakien, ilsn'ont ete qu'une poignee â s'exprimer bruyam-ment contre l'execution de Saddam Hussein!Alors que les musulmans sont plus d'un milliard atravers le monde, seuls quelques centaines ou

quelques milliers de personnes ont defile ici et la., Des formations politiques, notamment lesbranches de l'ancien Baas irakien dans les paysarabes, ont organise des condoleances ou desobseques symboliques. Şans craindre l'abus delangage, la centrale syndicale algerienne aqualifie sa pendaison de « erime contre l'humani-te ». Le gouvemement libyen a decide de luieriger une statue. Des appels â la solidarite avec« la resistance irakienne » ont ete lances au Maroc.

En Jordanie, des manifestants ont mis enaccusation la Republique islamique d'Iran,attendant du Hezbollah libanais (chiite) et duHamas palestinien (sunnite) qu'ils rompent avecTeheran. Et vingt-huit deputes ont demande larupmre des relations avec l'Iran â cause, seloneux, de son ingerence en Irak. A Tunis, des protes-tataires ont confondu dans un meme rejet « lesinterets americains » et l'ayatollah Rouhollah Kho-meiny, le pere de la revolution islamique. Celle-ciest supposee etre le principal soutien regional deschiites irakiens aujourd'hui au pouvoir. AuCachemire, des accrochages ont fait des blesses.

Le timing de la pendaison - â l'aube du premierjour de la fete d'Al-Adha - a suscite partout unevague d'indignation, y compris de la part desgouvernements. Mais certains oulemas, tout endeplorant le ehobe de ce moment, ont fait valoirqu'aucun texte sacre n'interdit la mise enapplication de la peine de mort â pareille occa-sion. Partout, les images volees de Pexecution -« sauvages et repugnantes », selon les termes dupresident egyptien Hosni Moubarak - ontchoque, tant elles refletaient un climat de haine etde vengeance perçues davantage comme etantintermusulmanes (chiite envers l'ancien presi¬dent sunnite) que dirigees contre l'ancien tyran.

45

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Fievres posthumes pourSaddam Hussein

IııtmoeMardi 16 janvier 2007

De la Palestine au Cachemire, des popu¬lations musulmanes ont defile dansles rues pour protester contre l'execu-tion de Saddam Hussein. De Bahrei'nau Liban, des rassemblements de

condoleances ont ete organises en la memoire del'ancien president irakien. De Riyad â Alger, desoulemas ontjoint leurs voix aux protestations. Plu¬sieurs dirigeants de pas musulmans, oû la peinede mort est pourtant presque partout la regle, ontdeplore la pendaison de leur ancien pair irakien.Faute de l'avoir suffisamment sanctifie de sonvivant, d'aucuns l'ont fait post-mortem.

L'ancien president irakien n'a pourtant jamais :

ete l'icöne transfrontaliere que furent â unmoment ou un autre, en leur temps, feu les :

anciens presidents egyptien Gamal Abdel Nasseret palestinien Yasser Arafat. Aussi, bien plusqu'une rehabilitation de l'ancien dictateur irakienet du bilan de son long regne, Phommage qui lui aete rendu apres sa mort - « il a vecu en homme etest mort en heros » - traduisait-il un sentiment decolere contre un etat des lieux arabe et musulmanperçu comme desormais soumis aux diktats desEtats-Unis. Jamais bien loin, meme s'ils n'ont pastoujours ete montres du doigt, une kyrielle de diri¬geants arabes et musulmans n'ont pas ete epar-gnes, juges au mieux pusillanimes, au pis infeo- 1

des â l'hyperpuissance americaine.D'apres une enquete d'opinion diffusee le 6 jan- ,

vier par la television satellitaire arabe Al-Arabiya, !

la majorite des plus de 3 000 sondes placent ;

Israel et les Etats-Unis en tete des pays « les plus \

dangereıvc » â leurs yeux. L'organisation djihadis- ;

te Al-Qaida et l'Iran n'occupent respectivement

que les troisieme et quatrieme places. L'adminis-tration americaine est de fait tenue pour laprincipale responsable du chaos qui regne en Iraket de rapparition de ce que Joseph Samaha, edito-rialiste du quotidien libanais Al-Akhbar qualifiede « monstre indomptable », et ne d'une « cesarien-ne prematuree » effectuee par les Etats-Unis demaniere arbitraire. Comme si, ajoutaitM. Samaha, une democratie pouvait automatique-ment succeder â une dictature, « de la meme ,

maniere que le mardi succede au lundi». Et dedenoncer la manceuvre americaine qui consiste,selon lui, â s'abriter derriere le climat devengeance et de haine communautaire danslequel a eu lieu la pendaison de Saddam Hussein,'pour feindre la surprise et le degoût, et faireoublier les horreurs commises par des militairesamericains dans la prison d'Abou Ghraîb et leursexactions dans l'ensemble de l'Irak qu'ilsoccunent depuis trois ans.

Toutefois, comme toutes celles qui secouentepisodiquement le monde arabe et musulmancontre ce qui est perçu comme une injustice levisant comme tel, les denonciations de l'executionde Saddam Hussein semblent ne devoir etrequ'autant de poussees de revolte ephemeres, que;ravivera eventuellement un nouveau motifd'indignation. D'aucuns ont voulu y voir

AnalyseMouna Na'ı'm

l'expression de la solidarite de musulmansmâjoritairement sunnites avec un coreligionnairejug£ çt execute par le nouveau pouvoir irakien,mâjoritairement chiite.

Une telle explication extrapole a l'ensemble dumonde musulman les germes de la fitna,c'est-â-dire la discorde entre sunnites et chiites,dejâ averes â Pinterieur des frontieres de l'Irak.Cette Üıese est neanmoins contredite par uneautre poussee de fievre toute recente dont abeneficie au sein de ce meme mondemâjoritairement sunnite le Hezbollah libanais(chiite). C'etait lors de la guerre de l'ete 2006 quiavait oppose les combattants du Parti de Dieu âl'armee israelienne. Cette empadıie, certes ancreede longue date, etait dictee par l'hosüliti enversl'Etat juif et les Etats-Unis, son principal soutien.

Cela n'a toutefois pas empeche la fievre pro-Hezbollah de retomber depuis la fin des hostilitesavec Israel. La popülarite de son secretairegeneral, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, aurait memechute de vingt points (54 % au lieu de 74 % â l'ete2006), d'apres le sondage effectue par Al-Arabiya,qu'il convient certes de lire avec les precautionsd'usage. L'enfoncement du Hezbollah dans lesproblemes interlibanais en şerait la cause.

Des manifestations limiteesQuoi qu'il en soit, pour l'heure, la memoire de

Saddam Hussein a ete honoree en plusieursendroits. Ces manifestations sont cependantdemeurees limitees. Alors que, en 2003, descentaines de milliers de personnes avaient defiledans les rues des grandes villes de tout le mondemusulman pour denoncer la guerre menee par lesEtats-Unis contre l'ancien regime irakien, ilsn'ont ete qu'une poignee â s'exprimer bruyam-ment contre l'execution de Saddam Hussein!Alors que les musulmans sont plus d'un milliard atravers le monde, seuls quelques centaines ou

quelques milliers de personnes ont defile ici et la., Des formations politiques, notamment lesbranches de l'ancien Baas irakien dans les paysarabes, ont organise des condoleances ou desobseques symboliques. Şans craindre l'abus delangage, la centrale syndicale algerienne aqualifie sa pendaison de « erime contre l'humani-te ». Le gouvemement libyen a decide de luieriger une statue. Des appels â la solidarite avec« la resistance irakienne » ont ete lances au Maroc.

En Jordanie, des manifestants ont mis enaccusation la Republique islamique d'Iran,attendant du Hezbollah libanais (chiite) et duHamas palestinien (sunnite) qu'ils rompent avecTeheran. Et vingt-huit deputes ont demande larupmre des relations avec l'Iran â cause, seloneux, de son ingerence en Irak. A Tunis, des protes-tataires ont confondu dans un meme rejet « lesinterets americains » et l'ayatollah Rouhollah Kho-meiny, le pere de la revolution islamique. Celle-ciest supposee etre le principal soutien regional deschiites irakiens aujourd'hui au pouvoir. AuCachemire, des accrochages ont fait des blesses.

Le timing de la pendaison - â l'aube du premierjour de la fete d'Al-Adha - a suscite partout unevague d'indignation, y compris de la part desgouvernements. Mais certains oulemas, tout endeplorant le ehobe de ce moment, ont fait valoirqu'aucun texte sacre n'interdit la mise enapplication de la peine de mort â pareille occa-sion. Partout, les images volees de Pexecution -« sauvages et repugnantes », selon les termes dupresident egyptien Hosni Moubarak - ontchoque, tant elles refletaient un climat de haine etde vengeance perçues davantage comme etantintermusulmanes (chiite envers l'ancien presi¬dent sunnite) que dirigees contre l'ancien tyran.

45

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

But a nevver argument is coming tothe fore: that America's allies in the re¬gion, from Israel to Saudi Arabia, needevidence that Bush has not been sovveakened that Iran vvill emerge as thebeneficiary of ali that has göne vvrong.

"If you go and talk vvith the Gulfstates or if you talk vvith the Saudis or if

you talk about the Israelis or the Jorda¬nians, the entire region is vvorried," VicePresident Dick Cheney said on FoxNevvs on Sunday. He described hovv theIranians "sit astride the Straits of Hor-muz" and its oil-shipping channels, hovvthey support Hamas and Hezbollah.

"So the threat that Iran represents is

grovving," he said, in vvords reminiscentof hovv he önce built a case against Sad¬dam Hussein. "it's multidimensional,and it is, in fact, of concern to every-body in the region."

ooİM

w

>

<1-5

Colere sunnite contre la«barbarie» chiiteLes pendaisons, et la decapitation d'hier, exacerbent les critiques du monde arabe, notamment contre Uran.

Si la pendaison de Saddam Hussein, le .

jourde laFetedu sacrifice, avait dejâete j

ressentiecommeunoutrageparlama- |

joritedespaysarabes-tresmajoritaire-ment sunnites, â l'exception de l'Iraket

de certains pays du Golfe -, la maniere dont aete execute, hier âBagdad, son demi-frere Bar¬zan al-Tikriti arepresentepour elleunautre af-front. D'Araman aAlger, enpassantpar RiyadetLe Caire, lanouvelle de sadecapitation-pro-voquee parle choc de lapendaison- aete aussi- ;

töt amplement commentee et decrite commeune preuve supplementaire de la «vengeance»et de la «barbarie» chiites. Beaucoup estimentmeme que la decapitationaete deliberee, d'au¬tant que son avocatjordanien, Issam al- Ghaz-zaoui, a fait aussitot savoir que la tete du sup-plicie avaitetecoupee apres lapendaisonpourmutiler le corps et qu'il s'agissait d'une «justicederepresailles exerceeparunebandedevoyöus».Le fait qu'unporte-parole irakien se soit felici-te de l'incident evoquant la «volonte deDieu», ^ aaamplifiel'injure. (

L'onde de choc a ete ressentiejusqu'au Maroc,oû le president du Centre des droits de l'hom¬me, KhaledCharkaoui, a lui aussidenonceunactebarbare etvindicatifperpetre sous lapres-sion probable des Etats-Unis et de l'Iran. De¬sormais, comme le sou^ '

lignait le recent rapportde la commission Baker,il n'y a pas d'evenementsurvenant en Irak quin'aitunimpact imrnediatdans le monde arabe, â commencerpar les ter'ritoires palestiniens, â l'heure oü le Fatah et leHamas sont quasiment enguerre oüverte.Taire.OnravudernierementâRamallahlorsd'un recentmeetingduFatahpourle 40e anni-versaire de la revolution palestinienne, oü,chaque fois que le nom du Hamas etait pro-nonce par Mahmoud Abbas, les cadres duparti criaient aussitot «chiite, chiite», refusantmemed'obeiraupresidentpalestinienquileurdemandait de se taire. Le mouyement islamis-te, quiestlabranchepalestinienne de laconfre-rie des Freres musulmans, n'a evidemmentpas la moindre empathie pour la religion chii¬te. S'il a ete ainsi identifie de façon aussidepre-

riative aux chiites, c'estd'unepart âcause de l'ar¬gent donne par le presi¬dent iranien MahmoudAhmadinejad â son lea¬der ismail Haniyeh, et

Les querelles qui animent le mondearabe sont analysees â travers leprisme du conflit intercommunautaireirakien et de l'Iran.

d'autre part en reference aux evenementsd'Irak, Saddam Hussein etant considere com¬me le champion de la lutte palestinienne et l'unde ses principaux financiers.Onpourrait s'etonnerde cette hostilite anti-chiite de lapart d'une partie des Palestiniens :

en effet, depuis la revolution islamique, leschiites ont toujours ete favorables â la causepalestinienne. Mais la guerre çivile irakienne achange la donne. «Alors que leHezbollah (liba¬nais) est saluepour son heroisme â travers lemondearUbe,ilapparaîtquelaguerreenIraketl'alliancesupposeeentre l'Iran et leHamas ontpris lepas sur l'amour en apparence incondi-tionnel que les Palestiniensportent â HassanNasrallah De chefdu Hezbollah, ndlr]», souli-gnaithierAkram Baker, un analystepolitiquepalestinien base â Ramallah.Coups bas. Lesquerellesquianimentlemondearabe sont analysees â travers le prisme duconflitintercommunautaireirakienetdeliran,suppose etre derriere les intrigues et les coups

. bas. Parmi leş sunnites, meme ceux qui detes-taient Saddam Hussein en viennent aujour¬d'hui âle defendre. Deleurcöte, les chiitessere-fusent, en general, â critiquer l'actuel cabinetirakien, considerepourtantpar les lai'cs commeincarnant le sectarisme le plus absolu.

JEAN-PIERREPERRIN

46

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

But a nevver argument is coming tothe fore: that America's allies in the re¬gion, from Israel to Saudi Arabia, needevidence that Bush has not been sovveakened that Iran vvill emerge as thebeneficiary of ali that has göne vvrong.

"If you go and talk vvith the Gulfstates or if you talk vvith the Saudis or if

you talk about the Israelis or the Jorda¬nians, the entire region is vvorried," VicePresident Dick Cheney said on FoxNevvs on Sunday. He described hovv theIranians "sit astride the Straits of Hor-muz" and its oil-shipping channels, hovvthey support Hamas and Hezbollah.

"So the threat that Iran represents is

grovving," he said, in vvords reminiscentof hovv he önce built a case against Sad¬dam Hussein. "it's multidimensional,and it is, in fact, of concern to every-body in the region."

ooİM

w

>

<1-5

Colere sunnite contre la«barbarie» chiiteLes pendaisons, et la decapitation d'hier, exacerbent les critiques du monde arabe, notamment contre Uran.

Si la pendaison de Saddam Hussein, le .

jourde laFetedu sacrifice, avait dejâete j

ressentiecommeunoutrageparlama- |

joritedespaysarabes-tresmajoritaire-ment sunnites, â l'exception de l'Iraket

de certains pays du Golfe -, la maniere dont aete execute, hier âBagdad, son demi-frere Bar¬zan al-Tikriti arepresentepour elleunautre af-front. D'Araman aAlger, enpassantpar RiyadetLe Caire, lanouvelle de sadecapitation-pro-voquee parle choc de lapendaison- aete aussi- ;

töt amplement commentee et decrite commeune preuve supplementaire de la «vengeance»et de la «barbarie» chiites. Beaucoup estimentmeme que la decapitationaete deliberee, d'au¬tant que son avocatjordanien, Issam al- Ghaz-zaoui, a fait aussitot savoir que la tete du sup-plicie avaitetecoupee apres lapendaisonpourmutiler le corps et qu'il s'agissait d'une «justicederepresailles exerceeparunebandedevoyöus».Le fait qu'unporte-parole irakien se soit felici-te de l'incident evoquant la «volonte deDieu», ^ aaamplifiel'injure. (

L'onde de choc a ete ressentiejusqu'au Maroc,oû le president du Centre des droits de l'hom¬me, KhaledCharkaoui, a lui aussidenonceunactebarbare etvindicatifperpetre sous lapres-sion probable des Etats-Unis et de l'Iran. De¬sormais, comme le sou^ '

lignait le recent rapportde la commission Baker,il n'y a pas d'evenementsurvenant en Irak quin'aitunimpact imrnediatdans le monde arabe, â commencerpar les ter'ritoires palestiniens, â l'heure oü le Fatah et leHamas sont quasiment enguerre oüverte.Taire.OnravudernierementâRamallahlorsd'un recentmeetingduFatahpourle 40e anni-versaire de la revolution palestinienne, oü,chaque fois que le nom du Hamas etait pro-nonce par Mahmoud Abbas, les cadres duparti criaient aussitot «chiite, chiite», refusantmemed'obeiraupresidentpalestinienquileurdemandait de se taire. Le mouyement islamis-te, quiestlabranchepalestinienne de laconfre-rie des Freres musulmans, n'a evidemmentpas la moindre empathie pour la religion chii¬te. S'il a ete ainsi identifie de façon aussidepre-

riative aux chiites, c'estd'unepart âcause de l'ar¬gent donne par le presi¬dent iranien MahmoudAhmadinejad â son lea¬der ismail Haniyeh, et

Les querelles qui animent le mondearabe sont analysees â travers leprisme du conflit intercommunautaireirakien et de l'Iran.

d'autre part en reference aux evenementsd'Irak, Saddam Hussein etant considere com¬me le champion de la lutte palestinienne et l'unde ses principaux financiers.Onpourrait s'etonnerde cette hostilite anti-chiite de lapart d'une partie des Palestiniens :

en effet, depuis la revolution islamique, leschiites ont toujours ete favorables â la causepalestinienne. Mais la guerre çivile irakienne achange la donne. «Alors que leHezbollah (liba¬nais) est saluepour son heroisme â travers lemondearUbe,ilapparaîtquelaguerreenIraketl'alliancesupposeeentre l'Iran et leHamas ontpris lepas sur l'amour en apparence incondi-tionnel que les Palestiniensportent â HassanNasrallah De chefdu Hezbollah, ndlr]», souli-gnaithierAkram Baker, un analystepolitiquepalestinien base â Ramallah.Coups bas. Lesquerellesquianimentlemondearabe sont analysees â travers le prisme duconflitintercommunautaireirakienetdeliran,suppose etre derriere les intrigues et les coups

. bas. Parmi leş sunnites, meme ceux qui detes-taient Saddam Hussein en viennent aujour¬d'hui âle defendre. Deleurcöte, les chiitessere-fusent, en general, â critiquer l'actuel cabinetirakien, considerepourtantpar les lai'cs commeincarnant le sectarisme le plus absolu.

JEAN-PIERREPERRIN

46

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Irak: Washington semonce TeheranLa tension est exacerbee depuis un raid de l'US Army contre un consulat iranien â Arbil.

oocsı

«W

>

<

La commission Bakerpronait l'ouvertured'undialogue entreWashing¬ton et Teheran. GeorgeW. Bush apris le c'ontre-

pied de sön rapport, choisis-santde montrerses muscles etprivilegiant une politique.detensions avec le regime isla-mique. Elle s'estfortementac-crue depuis jeudi, apres Tar-restationde cinqiraniensparl'US Army en Irak lors d'unraidcontre le consulat iraniend'Arbil, dans le Kurdistan ira¬kien. Selon Washington, lescinqhommesapprehendesnesont pas des diplomates maisdes pasdarans (gardiens de laRevolution, l'armee ideoİp-

;. giqueduregime)delaforceAİ-Qods, l'unite chargee des ope¬rationsexterieures.«Inacceptable». Ce raid a etemene comme une operationmilitaire d'envergure, avectankş et helicopteres. Le por-tail dubâtiment a ete ouvert âlagrenade, les locaux devasteset du materiel informatiquesaisi. II apparaît comme uncoıip de semonce â Teheran,faisant süite aux accusationslanceespar le president ameri-caincontre le regime poursonrole en Irak«Ce quedisentfles officiers americains],c'estque les iraniensfournissentdu mate¬rielquitue desAmericains etcela, c'est in-acceptable.Unechecenlrakrenforceraitlaposition del'Iran, quirepresenteunemena-cesignificativepourlapaixmondiale»,adeclare Bush ala television. Hier, les cinqprisonniers n'avaient toujours pas ete re-İâches, malgre l'intervention dugouver-nement irakien, et la tensionpersiste â cesujetentreBagdadetWashington..Jusqu'â present, les Etats-Unis, qui ontleur propre agenda avec Teheran sur laquestion nucleaire, avaient feint d'igno-rer les ingerences iraniennes. Elles nesont pourtant pas nouvelles, d'ailleursregulierement denonceesparcertains di¬rigeants irakiens, kurdesetsunnitesprin-cipalement. Hier encore, le vice-presi-dent Tareq al-Hachemi, en visite âLondres, a denonce leur persistance:«Nous avons de nombreusespreuves quinous montrentque l'Iranesten train dede¬venir, malheureusement, leprincipalac-teurenlrakjeslraniensontvraimentunelourdeinfluencesurtout[cequisepasse]enIrak. Oü que vous alliez [...] vous voyezleurs empreintessur tout»A ce sujet, la politique du regime iranienestenapparenceparadpxale.Entoutcas,elle a plusieurs fers aufeu. D'une part, leregime de Teherans'emploie â conforterle gouvemement (mâjoritairement

A Bagdad, fin decembre. Avec tanks et helicopteres, les Ame> ıcaırun'ont pas leşine sur les moyens pour l'operation d'Arbil.

94 mortoparjouren2006L'ONUapubliehierunaccablantbilandesviolencesenlrak: 34452civils tuesen2006, soitune moyenne de94mortsparjour.Selon cerapportbimensuelfbndesurles chiffres duministere de laSante,desraorguesetde$hopitaiK, le nombre desblesses depasse 36000.Bagdad,OÛ16867 irakiensontperi l'andemlerde mortviolente, restel'epicentredes afftontementsinterconfessionnels.'Hier, lacapitale aete secoueeparuneseried'attentatsparticulierement meurtriers,quiontfaitunecentainedemorts.Unevoiturepiegee etunkamikazequis'est faitsauterdevantl'universitedeMoustansiriya ontainsi tue70 etudiants etprofesseurs.Unautredoubleattentat,contre une mosquee sunnite,-afaitquinzemorts.Enfin,vingt habitants ontperi danstrois autres attaques.

chiite) de Nouri al-Maliki, conscientqu'ilestlargementsoussoninfluence.D'autrepart, il appuie les milices chiites, commeles Brigades al-Badr (creees etformees enIransous le regime de SaddamHussein)et l'Armee du Mehdi, dujeune religieuxradical Moqtada al-Sadr, lesquellescontribuent âplongerl'İrakdans le chaos.Derriere cettepohtique ambigue, ce sontles Etats-Unis qui sont vises. Teheransemblevouloirque les forces americainesdemeurent en Irak pour empecher laguerre çivile de se developper et, enmeme temps, lesvoirenlisees. «Pourune premiere rai-son: ils veulentgar-der les Americainsoccupes afin qu'ilsnesoientpas en mesured'attaquer l'Iran,souligneune sourcediplomatique. Pourune seconde,peut-etreplus importante: ilsneveulenten aucun casquel'Irak, unpaysmâjoritairementchiite, devienneneşerait¬çe çu'une semi-democratie; cela leursemble un exempledangereux. Pourcetteraisonjeregime iranien aide aussi l'insur-rectionsunnite.»Dans un article paruhier, le quotidien deLondresDa#y Telegraph citait.des temoi-gnages d'oftîciers des servicesde rensei-gnementsbritannkjues sur le role desta-bilisateur de l'Iran dans le sud de d'Irak.Selonleheutenant-colonelJustinMacie-

Teheran semble vouloir que les forcesamericaines demeurent en Irak pourempecher la guerre çivile de sedevelopper mais aussi les voir enlisees.

)ev/ski,«deselementsextremistesâBasso-rareçoiventsoutien etassistance de l'Iranetobtiennentdesarmesetdelatechnologiepourconcevoirdes enginsexplosifsafin detenterdedestabilisercettepartiedupays».Signal. Lundi, le nouveau secretaireamericain â la Defense, Robert Gates, alance â son tour, de Bruxelles; une miseen garde â peine voilee â l'Iran, en pre-sentant le renforcement de la presencemilitaire americaine dans le Golfecomme un signal adresse â la Repu-blique islamique. La semaine derniere,

les Etats-Unisavaient annoncequ'ils allaient de¬ployer pendantdes mois dans legolfe Persique

deux porte-avions avec leurs groupesaeronavals, ainsi qu'unbataillon de de¬fense aerienne equipe de missiles anti¬missiles Patriot. Des lors, pour nombred'experts, une attaque de l'Iran, quesemblent annoncer les recentes decla-rations du vice-president DickCheney,pourleque\«lamenacegrandit», ne peutplus etre exclue. Faisant fi de toutes cesaccusations, Teheran garde impertur-bablement le cap. Et s'est dit determineâ poursuivre ses ambitions nucleaires etâ installer au moins 3000 nouvellescentrifugeuses. -

JEAN-PIERREPERRIN

47

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Irak: Washington semonce TeheranLa tension est exacerbee depuis un raid de l'US Army contre un consulat iranien â Arbil.

oocsı

«W

>

<

La commission Bakerpronait l'ouvertured'undialogue entreWashing¬ton et Teheran. GeorgeW. Bush apris le c'ontre-

pied de sön rapport, choisis-santde montrerses muscles etprivilegiant une politique.detensions avec le regime isla-mique. Elle s'estfortementac-crue depuis jeudi, apres Tar-restationde cinqiraniensparl'US Army en Irak lors d'unraidcontre le consulat iraniend'Arbil, dans le Kurdistan ira¬kien. Selon Washington, lescinqhommesapprehendesnesont pas des diplomates maisdes pasdarans (gardiens de laRevolution, l'armee ideoİp-

;. giqueduregime)delaforceAİ-Qods, l'unite chargee des ope¬rationsexterieures.«Inacceptable». Ce raid a etemene comme une operationmilitaire d'envergure, avectankş et helicopteres. Le por-tail dubâtiment a ete ouvert âlagrenade, les locaux devasteset du materiel informatiquesaisi. II apparaît comme uncoıip de semonce â Teheran,faisant süite aux accusationslanceespar le president ameri-caincontre le regime poursonrole en Irak«Ce quedisentfles officiers americains],c'estque les iraniensfournissentdu mate¬rielquitue desAmericains etcela, c'est in-acceptable.Unechecenlrakrenforceraitlaposition del'Iran, quirepresenteunemena-cesignificativepourlapaixmondiale»,adeclare Bush ala television. Hier, les cinqprisonniers n'avaient toujours pas ete re-İâches, malgre l'intervention dugouver-nement irakien, et la tensionpersiste â cesujetentreBagdadetWashington..Jusqu'â present, les Etats-Unis, qui ontleur propre agenda avec Teheran sur laquestion nucleaire, avaient feint d'igno-rer les ingerences iraniennes. Elles nesont pourtant pas nouvelles, d'ailleursregulierement denonceesparcertains di¬rigeants irakiens, kurdesetsunnitesprin-cipalement. Hier encore, le vice-presi-dent Tareq al-Hachemi, en visite âLondres, a denonce leur persistance:«Nous avons de nombreusespreuves quinous montrentque l'Iranesten train dede¬venir, malheureusement, leprincipalac-teurenlrakjeslraniensontvraimentunelourdeinfluencesurtout[cequisepasse]enIrak. Oü que vous alliez [...] vous voyezleurs empreintessur tout»A ce sujet, la politique du regime iranienestenapparenceparadpxale.Entoutcas,elle a plusieurs fers aufeu. D'une part, leregime de Teherans'emploie â conforterle gouvemement (mâjoritairement

A Bagdad, fin decembre. Avec tanks et helicopteres, les Ame> ıcaırun'ont pas leşine sur les moyens pour l'operation d'Arbil.

94 mortoparjouren2006L'ONUapubliehierunaccablantbilandesviolencesenlrak: 34452civils tuesen2006, soitune moyenne de94mortsparjour.Selon cerapportbimensuelfbndesurles chiffres duministere de laSante,desraorguesetde$hopitaiK, le nombre desblesses depasse 36000.Bagdad,OÛ16867 irakiensontperi l'andemlerde mortviolente, restel'epicentredes afftontementsinterconfessionnels.'Hier, lacapitale aete secoueeparuneseried'attentatsparticulierement meurtriers,quiontfaitunecentainedemorts.Unevoiturepiegee etunkamikazequis'est faitsauterdevantl'universitedeMoustansiriya ontainsi tue70 etudiants etprofesseurs.Unautredoubleattentat,contre une mosquee sunnite,-afaitquinzemorts.Enfin,vingt habitants ontperi danstrois autres attaques.

chiite) de Nouri al-Maliki, conscientqu'ilestlargementsoussoninfluence.D'autrepart, il appuie les milices chiites, commeles Brigades al-Badr (creees etformees enIransous le regime de SaddamHussein)et l'Armee du Mehdi, dujeune religieuxradical Moqtada al-Sadr, lesquellescontribuent âplongerl'İrakdans le chaos.Derriere cettepohtique ambigue, ce sontles Etats-Unis qui sont vises. Teheransemblevouloirque les forces americainesdemeurent en Irak pour empecher laguerre çivile de se developper et, enmeme temps, lesvoirenlisees. «Pourune premiere rai-son: ils veulentgar-der les Americainsoccupes afin qu'ilsnesoientpas en mesured'attaquer l'Iran,souligneune sourcediplomatique. Pourune seconde,peut-etreplus importante: ilsneveulenten aucun casquel'Irak, unpaysmâjoritairementchiite, devienneneşerait¬çe çu'une semi-democratie; cela leursemble un exempledangereux. Pourcetteraisonjeregime iranien aide aussi l'insur-rectionsunnite.»Dans un article paruhier, le quotidien deLondresDa#y Telegraph citait.des temoi-gnages d'oftîciers des servicesde rensei-gnementsbritannkjues sur le role desta-bilisateur de l'Iran dans le sud de d'Irak.Selonleheutenant-colonelJustinMacie-

Teheran semble vouloir que les forcesamericaines demeurent en Irak pourempecher la guerre çivile de sedevelopper mais aussi les voir enlisees.

)ev/ski,«deselementsextremistesâBasso-rareçoiventsoutien etassistance de l'Iranetobtiennentdesarmesetdelatechnologiepourconcevoirdes enginsexplosifsafin detenterdedestabilisercettepartiedupays».Signal. Lundi, le nouveau secretaireamericain â la Defense, Robert Gates, alance â son tour, de Bruxelles; une miseen garde â peine voilee â l'Iran, en pre-sentant le renforcement de la presencemilitaire americaine dans le Golfecomme un signal adresse â la Repu-blique islamique. La semaine derniere,

les Etats-Unisavaient annoncequ'ils allaient de¬ployer pendantdes mois dans legolfe Persique

deux porte-avions avec leurs groupesaeronavals, ainsi qu'unbataillon de de¬fense aerienne equipe de missiles anti¬missiles Patriot. Des lors, pour nombred'experts, une attaque de l'Iran, quesemblent annoncer les recentes decla-rations du vice-president DickCheney,pourleque\«lamenacegrandit», ne peutplus etre exclue. Faisant fi de toutes cesaccusations, Teheran garde impertur-bablement le cap. Et s'est dit determineâ poursuivre ses ambitions nucleaires etâ installer au moins 3000 nouvellescentrifugeuses. -

JEAN-PIERREPERRIN

47

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Hcralb^S,Sribunc. January 17, 2007

UN puts'06 Iraq tollof civiliansat 34,000Report comes on day3 bomb attacks kili90 more in BaghdadBy Damien Cave and John O'Neil

BAGHDAD: About 90 people vverekilled in three attacks here Tuesday,vvhile United Nations officials vvere re-leasing a report estimating thât morethan 34,000 civilians vvere killed in Iraqlast year and vvarning that the violencevvas "likely to continue" in the absenceof a functioning justice system.

The violence Tuesday and the UN re-port's chilling portrait of civiliandeaths underscored the depth of the se¬curity problem facing American mili¬tary officials and the Iraqi governmentas they prepare a nevv strategy that forthe first time makes the protection ofci¬vilians the vvar effort's hıghest priority.

Tvvo bombs exploded in quick suc-cession at Baghdad University as stu¬dents left classes, killing at least 60people and vvounding at least 110, theInterior Ministry said. One bomb vvasdetonated by a suicide attacker and onevvas placed in a car, but it vvas not clearin vvhich order they vvere detonated.

[President George W. Bush, mean¬vvhile, said in an intervievv Tuesdaythat the chaotic execution of SaddamHussein looked like "kind of a revengekilling" and shovved that the govern¬ment of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki "has stili got some maturationto do," The Associated Press reportedfrom Washington.]

As more U.S. forces began arriving inIraq, America's allies in the Gulf ex-pressed support Tuesday for the goalsof Bush's nevv Iraq strategy. But SaudiArabia, one of Washington's most sig¬nificant partners in the region, told Sec¬retary of State Condoleezza Rice that itvvas concerned about vvhether theShiite-led government in Baghdad hadthe ability and the vvill to halt sectarianviolence and protect Sünni interests.

in Kuvvait, Sheik Mohammed Sabahal-Salem al-Sabah, the foreign minister,said at a nevvs conference vvith Ricethat the plan could help to stabilizeBaghdad and "prevent Iraq from slid-ing" into vvholesale sectarian conflict.

The civilıan-death report, by theUnited Nations Assistance Mission forIraq, vvas based on fıgures from theMedico-Legal Institute in Baghdad andIraqi hospitals. it estimated that 34,452civilians vvere killed in violence in 2006

an average of 94 people a day andthat an additional 36,685 vvere vvounded.

The report said the level of violenceappeared to have declined tovvard theend of the year 3,462 violent deathsvvere recorded for November, it said, and2,914 for December, compared vvith 3,345in September and 3,702 in October. itnoted, hovvever, that some provinces hadnot yet reported December fıgures.

The head of the UN mission, GianniMagazzeni, said a cycle of revengekillihgs and reprisals had escalated inthe absence of an effective and impar-tial justice system.

"If people don't have a sense thatjustice is done, unfortunately this sec¬tarian violence is likely to continue," hesaid. "Ensuring accountability vvould goa long vvay to help turning the tide."

The report described a "grovvingsense of impunity for on-going humanrights violations," a development that itsaid "leads people to take the lavv intotheir hands and rely on actions by mili¬tias or criminal gangs."

The report also confırmed vvide-spread assumptions that lavv-enforce-ment agencies are ineffective and thatmilitias and criminal gangs vvork in col-lusion vvith or have infiltrated the offi¬cial security forces. it vvas also criticalof U.S. and other international troops,vvhose operations it said "cause severesuffering to the local population."

Saying that limits on freedom ofmovement and lack of access to basicservices affect a large part of the popula¬tion, it called on coalition troops to "re-frain from any excessive use of force."

There is no official Iraqi estimate ofcivilian deaths. in an estimate during avisit to Vienna in November, the Iraqihealth minister, Ali al-Shimari, said150,000 Iraqis had been killed in vio¬lence since the vvar began in 2003.

The highest estimates of the civiliantoll come from a team of researchersfrom the Johns Hopkins BloombergSchool of Public Health, in a study pub-lished in The Lancet, a British medicaljournal, they estimated that 600,000Iraqis died from violence from March2003 to Tuly 2006, basing their analysison a survey of 1,849 households in 47neighborhoods across Iraq.

Around Iraq, the UN report describeda deteriorating situation for vvomen andminorities, including Palestinians andChristians, and said attacks on profes-sional groups "continued unabated."

in the violence on Tuesday, at least 15

other people vvere killed and 70 vverevvounded by another pair of bombs incentral Baghdad in a market devoted tomotorcycle and stereo shops, not far

from a Sünni mosque, officials said. Themosque vvas not believed to have beenthe target. in addition, tvvo members ofa poliçe bomb-disposal unit and tvvo ci¬vilians vvere killed in the Karada neigh-borhood vvhen the second of a pair ofbombs exploded vvhile the officers vverevvorking to defuse them.

And in another Shiite neighborhood,men in a minivan and on a motorcycleopened fire on an outdoor market,killing at least 11 people, The AssociatedPress reported. Nevvs services gave con-flicting accounts about vvhether that at-tack took place before or after the uni¬versity bombing.

Damien Cave reported from Baghdadand John O'Neil from New York. SabrınaTavernise contributed from Baghdad.

President 'disappointed'

President Bush, speaking in a televi¬sion intervievv on the Public Broadcast-ing Service, criticized the circum-stances of the hanging of Saddam,during vvhich the former dictator vvastaunted by his executioners, as vvell asthe execution of tvvo top aides, includingSaddam's halfbrother, vvho vvas decapit-ated, The Associated Press reported.

"I vvas disappointed and felt like theyfumbled the particularly the SaddamHussein execution," Bush said.

"The message is that it's a confusingmessage," Bush said of the Saddam exe-cution. "it basically says to people,'Look, you conducted a trial and gaveSaddam justice that he didn't give toothers. But then, vvhen it came to ex-ecute him, it looked like it vvas kind of arevenge killing.' "

Bush added, "And it just goes to shovvthat this is a government that has stiligot some maturation to do."]

Kareem Raheem/ReutersBombing attack victims vvaiting Tuesdayfor treatment at a Baghdad hospital.

48

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Hcralb^S,Sribunc. January 17, 2007

UN puts'06 Iraq tollof civiliansat 34,000Report comes on day3 bomb attacks kili90 more in BaghdadBy Damien Cave and John O'Neil

BAGHDAD: About 90 people vverekilled in three attacks here Tuesday,vvhile United Nations officials vvere re-leasing a report estimating thât morethan 34,000 civilians vvere killed in Iraqlast year and vvarning that the violencevvas "likely to continue" in the absenceof a functioning justice system.

The violence Tuesday and the UN re-port's chilling portrait of civiliandeaths underscored the depth of the se¬curity problem facing American mili¬tary officials and the Iraqi governmentas they prepare a nevv strategy that forthe first time makes the protection ofci¬vilians the vvar effort's hıghest priority.

Tvvo bombs exploded in quick suc-cession at Baghdad University as stu¬dents left classes, killing at least 60people and vvounding at least 110, theInterior Ministry said. One bomb vvasdetonated by a suicide attacker and onevvas placed in a car, but it vvas not clearin vvhich order they vvere detonated.

[President George W. Bush, mean¬vvhile, said in an intervievv Tuesdaythat the chaotic execution of SaddamHussein looked like "kind of a revengekilling" and shovved that the govern¬ment of Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki "has stili got some maturationto do," The Associated Press reportedfrom Washington.]

As more U.S. forces began arriving inIraq, America's allies in the Gulf ex-pressed support Tuesday for the goalsof Bush's nevv Iraq strategy. But SaudiArabia, one of Washington's most sig¬nificant partners in the region, told Sec¬retary of State Condoleezza Rice that itvvas concerned about vvhether theShiite-led government in Baghdad hadthe ability and the vvill to halt sectarianviolence and protect Sünni interests.

in Kuvvait, Sheik Mohammed Sabahal-Salem al-Sabah, the foreign minister,said at a nevvs conference vvith Ricethat the plan could help to stabilizeBaghdad and "prevent Iraq from slid-ing" into vvholesale sectarian conflict.

The civilıan-death report, by theUnited Nations Assistance Mission forIraq, vvas based on fıgures from theMedico-Legal Institute in Baghdad andIraqi hospitals. it estimated that 34,452civilians vvere killed in violence in 2006

an average of 94 people a day andthat an additional 36,685 vvere vvounded.

The report said the level of violenceappeared to have declined tovvard theend of the year 3,462 violent deathsvvere recorded for November, it said, and2,914 for December, compared vvith 3,345in September and 3,702 in October. itnoted, hovvever, that some provinces hadnot yet reported December fıgures.

The head of the UN mission, GianniMagazzeni, said a cycle of revengekillihgs and reprisals had escalated inthe absence of an effective and impar-tial justice system.

"If people don't have a sense thatjustice is done, unfortunately this sec¬tarian violence is likely to continue," hesaid. "Ensuring accountability vvould goa long vvay to help turning the tide."

The report described a "grovvingsense of impunity for on-going humanrights violations," a development that itsaid "leads people to take the lavv intotheir hands and rely on actions by mili¬tias or criminal gangs."

The report also confırmed vvide-spread assumptions that lavv-enforce-ment agencies are ineffective and thatmilitias and criminal gangs vvork in col-lusion vvith or have infiltrated the offi¬cial security forces. it vvas also criticalof U.S. and other international troops,vvhose operations it said "cause severesuffering to the local population."

Saying that limits on freedom ofmovement and lack of access to basicservices affect a large part of the popula¬tion, it called on coalition troops to "re-frain from any excessive use of force."

There is no official Iraqi estimate ofcivilian deaths. in an estimate during avisit to Vienna in November, the Iraqihealth minister, Ali al-Shimari, said150,000 Iraqis had been killed in vio¬lence since the vvar began in 2003.

The highest estimates of the civiliantoll come from a team of researchersfrom the Johns Hopkins BloombergSchool of Public Health, in a study pub-lished in The Lancet, a British medicaljournal, they estimated that 600,000Iraqis died from violence from March2003 to Tuly 2006, basing their analysison a survey of 1,849 households in 47neighborhoods across Iraq.

Around Iraq, the UN report describeda deteriorating situation for vvomen andminorities, including Palestinians andChristians, and said attacks on profes-sional groups "continued unabated."

in the violence on Tuesday, at least 15

other people vvere killed and 70 vverevvounded by another pair of bombs incentral Baghdad in a market devoted tomotorcycle and stereo shops, not far

from a Sünni mosque, officials said. Themosque vvas not believed to have beenthe target. in addition, tvvo members ofa poliçe bomb-disposal unit and tvvo ci¬vilians vvere killed in the Karada neigh-borhood vvhen the second of a pair ofbombs exploded vvhile the officers vverevvorking to defuse them.

And in another Shiite neighborhood,men in a minivan and on a motorcycleopened fire on an outdoor market,killing at least 11 people, The AssociatedPress reported. Nevvs services gave con-flicting accounts about vvhether that at-tack took place before or after the uni¬versity bombing.

Damien Cave reported from Baghdadand John O'Neil from New York. SabrınaTavernise contributed from Baghdad.

President 'disappointed'

President Bush, speaking in a televi¬sion intervievv on the Public Broadcast-ing Service, criticized the circum-stances of the hanging of Saddam,during vvhich the former dictator vvastaunted by his executioners, as vvell asthe execution of tvvo top aides, includingSaddam's halfbrother, vvho vvas decapit-ated, The Associated Press reported.

"I vvas disappointed and felt like theyfumbled the particularly the SaddamHussein execution," Bush said.

"The message is that it's a confusingmessage," Bush said of the Saddam exe-cution. "it basically says to people,'Look, you conducted a trial and gaveSaddam justice that he didn't give toothers. But then, vvhen it came to ex-ecute him, it looked like it vvas kind of arevenge killing.' "

Bush added, "And it just goes to shovvthat this is a government that has stiligot some maturation to do."]

Kareem Raheem/ReutersBombing attack victims vvaiting Tuesdayfor treatment at a Baghdad hospital.

48

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

feîttonite18 janvier 2007

Irak Un kamikaze et une voiture piegee font 60 mortsdans une üniversite de Bagdad

Plus de 34 000 civils tues en Irak en 2006, selon l'ONU

Des soldats americains soignent les blesses apres l'attentat, mardi, dans le quartier de Bab Al-Cheikh, â Bagdad. ahmadal-rubaye/afp

PLUS DE 140 personnes ont ete tuees aBagdad au cours de la seule journee demardi 16 janvier dans deux attentats â labombe et une attaque a l'arme a feu. IIs'agit du bilan le plus lourd depuis l'atta-que du 23 novembre 2006 qui avait faitplus de 200 morts dans le grand quartierchiite de Sadr City. Mardi, l'attentat leplus meurtrier a ete perpetre â la sortied'une üniversite de Bagdad situee â l'estde la ville. Quatre soldats americains ontegalement ete tues mardi, ce qui porte â3 019 le nombre de militaires morts enIrak depuis l'invasion de mars 2003.

Les violences de mardi ont co'incideavec la publication d'un rap>port desNations unies selon lequel 34 452 civilsont ete tues en Irak en 2006, soit unemoyenne de 94 morts parjour. Alors quele president des Etats-Unie;, George Bush,a devoile le 10 janvier un plan visant â sta¬biliser la situation, notamment â Bagdad,le rapport precise que pres de la moitie desviolences concernent la capitale irakienne.Plus de 36 000 irakiens ont egalement eteblesses en 2006, selon les Nations unies,et au moins 470 094 personnes ont etedeplacees sous la contrainte.

« II est tres clair que le bilan des victi¬mes civiles est beaucoup trop eleve », aadmis le porte-parole de la Maison Blan-che, Tony Snovv. Sur la chaîne de televi¬sion PBS, M. Bush a estime que ces chif-fres montrent qu'il faut « aider » le gou¬vemement irakien. M. Bush a cependantestime que les modalites de Pexecutionde Saddam Hussein, conspue aumoment de sa pendaison, donnaientl'impression d'un « acte de vengeance »et temoignaient d'un manque de « matu-rite » de ce gouvemement. - (AFP, Reu¬ters.)

i^oysn-OrasHt La secretaire d'Etat americaine, Condoleezza Rice, termine sa tournee dans la region

Huit pays arabes aııx cötes des Etats-Unis contre l'IranBEYROUTHCORRESPONDANTEMeme s'il n'est pas nomme, l'Iran

est le principal Etat vise par l'ap-pel lance, mardi 16 janvier, par

les Etats-Unis et huit pays arabes â « lanon-ingerence dans les affaires interieuresirakiennes ». Cet appel a ete lance au ter¬me d'une reunion qui a reuni au Kovvei'tla secretaire d'Etat americaine, Condo¬leezza Rice, et les chefs de la diplomatiedu groupe dit des « 6+2 », c'est-â-direles six monarchies petrolieres du Conseilde cooperation du Golfe (CCG), ainsi quel'Egypte et la Jordanie. Mme Rice etaitvenue solliciter leur soutien et leur contri-bution â la mise en ceuvre de la nouvellestrategie americaine en Irak.

De l'avis de tous les participants, Pin-gerence iranienne est un important fac-teur de destabilisation. Le souhait, expri-me dans le communique commun, de

soustraire l'Irak aux affrontements entre« des pouvoirs regionaıvc ou internatio-naux » traduit neanmoins la crainte desEtats arabes de voir ce pays devenir lechamp de bataille privilegie du conflitouvert entre Washington et Teheran.Conflit qui concerne aussi bien l'Irak lui-meme que le programme nucleaire ira¬nien ou le soutien de Teheran au Hezbol¬lah libanais et au Hamas palestinien.

Les pays arabes, plus particulierementles six monarchies du Golfe (Arabie saou¬dite, Kovvei't, Oman, Emirats arabes unis,Bahrein et Qatar) sont pris entre l'enclu-me iranienne et le marteau americain. Ilssont tributaires des Etats-Unis pour leurdefense, et ils sont soumis aux pressionsde la Republique islamique qui les a dejâmis en garde contre toute alliance avecles Etats-Unis qui şerait dirigee contreelle. Le message a ete transmis sur tousles tons ces dernieres semaines.

« Les Etats de la region sont tous musul¬mans (...) et tous les musulmans doiventaujourd'hui plus que jamais se solidariserpour faire face aux autres [lesAmericains] qui sont des occupants et quitentent de semer la discorde pour justifierleur propre presence », a decla-re, mardi soir, le presidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad dansun entretien â la televisionsatellitaire Al-Arabiya.

Quarante-huit heures plustot, AU Larijani, conseiller â lasecurite nationale de la Republi-que islamique etait aile remet-tre au roi Abdallah Ben AbdelAziz d'Arabie saoudite un mes- _____sage, dont la teneur şerait de lameme eau que celui que ManouchehrMotaki, ministre des affaires etrangeresiranien, avait transmis une semaine plustot aux Emirats arabes unis. Gare au « pie-

Les Etats arabescraignent de voirl'Irak devenirle champ debataille privilegiedu conflitentre Washingtonet Teheran

49

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

feîttonite18 janvier 2007

Irak Un kamikaze et une voiture piegee font 60 mortsdans une üniversite de Bagdad

Plus de 34 000 civils tues en Irak en 2006, selon l'ONU

Des soldats americains soignent les blesses apres l'attentat, mardi, dans le quartier de Bab Al-Cheikh, â Bagdad. ahmadal-rubaye/afp

PLUS DE 140 personnes ont ete tuees aBagdad au cours de la seule journee demardi 16 janvier dans deux attentats â labombe et une attaque a l'arme a feu. IIs'agit du bilan le plus lourd depuis l'atta-que du 23 novembre 2006 qui avait faitplus de 200 morts dans le grand quartierchiite de Sadr City. Mardi, l'attentat leplus meurtrier a ete perpetre â la sortied'une üniversite de Bagdad situee â l'estde la ville. Quatre soldats americains ontegalement ete tues mardi, ce qui porte â3 019 le nombre de militaires morts enIrak depuis l'invasion de mars 2003.

Les violences de mardi ont co'incideavec la publication d'un rap>port desNations unies selon lequel 34 452 civilsont ete tues en Irak en 2006, soit unemoyenne de 94 morts parjour. Alors quele president des Etats-Unie;, George Bush,a devoile le 10 janvier un plan visant â sta¬biliser la situation, notamment â Bagdad,le rapport precise que pres de la moitie desviolences concernent la capitale irakienne.Plus de 36 000 irakiens ont egalement eteblesses en 2006, selon les Nations unies,et au moins 470 094 personnes ont etedeplacees sous la contrainte.

« II est tres clair que le bilan des victi¬mes civiles est beaucoup trop eleve », aadmis le porte-parole de la Maison Blan-che, Tony Snovv. Sur la chaîne de televi¬sion PBS, M. Bush a estime que ces chif-fres montrent qu'il faut « aider » le gou¬vemement irakien. M. Bush a cependantestime que les modalites de Pexecutionde Saddam Hussein, conspue aumoment de sa pendaison, donnaientl'impression d'un « acte de vengeance »et temoignaient d'un manque de « matu-rite » de ce gouvemement. - (AFP, Reu¬ters.)

i^oysn-OrasHt La secretaire d'Etat americaine, Condoleezza Rice, termine sa tournee dans la region

Huit pays arabes aııx cötes des Etats-Unis contre l'IranBEYROUTHCORRESPONDANTEMeme s'il n'est pas nomme, l'Iran

est le principal Etat vise par l'ap-pel lance, mardi 16 janvier, par

les Etats-Unis et huit pays arabes â « lanon-ingerence dans les affaires interieuresirakiennes ». Cet appel a ete lance au ter¬me d'une reunion qui a reuni au Kovvei'tla secretaire d'Etat americaine, Condo¬leezza Rice, et les chefs de la diplomatiedu groupe dit des « 6+2 », c'est-â-direles six monarchies petrolieres du Conseilde cooperation du Golfe (CCG), ainsi quel'Egypte et la Jordanie. Mme Rice etaitvenue solliciter leur soutien et leur contri-bution â la mise en ceuvre de la nouvellestrategie americaine en Irak.

De l'avis de tous les participants, Pin-gerence iranienne est un important fac-teur de destabilisation. Le souhait, expri-me dans le communique commun, de

soustraire l'Irak aux affrontements entre« des pouvoirs regionaıvc ou internatio-naux » traduit neanmoins la crainte desEtats arabes de voir ce pays devenir lechamp de bataille privilegie du conflitouvert entre Washington et Teheran.Conflit qui concerne aussi bien l'Irak lui-meme que le programme nucleaire ira¬nien ou le soutien de Teheran au Hezbol¬lah libanais et au Hamas palestinien.

Les pays arabes, plus particulierementles six monarchies du Golfe (Arabie saou¬dite, Kovvei't, Oman, Emirats arabes unis,Bahrein et Qatar) sont pris entre l'enclu-me iranienne et le marteau americain. Ilssont tributaires des Etats-Unis pour leurdefense, et ils sont soumis aux pressionsde la Republique islamique qui les a dejâmis en garde contre toute alliance avecles Etats-Unis qui şerait dirigee contreelle. Le message a ete transmis sur tousles tons ces dernieres semaines.

« Les Etats de la region sont tous musul¬mans (...) et tous les musulmans doiventaujourd'hui plus que jamais se solidariserpour faire face aux autres [lesAmericains] qui sont des occupants et quitentent de semer la discorde pour justifierleur propre presence », a decla-re, mardi soir, le presidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad dansun entretien â la televisionsatellitaire Al-Arabiya.

Quarante-huit heures plustot, AU Larijani, conseiller â lasecurite nationale de la Republi-que islamique etait aile remet-tre au roi Abdallah Ben AbdelAziz d'Arabie saoudite un mes- _____sage, dont la teneur şerait de lameme eau que celui que ManouchehrMotaki, ministre des affaires etrangeresiranien, avait transmis une semaine plustot aux Emirats arabes unis. Gare au « pie-

Les Etats arabescraignent de voirl'Irak devenirle champ debataille privilegiedu conflitentre Washingtonet Teheran

49

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ge » qui entraînerait « la dislocation de laoumma musulmane », avait declareM. Motaki. Autant de declarations quisont de pâles copies de propos tenus a lafin decembre par l'ayatollah Ali Khame¬nei, Guide de la Republique islamique.

Dans un message aux pele-rins iraniens â l'occasion dudebut du pelerinage musul¬man, il avait qualifie de « merce-naires criminels » tous ceux quis'allient aux Americains contre,selon lui, le Hezbollah libanais,le Hamas palestinien, « le gou

vemement irakien issu [de lavolonte] dupeuple », ou encore,dans une allusion au roi Abdal-lah II de Jordanie, ceux qui

s'alarment du danger d'un « croissant chii¬te » qui monterait en puissance.

Les « 6+2 » â ecrasante majorite sun¬nite ont par ailleurs approuve « les objec-

tifs » de la nouvelle strategie americaineen Irak, tout en soulignant, comme l'afait le chef de la diplomatie saoudienne,le prince Saoud Al-Fayçal, que « la miseen ceuvre de cette strategie releve des ira¬kiens ». Maniere de signifier la defiance

qu'inspire aux pays arabes le premierministre irakien Nouri Al-Maliki, jugepeu desireux de reprimer les milices chii¬tes, d'ceuvrer â la reconciliation nationa-le et d'assbcier les sunnites a la definitionde l'avenir de leur pays. Autrement dit,de faire le jeu de l'Iran.

M. Maliki n'est pas seul en cause. II estsouhaitable que « des amendementssoient apportes â la Constitution irakien¬ne » de maniere â garantir, entre autres,« l'egalite entre tous les citoyens et une equi-table distribution des richesses », a ajoutele prince. Le systeme federal instaure parla Constitution leşe les sunnites.

MOUNA NAİM

Bombing kills 17 in a Shiite area of BaghdadThe Associated Press

t-H

BAGhjDAD: A suicide car bombshattered a market in the Shiite districtof Sadr City here and killed 17 peopleWednesday, a day after explosions at auniversity killed 70 people in vvhat ap¬peared to be a renevved campaign ofSünni insurgent violence againstShiites.

Also in Baghdad, a three-car convoycarrying members of a U.S. democracygroup vvas ambushed by gunmen. Fourpeople in the convoy carrying membersof the National Democratic Institutevvere killed an American vvoman, aHungarian, a Croatian and an Iraqisaid Leslie Campbell, the group'sMiddle East director.

The suicide bombing vvas carried outnear the outdoor Mereidi market, one ofthe neighborhood's most popular com-mercial centers. it vvounded 33 people,the poliçe said.

On Tuesday, tvvo car bombs struck AlMustansiriya University in Baghdad,not far from Sadr City, as students linedup for rides home, leaving at least 70dead and more than 130 vvounded. Thatvvas the single deadliest attack on civil¬ians here since Nov. 23, vvhen a series of

car bombs and mortar attacks in theSadr City slum killed at least 215 people.

in other violence Wednesday, a sui¬cide car bomber blevv himself up at acheckpoint in Kirkuk after guardsopened fire as he approached a poliçestation, the poliçe said. That blast killedeight people and vvounded at least 43.

The guards killed the driver as he ap¬proached the checkpoint, but his expIo-sives detonated, causing part of the sta¬tion to collapse and damaging nearbyshops. Most of the casualties vverecaused by the collapse, the poliçe said.

The violence in Kirkuk and Baghdadcame as the Iraqi government and U.S.forces prepared to begin a massive se¬curity operation aimed at stopping sec¬tarian attacks in the capital. it also ac-companied the release of â UnitedNations report Tuesday assertirig thatan average of 94 civilians died each dayin sectarian bloodshed alone in 2006.

Tvvo more American soldiers vverekilled this vveek, the U.S. military saidWednesday. A soldier from the İst Bri-gade, İst Armored Division died Wed-nesday from vvounds sustained in anoperation in Anbar Province, the Sünniinsurgent stronghold in the vvest. An¬other soldier from Regimental Combat

A US; matine vvaking another for guard duty Wednesday in a house in Ramadi held byU.S. and Iraqi forces. Troops huddled for vvarmth during an operation against insurgents.

Team 5 died Monday, the military said,vvithout elaboration.

With 21,000 more American troopsheading to Baghdad, the U.S. arrest lastvveek of six Iranians vvorking at a liaisonoffice in the northern city of Irbil drevvcriticism Wednesday from the leader ofthe Shiite bloc in Parliament, Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim. One of the six vvas re-leased, but the U.S. military assertedthat the five others vvere connected toan Iranian Revolutionary Guard factionthat it said is financing insurgents inIraq.

"Regardless of the Iranian position,vve consider these actions as incorrect,"Hakim, leader of the Supreme Councilfor the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, toldthe BBC. "They represent a kind of at¬tack on Iraq's sovereignty and vve hopesuch things are not repeated."

Sudan, meanvvhile, accused Wash¬ington of sending U.S. soldiers into itsembassy in Baghdad on Wednesday andprotested to Iraqi and U.S. diplomats,the official Sudanese nevvs agency said.

The agency reported that nine U.S.soldiers raided the mission but gave nofurther details. it vvas not clear vvhetheranyone vvas at the embassy at the timebecause Sudan has run its diplomatie

operations for Iraq from Amman sincelast year after several employees vverekidnapped in Baghdad.

The U.S. military spokesman's officein Baghdad said that it had no knovvl-edge of a raid on the Sudanese Embassyand that no Sudanese nationals vverebeing held in any U.S. detention center.

in Khartoum, the Foreign Ministryprotested to the U.S. Embassy and theIraqi ambassador, Samir Khairi al-Nemaa, the Sudan Nevvs Agency said.

in other violence in Iraq, a mortar at¬tack on a residential area in Iskandar-iyah, 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, south ofBaghdad, killed a vvoman, the poliçesaid.

The U.S. Embassy in Baghdad said itvvas avvare of the attack on the democra¬cy group's convoy and vvas trying to de-termine the facts.

The National Democratic Institute isa federally financed unit affıliated vviththe Democratic Party.

50

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ge » qui entraînerait « la dislocation de laoumma musulmane », avait declareM. Motaki. Autant de declarations quisont de pâles copies de propos tenus a lafin decembre par l'ayatollah Ali Khame¬nei, Guide de la Republique islamique.

Dans un message aux pele-rins iraniens â l'occasion dudebut du pelerinage musul¬man, il avait qualifie de « merce-naires criminels » tous ceux quis'allient aux Americains contre,selon lui, le Hezbollah libanais,le Hamas palestinien, « le gou

vemement irakien issu [de lavolonte] dupeuple », ou encore,dans une allusion au roi Abdal-lah II de Jordanie, ceux qui

s'alarment du danger d'un « croissant chii¬te » qui monterait en puissance.

Les « 6+2 » â ecrasante majorite sun¬nite ont par ailleurs approuve « les objec-

tifs » de la nouvelle strategie americaineen Irak, tout en soulignant, comme l'afait le chef de la diplomatie saoudienne,le prince Saoud Al-Fayçal, que « la miseen ceuvre de cette strategie releve des ira¬kiens ». Maniere de signifier la defiance

qu'inspire aux pays arabes le premierministre irakien Nouri Al-Maliki, jugepeu desireux de reprimer les milices chii¬tes, d'ceuvrer â la reconciliation nationa-le et d'assbcier les sunnites a la definitionde l'avenir de leur pays. Autrement dit,de faire le jeu de l'Iran.

M. Maliki n'est pas seul en cause. II estsouhaitable que « des amendementssoient apportes â la Constitution irakien¬ne » de maniere â garantir, entre autres,« l'egalite entre tous les citoyens et une equi-table distribution des richesses », a ajoutele prince. Le systeme federal instaure parla Constitution leşe les sunnites.

MOUNA NAİM

Bombing kills 17 in a Shiite area of BaghdadThe Associated Press

t-H

BAGhjDAD: A suicide car bombshattered a market in the Shiite districtof Sadr City here and killed 17 peopleWednesday, a day after explosions at auniversity killed 70 people in vvhat ap¬peared to be a renevved campaign ofSünni insurgent violence againstShiites.

Also in Baghdad, a three-car convoycarrying members of a U.S. democracygroup vvas ambushed by gunmen. Fourpeople in the convoy carrying membersof the National Democratic Institutevvere killed an American vvoman, aHungarian, a Croatian and an Iraqisaid Leslie Campbell, the group'sMiddle East director.

The suicide bombing vvas carried outnear the outdoor Mereidi market, one ofthe neighborhood's most popular com-mercial centers. it vvounded 33 people,the poliçe said.

On Tuesday, tvvo car bombs struck AlMustansiriya University in Baghdad,not far from Sadr City, as students linedup for rides home, leaving at least 70dead and more than 130 vvounded. Thatvvas the single deadliest attack on civil¬ians here since Nov. 23, vvhen a series of

car bombs and mortar attacks in theSadr City slum killed at least 215 people.

in other violence Wednesday, a sui¬cide car bomber blevv himself up at acheckpoint in Kirkuk after guardsopened fire as he approached a poliçestation, the poliçe said. That blast killedeight people and vvounded at least 43.

The guards killed the driver as he ap¬proached the checkpoint, but his expIo-sives detonated, causing part of the sta¬tion to collapse and damaging nearbyshops. Most of the casualties vverecaused by the collapse, the poliçe said.

The violence in Kirkuk and Baghdadcame as the Iraqi government and U.S.forces prepared to begin a massive se¬curity operation aimed at stopping sec¬tarian attacks in the capital. it also ac-companied the release of â UnitedNations report Tuesday assertirig thatan average of 94 civilians died each dayin sectarian bloodshed alone in 2006.

Tvvo more American soldiers vverekilled this vveek, the U.S. military saidWednesday. A soldier from the İst Bri-gade, İst Armored Division died Wed-nesday from vvounds sustained in anoperation in Anbar Province, the Sünniinsurgent stronghold in the vvest. An¬other soldier from Regimental Combat

A US; matine vvaking another for guard duty Wednesday in a house in Ramadi held byU.S. and Iraqi forces. Troops huddled for vvarmth during an operation against insurgents.

Team 5 died Monday, the military said,vvithout elaboration.

With 21,000 more American troopsheading to Baghdad, the U.S. arrest lastvveek of six Iranians vvorking at a liaisonoffice in the northern city of Irbil drevvcriticism Wednesday from the leader ofthe Shiite bloc in Parliament, Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim. One of the six vvas re-leased, but the U.S. military assertedthat the five others vvere connected toan Iranian Revolutionary Guard factionthat it said is financing insurgents inIraq.

"Regardless of the Iranian position,vve consider these actions as incorrect,"Hakim, leader of the Supreme Councilfor the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, toldthe BBC. "They represent a kind of at¬tack on Iraq's sovereignty and vve hopesuch things are not repeated."

Sudan, meanvvhile, accused Wash¬ington of sending U.S. soldiers into itsembassy in Baghdad on Wednesday andprotested to Iraqi and U.S. diplomats,the official Sudanese nevvs agency said.

The agency reported that nine U.S.soldiers raided the mission but gave nofurther details. it vvas not clear vvhetheranyone vvas at the embassy at the timebecause Sudan has run its diplomatie

operations for Iraq from Amman sincelast year after several employees vverekidnapped in Baghdad.

The U.S. military spokesman's officein Baghdad said that it had no knovvl-edge of a raid on the Sudanese Embassyand that no Sudanese nationals vverebeing held in any U.S. detention center.

in Khartoum, the Foreign Ministryprotested to the U.S. Embassy and theIraqi ambassador, Samir Khairi al-Nemaa, the Sudan Nevvs Agency said.

in other violence in Iraq, a mortar at¬tack on a residential area in Iskandar-iyah, 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, south ofBaghdad, killed a vvoman, the poliçesaid.

The U.S. Embassy in Baghdad said itvvas avvare of the attack on the democra¬cy group's convoy and vvas trying to de-termine the facts.

The National Democratic Institute isa federally financed unit affıliated vviththe Democratic Party.

50

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 18 janvier 2007

Irak : les Kurdes veulentetendre leur territoire

PROCHE-ORIENTLes Kurdes prevoient d'organiser cetteannee un referendum pour annexer Kirkoukâ leur zone autonome, un projet mal vuen Irak comme dans la region.

De nötre envoye special â Kirkouk

MOİNS TOUCHEE par la violence que Bagdad ou Mos¬soul, Kirkouk reste sous tension. De sanglants attentatsk la voiture piegee frappent reguliĞrement la çite petro-lifere, oü l'insecurite est entretenue par des enleve-ments politico-crapuleux. Hier encore, djx personnes,dont quatre policiers, y ont ete tuöes dans l'explosiond'un camion piege. Les rapts frequents entretiennent lapeur. Ils poussent les riches Kurdes â se replier plus aunord, au Kurdistan irakien autonome. Les groupesarmes s'appellent Tavvhid al-Djihad (unification du dji-had), Kataeb Thavvra Achrin (les phalanges de la XXerevolution), Ansar al-Sunna (les partisans de la souna)ou el-Awda (le retour). Us sont finances par le kidnap-ping et par la contrebande des hydrocarbures, quiprend sa source â la raffinerie de Beji, une ville prochede Tikrit, dans le pays voisin.

Le centre-vüle est sillonne par des patrouilles desforces speciales kurdes roulant â tombeau ouvert. Au

quartier general des services kurdes de renseigne-ments, des gardes au visage encagoules accueillent unconvoi de blindes legers de l'armee amâricaine. Lesoffıciers de liaison de la coalition effectuent leur tour-nee quotidienne de collecte d'informations sur la gue-rilla. «La perspective du referendum sur le rattache-ment de Kirkouk au Kurdistan mobilise les terroristes.Us tentent de destabiliser la region pour empecher lesemtin », explique Halo Nadjat, le chef du renseigne¬ment des Peshmergas, les miliciens kurdes. L'insurrec-tion sunnite n'est pas la seule â fourbir ses armes.« L 'Armee du Mahdi, la milice du chef chiite Moqtadaal-Sadr, a installe depuis plusieurs mois des reseauxdormants â Kirkouk. Nous savons aussi que les extre-mistes du Front turkmene sont en relation avec lesTurcs », precise le commandant kürde.

Prevu en principe cette annee, le referendum doitsceller l'avenir d'une ville reclamee par les Kurdes. Cesderniers sont convaincus de rafler la mise : victimesd'une campagne d'arabisation sous Saddam, ils sontredevenus majoritaires â Kirkouk, grâce au retourd'anciens habitants et au depart d'« Arabes d'interet »,

ces populations implantees par l'ancien regime dans leseul but de modifier des donnees demographiques. Desmilliers de refugies kurdes attendent un logement, sousles tribunes d'un stade ou dans des camps de tentes.

Division ethniqueMais le projet de referendum se heurte â de puis-

sants interâts, en Irak comme dans la region. Â l'ex-terieur des frontieres, les voisins iraniens, Syriens etsurtout Turcs, qui ont des minorites kurdes sur leurterritoire, s'inquietent de l'emergence d'une nouvellepuissance regipnale possedant d'immenses rĞservesd'hydrocarbures. En Irak, les sunnites craignentde perdte, tout dâbouche petrolier. Et les chiitesse mefient de l'emergence d'un contre-pouvoir

Un pipeüne en feu dans la region de Kirkouk. Le sous-sol de cette zone pĞtrolifere regorge de quelque 10 milliardsde barils de rĞserve. Slahaldeen RasheedlReuters.

51

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 18 janvier 2007

Irak : les Kurdes veulentetendre leur territoire

PROCHE-ORIENTLes Kurdes prevoient d'organiser cetteannee un referendum pour annexer Kirkoukâ leur zone autonome, un projet mal vuen Irak comme dans la region.

De nötre envoye special â Kirkouk

MOİNS TOUCHEE par la violence que Bagdad ou Mos¬soul, Kirkouk reste sous tension. De sanglants attentatsk la voiture piegee frappent reguliĞrement la çite petro-lifere, oü l'insecurite est entretenue par des enleve-ments politico-crapuleux. Hier encore, djx personnes,dont quatre policiers, y ont ete tuöes dans l'explosiond'un camion piege. Les rapts frequents entretiennent lapeur. Ils poussent les riches Kurdes â se replier plus aunord, au Kurdistan irakien autonome. Les groupesarmes s'appellent Tavvhid al-Djihad (unification du dji-had), Kataeb Thavvra Achrin (les phalanges de la XXerevolution), Ansar al-Sunna (les partisans de la souna)ou el-Awda (le retour). Us sont finances par le kidnap-ping et par la contrebande des hydrocarbures, quiprend sa source â la raffinerie de Beji, une ville prochede Tikrit, dans le pays voisin.

Le centre-vüle est sillonne par des patrouilles desforces speciales kurdes roulant â tombeau ouvert. Au

quartier general des services kurdes de renseigne-ments, des gardes au visage encagoules accueillent unconvoi de blindes legers de l'armee amâricaine. Lesoffıciers de liaison de la coalition effectuent leur tour-nee quotidienne de collecte d'informations sur la gue-rilla. «La perspective du referendum sur le rattache-ment de Kirkouk au Kurdistan mobilise les terroristes.Us tentent de destabiliser la region pour empecher lesemtin », explique Halo Nadjat, le chef du renseigne¬ment des Peshmergas, les miliciens kurdes. L'insurrec-tion sunnite n'est pas la seule â fourbir ses armes.« L 'Armee du Mahdi, la milice du chef chiite Moqtadaal-Sadr, a installe depuis plusieurs mois des reseauxdormants â Kirkouk. Nous savons aussi que les extre-mistes du Front turkmene sont en relation avec lesTurcs », precise le commandant kürde.

Prevu en principe cette annee, le referendum doitsceller l'avenir d'une ville reclamee par les Kurdes. Cesderniers sont convaincus de rafler la mise : victimesd'une campagne d'arabisation sous Saddam, ils sontredevenus majoritaires â Kirkouk, grâce au retourd'anciens habitants et au depart d'« Arabes d'interet »,

ces populations implantees par l'ancien regime dans leseul but de modifier des donnees demographiques. Desmilliers de refugies kurdes attendent un logement, sousles tribunes d'un stade ou dans des camps de tentes.

Division ethniqueMais le projet de referendum se heurte â de puis-

sants interâts, en Irak comme dans la region. Â l'ex-terieur des frontieres, les voisins iraniens, Syriens etsurtout Turcs, qui ont des minorites kurdes sur leurterritoire, s'inquietent de l'emergence d'une nouvellepuissance regipnale possedant d'immenses rĞservesd'hydrocarbures. En Irak, les sunnites craignentde perdte, tout dâbouche petrolier. Et les chiitesse mefient de l'emergence d'un contre-pouvoir

Un pipeüne en feu dans la region de Kirkouk. Le sous-sol de cette zone pĞtrolifere regorge de quelque 10 milliardsde barils de rĞserve. Slahaldeen RasheedlReuters.

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

kürde. Â Kirkouk, les representants des Kurdes, desArabes, des Turkmfenes et des Assyro-Chald6ensse divdsent sur la question au conseil du gouvernorat,un palaiş transforme en bunker. « Nous boycotteronsle referendum s'il se tient. Les Turkmenes veulent quel'Irak reite um et que les dividendes du petrole soientredistribuĞs Ğquitablement », estime Eset MajidDjoumma, un conseiller dü . gouvernorat elu surune listö turkmene independante. Craint-il uneexplosioh de iviolence ? « Les Turkmenes redoutentavant tout d'ğire submerges par cesflots de Kurdes quiviennent de partout pour prendre nos maisons »,

affirme-t-il.Les Kurdes qui incitent les «Arabes d'interet» â

quitter la ville se considĞrent dans leur bon droit. Cer¬tains ont pliĞ bagage, par peur de reprĞsailles, apres lachute de Saddam, pour s'installer dans les villages arabesdes environs. D'autres souhaiteraient partir avec unpecule que le gouvemement central leur refuse. QuantauxArabes originaires de la râgion, ils ne manifestent pasla moindre envie de s'en aller. Les Kurdes s'appuient surl'article 140 de la Constitution pourjustifier leur politiquede repeuplement. Le texte leur offre Egalement la possi-bilitâ d'organiser avant fin 2007 un referendumd'annexion. Mais les Arabes sunnites s'y opposent.

Elu au gouvernorat par les tribus arabes de Kirkouk,l'influent cheikh sunnite Abdullah Sani al-Hassi plaidepour un reglement national et non regional du desac-

Petrole : le rappelâ l'ordre americainLa lune de miel entre Kurdes

et Americains a pris fin. Le dos-sier de l'avenir de Kirkouk maisaussi celui des hydrocarburessont â Toriğine du debut debrouille. C'est que le gouveme¬ment regional du Kurdistan misaitsur une gestion decentraliseedes ressources du petrole pourconforter son autonomie. Inter-pretant les textes en vigueur, il

pensait avoir les coudees fran-ches pour signer des contratsavec des compagnies pĞtroliörespour l'exploitation de nouveauxgisements. Des accords ont ainsi6tĞ signes avec des Ğmissairesoccidentaux. Mais CondoleezzaRice vient de rappeler le gouver-nement d'Erbil â l'ordre. « Enparaphant des contrats, les Kur¬des ont seme la confusion surquTa l'autorite surlegchamps depetrole », a deplörĞ le secrötaired'Etat americaîn la semaine der-niere devant le S6nat, âWashington. En clair, la signa-ture du gouvemement kürden'est pas valide. Et ces accordsparaphös non pas avec desmajors mais avec rJes compa¬gnies de second plan devrontĞtre approuves par Bagdad pouretre eptĞrinees. Le gouveme¬ment central- irakien garde ainsiles cles du coffre-fort petrolier deKirkouk. La future loi nationale surles hydrocarbures va renforcer

les'attributions de Bagdad dansla redistribution des dividendesde la manne petroliere. L'argentşerait distribue au prorata desregions. Soit un systeme qui nesatisfait pleinement ni les chiites,qui concentrent dans leurs zonesla majeure partie des ressources,ni les Kurdes. Les nouvellesorientations sont confirmees parle plan Bush : le prâsident ameri¬cain a presse les autoritös deparvenir â une «juste repartitionpour garantir l'unite de l'Irak ». Lereequilibrage devrait passer parune râvision de la Constitutionfederaliste de 2005 â laquelle lessunnites sont hostiles par craintede se trouver isoles dans uneregion du centre du pays depour-vue d'or noir.Les responsables kurdes n'aban-donnent pas pour autant leurreve de contröle d'un sous-solqui regorge de quelque 10 mil-liards de barils de reserve et faitde Kirkouk l'une des zones pötro-liföres les plus convoitees dumonde. Leur marge demanoeuvre semble cependantlimitee.

T. O.

cord. «Kirkouk peut etre la cause du bdnheur commedu malheur de l'Irak», resume-t-il en une formüle.

, « Nous ne seronsjamais d'accord avec un rattachementau Kurdistan. IIfaut s'eloigner de cette proposition souspeine d'aller vers une epuration ethnique », ajoute-t-il.

Si elle paraît gagnee d'avance dans les urnes par lesKurdes, la partie est, en depit de l'apparence institu-tionnelle, loin d'etre remportee sur le terrain politique.Car le pouvoir central hesite â cautionner une nouvellesource de division ethnique dans un contexte de luttedes communautes pour le pouvoir.

Quant aux Americains, ils n'afnchent pasd'enthousiasme pour le projet. Leur reticence contri-bue au refroidissement des relations avec leurs allieskurdes. Le dâpit kürde se manifeste par des change-ments semantiques. II n'est plus question de l'armee deliberation americaine mais de l'armee d'occupation,une «force avec qui ilfaut compâser». « Les Americainsdoivent etre plus rMistes s'ils ne veulentpas perdre leursamis kurdes», previent Khamen Zerar, depute del'Union du peuple du Kurdistan (UPK), le parti du pre¬sident irakien falal Talabani. Une maniere de rappelerqu'â Kirkouk, Washington reste, pour l'instant, le maî-tre d'un jeu susceptible de degenerer.

Thierry Oberlğ

Se«s-->

00

3' .

HİH

U

Kurdistan : les craintesd'Ankara redoublent

En Turauie, le debatsur les frontieres irakiennesa eclipse la candıdatureâl'UE.

istanbul

«Â L'EVIDENCE, l'Irak representedesormais le probleme numero 1 enTurquie, il a pris la place de l'UE»,concede-t-on au ministere desAffaires etrangâres. Le calendrierpolitique turc est dĞsormais rythmepar les soubresauts du pays voisinet le statut de Kirkouk cristallise lespassions. L'arrivee â Ankara, jeudi,du sous-secretaire d'Etat americain,Nicholas Bums, ne va pas inflechirles nouvelles priorites de la diplo¬matie turque, k quatre mois del'eiection presidentielle.

La session speciale organiseeaujourd'hui au Parlement sur l'Iraket la grande ville du Nord, â lademande de l'AKP, au pouvoir, etdu Parti republicain du peuple(CHP), le principal mouvementd'opposition, est revelatrice de laşurenchere â laquelle se livrent lesdifferentes formations politiques.Mardi, le premier ministre, RecepTayyip Erdoğan, a denoncĞ ceux«qui tentent de voir la Turquiecomme un simple spectateur regar-dant un match de foot depuis lesgradins ».

Un role passifCette critique s'adresse aux

Kurdes d'Irak, qui denoncentl'ingerence de la Turquie dans lesaffaires interieures irakiennes etaux Americains, dont la strategiedans la region cantonne Ankara âun röle passif. Revendiquant des«liens historiques et culturels »

avec l'Irak, le chef du gouveme¬ment a justifie le droit d'intervenirde l'autre cöte de la frontiere: .

«Nous n'hesiterons pas a protegerles citoyens turkmenes de Kirkouk. »

La modification de la composi-tion ethnique de la vüle, avec l'arri- *

, vee massive de Kurdes, fragilise laminorite turkmene de Kirkouk et

affaiblit l'influence turque. Ankararedoute la formation d'un Kurdis¬tan independant â ses frontieres. Lerattachement de Kirkouk et lamainmise sur ses immenses gise¬ments d'or noir transformeraientl'Etat kürde embryonnaire en puis-sance economique râgionale : lepire des scĞnarios pour les autoritesmrques, persuadees que ce rede-coupage geographique attiserait lesprojets independantistes des Kur¬des sur le territoire national turc.

Un peril qui justifierait pourbeaucoup un engagement del'armee dans le nord irakien. DenizBaykal, le leader du CHP, a de nou¬veau reclame une interventionmilitaire, l'un de ses fhemes politi-ques favoris. D'autant qu'U y ad'autres motifs d'exaspâration : larĞgion autonome du Kurdistan sert

52

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

kürde. Â Kirkouk, les representants des Kurdes, desArabes, des Turkmfenes et des Assyro-Chald6ensse divdsent sur la question au conseil du gouvernorat,un palaiş transforme en bunker. « Nous boycotteronsle referendum s'il se tient. Les Turkmenes veulent quel'Irak reite um et que les dividendes du petrole soientredistribuĞs Ğquitablement », estime Eset MajidDjoumma, un conseiller dü . gouvernorat elu surune listö turkmene independante. Craint-il uneexplosioh de iviolence ? « Les Turkmenes redoutentavant tout d'ğire submerges par cesflots de Kurdes quiviennent de partout pour prendre nos maisons »,

affirme-t-il.Les Kurdes qui incitent les «Arabes d'interet» â

quitter la ville se considĞrent dans leur bon droit. Cer¬tains ont pliĞ bagage, par peur de reprĞsailles, apres lachute de Saddam, pour s'installer dans les villages arabesdes environs. D'autres souhaiteraient partir avec unpecule que le gouvemement central leur refuse. QuantauxArabes originaires de la râgion, ils ne manifestent pasla moindre envie de s'en aller. Les Kurdes s'appuient surl'article 140 de la Constitution pourjustifier leur politiquede repeuplement. Le texte leur offre Egalement la possi-bilitâ d'organiser avant fin 2007 un referendumd'annexion. Mais les Arabes sunnites s'y opposent.

Elu au gouvernorat par les tribus arabes de Kirkouk,l'influent cheikh sunnite Abdullah Sani al-Hassi plaidepour un reglement national et non regional du desac-

Petrole : le rappelâ l'ordre americainLa lune de miel entre Kurdes

et Americains a pris fin. Le dos-sier de l'avenir de Kirkouk maisaussi celui des hydrocarburessont â Toriğine du debut debrouille. C'est que le gouveme¬ment regional du Kurdistan misaitsur une gestion decentraliseedes ressources du petrole pourconforter son autonomie. Inter-pretant les textes en vigueur, il

pensait avoir les coudees fran-ches pour signer des contratsavec des compagnies pĞtroliörespour l'exploitation de nouveauxgisements. Des accords ont ainsi6tĞ signes avec des Ğmissairesoccidentaux. Mais CondoleezzaRice vient de rappeler le gouver-nement d'Erbil â l'ordre. « Enparaphant des contrats, les Kur¬des ont seme la confusion surquTa l'autorite surlegchamps depetrole », a deplörĞ le secrötaired'Etat americaîn la semaine der-niere devant le S6nat, âWashington. En clair, la signa-ture du gouvemement kürden'est pas valide. Et ces accordsparaphös non pas avec desmajors mais avec rJes compa¬gnies de second plan devrontĞtre approuves par Bagdad pouretre eptĞrinees. Le gouveme¬ment central- irakien garde ainsiles cles du coffre-fort petrolier deKirkouk. La future loi nationale surles hydrocarbures va renforcer

les'attributions de Bagdad dansla redistribution des dividendesde la manne petroliere. L'argentşerait distribue au prorata desregions. Soit un systeme qui nesatisfait pleinement ni les chiites,qui concentrent dans leurs zonesla majeure partie des ressources,ni les Kurdes. Les nouvellesorientations sont confirmees parle plan Bush : le prâsident ameri¬cain a presse les autoritös deparvenir â une «juste repartitionpour garantir l'unite de l'Irak ». Lereequilibrage devrait passer parune râvision de la Constitutionfederaliste de 2005 â laquelle lessunnites sont hostiles par craintede se trouver isoles dans uneregion du centre du pays depour-vue d'or noir.Les responsables kurdes n'aban-donnent pas pour autant leurreve de contröle d'un sous-solqui regorge de quelque 10 mil-liards de barils de reserve et faitde Kirkouk l'une des zones pötro-liföres les plus convoitees dumonde. Leur marge demanoeuvre semble cependantlimitee.

T. O.

cord. «Kirkouk peut etre la cause du bdnheur commedu malheur de l'Irak», resume-t-il en une formüle.

, « Nous ne seronsjamais d'accord avec un rattachementau Kurdistan. IIfaut s'eloigner de cette proposition souspeine d'aller vers une epuration ethnique », ajoute-t-il.

Si elle paraît gagnee d'avance dans les urnes par lesKurdes, la partie est, en depit de l'apparence institu-tionnelle, loin d'etre remportee sur le terrain politique.Car le pouvoir central hesite â cautionner une nouvellesource de division ethnique dans un contexte de luttedes communautes pour le pouvoir.

Quant aux Americains, ils n'afnchent pasd'enthousiasme pour le projet. Leur reticence contri-bue au refroidissement des relations avec leurs allieskurdes. Le dâpit kürde se manifeste par des change-ments semantiques. II n'est plus question de l'armee deliberation americaine mais de l'armee d'occupation,une «force avec qui ilfaut compâser». « Les Americainsdoivent etre plus rMistes s'ils ne veulentpas perdre leursamis kurdes», previent Khamen Zerar, depute del'Union du peuple du Kurdistan (UPK), le parti du pre¬sident irakien falal Talabani. Une maniere de rappelerqu'â Kirkouk, Washington reste, pour l'instant, le maî-tre d'un jeu susceptible de degenerer.

Thierry Oberlğ

Se«s-->

00

3' .

HİH

U

Kurdistan : les craintesd'Ankara redoublent

En Turauie, le debatsur les frontieres irakiennesa eclipse la candıdatureâl'UE.

istanbul

«Â L'EVIDENCE, l'Irak representedesormais le probleme numero 1 enTurquie, il a pris la place de l'UE»,concede-t-on au ministere desAffaires etrangâres. Le calendrierpolitique turc est dĞsormais rythmepar les soubresauts du pays voisinet le statut de Kirkouk cristallise lespassions. L'arrivee â Ankara, jeudi,du sous-secretaire d'Etat americain,Nicholas Bums, ne va pas inflechirles nouvelles priorites de la diplo¬matie turque, k quatre mois del'eiection presidentielle.

La session speciale organiseeaujourd'hui au Parlement sur l'Iraket la grande ville du Nord, â lademande de l'AKP, au pouvoir, etdu Parti republicain du peuple(CHP), le principal mouvementd'opposition, est revelatrice de laşurenchere â laquelle se livrent lesdifferentes formations politiques.Mardi, le premier ministre, RecepTayyip Erdoğan, a denoncĞ ceux«qui tentent de voir la Turquiecomme un simple spectateur regar-dant un match de foot depuis lesgradins ».

Un role passifCette critique s'adresse aux

Kurdes d'Irak, qui denoncentl'ingerence de la Turquie dans lesaffaires interieures irakiennes etaux Americains, dont la strategiedans la region cantonne Ankara âun röle passif. Revendiquant des«liens historiques et culturels »

avec l'Irak, le chef du gouveme¬ment a justifie le droit d'intervenirde l'autre cöte de la frontiere: .

«Nous n'hesiterons pas a protegerles citoyens turkmenes de Kirkouk. »

La modification de la composi-tion ethnique de la vüle, avec l'arri- *

, vee massive de Kurdes, fragilise laminorite turkmene de Kirkouk et

affaiblit l'influence turque. Ankararedoute la formation d'un Kurdis¬tan independant â ses frontieres. Lerattachement de Kirkouk et lamainmise sur ses immenses gise¬ments d'or noir transformeraientl'Etat kürde embryonnaire en puis-sance economique râgionale : lepire des scĞnarios pour les autoritesmrques, persuadees que ce rede-coupage geographique attiserait lesprojets independantistes des Kur¬des sur le territoire national turc.

Un peril qui justifierait pourbeaucoup un engagement del'armee dans le nord irakien. DenizBaykal, le leader du CHP, a de nou¬veau reclame une interventionmilitaire, l'un de ses fhemes politi-ques favoris. D'autant qu'U y ad'autres motifs d'exaspâration : larĞgion autonome du Kurdistan sert

52

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

toujours de refuge â plusieurs mil¬liers de combattants du mouve-ment sĞparatiste du PKK. Lespromesses repetees de TaHie ame¬ricain d'agir contre ses camps dansles monts Kandil n'ont jamaisdepasse les declarations de bonnesintentions.

On en oublierait presque lesoutien apporte au nouveau plande. George W. Bush en Irak et âl'envoi de troupes supplementai-res. Seduit par le desir de maintenirl'intigrite territoriale de l'Etat ira¬kien et d'assurer le partage des res¬sources petrolieres, le ministeredes Affaires Ğtrangferes s'etait feli-cite des « mesures prises dans labonne direction». La possibilited'une reaction de la Turquie en casde retrait anticipe des GI ad'ailleurs Ğte brandie par Condo¬leezza Rice. Dans son dernier edi-torial paru dans le Turkish DailyNews, Doğu Ergil, professeur desciences politiques â l'universited'Ankara, denonçait les velleitesdes acteurs regionaux de modifierles frontieres irakiennes : « Com-ment refermer la boîte de Pandore'qudnd tous les esprits malveillantslibâres deviennentfousfurieux ? » '."

Laure Marchand

Le meurtrier presumed'un opposant arrete

Un des cincj iraniensapprehendes a Erbilşerait impliauedans un triple assassinaten 1989 en Autriche.

Vienne

L'ORDRE venait de la Maison-Blan¬che. Les iraniens presents sur le ter¬ritoire irakien et apportant leur aidek la resistance devaient etre mishors d'âtat de nuire. C'est ainsi quecinq iraniens, officiellement«diplomates», ont etĞ arretes le11 janvier k Erbil, capitale economi-que du Kurdistan irakien.

Parmi les suspects, affırmentdes sources americaines, undenommĞ Mohammad Jafari-Sahroudi, dont le nom n'Ğtait pastout â fait inconnu des servicessecrets occidentaıuc. « Gardien dela revolution », comme ses corrt-parses, cet offıcier est presumeimpliquĞ au premier chef dansl'assassinat de trois dirigeants kur¬des â Vienne, Uya dbc-huit ans.

Intenses pressionsde T6h£ran sur Vienne

Dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juillet1989, le docteur AbdulrahmanGhassemlou, dirigeant en exil duParti d6mocratique du Kurdistaniranien (PDKI), et deux autres Kur¬des etaient abattus dans un appar-tement de la capitale autrichienne,alors qu'ils devaient entamer desnâgociations secretes avec desâmissaires de Teheran. Le com-mando cagoule responsable del'operation, rĞfugie dans l'ambas¬sade d'Iran, parviendra â quitterşans encombre le territoire autri-chien. Vienne a fait l'objet d'inten-ses pressions de la part de TĞhĞran,qui menaçait de rompre les rela¬tions commerciales. L'enquete enrestera la. Mais elle se rĞveille en2005, sous l'effet d'une rumeur sur-prenante : le president iranien nou-vellement âlu, Mahmoud Ahmadi¬nejad, aurait fait partie ducommando viennois, dont il auraitassure la logistique. Washington fit

LE FIGARO

18 janvier 2007

la şourde oreille â cette revĞlation,une confusion regre.ttable ayantdĞjâ conduit un ancien otage del'ambassade americaine â TehĞranen 1980 k croire reconnaître en luison ancien geölier.

Au moment oü l'Iran risque dese voir sanctionne par le Conseilde securite des Nations unies âcause de son programmenucleaire, il s'agit de ne pas enve-nimer la situation. Maria Berger,porte-parole du ministere autri-chien de la Justice, refuse deconfırmer l'arrestation de Jafari-Sahroudi en Irak. Elle ajoutecependant que «si cette rumeurs'averait exacte, l'Autriche deman-derait alors l'extradition du pre-venu». En novembre 1989,Mohammad Jafari-Sahroudi et lesdeux autres tueurs prĞsumes ontfait l'objet d'un mandat d'arrâtinternational, qui court toujours.

Maurin Picard

M. Ahmadinejadcritique pour sonvoyage « inopportunen Amerique latine

»

*^3 oa

^ .i.

ALORS QUE le president iranien, Mah¬moud Ahmadinejad, effectuait, ces der¬niers jours, une tournee en Amerique lati¬ne, Condoleezza Rice, la secretaire d'Etatamericaine, se rendait au Proche-Orientpour plaider en faveur de la politique deGeorge Bush et denoncer le role de l'Irandans la region.

Ce chasse-croise a irrite la presse ira¬nienne d'opposition - y compris certainsjournaux conservateurs - qui a critiqueles priorites du president ultraconserva-teur et ce voyage juge « inopportun ».« Mahmoud Ahmadinejad cherche â seposer en leader du camp antiamericain enrendant visite a ses amis socialistes en Ame-rique latine mais, d'un autre cöte, il s'isolede la communaute internationale par latonalite radicale de son discours diplomati-que », commente Mehran Ghassemijour-naliste au service international du quoti-dien reformateur Etemad Melli, joint partelephone. « Ses amis de gauche sont bonspour des discussions de cafe mais non pourditerminer nospriorites securitaires, politi-que, internationale et economique », ecri-

vait le journal, mardi 16 janvier.Depuis son revers aux elections muni-

cipales du 19 decembre 2006, la pressions'accentue sur le president iranien. Refor-mateurs et moderes ont dejâ recueilli 50signatures (sur les 75 necessaires) pourconvoquer M. Ahmadinejad â une audi-tion devant les parlementaires. «Lesdeputes sont conscients qu'ils ne peuventpas bloquer lepresident, poursuit MehranGhassemi. Mais, pour la premlere fois, ilspeuvent le bousculer sur les questions dunucleaire, de l'image de l'Iran sur la sceneinternationale, et sur l'economie, en parti-culier la dependance croissante du budgetpar rapport auxpetrodollars. » m

CİHAN MACE

Paris confirme son intention d'envoyer un emissaire en IranLE MİNİSTERE français des affairesetrangeres a confirme, mardi 16 janvier,que la France envisageait d'envoyer unemissaire â Teheran, ajoutant qu'il şeraitcharge de discuter des « questions regio-,nales », notamment du Liban, et du« droit d'Israel d exister » . Le Quai d'Or-say a par ailleurs fait etat d'« entraves »au travail de l'ambassade de France âTeheran, souhaitant que l'ambassadeur,Bernard Poletti « puisse avoir tous lescontacts utiles » aupres des officiels ira¬niens. M. Poletti rencontre des difficul-tes pour obtenir des entretiens avec desofficiels iraniens, alors que l'ambassa¬deur d'Iran â Paris beneficie d'un accâs

large aux responsables français, fait-onremarquer au Quai d'Orsay.

Aux Etats-Unis, l'initiative de JacquesChirac d'envoyer un emissaire â Tehe¬ran n'a pas ete consideree comme une« grande idee », mais le porte-parole dudepartement d'Etat, Tom Casey, s'estborne â rappeler, mardi, que la France,comme d'autres pays europeens, entre-tient des relations diplomatiques avecTeheran. « Nous esperons seulement,a-t-il dit, que tout contact diplomatiqueavec l'Iran, de la part de quelquepays quece soit, s'attache a rappeler a cepays qu'ildoit respecterses obligations internationa-les. Cela inclutles resolutions du Conseil

de securite sur le programme nucleaire. »En France, la cellule diplomatique du

candidat de l'UMP â Pelection presiden-tielle, Nicolas Sarkozy, admet avoir eteinformee « entre Noel et lejour de Van »du projet d'envoyer le ministre des affai¬res etrangeres, Philippe Douste-Blazy, âTeheran. Les conseillers de M. Sarkozyprecisent qu'il n'est pas intervenu aupresde M. Chirac ou de M. Douste-Blazy pour .

s'y opposer. Ils ajoutent toutefois que« l'idee d'envoyer un ministre des affairesetrangeres ne semblepas approprieepourcette mission, ce şerait disproportionne ». m

n. no. (avec chrıstophe jakubyszynetCorine Lesnes,â Washington)

53

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

toujours de refuge â plusieurs mil¬liers de combattants du mouve-ment sĞparatiste du PKK. Lespromesses repetees de TaHie ame¬ricain d'agir contre ses camps dansles monts Kandil n'ont jamaisdepasse les declarations de bonnesintentions.

On en oublierait presque lesoutien apporte au nouveau plande. George W. Bush en Irak et âl'envoi de troupes supplementai-res. Seduit par le desir de maintenirl'intigrite territoriale de l'Etat ira¬kien et d'assurer le partage des res¬sources petrolieres, le ministeredes Affaires Ğtrangferes s'etait feli-cite des « mesures prises dans labonne direction». La possibilited'une reaction de la Turquie en casde retrait anticipe des GI ad'ailleurs Ğte brandie par Condo¬leezza Rice. Dans son dernier edi-torial paru dans le Turkish DailyNews, Doğu Ergil, professeur desciences politiques â l'universited'Ankara, denonçait les velleitesdes acteurs regionaux de modifierles frontieres irakiennes : « Com-ment refermer la boîte de Pandore'qudnd tous les esprits malveillantslibâres deviennentfousfurieux ? » '."

Laure Marchand

Le meurtrier presumed'un opposant arrete

Un des cincj iraniensapprehendes a Erbilşerait impliauedans un triple assassinaten 1989 en Autriche.

Vienne

L'ORDRE venait de la Maison-Blan¬che. Les iraniens presents sur le ter¬ritoire irakien et apportant leur aidek la resistance devaient etre mishors d'âtat de nuire. C'est ainsi quecinq iraniens, officiellement«diplomates», ont etĞ arretes le11 janvier k Erbil, capitale economi-que du Kurdistan irakien.

Parmi les suspects, affırmentdes sources americaines, undenommĞ Mohammad Jafari-Sahroudi, dont le nom n'Ğtait pastout â fait inconnu des servicessecrets occidentaıuc. « Gardien dela revolution », comme ses corrt-parses, cet offıcier est presumeimpliquĞ au premier chef dansl'assassinat de trois dirigeants kur¬des â Vienne, Uya dbc-huit ans.

Intenses pressionsde T6h£ran sur Vienne

Dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juillet1989, le docteur AbdulrahmanGhassemlou, dirigeant en exil duParti d6mocratique du Kurdistaniranien (PDKI), et deux autres Kur¬des etaient abattus dans un appar-tement de la capitale autrichienne,alors qu'ils devaient entamer desnâgociations secretes avec desâmissaires de Teheran. Le com-mando cagoule responsable del'operation, rĞfugie dans l'ambas¬sade d'Iran, parviendra â quitterşans encombre le territoire autri-chien. Vienne a fait l'objet d'inten-ses pressions de la part de TĞhĞran,qui menaçait de rompre les rela¬tions commerciales. L'enquete enrestera la. Mais elle se rĞveille en2005, sous l'effet d'une rumeur sur-prenante : le president iranien nou-vellement âlu, Mahmoud Ahmadi¬nejad, aurait fait partie ducommando viennois, dont il auraitassure la logistique. Washington fit

LE FIGARO

18 janvier 2007

la şourde oreille â cette revĞlation,une confusion regre.ttable ayantdĞjâ conduit un ancien otage del'ambassade americaine â TehĞranen 1980 k croire reconnaître en luison ancien geölier.

Au moment oü l'Iran risque dese voir sanctionne par le Conseilde securite des Nations unies âcause de son programmenucleaire, il s'agit de ne pas enve-nimer la situation. Maria Berger,porte-parole du ministere autri-chien de la Justice, refuse deconfırmer l'arrestation de Jafari-Sahroudi en Irak. Elle ajoutecependant que «si cette rumeurs'averait exacte, l'Autriche deman-derait alors l'extradition du pre-venu». En novembre 1989,Mohammad Jafari-Sahroudi et lesdeux autres tueurs prĞsumes ontfait l'objet d'un mandat d'arrâtinternational, qui court toujours.

Maurin Picard

M. Ahmadinejadcritique pour sonvoyage « inopportunen Amerique latine

»

*^3 oa

^ .i.

ALORS QUE le president iranien, Mah¬moud Ahmadinejad, effectuait, ces der¬niers jours, une tournee en Amerique lati¬ne, Condoleezza Rice, la secretaire d'Etatamericaine, se rendait au Proche-Orientpour plaider en faveur de la politique deGeorge Bush et denoncer le role de l'Irandans la region.

Ce chasse-croise a irrite la presse ira¬nienne d'opposition - y compris certainsjournaux conservateurs - qui a critiqueles priorites du president ultraconserva-teur et ce voyage juge « inopportun ».« Mahmoud Ahmadinejad cherche â seposer en leader du camp antiamericain enrendant visite a ses amis socialistes en Ame-rique latine mais, d'un autre cöte, il s'isolede la communaute internationale par latonalite radicale de son discours diplomati-que », commente Mehran Ghassemijour-naliste au service international du quoti-dien reformateur Etemad Melli, joint partelephone. « Ses amis de gauche sont bonspour des discussions de cafe mais non pourditerminer nospriorites securitaires, politi-que, internationale et economique », ecri-

vait le journal, mardi 16 janvier.Depuis son revers aux elections muni-

cipales du 19 decembre 2006, la pressions'accentue sur le president iranien. Refor-mateurs et moderes ont dejâ recueilli 50signatures (sur les 75 necessaires) pourconvoquer M. Ahmadinejad â une audi-tion devant les parlementaires. «Lesdeputes sont conscients qu'ils ne peuventpas bloquer lepresident, poursuit MehranGhassemi. Mais, pour la premlere fois, ilspeuvent le bousculer sur les questions dunucleaire, de l'image de l'Iran sur la sceneinternationale, et sur l'economie, en parti-culier la dependance croissante du budgetpar rapport auxpetrodollars. » m

CİHAN MACE

Paris confirme son intention d'envoyer un emissaire en IranLE MİNİSTERE français des affairesetrangeres a confirme, mardi 16 janvier,que la France envisageait d'envoyer unemissaire â Teheran, ajoutant qu'il şeraitcharge de discuter des « questions regio-,nales », notamment du Liban, et du« droit d'Israel d exister » . Le Quai d'Or-say a par ailleurs fait etat d'« entraves »au travail de l'ambassade de France âTeheran, souhaitant que l'ambassadeur,Bernard Poletti « puisse avoir tous lescontacts utiles » aupres des officiels ira¬niens. M. Poletti rencontre des difficul-tes pour obtenir des entretiens avec desofficiels iraniens, alors que l'ambassa¬deur d'Iran â Paris beneficie d'un accâs

large aux responsables français, fait-onremarquer au Quai d'Orsay.

Aux Etats-Unis, l'initiative de JacquesChirac d'envoyer un emissaire â Tehe¬ran n'a pas ete consideree comme une« grande idee », mais le porte-parole dudepartement d'Etat, Tom Casey, s'estborne â rappeler, mardi, que la France,comme d'autres pays europeens, entre-tient des relations diplomatiques avecTeheran. « Nous esperons seulement,a-t-il dit, que tout contact diplomatiqueavec l'Iran, de la part de quelquepays quece soit, s'attache a rappeler a cepays qu'ildoit respecterses obligations internationa-les. Cela inclutles resolutions du Conseil

de securite sur le programme nucleaire. »En France, la cellule diplomatique du

candidat de l'UMP â Pelection presiden-tielle, Nicolas Sarkozy, admet avoir eteinformee « entre Noel et lejour de Van »du projet d'envoyer le ministre des affai¬res etrangeres, Philippe Douste-Blazy, âTeheran. Les conseillers de M. Sarkozyprecisent qu'il n'est pas intervenu aupresde M. Chirac ou de M. Douste-Blazy pour .

s'y opposer. Ils ajoutent toutefois que« l'idee d'envoyer un ministre des affairesetrangeres ne semblepas approprieepourcette mission, ce şerait disproportionne ». m

n. no. (avec chrıstophe jakubyszynetCorine Lesnes,â Washington)

53

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın özeti

§ *

o»M(MM

'Sc

fitöria]Cavalier seul en IranEn se lançant dans une ouverture diplomati-

que vis-â-vis de l'Iran, Jacques Chirac pour-suit deux objectifs. D'abord s'assurer que leregime des mollahs ne cherchera pas â s'enprendre, par Pintermediaire du Hezbollah,

son allie au Liban, aux soldats français de la Force inter¬nationale, â la frontiere avec Israel. Ensuite, essayer degagner le soutien des iraniens â une stabilisation demo-cratique au Liban, oû Popposition est dans la rue pourrenverser le gouvemement de Fouad Siniora.

Ces objectifs sont comprehensibles, voire louables.Mais la maniere dont ils sont pöursuivis est etrange. LaFrance agit en sölitaire, alors que, jusqu'â maintenant,elle avait etroitement coordonne sa politique libanaiseavec les Etats-Unis et qu'elle etait â Toriğine de la troî-ka europeenne, avec l'Allemagne et la Grande-Breta-gne, qui a negocie pendant plus de trois ans sur le dos-sier nucleaire iranien. C'est precisement au moment oûle Conseil de securite des Nations unies a impose al'Iran des sanctions, pourtant edulcorees sur Pinsistan-ce de Moscou, que Paris a decide de faire cavalier seul.

La crainte d'un engrenage des sanctions conduisant,comme en Irak en 2003, â une intervention armee des :

Etats-Unis peut expliquer que M. Chirac veuille faireune derniere tentative pour regler par la negociation laquestion iranienne. Apres avoir ete un champion de lafermete contre les risques de proliferation nucleaire, lepresident français a change de langage depuis laguerre au Liban. II a ete le premier â proposer des for-mules qui auraient permis au president Ahmadinejadde se conformer, şans perdre la face, aux exigences dela communaute internationale. Şans succes.

Que peut-il offrir â Teheran en echange d'une even-tuelle cooperation au Liban? La reconnaissance del'Iran comme puissance regionale ? Les iraniens larecherchent, mais l'attendent des Americains. Le presi¬dent de la Republique française n'est pas en mesure des'engager en leur nom. L'autorisation implicite de pour-suivre leur programme nucleaire, et en particulier l'en-richissement de l'uranium, contrairement aux deman-des reiterees de la communaute internationale ? A enjuger par les declarations des dirigeants iraniens, c'esten effet le prix qu'ils reclameront.

On peut juger qu'il n'est pas trop eleve. On peutmeme penser que l'Iran a le droit de developper uneindustrie nucleaire, que les puissances possedant l'ar¬me nucleaire sont mal placees pour faire la leçon, voireque l'arme nucleaire est un facteur de stabilite en assu-rant la dissuasion mutuelle. Mais on ne peut pas tenirdes discours contradictoires selon les circonstances. LaFrance a ete â l'avant-garde pour menacer l'Iran desanctions s'il continuait â bafouer les regles internatio-nales. En changeant de politique, elle prend le risqued'hypothequer sa credibilite. m

L'Irak chercheâ controlerl'argentdu petrole

MOYEN-ORİENTLa nouvelle loisur le petrole va etrepresentee devantle Parlement de Bagdad.

LE PROJET de loi irakien sur leshydrocarbures est enfin pret. Sujetd'intenses tractations, le texte regis-sant la rĞpartition des ressourcespetrolieres va etre remis au gouver-nement, puis doit etre presente auParlement. Confirmee par le minis¬tere du Petrole, la nouvelle reparti-tion des recettes de l'or noir se veutequitable. II est prevu de partagerles richesses equitablement entreles dix-huit provinces du pays enfonction du nombre d'habitants.

La loi programme egalement larelance de la Compagnie nationaledu petrole, une entreprise publiquequi sera chargee du contröle de la

production et de l'exportation dubrüt. La societe nationale aura encharge les contrats â signer avecdes compagnies internationalesdans le cadre d'appels d'offres, Cerecadrage met uç terme â un debutde gestion dĞcentralisee des gise-ments. Le gouvemement auto¬nome du Kurdistan, une regionquasi independante, avait en effetpris l'initiative de passer desaccords avec des compagnies occi-dentales şans passer par Bagdad.Ces contrats sont aujourd'huiremis en cause. En proposant unenouvelle loi, le gouvemement ira¬kien cherche â centraliser les pölesde decision afin d'eviter des dese-quilibres entre commünautes sus-

ceptibles de conduire â un eclate-ment du pays. Car les r&ervesd'hydrocarbures sont concentrâesâ 85 % dans le sud chiite et le nord â

la population â majorite kürde.Les ressources pĞtrolieres de

l'Irak constituent une formidabletirelire. Le pays possĞde les deıude-mes râserves mondiales de brüt,mais sa production n'a pasretrouve son niveau d'avant laguerre de 2003. II est obliged'importer de l'essence de Turquieen raison d'une pânurie de pro-duits raffinĞs. Seul environ unquart du pĞtrole puisĞ dans lesnappes est destine â la consomma-tion interieure. Et la moitiĞ de cettepart file dans les circuits de lacontrebande.

Chaque grande ville irakienne ason marche â ciel ouvert de reventeparallele d'hydrocarbures ouvertsaux grossistes. Erbil au Kurdistanirakien, le depöt saüvage accueillede quatre â six camions-citemes

par jour eh provenance de la raffi-nerie de Dorah â Bagdad ou de Beji.Les groupes arm6s contrölent lesfilieres. Ils ont infiltre le ministeredu Petrole et brassent des centai¬nes de millions de dollars par an.Selon Burham Sakeh, l'un des prin-cipaux collaborateurs du premierministre Nouri al-Maliki, les insur¬ges auraient dĞtournĞ un milliardde dollars en pompant â leur profitle petrole de la rafflnerie de Beji. Etil est peu probable que la nouvelleloi remette rapidement de l'ordredans le chaos general.

Thierry Oberle

Nouri al-Maliki critique George BushLe president americain GeorgeW. Bush n'a «jamais ete aussi fai-ble qu'aujourd'hui », a affirme hierle premier ministre irakien, Nourial-Maliki, dans une intervievv auCorriere della Sera. « J'ai l'impres-sion que ce sont eux â Washing¬ton qui touchent a leur fin, et non

nous iciâ Bagdad: . . », a-t-il ajoute.C'est la premiere fois que le pre-'mier ministre irakien attaque aussidurement l'Administration ameri¬caine. La Maison-Blanche â mini-mise hier soir les propos de Malikiet lui a reaffirme sa confiance.

(AFP.)

54

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın özeti

§ *

o»M(MM

'Sc

fitöria]Cavalier seul en IranEn se lançant dans une ouverture diplomati-

que vis-â-vis de l'Iran, Jacques Chirac pour-suit deux objectifs. D'abord s'assurer que leregime des mollahs ne cherchera pas â s'enprendre, par Pintermediaire du Hezbollah,

son allie au Liban, aux soldats français de la Force inter¬nationale, â la frontiere avec Israel. Ensuite, essayer degagner le soutien des iraniens â une stabilisation demo-cratique au Liban, oû Popposition est dans la rue pourrenverser le gouvemement de Fouad Siniora.

Ces objectifs sont comprehensibles, voire louables.Mais la maniere dont ils sont pöursuivis est etrange. LaFrance agit en sölitaire, alors que, jusqu'â maintenant,elle avait etroitement coordonne sa politique libanaiseavec les Etats-Unis et qu'elle etait â Toriğine de la troî-ka europeenne, avec l'Allemagne et la Grande-Breta-gne, qui a negocie pendant plus de trois ans sur le dos-sier nucleaire iranien. C'est precisement au moment oûle Conseil de securite des Nations unies a impose al'Iran des sanctions, pourtant edulcorees sur Pinsistan-ce de Moscou, que Paris a decide de faire cavalier seul.

La crainte d'un engrenage des sanctions conduisant,comme en Irak en 2003, â une intervention armee des :

Etats-Unis peut expliquer que M. Chirac veuille faireune derniere tentative pour regler par la negociation laquestion iranienne. Apres avoir ete un champion de lafermete contre les risques de proliferation nucleaire, lepresident français a change de langage depuis laguerre au Liban. II a ete le premier â proposer des for-mules qui auraient permis au president Ahmadinejadde se conformer, şans perdre la face, aux exigences dela communaute internationale. Şans succes.

Que peut-il offrir â Teheran en echange d'une even-tuelle cooperation au Liban? La reconnaissance del'Iran comme puissance regionale ? Les iraniens larecherchent, mais l'attendent des Americains. Le presi¬dent de la Republique française n'est pas en mesure des'engager en leur nom. L'autorisation implicite de pour-suivre leur programme nucleaire, et en particulier l'en-richissement de l'uranium, contrairement aux deman-des reiterees de la communaute internationale ? A enjuger par les declarations des dirigeants iraniens, c'esten effet le prix qu'ils reclameront.

On peut juger qu'il n'est pas trop eleve. On peutmeme penser que l'Iran a le droit de developper uneindustrie nucleaire, que les puissances possedant l'ar¬me nucleaire sont mal placees pour faire la leçon, voireque l'arme nucleaire est un facteur de stabilite en assu-rant la dissuasion mutuelle. Mais on ne peut pas tenirdes discours contradictoires selon les circonstances. LaFrance a ete â l'avant-garde pour menacer l'Iran desanctions s'il continuait â bafouer les regles internatio-nales. En changeant de politique, elle prend le risqued'hypothequer sa credibilite. m

L'Irak chercheâ controlerl'argentdu petrole

MOYEN-ORİENTLa nouvelle loisur le petrole va etrepresentee devantle Parlement de Bagdad.

LE PROJET de loi irakien sur leshydrocarbures est enfin pret. Sujetd'intenses tractations, le texte regis-sant la rĞpartition des ressourcespetrolieres va etre remis au gouver-nement, puis doit etre presente auParlement. Confirmee par le minis¬tere du Petrole, la nouvelle reparti-tion des recettes de l'or noir se veutequitable. II est prevu de partagerles richesses equitablement entreles dix-huit provinces du pays enfonction du nombre d'habitants.

La loi programme egalement larelance de la Compagnie nationaledu petrole, une entreprise publiquequi sera chargee du contröle de la

production et de l'exportation dubrüt. La societe nationale aura encharge les contrats â signer avecdes compagnies internationalesdans le cadre d'appels d'offres, Cerecadrage met uç terme â un debutde gestion dĞcentralisee des gise-ments. Le gouvemement auto¬nome du Kurdistan, une regionquasi independante, avait en effetpris l'initiative de passer desaccords avec des compagnies occi-dentales şans passer par Bagdad.Ces contrats sont aujourd'huiremis en cause. En proposant unenouvelle loi, le gouvemement ira¬kien cherche â centraliser les pölesde decision afin d'eviter des dese-quilibres entre commünautes sus-

ceptibles de conduire â un eclate-ment du pays. Car les r&ervesd'hydrocarbures sont concentrâesâ 85 % dans le sud chiite et le nord â

la population â majorite kürde.Les ressources pĞtrolieres de

l'Irak constituent une formidabletirelire. Le pays possĞde les deıude-mes râserves mondiales de brüt,mais sa production n'a pasretrouve son niveau d'avant laguerre de 2003. II est obliged'importer de l'essence de Turquieen raison d'une pânurie de pro-duits raffinĞs. Seul environ unquart du pĞtrole puisĞ dans lesnappes est destine â la consomma-tion interieure. Et la moitiĞ de cettepart file dans les circuits de lacontrebande.

Chaque grande ville irakienne ason marche â ciel ouvert de reventeparallele d'hydrocarbures ouvertsaux grossistes. Erbil au Kurdistanirakien, le depöt saüvage accueillede quatre â six camions-citemes

par jour eh provenance de la raffi-nerie de Dorah â Bagdad ou de Beji.Les groupes arm6s contrölent lesfilieres. Ils ont infiltre le ministeredu Petrole et brassent des centai¬nes de millions de dollars par an.Selon Burham Sakeh, l'un des prin-cipaux collaborateurs du premierministre Nouri al-Maliki, les insur¬ges auraient dĞtournĞ un milliardde dollars en pompant â leur profitle petrole de la rafflnerie de Beji. Etil est peu probable que la nouvelleloi remette rapidement de l'ordredans le chaos general.

Thierry Oberle

Nouri al-Maliki critique George BushLe president americain GeorgeW. Bush n'a «jamais ete aussi fai-ble qu'aujourd'hui », a affirme hierle premier ministre irakien, Nourial-Maliki, dans une intervievv auCorriere della Sera. « J'ai l'impres-sion que ce sont eux â Washing¬ton qui touchent a leur fin, et non

nous iciâ Bagdad: . . », a-t-il ajoute.C'est la premiere fois que le pre-'mier ministre irakien attaque aussidurement l'Administration ameri¬caine. La Maison-Blanche â mini-mise hier soir les propos de Malikiet lui a reaffirme sa confiance.

(AFP.)

54

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

lelîımiteDimanche 21 - Lundi 22 janvier 2007

Un rapport de la commission des affaires etrangeres et de la defense du Parlement iranien, dont| « Le Monde » a eu connaissance, souligne la vulnerabilite du pays en cas de sanctions internationales

L'embargo qui fait peur â TeheranL'Iran a beau defler la communau¬

te internationale avec son pro¬gramme nucleaire et faire minede negliger les sanctions que cel-le-ci commence â lui imposer, les

dirigeants de Teheran se preoccupentneanmoins depuis plusieurs mois desconsequences des mesures coercitives quileur seraient infligees.

Debut septembre 2006 (bien avant lessanctions decretees le 23 decembre par leConseil de securite des Nations unies), lacommission des affaires etrangeres et dela defense du Majlis, le Parlement deTeheran, a conclu un rapport de plus de100 pages analysant les consequences â ,

la fois economiques, sociales et politi-ques de sanctions internationales.

Ce texte, dont Le Monde a eu connais¬sance aupres de sources proche-orienta-les, a ete redige apres six mois de discus-sions impliquant de nombreux economis-tes et specialistes des questions petrolie-res. II a ete transmis aux plus hautes auto-rites du regime, dont le president iranien,Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, mais a fait l'ob¬jet d'une diffusion restreinte.

On comprend pourquoi â la lecture desconclusions qui soulignentlavulnerabili- '

te de l'economie iranienne face â des sanc¬tions touchant en particulier le secteurpetroller. A premiere vue, un pays qui pos-sede les deuxiemes reserves mondialesde petrole et de gaz ne devrait pas etre sifragile, mais l'Iran est un colosse aux

pieds d'argile, dont 85 % des revenusd'exportation proviennent du petrole. Lerapport du Majlis recommande « defairetous les efforts politiques pour empecherl'imposition de sanctions, tout en preser-vant les interets dupays et l'honneur natio¬nal ». II rappelle que l'Iran peut se servira la fois des relations de dependance eco-nomique qu'il a nouees avec un certainnombre de pays, et utiliser « une dissua-

ösion politiqûe et rhiltidire » avec d'autres.Un embargo, resume le Majlis, affaibli-

rait la stabilite ecbnomique du pays etson taux de change, tout en affectant l'in-vestissement prive. L'Iran « şerait forcede modifier ses priorites nationales, et deconsacrer l'essentiel de ses ressources aempecher un important bouleversementsocial, qui pourrait causer une deteriora-tion des conditions de vie pour une sectionimportantede lapopulation ». La commis¬sion souligne la necessite de presenter â"celle-ci « un tableau optimiste sur l'impro-babilite de sanctions, sur les precautionsprises par le gouvemement pour les antici-per et sur la capacite de l'Iran a les suppor-ter » . Elle insiste egalement sur la necessi¬te de continuer â menacer l'opinion occi-dentale d'un « hiverglacial », une manie¬re de souligner qu'une augmentation desprix petroliers aurait de lourdes conse-quences pour les economies occidenta-les.

Le rapport des parlementaires ira¬niens constitue un avertissement deguiseau regime qui, de leur point de vue, neşerait pas capable de resister â d'impor-

tantes pressions economıques, en raısondes faiblesses structurelles de l'economieiranienne et de la fragilite de sa situationfinanciere. Selon les auteurs, « les mem-bres du regime qui ont ete entendus par lacommission ont indique que toute aggrava-tion de la situation economique ~~~~""""pourrait causer des troublessociaıvc pouvant conduire d unedeterioration et d un affaiblisse-ment de la stabilite interieure »..

La commission semble ain¬si, a mots couverts, prendre sesdistances avec la « lignedure » incarnee par le presi¬dent Ahmadinejad. Elle envisa- .

ge notamment le scenario d'un embargointernational sur les exportations petro-lieres vers l'Iran (qui importe une grandepartie de sa consommation de produitsraffines, comme l'essence), un secteurparticulierement sensible.

Plusieurs facteurs expliquent que, ces

dernieres annees, la consommation deproduits petroliers a augmente de 10 %par an : le prix de l'essence est l'un desplus bas du monde (800 rials, environ7 centimes d'euros le litre), 1'augmenta¬tion du niveau de vie d'une partie de la

population, notamment de laclasse moyenne, l'interdictiond'importer des voitures etran¬geres et l'augmentation dupare automobile.

L'Iran consomme un demi-million de barils de produitspetroliers par jour, dont 60 %sont produits par les raffine-ries nationales, et 40 % impor-

tes, â un coût de 3 â 4 milliards de dollarspar an. La commission insiste sur lanecessite d'une diminution de la consom¬mation d'essence, notamment par l'elimi-nation des vehicules anciens, grosconsommateurs de carburant.

Une telle politique aurait des conse-

quences politiques dangereuses pour ungouvemement attentif â son image socia-le (le president Ahmadinejad s'est fait eli-re sur sa promesse d'aider les plus pau-vres). L'autre option preconisee est lerationnement et l'augmentation du prixde l'essence. Jusqu'â present, toutes lestentatives du gouvemement en ce sens -la demiere date de juillet 2006 - ontechoue. Par crainte de mouvementssociaux, le regime a prefere consacrer desmillions de dollars â subventionner le car-

Le (i.arc autqnıgbilg a fortement augmente â Teheran comme dansle reste du pays. Le prıx du carburant est I un des plus bas du monde. Un embargo sur les exportationsde produits raffines vers l'Iran, qui importe une grande partie de sa consommation d'essence, aurait de graves consequences sociales et âconomiques. stephane lagoutte

L'Iran est uncolosse aux piedsd'argile dont85 % des revenusd'exportationproviennentdu petrole

55

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

lelîımiteDimanche 21 - Lundi 22 janvier 2007

Un rapport de la commission des affaires etrangeres et de la defense du Parlement iranien, dont| « Le Monde » a eu connaissance, souligne la vulnerabilite du pays en cas de sanctions internationales

L'embargo qui fait peur â TeheranL'Iran a beau defler la communau¬

te internationale avec son pro¬gramme nucleaire et faire minede negliger les sanctions que cel-le-ci commence â lui imposer, les

dirigeants de Teheran se preoccupentneanmoins depuis plusieurs mois desconsequences des mesures coercitives quileur seraient infligees.

Debut septembre 2006 (bien avant lessanctions decretees le 23 decembre par leConseil de securite des Nations unies), lacommission des affaires etrangeres et dela defense du Majlis, le Parlement deTeheran, a conclu un rapport de plus de100 pages analysant les consequences â ,

la fois economiques, sociales et politi-ques de sanctions internationales.

Ce texte, dont Le Monde a eu connais¬sance aupres de sources proche-orienta-les, a ete redige apres six mois de discus-sions impliquant de nombreux economis-tes et specialistes des questions petrolie-res. II a ete transmis aux plus hautes auto-rites du regime, dont le president iranien,Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, mais a fait l'ob¬jet d'une diffusion restreinte.

On comprend pourquoi â la lecture desconclusions qui soulignentlavulnerabili- '

te de l'economie iranienne face â des sanc¬tions touchant en particulier le secteurpetroller. A premiere vue, un pays qui pos-sede les deuxiemes reserves mondialesde petrole et de gaz ne devrait pas etre sifragile, mais l'Iran est un colosse aux

pieds d'argile, dont 85 % des revenusd'exportation proviennent du petrole. Lerapport du Majlis recommande « defairetous les efforts politiques pour empecherl'imposition de sanctions, tout en preser-vant les interets dupays et l'honneur natio¬nal ». II rappelle que l'Iran peut se servira la fois des relations de dependance eco-nomique qu'il a nouees avec un certainnombre de pays, et utiliser « une dissua-

ösion politiqûe et rhiltidire » avec d'autres.Un embargo, resume le Majlis, affaibli-

rait la stabilite ecbnomique du pays etson taux de change, tout en affectant l'in-vestissement prive. L'Iran « şerait forcede modifier ses priorites nationales, et deconsacrer l'essentiel de ses ressources aempecher un important bouleversementsocial, qui pourrait causer une deteriora-tion des conditions de vie pour une sectionimportantede lapopulation ». La commis¬sion souligne la necessite de presenter â"celle-ci « un tableau optimiste sur l'impro-babilite de sanctions, sur les precautionsprises par le gouvemement pour les antici-per et sur la capacite de l'Iran a les suppor-ter » . Elle insiste egalement sur la necessi¬te de continuer â menacer l'opinion occi-dentale d'un « hiverglacial », une manie¬re de souligner qu'une augmentation desprix petroliers aurait de lourdes conse-quences pour les economies occidenta-les.

Le rapport des parlementaires ira¬niens constitue un avertissement deguiseau regime qui, de leur point de vue, neşerait pas capable de resister â d'impor-

tantes pressions economıques, en raısondes faiblesses structurelles de l'economieiranienne et de la fragilite de sa situationfinanciere. Selon les auteurs, « les mem-bres du regime qui ont ete entendus par lacommission ont indique que toute aggrava-tion de la situation economique ~~~~""""pourrait causer des troublessociaıvc pouvant conduire d unedeterioration et d un affaiblisse-ment de la stabilite interieure »..

La commission semble ain¬si, a mots couverts, prendre sesdistances avec la « lignedure » incarnee par le presi¬dent Ahmadinejad. Elle envisa- .

ge notamment le scenario d'un embargointernational sur les exportations petro-lieres vers l'Iran (qui importe une grandepartie de sa consommation de produitsraffines, comme l'essence), un secteurparticulierement sensible.

Plusieurs facteurs expliquent que, ces

dernieres annees, la consommation deproduits petroliers a augmente de 10 %par an : le prix de l'essence est l'un desplus bas du monde (800 rials, environ7 centimes d'euros le litre), 1'augmenta¬tion du niveau de vie d'une partie de la

population, notamment de laclasse moyenne, l'interdictiond'importer des voitures etran¬geres et l'augmentation dupare automobile.

L'Iran consomme un demi-million de barils de produitspetroliers par jour, dont 60 %sont produits par les raffine-ries nationales, et 40 % impor-

tes, â un coût de 3 â 4 milliards de dollarspar an. La commission insiste sur lanecessite d'une diminution de la consom¬mation d'essence, notamment par l'elimi-nation des vehicules anciens, grosconsommateurs de carburant.

Une telle politique aurait des conse-

quences politiques dangereuses pour ungouvemement attentif â son image socia-le (le president Ahmadinejad s'est fait eli-re sur sa promesse d'aider les plus pau-vres). L'autre option preconisee est lerationnement et l'augmentation du prixde l'essence. Jusqu'â present, toutes lestentatives du gouvemement en ce sens -la demiere date de juillet 2006 - ontechoue. Par crainte de mouvementssociaux, le regime a prefere consacrer desmillions de dollars â subventionner le car-

Le (i.arc autqnıgbilg a fortement augmente â Teheran comme dansle reste du pays. Le prıx du carburant est I un des plus bas du monde. Un embargo sur les exportationsde produits raffines vers l'Iran, qui importe une grande partie de sa consommation d'essence, aurait de graves consequences sociales et âconomiques. stephane lagoutte

L'Iran est uncolosse aux piedsd'argile dont85 % des revenusd'exportationproviennentdu petrole

55

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

burant.La fragilite de l'economie iranienne

face aux consequences de sanctions estillustree par le fait que la moitie desimportations proviennent des pays occi-dentaux : 40 % de l'Union europeenne -sur un total de 15,4 milliards de dollars en2005, la France, avec 2,39 milliards dedollars, arrive en 3e position, derriere l'Al-lemagne et ITtalie - et 10 % du Japon etde la Coree du Sud. Or plus de 60 % detoutes les importations de l'Iran concer-nent des equipements industriels, notam¬ment dans les domaines de l'electricite etde Pautomobile, qui sont indispensablesâ l'expansion economique du pays. Lesauteurs soulignent cette vulnerabilite, etinsistent sur la complication que consti-tue les « conflits d'interets » (en clair, lesdivergences politiques) au sein du regi¬me.

En cas de sanctions, l'essentiel de laproduction şerait paralyse apres utilisa-tion des stocks existants de pieces deta-chees importees (suffisant.s pour tenirtrois â quatre mois), et l'Iran perdrait desrevenus evalues entre 1,5 et 2 milliards dedollars par an. Outre un embargo interna¬tional sur Pexportation en Iran d'equipe-ments industriels, la commission parle-mentaire envisage le scenario de sanc¬tions â l'encontre des banques iranien-nes, en particulier les banques Melli etSaderat, qui sont accusees de jouer un

" role dans le commerce nucleaire poursui-vi par l'Iran.

S'agissant du petrole, un embargoimpose par la communaute internationa¬le sur les importations de brüt iranienaurait des effets importants, quoiquedecales dans le temps. L'Iran exporte2,5 millions de barils par jour (3 % de laconsommation mondiale), et en consom-me 1,5 million de barils. Un embargo nedevrait pas avoir de consequences majeu-res pour le pays pendant la premiereannee de son application, en raison desimportantes reserves de devises de l'Iran.« II est important de retarder toute mesurequi pourrait affecter la population en rai¬son des risques d'instabilite », notent lesauteurs.

Le rapport du Parlement iranienconclut que la combinaison d'un gel desreserves etrangeres, de l'imposition d'unembargo sur les importations de brüt ira¬nien et d'une interdiction des exporta-tions de produits petroliers raffines versl'Iran accelererait les consequences eco-nomiques et sociales negatives pourl'Iran. Ce rapport du Majlis tend a mon-trer que la politique de sanctions pourraitexercer les pressions souhaitees surl'Iran (notamment en fragilisant le regi¬me), sous reserve que Teheran ne reagis-se pas avec des represailles, notammentmilitaires, dirigees contre les interetsoccidentaux.

Laurent Zecchini

üeHIonÜeDimanche 21 - Lundi 22 janvier 2007

La tentation et les risquesdes « frappes militaires »

LA COMMUNAUTE internationale estengagee dans une sorte de poker strategi-que avec l'Iran : elle table sur le fait quedes sanctions de plus en plus penalisan-tes ameneront le regime des mollahs âreconsiderer sa decision de developperson programme nucleaire militaire.

Mais les diplomates et les specialistesdu renseignement savent qu'une tellestrategie peut avoir l'effet inverse, enprovoquant un reflexe d'« ünite perse »

autour d'une direction politique pour¬tant loin d'etre homogene, mais qui auratendance â s'engager dans une fuite enavant nucleaire. Dans ce cas, aux Etats-Unis et en Israel, les voix ne manque-ront pas pour preconiser des frappesmilitaires afin d'annihiler, fût-ce pourgagner un repit de quelques annees, lepotentiel nucleaire de l'Iran.

A Washington, la Maison Blanche n'amanifestement pas l'intention de fairesiennes les recommandations du rap¬port Baker-Hamilton s'agissant del'ouverture d'un dialogue direct avecDamas et Teheran. Au contraire, l'admi-nistration Bush semble se preparer aune confrontation croissante avec l'Iran.En temoignent l'action de l'armee ameri¬caine contre des eiements iraniens au

Kurdistan irakien et, surtout, la decisionde deployer les porte-avions Enterpriseet Stennis, avec leurs groupes navals,dans le Golfe, ainsi que des missiles anti¬missiles Patriot, deux mesures presen-tees comme un avertissement â Tehe¬ran.

Un risque d'emballement politico-militaire â Washington n'est done pas âexclure, d'autant que le president Geor¬ge Bush pourrait etre tente d'acheverson mandat sur une « victoire » face â la« bombe iranienne », ce qui, vu de laMaison Blanche, aurait l'avantage d'atte-nuer le fiasco irakien.

A Tel-Aviv, les autorites israeiiennes,qui ne cessent d'alerter l'opinion interna¬tionale sur le « danger nucleaire ira¬nien », incitent les Etats-Unis a agir, cequi eviterait â Tsahal d'avoir â le faire,du moins en premiere ligne. Les expertsmilitaires savent que, quelle que soitl'ampleur de la campagne aerienne(bombardements et missiles de eroisie-re) mise en oeuvre par l'armee americai¬ne pour detruire l'infrastructure nucleai¬re et balistique iranienne, il est illusoirede eroire que celle-ci sera integralementaneantie.

II est au contraire plus realiste d'ima-

giner que Teheran conservera la possibi-lite d'engager des represaillescontre lesvilles israeiiennes avec ses missiles Sha-hab-3 (d'une portee testee â au moins1 300 kilometres, largement sufnsantepour atteindre Israel et les interets ame¬ricains dans la region). Cela signifie quele gouvemement doit accepter â l'avan-ce les consequences politiques d'un nom¬bre indetermine de victimes parmi lapopulation çivile israelienne.

İnstallations secretesSi une telle consequence est inelucta-

ble, arguent certains experts, Israel doitse preparer â frapper les sites iraniens demaniere preventive et le plus tot possible,puisque, estime-t-on a Tel-Aviv, il est evi-dent que la politique de sanctions n'en-traînera aucun changement d'attitude deTeheran, du moins avant des « frappesmilitaires » . Faute d'un feu vert de Wash¬ington, Tel-Aviv ne s'aventurera pas â vio-ler l'espace aerien irakien, et la route laplus longue, via le sud de la peninsuleArabique, ppse la question du ravitaille-ment en vol des F-15 israeliens. Ce n'estpas un probleme techniquement insur-montable, meme si un tel objeetif repre-sente un tout autre defi que le raid lanceen juin 1981 par 8 F-16 israeliens pourdetruire le reacteur nucleaire irakiend'Osirak. Profitant de ses bonnes rela¬tions avec la Turquie, Israel pourraitdone etre incite â utiliser l'espace aerienturc (qui est ouvert â l'entraînement deses avions), quitte â provoquer les protes-tations officielles d'Ankara.

Reste que les miütaires israeliensreconnaissent n'avoir qu'une connaissan-ce imparfaite des sites nucleaires ira¬niens. Ils tiennent pour acquis qu'au-delâ des sites repertories par l'Agenceinternationale de l'energie atomique(AIEA), l'Iran dispose d'installationssecretes enterrees. Mais ils n'ont pas d'in-formations recentes sur le programmeShahab-3, et ne savent pas davantage siles dix-huit missiles BM-25 aehetes parl'Iran â la Coree du Nord, en decem¬bre 2005, sont ou non operationnels.

Enfin, si les consequences diplomati-ques et miütaires d'un affrontementarme avec l'Iran sont incalculables, le ris-que d'un embrasement de toute la regionne peut etre exclu, et devrait inciter Tel-Aviv et Washington â la retenue. C'estsur celle-ci que tablent, peut-etre â tort,les dirigeants iraniens.

L.Z.'"

56

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

burant.La fragilite de l'economie iranienne

face aux consequences de sanctions estillustree par le fait que la moitie desimportations proviennent des pays occi-dentaux : 40 % de l'Union europeenne -sur un total de 15,4 milliards de dollars en2005, la France, avec 2,39 milliards dedollars, arrive en 3e position, derriere l'Al-lemagne et ITtalie - et 10 % du Japon etde la Coree du Sud. Or plus de 60 % detoutes les importations de l'Iran concer-nent des equipements industriels, notam¬ment dans les domaines de l'electricite etde Pautomobile, qui sont indispensablesâ l'expansion economique du pays. Lesauteurs soulignent cette vulnerabilite, etinsistent sur la complication que consti-tue les « conflits d'interets » (en clair, lesdivergences politiques) au sein du regi¬me.

En cas de sanctions, l'essentiel de laproduction şerait paralyse apres utilisa-tion des stocks existants de pieces deta-chees importees (suffisant.s pour tenirtrois â quatre mois), et l'Iran perdrait desrevenus evalues entre 1,5 et 2 milliards dedollars par an. Outre un embargo interna¬tional sur Pexportation en Iran d'equipe-ments industriels, la commission parle-mentaire envisage le scenario de sanc¬tions â l'encontre des banques iranien-nes, en particulier les banques Melli etSaderat, qui sont accusees de jouer un

" role dans le commerce nucleaire poursui-vi par l'Iran.

S'agissant du petrole, un embargoimpose par la communaute internationa¬le sur les importations de brüt iranienaurait des effets importants, quoiquedecales dans le temps. L'Iran exporte2,5 millions de barils par jour (3 % de laconsommation mondiale), et en consom-me 1,5 million de barils. Un embargo nedevrait pas avoir de consequences majeu-res pour le pays pendant la premiereannee de son application, en raison desimportantes reserves de devises de l'Iran.« II est important de retarder toute mesurequi pourrait affecter la population en rai¬son des risques d'instabilite », notent lesauteurs.

Le rapport du Parlement iranienconclut que la combinaison d'un gel desreserves etrangeres, de l'imposition d'unembargo sur les importations de brüt ira¬nien et d'une interdiction des exporta-tions de produits petroliers raffines versl'Iran accelererait les consequences eco-nomiques et sociales negatives pourl'Iran. Ce rapport du Majlis tend a mon-trer que la politique de sanctions pourraitexercer les pressions souhaitees surl'Iran (notamment en fragilisant le regi¬me), sous reserve que Teheran ne reagis-se pas avec des represailles, notammentmilitaires, dirigees contre les interetsoccidentaux.

Laurent Zecchini

üeHIonÜeDimanche 21 - Lundi 22 janvier 2007

La tentation et les risquesdes « frappes militaires »

LA COMMUNAUTE internationale estengagee dans une sorte de poker strategi-que avec l'Iran : elle table sur le fait quedes sanctions de plus en plus penalisan-tes ameneront le regime des mollahs âreconsiderer sa decision de developperson programme nucleaire militaire.

Mais les diplomates et les specialistesdu renseignement savent qu'une tellestrategie peut avoir l'effet inverse, enprovoquant un reflexe d'« ünite perse »

autour d'une direction politique pour¬tant loin d'etre homogene, mais qui auratendance â s'engager dans une fuite enavant nucleaire. Dans ce cas, aux Etats-Unis et en Israel, les voix ne manque-ront pas pour preconiser des frappesmilitaires afin d'annihiler, fût-ce pourgagner un repit de quelques annees, lepotentiel nucleaire de l'Iran.

A Washington, la Maison Blanche n'amanifestement pas l'intention de fairesiennes les recommandations du rap¬port Baker-Hamilton s'agissant del'ouverture d'un dialogue direct avecDamas et Teheran. Au contraire, l'admi-nistration Bush semble se preparer aune confrontation croissante avec l'Iran.En temoignent l'action de l'armee ameri¬caine contre des eiements iraniens au

Kurdistan irakien et, surtout, la decisionde deployer les porte-avions Enterpriseet Stennis, avec leurs groupes navals,dans le Golfe, ainsi que des missiles anti¬missiles Patriot, deux mesures presen-tees comme un avertissement â Tehe¬ran.

Un risque d'emballement politico-militaire â Washington n'est done pas âexclure, d'autant que le president Geor¬ge Bush pourrait etre tente d'acheverson mandat sur une « victoire » face â la« bombe iranienne », ce qui, vu de laMaison Blanche, aurait l'avantage d'atte-nuer le fiasco irakien.

A Tel-Aviv, les autorites israeiiennes,qui ne cessent d'alerter l'opinion interna¬tionale sur le « danger nucleaire ira¬nien », incitent les Etats-Unis a agir, cequi eviterait â Tsahal d'avoir â le faire,du moins en premiere ligne. Les expertsmilitaires savent que, quelle que soitl'ampleur de la campagne aerienne(bombardements et missiles de eroisie-re) mise en oeuvre par l'armee americai¬ne pour detruire l'infrastructure nucleai¬re et balistique iranienne, il est illusoirede eroire que celle-ci sera integralementaneantie.

II est au contraire plus realiste d'ima-

giner que Teheran conservera la possibi-lite d'engager des represaillescontre lesvilles israeiiennes avec ses missiles Sha-hab-3 (d'une portee testee â au moins1 300 kilometres, largement sufnsantepour atteindre Israel et les interets ame¬ricains dans la region). Cela signifie quele gouvemement doit accepter â l'avan-ce les consequences politiques d'un nom¬bre indetermine de victimes parmi lapopulation çivile israelienne.

İnstallations secretesSi une telle consequence est inelucta-

ble, arguent certains experts, Israel doitse preparer â frapper les sites iraniens demaniere preventive et le plus tot possible,puisque, estime-t-on a Tel-Aviv, il est evi-dent que la politique de sanctions n'en-traînera aucun changement d'attitude deTeheran, du moins avant des « frappesmilitaires » . Faute d'un feu vert de Wash¬ington, Tel-Aviv ne s'aventurera pas â vio-ler l'espace aerien irakien, et la route laplus longue, via le sud de la peninsuleArabique, ppse la question du ravitaille-ment en vol des F-15 israeliens. Ce n'estpas un probleme techniquement insur-montable, meme si un tel objeetif repre-sente un tout autre defi que le raid lanceen juin 1981 par 8 F-16 israeliens pourdetruire le reacteur nucleaire irakiend'Osirak. Profitant de ses bonnes rela¬tions avec la Turquie, Israel pourraitdone etre incite â utiliser l'espace aerienturc (qui est ouvert â l'entraînement deses avions), quitte â provoquer les protes-tations officielles d'Ankara.

Reste que les miütaires israeliensreconnaissent n'avoir qu'une connaissan-ce imparfaite des sites nucleaires ira¬niens. Ils tiennent pour acquis qu'au-delâ des sites repertories par l'Agenceinternationale de l'energie atomique(AIEA), l'Iran dispose d'installationssecretes enterrees. Mais ils n'ont pas d'in-formations recentes sur le programmeShahab-3, et ne savent pas davantage siles dix-huit missiles BM-25 aehetes parl'Iran â la Coree du Nord, en decem¬bre 2005, sont ou non operationnels.

Enfin, si les consequences diplomati-ques et miütaires d'un affrontementarme avec l'Iran sont incalculables, le ris-que d'un embrasement de toute la regionne peut etre exclu, et devrait inciter Tel-Aviv et Washington â la retenue. C'estsur celle-ci que tablent, peut-etre â tort,les dirigeants iraniens.

L.Z.'"

56

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turk-Armenian journalist is slainoo

o

-O. #*

5

'Bullet was firedat freedom ofthought,' primeminister says

£ By Şebnem Arsu and Susanne Fovvler

İSTANBUL: The charismatic editörof the best-knovvn Armenian-languagenevvspaper in Turkey vvas shot andkilled Friday afternoon as he left his of¬fice in the center of istanbul.

The editör, Hrant Dink, 53, had beenthe target of threats, friends and col-leagues said, after receiving a suspen-ded sentence last year for violatinglavvs against insulting the Turkish stateand Turkish identity by referring toethnic purity and genocide.

A Türk of Armenian descent, Dinkhad been criticized by Turkish nation-alist groups for making commentsabout the killing of Armenians by theOttoman Army beginning in 1915,

vvhich several countries recognize asan act of genocide but vvhich Turkeyvievvs as a result of vvar. The Turkish-Armenian border is closed and thecountries have no diplomatie ties.

But Dink vvas critical of the Armeni¬an diaspora, vvhich lobbies strongly forTurkey to recognize genocide as a pre-condition to becoming a member oftheEuropean Union. Dink vievved entryinto the EU as the elearest route tostrengthening demoeracy in Turkey.

Official reaction to the daylightshooting vvas svvift. Prime Minister Re¬cep Tayyip Erdoğan condemned theshooting as" a direct attack on Turkey'speace and stability.

"A bullet vvas fired at freedom ofthought and democratic life in Turkey,"he said in a nationally broadcast nevvsconference. "Önce again, dark handshave chosen our country and spilledblood in istanbul to achieve their darkgoals."

Olli Rehn, the European Union'scommissioner for enlargement, vvasamong the officials vvho condemnedthe killing.

"I am shocked and deeply grieved bythis vvild murder," Rehn said in a state-ment. "in spite of his convietion, HrantDink vvas a respeetable intellectual de-fending his vievvs and contributing toöpen discussion."

Several thousand people marehedfrom Dink's office to Taksim Square onFriday evening to protest the killing.

Recent political slayings in Turkeyhave touched on topics other than Ar-menia.

in May, a gunman stormed the Coun¬cil of State, the top administrative courtin Ankara, the Turkish capital, killing

one top judge and vvounding four otherjudges in apparent anger at a ruling en-forcing a ban on head scarves. The sus-pect, a lavvyer named Alparslan Arslan,vvas captured.

A Turkish teenager vvas sentenced inOctober for the fatal shooting in Febru-ary of a Catholic priest as he knelt inprayer in his church in the northeast-ern city of Trabzon; the assailant mayhave been enraged by the publication inEuropean nevvspapers of caricatures ofthe Prophet Muhammad.

Tvvo suspects in the Dink slayingvvere detained in central istanbul aftervvitnesses spotted a young man vvith avvhite cap running avvay follovving thegunshots, the television nevvs stationNTV reported, but they vvere later re-leased.

Hours later, the istanbul governor,Hilmi Güler, announced that three oth¬er suspects had been detained.

Investigators vvere monitoring surveil-lance tapes from shops on the busy com-mercial street vvhere Dink vvas killed.

Nevvs reports quoted the ovvner of arestaurant elose to the scene of the at¬tack vvho said the assailant vvas a male ofabout 20 years in age and had run avvayshouting, "I shot the non-Muslim."

Dink edited Agos, a vveekly nevvspa¬per containing both Armenian- andTurkish-language articles. it has a cir-culation of about 5,000. Shortly after hisdeath, the Agos Web site shovved onlyhis photograph, framed in black.

The Armenian patriarch in istanbul,Mesrob Mutafyan, declared 15 days ofmourning for the small Armenian,Christian population of Turkey.

Nuran Ağan, 47, a co-worker at thepaper, sounded shaken as she describedvvhat had been an ordinary day at theoffice. "I heard three gunshots after heleft, but never associated it vvith him,"she said. Stili, she rushed dovvnstairsand savv Dink lying in a pool of bloodvvith a vvound in the back of his head.

"He received lots of threats and hadrequested proteetion," she said.

Television broadcasts from the siteshovved large crovvds around an area

.' *. *

iReuters

cordoned off by riot poliçe and Dink'sbody covered by a vvhite sheet.

Dink vvas the 61st journalist to be as-sassinated in Turkey since 1909. Lastyear, an istanbul court sentenced himto a six-month jail term for insulting theTurkish identity. His sentenced vvasthen suspended.

ipek Calislar, another journalist vvhovvas also prosecuted by Turkish courtsfor her vvriting, said Friday that she felttoo angry about the killing of her friendDink to be afraid for her ovvn safety.Dink, she said, "vvas the only voice of de¬moeracy for the Armenian people inTurkey and also for the Turkish people."

Political leaders in Turkey have beenchanging lavvs to try to meet the EU'smembership criteria, but they faced asetback last month vvhen ministers inBrussels decided to freeze talks on 8 of35 areas of discussion because of the re-fusal by Ankara to öpen Turkish airportsand seaports to Cyprus, an EU member.

in one of his recent articles, Dinkcomplained that his opponents vverecasting him as an enemy of Turks andexpressed a fear that the threats againsthim vvere inereasing.

"I do not knovv hovv real these threatsare, but vvhat's really unbearable is thepsychological torture that I'm livingin," he vvrote. "Like a pigeon, turningmy head up and dovvn, left and right, myhead quickly rotating."

Dink vvas born in Malatya, a city in anarea of eastern Turkey famous for itspistachios and apricots. He moved toistanbul at age seven. He attended Ar¬menian schools and graduated fromistanbul University vvith a degree in zo-ology.

Haluk Şahin, a columnist for theRadikal nevvspaper, vvhich had been astrong supporter of Dink's legalstruggles, said that Turkey had been hitin the heart.

"Those vvho vvanted to harm Turkeycouldn't have chosen a better target,"Şahin said. "As opposed to otherkillings in the past, Turkish public reac¬tion against this murder vvill shovv usvvhere Turkey stands in the vvorld."

57

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turk-Armenian journalist is slainoo

o

-O. #*

5

'Bullet was firedat freedom ofthought,' primeminister says

£ By Şebnem Arsu and Susanne Fovvler

İSTANBUL: The charismatic editörof the best-knovvn Armenian-languagenevvspaper in Turkey vvas shot andkilled Friday afternoon as he left his of¬fice in the center of istanbul.

The editör, Hrant Dink, 53, had beenthe target of threats, friends and col-leagues said, after receiving a suspen-ded sentence last year for violatinglavvs against insulting the Turkish stateand Turkish identity by referring toethnic purity and genocide.

A Türk of Armenian descent, Dinkhad been criticized by Turkish nation-alist groups for making commentsabout the killing of Armenians by theOttoman Army beginning in 1915,

vvhich several countries recognize asan act of genocide but vvhich Turkeyvievvs as a result of vvar. The Turkish-Armenian border is closed and thecountries have no diplomatie ties.

But Dink vvas critical of the Armeni¬an diaspora, vvhich lobbies strongly forTurkey to recognize genocide as a pre-condition to becoming a member oftheEuropean Union. Dink vievved entryinto the EU as the elearest route tostrengthening demoeracy in Turkey.

Official reaction to the daylightshooting vvas svvift. Prime Minister Re¬cep Tayyip Erdoğan condemned theshooting as" a direct attack on Turkey'speace and stability.

"A bullet vvas fired at freedom ofthought and democratic life in Turkey,"he said in a nationally broadcast nevvsconference. "Önce again, dark handshave chosen our country and spilledblood in istanbul to achieve their darkgoals."

Olli Rehn, the European Union'scommissioner for enlargement, vvasamong the officials vvho condemnedthe killing.

"I am shocked and deeply grieved bythis vvild murder," Rehn said in a state-ment. "in spite of his convietion, HrantDink vvas a respeetable intellectual de-fending his vievvs and contributing toöpen discussion."

Several thousand people marehedfrom Dink's office to Taksim Square onFriday evening to protest the killing.

Recent political slayings in Turkeyhave touched on topics other than Ar-menia.

in May, a gunman stormed the Coun¬cil of State, the top administrative courtin Ankara, the Turkish capital, killing

one top judge and vvounding four otherjudges in apparent anger at a ruling en-forcing a ban on head scarves. The sus-pect, a lavvyer named Alparslan Arslan,vvas captured.

A Turkish teenager vvas sentenced inOctober for the fatal shooting in Febru-ary of a Catholic priest as he knelt inprayer in his church in the northeast-ern city of Trabzon; the assailant mayhave been enraged by the publication inEuropean nevvspapers of caricatures ofthe Prophet Muhammad.

Tvvo suspects in the Dink slayingvvere detained in central istanbul aftervvitnesses spotted a young man vvith avvhite cap running avvay follovving thegunshots, the television nevvs stationNTV reported, but they vvere later re-leased.

Hours later, the istanbul governor,Hilmi Güler, announced that three oth¬er suspects had been detained.

Investigators vvere monitoring surveil-lance tapes from shops on the busy com-mercial street vvhere Dink vvas killed.

Nevvs reports quoted the ovvner of arestaurant elose to the scene of the at¬tack vvho said the assailant vvas a male ofabout 20 years in age and had run avvayshouting, "I shot the non-Muslim."

Dink edited Agos, a vveekly nevvspa¬per containing both Armenian- andTurkish-language articles. it has a cir-culation of about 5,000. Shortly after hisdeath, the Agos Web site shovved onlyhis photograph, framed in black.

The Armenian patriarch in istanbul,Mesrob Mutafyan, declared 15 days ofmourning for the small Armenian,Christian population of Turkey.

Nuran Ağan, 47, a co-worker at thepaper, sounded shaken as she describedvvhat had been an ordinary day at theoffice. "I heard three gunshots after heleft, but never associated it vvith him,"she said. Stili, she rushed dovvnstairsand savv Dink lying in a pool of bloodvvith a vvound in the back of his head.

"He received lots of threats and hadrequested proteetion," she said.

Television broadcasts from the siteshovved large crovvds around an area

.' *. *

iReuters

cordoned off by riot poliçe and Dink'sbody covered by a vvhite sheet.

Dink vvas the 61st journalist to be as-sassinated in Turkey since 1909. Lastyear, an istanbul court sentenced himto a six-month jail term for insulting theTurkish identity. His sentenced vvasthen suspended.

ipek Calislar, another journalist vvhovvas also prosecuted by Turkish courtsfor her vvriting, said Friday that she felttoo angry about the killing of her friendDink to be afraid for her ovvn safety.Dink, she said, "vvas the only voice of de¬moeracy for the Armenian people inTurkey and also for the Turkish people."

Political leaders in Turkey have beenchanging lavvs to try to meet the EU'smembership criteria, but they faced asetback last month vvhen ministers inBrussels decided to freeze talks on 8 of35 areas of discussion because of the re-fusal by Ankara to öpen Turkish airportsand seaports to Cyprus, an EU member.

in one of his recent articles, Dinkcomplained that his opponents vverecasting him as an enemy of Turks andexpressed a fear that the threats againsthim vvere inereasing.

"I do not knovv hovv real these threatsare, but vvhat's really unbearable is thepsychological torture that I'm livingin," he vvrote. "Like a pigeon, turningmy head up and dovvn, left and right, myhead quickly rotating."

Dink vvas born in Malatya, a city in anarea of eastern Turkey famous for itspistachios and apricots. He moved toistanbul at age seven. He attended Ar¬menian schools and graduated fromistanbul University vvith a degree in zo-ology.

Haluk Şahin, a columnist for theRadikal nevvspaper, vvhich had been astrong supporter of Dink's legalstruggles, said that Turkey had been hitin the heart.

"Those vvho vvanted to harm Turkeycouldn't have chosen a better target,"Şahin said. "As opposed to otherkillings in the past, Turkish public reac¬tion against this murder vvill shovv usvvhere Turkey stands in the vvorld."

57

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Hrant Dink tue par un jeunechömeur nationaliste turc

Arrete hier, Ogün Samast 17 ans, a avoue l'assassinat du journaliste.

22 JANVİER 2007

İstanbul de nötre correspondant.Unjeune paume proche

des milieux ultra-nationalistes a avoue.11 est l'assassin dujournaliste Hrant

Dink, voix des 60000 Arme-niensdeTurquie. Filmepar lescameras de surveillance ven-dredi au moment de l'attaqueet denonce par son proprepere, Ogün Samast, 17 ans, aeteinterpelle trente-deux heuresapres sonforfaitâSamsun, surla mer Noire, alors qu'il ren-trait encarvers Trabzon, dontil est originaire . II avait encoresurluil'armeduerime. Selonleprocüreur de la ville, AhmetGökçinar, «il a admis avoircommis le meurtre» au coursd'un interrogatoire pr'elimi-naire realise avant son trans¬feri vers istanbul. Six autrespersonnes ont ete arretees âTrabzonetquatre d'entre ellestransfereesâ istanbul.«Pas de regrets». La celeritedes enqueteurs a paradoxale-ment aceru le malaise dansune opinion encore sous lechoc de l'assassinat, vendrediapres-midi a istanbul, du di-recteur de l'hebdomadaireAgos qui, depuis des annees, sebattaitpour la reconnaissancedu genocide de 1915. «Celasemble trop totet trop rapide»,a reagi Okay Gönensin, ehro-niqueurduquotidienpopulai-re Vatan. «Legarçon apu ap-puyer sur la detente, mais les

autorıtes devraient trouverceuxquisontderriere lui», aes¬time Erdal Doğan, l'un desavocats de HrantDink.«Jel'aiabattuapresavoirditlesprieres du vendredietje n'aipasde regrets», aurait declareOgün Samast, selon la chaîned'informationCNN-Türk, af-firmant avoir subi l'influencede sites Internet qui accusentHrantDinkd'etreun«fraîrreâla nation». «Je suis turc mais lesangturcestsaleetc'estpourçaauej'aidecidede le tuer», auraitaussi affirme ce jeune chö-

«En tant que nation, nous sommes faceâ une provocation ouverte et odieuse.[...] Les balles tirees sur Hrant Dinkl'ont ete sur nous tous.»

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Premier ministre

meur, fils d'un ouvrier munici-pal, assurant avoir agi â l'insti-gation de Yasin Hayal, quigerait le cafe du local du Partid'action nationaliste (MHP- les Loups gris -, extremedroite) â Pelitli, pres de Trab¬zon. Hayal a passe onze moisen prison pour un attentat ala bombe en octobre 2004contre un McDonald's. De soncöte, Samast auraitaussi eteunassidu des Foyers Alperen, labranehe de jeunesse du Partide lagrande union (BBP), unepetite force politique islamo-fascisante.Cette affaire rappelle â biendes egards celle de l'assassinat

en fevrier 2005, toujours âTrabzon, du.pretreitalienAn-drea Santoro par un adoles-cent exalte de 16 ans criant:«Allah Akbar!» Les deux mi-neurs, qui d'ailleurs portent lememe prenom, etaient fils deparents separes, connus dansleurs entourages respectifscomme «calmes et gentils»,mais renfermes, avec des pro¬blemes psychologiques qui lesrendaient tres influençables.Fief. Le grand port de la merNoire est depuis des anneesl'un des principaux fiefs de

l'extreme droite,qui recrute facile-ment des sicairesparmi les jeunesd'une ville del mil¬lion d'habitants enplein marasme.

«L'amour des habitants deTrabzonpour le drapeau etla patrie est aussi fart quecelui qu'ils ontpour Dieu»,repete volontiers HüseyinYavuzdemir, le gouverheur.En avril 2005, des emeutesavaient eclate apres l'arriveede militants d'extreme gauchevenus diffuser des tracts desoutien âdesprisonniers poli-tiqües engreve de lafaim. Uyadans cette ville, encore plusnettement que dans le restedu pays, un climatgeneral dehaine contre les chretiens etles minoritaires, suspeetes de«vouloir demembrer lepays».«Ceuxquiontsuscitedessenti-

mentsnationalistesen Turquieont alimente un monstre, â telpointqu'ily a dans les rues denombreuxjeunes quinejugentpas suffisant [...] le nationa-lisme d'Etat etsontprets a ap-pliquerla loieux-memes», ecri-vaithier ismet Berkan dans lequotidienliberalRadikal.Cercueil. L'assassinat de HrantDink a ete unanimementcondamne en Turquie. «Entant que nation, nous sommesfaceâ uneprovocation ouverteetodieuse. Jedeclare unefoisdeplus, en repliqueauxprovoca-teurs qui ont du sang sur lesmains, que les balles tirees surHrant Dink l'ont ete sur noustous», avait repete le Premierministre Recep Tayyip Erdo¬ğan devant les militants de sonparti, l'AKP, issu dû mouve-ment islamiste. Le vice-pre-sident du mouvement, MirDengi Firat, apar ailleurs de-mande l'amendement urgentde l'article 301 du code penal,sanetionnant les offenses â«l'identite turque», au titreduquel Hrant Dink avait etecondamne âsix mois de prisonavec sursis. Ömer Çelik, de-puteetconseillerd'Erdogan,amemepropose de recouvrir lecercueil de Hrant Dink d'undrapeau turc, pratique norma-lementet legalement reserveeaux «martyrs» fonetionnairescivils ou militaires.

RAGIP DURAN

58

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Hrant Dink tue par un jeunechömeur nationaliste turc

Arrete hier, Ogün Samast 17 ans, a avoue l'assassinat du journaliste.

22 JANVİER 2007

İstanbul de nötre correspondant.Unjeune paume proche

des milieux ultra-nationalistes a avoue.11 est l'assassin dujournaliste Hrant

Dink, voix des 60000 Arme-niensdeTurquie. Filmepar lescameras de surveillance ven-dredi au moment de l'attaqueet denonce par son proprepere, Ogün Samast, 17 ans, aeteinterpelle trente-deux heuresapres sonforfaitâSamsun, surla mer Noire, alors qu'il ren-trait encarvers Trabzon, dontil est originaire . II avait encoresurluil'armeduerime. Selonleprocüreur de la ville, AhmetGökçinar, «il a admis avoircommis le meurtre» au coursd'un interrogatoire pr'elimi-naire realise avant son trans¬feri vers istanbul. Six autrespersonnes ont ete arretees âTrabzonetquatre d'entre ellestransfereesâ istanbul.«Pas de regrets». La celeritedes enqueteurs a paradoxale-ment aceru le malaise dansune opinion encore sous lechoc de l'assassinat, vendrediapres-midi a istanbul, du di-recteur de l'hebdomadaireAgos qui, depuis des annees, sebattaitpour la reconnaissancedu genocide de 1915. «Celasemble trop totet trop rapide»,a reagi Okay Gönensin, ehro-niqueurduquotidienpopulai-re Vatan. «Legarçon apu ap-puyer sur la detente, mais les

autorıtes devraient trouverceuxquisontderriere lui», aes¬time Erdal Doğan, l'un desavocats de HrantDink.«Jel'aiabattuapresavoirditlesprieres du vendredietje n'aipasde regrets», aurait declareOgün Samast, selon la chaîned'informationCNN-Türk, af-firmant avoir subi l'influencede sites Internet qui accusentHrantDinkd'etreun«fraîrreâla nation». «Je suis turc mais lesangturcestsaleetc'estpourçaauej'aidecidede le tuer», auraitaussi affirme ce jeune chö-

«En tant que nation, nous sommes faceâ une provocation ouverte et odieuse.[...] Les balles tirees sur Hrant Dinkl'ont ete sur nous tous.»

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Premier ministre

meur, fils d'un ouvrier munici-pal, assurant avoir agi â l'insti-gation de Yasin Hayal, quigerait le cafe du local du Partid'action nationaliste (MHP- les Loups gris -, extremedroite) â Pelitli, pres de Trab¬zon. Hayal a passe onze moisen prison pour un attentat ala bombe en octobre 2004contre un McDonald's. De soncöte, Samast auraitaussi eteunassidu des Foyers Alperen, labranehe de jeunesse du Partide lagrande union (BBP), unepetite force politique islamo-fascisante.Cette affaire rappelle â biendes egards celle de l'assassinat

en fevrier 2005, toujours âTrabzon, du.pretreitalienAn-drea Santoro par un adoles-cent exalte de 16 ans criant:«Allah Akbar!» Les deux mi-neurs, qui d'ailleurs portent lememe prenom, etaient fils deparents separes, connus dansleurs entourages respectifscomme «calmes et gentils»,mais renfermes, avec des pro¬blemes psychologiques qui lesrendaient tres influençables.Fief. Le grand port de la merNoire est depuis des anneesl'un des principaux fiefs de

l'extreme droite,qui recrute facile-ment des sicairesparmi les jeunesd'une ville del mil¬lion d'habitants enplein marasme.

«L'amour des habitants deTrabzonpour le drapeau etla patrie est aussi fart quecelui qu'ils ontpour Dieu»,repete volontiers HüseyinYavuzdemir, le gouverheur.En avril 2005, des emeutesavaient eclate apres l'arriveede militants d'extreme gauchevenus diffuser des tracts desoutien âdesprisonniers poli-tiqües engreve de lafaim. Uyadans cette ville, encore plusnettement que dans le restedu pays, un climatgeneral dehaine contre les chretiens etles minoritaires, suspeetes de«vouloir demembrer lepays».«Ceuxquiontsuscitedessenti-

mentsnationalistesen Turquieont alimente un monstre, â telpointqu'ily a dans les rues denombreuxjeunes quinejugentpas suffisant [...] le nationa-lisme d'Etat etsontprets a ap-pliquerla loieux-memes», ecri-vaithier ismet Berkan dans lequotidienliberalRadikal.Cercueil. L'assassinat de HrantDink a ete unanimementcondamne en Turquie. «Entant que nation, nous sommesfaceâ uneprovocation ouverteetodieuse. Jedeclare unefoisdeplus, en repliqueauxprovoca-teurs qui ont du sang sur lesmains, que les balles tirees surHrant Dink l'ont ete sur noustous», avait repete le Premierministre Recep Tayyip Erdo¬ğan devant les militants de sonparti, l'AKP, issu dû mouve-ment islamiste. Le vice-pre-sident du mouvement, MirDengi Firat, apar ailleurs de-mande l'amendement urgentde l'article 301 du code penal,sanetionnant les offenses â«l'identite turque», au titreduquel Hrant Dink avait etecondamne âsix mois de prisonavec sursis. Ömer Çelik, de-puteetconseillerd'Erdogan,amemepropose de recouvrir lecercueil de Hrant Dink d'undrapeau turc, pratique norma-lementet legalement reserveeaux «martyrs» fonetionnairescivils ou militaires.

RAGIP DURAN

58

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO22 janvier 2007

Rapproctiement politiqueentre chiites au pouvoir â BagdadIRAK. Le mouvement politique del'imam chiite radical MoqtadaSadr, chef de file de İ'Armee duMahdi, a annonce hier qu'il allaitmettre fin â deux mois de boycottdu parlement irakien, ce* quiaugure une sortie de erişe entreallies chiites au sein.du gouyerne-ment de Bagdad.Pendant, ce temps, une brigaded'environ 3 200 soldats ameri¬cains est arrivĞe â Bagdad; Elle estle premier contingent du renfortde 17 000 soldats deride par lepresident George Bush.Le premier ministre irakien, lechiite Nouri al-Maliki, fait l'objetde pressions pour,que rentre dansle rang İ'Armee du Mehdi, queWashington considfere comme laplus grande menace pour la secu¬rite de l'Irak. Les «sadristes »

avaient annonce â la firi de l'andernier qu'ils boycottaient l'acti-vite du Parlement afin d'obtenirun calendrier de retrait des forcesamericaines d'Irak, mais aussipour protester contre une rencon¬tre entre Maliki et le presidentamericain. 11 semble que les« sadristes » aient reçu des repon-ses â leurs revendications. Le pre

sident du Parlement, Mahmoudal-Machhadani, a fait savoirqu'une commission multipartiteallait discuter du retrait amâri-cain.Cette reconciliation avec uneorganisation jugee suspecte parWashington a eu lieu au lende-main d'une des journees les plusmeurtrrâres pour 1'armĞe ameri¬caine : elle a perdu samedi 24 sol¬dats en Irak, dont 12 â bord d'unhelicoptere qui s'est ecrase aunord-est de la capitale. Cinq sol¬dats americains ont 6te tuessamedi et trois autres blesses dansdes affrontements â Kerbala, ausud de Bagdad, le jour oü y debu-taient les fetes chiites de laAchoura qui commemorent lemartyre de l'imam Hussein, morten 680. Sept autres soldats ameri¬cains ont ete tues en d'autrespoints d'Irak samedi. Hier matin,un soldat britannique a Ğte tue etquatre autres blesses par l'explo-sion d'une mine â Bassora, dans leSud. Â Bagdad, l'explosion d'unebombe k bord d'un bus a fait sixmorts dans le centre de Bagdad.Une voiture piegee a fait un autremort dans la capitale.

Le mouvement politique de MoqtadaSadr a annonce hier qu'il allaitmettre fin â deux mois de boycottdu parlement irakien. Reuters.

IIITIIIIiTIQItAkDU 18 AU 24 JANVİER 2007

TURÛUIE

Ankara tente d'intervenir en IrakLa Turquie sera peut-etre obligee d'envoyerprochainement des troupes dans le nordde l'Irak pour empecher la creationd'un Etat kürde. Avec ou şans l'appuides Americains.

Depuis le declenchement de la guerre enIrak en 2003, Ankara a toujours eu la

hantise de voir ce pays eclater en donnantnaissance â un Etat kürde situe â sa porte.Les signaux en provenance de Washingtonces derniers jours, l'extension des affron¬tements interconfessionnels et le climat quis'est installe apres l'execution de SaddamHussein font monter l'inquietude. Cela remetâ l'ordre du jour les objectifs affiches parle gouvemement turc au debut de l'inter-vention americaine en Irak : preserver l'in-tegrite territoriale de l'Irak, empecher le PKK[mouvement independantiste kürde] d'ins-taller des bases dans le Kurdistan irakien etpreserver le statut de Kirkouk [ville irakiennerevendiquee â la fois par les Kurdes et parles Turkmenes].La sauvegarde par l'Irak de son integrite ter¬ritoriale semble etre une perspective de plus

en plus lointaine. La terreur du PKK, on enparle dejâ depuis des annees. Diverses pro-positions de cooperation visant â eliminerses bases dans le nord de l'Irak sont encours d'examen. Que ces discussions ser-vent ou non â quelque chose, il s'agit lâ d'unproblâme propre â laTurquie. Celle-ci ales moyens de le re-soudre, meme şansl'appui ni la colla-boration des Ameri¬cains. Quant â la villede Kirkouk, que Mas-soud Barzani [leaderkürde irakien] definitcomme le "cceur duKurdistan", la situa¬tion y est bien pluscompliquĞe et plus delicate. Dans le climatde l'apres-Saddam, les tensions ne cessentde croître. Et c'est dans ce climat qu'Erdo-gan a fait une dŞclaration inattendue. "Laquestion irakienne est devenue prioritaire,affirme le Premier ministre, davantage quele processus d'entree dans l'Union euro-

A Deşsin de Sdıronk paru dans The Economist, Londres.

peenne. " Dans le discours qu'il a tenu lorsde la reunion de son parti, Erdoğan a repe¬te : " Une activite tres intense se developpeâ Kirkouk en vue de changerla compositionethnique de la ville. On cherche â appliquerlâ-bas la meme logique de fait accompli que

dans le HautKarabakh[rĞgion de TAzerbaid-jan, d'oü les Azârisont etĞ chassĞs apresune guerre territonalequi les a opposâ auxArmeniens majontai-re dans ce territoire].Nous ne pouvons pasassister en specta-teurs â de tels agis-sements. Sinon, l'Irakpourrait etre l'objet

d'un plus grand Ğclatement encore et d'uneguerre çivile, avec des consâquences diffı-ciles â prĞvoir pour la paix regionale et mon-diale."Le message du Premier ministreest trâs clair : "Nous n'accepterons pas unfait accompli â Kirkouk, nous intervien-drons"... Ce message n'est pas seulement

59

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO22 janvier 2007

Rapproctiement politiqueentre chiites au pouvoir â BagdadIRAK. Le mouvement politique del'imam chiite radical MoqtadaSadr, chef de file de İ'Armee duMahdi, a annonce hier qu'il allaitmettre fin â deux mois de boycottdu parlement irakien, ce* quiaugure une sortie de erişe entreallies chiites au sein.du gouyerne-ment de Bagdad.Pendant, ce temps, une brigaded'environ 3 200 soldats ameri¬cains est arrivĞe â Bagdad; Elle estle premier contingent du renfortde 17 000 soldats deride par lepresident George Bush.Le premier ministre irakien, lechiite Nouri al-Maliki, fait l'objetde pressions pour,que rentre dansle rang İ'Armee du Mehdi, queWashington considfere comme laplus grande menace pour la secu¬rite de l'Irak. Les «sadristes »

avaient annonce â la firi de l'andernier qu'ils boycottaient l'acti-vite du Parlement afin d'obtenirun calendrier de retrait des forcesamericaines d'Irak, mais aussipour protester contre une rencon¬tre entre Maliki et le presidentamericain. 11 semble que les« sadristes » aient reçu des repon-ses â leurs revendications. Le pre

sident du Parlement, Mahmoudal-Machhadani, a fait savoirqu'une commission multipartiteallait discuter du retrait amâri-cain.Cette reconciliation avec uneorganisation jugee suspecte parWashington a eu lieu au lende-main d'une des journees les plusmeurtrrâres pour 1'armĞe ameri¬caine : elle a perdu samedi 24 sol¬dats en Irak, dont 12 â bord d'unhelicoptere qui s'est ecrase aunord-est de la capitale. Cinq sol¬dats americains ont 6te tuessamedi et trois autres blesses dansdes affrontements â Kerbala, ausud de Bagdad, le jour oü y debu-taient les fetes chiites de laAchoura qui commemorent lemartyre de l'imam Hussein, morten 680. Sept autres soldats ameri¬cains ont ete tues en d'autrespoints d'Irak samedi. Hier matin,un soldat britannique a Ğte tue etquatre autres blesses par l'explo-sion d'une mine â Bassora, dans leSud. Â Bagdad, l'explosion d'unebombe k bord d'un bus a fait sixmorts dans le centre de Bagdad.Une voiture piegee a fait un autremort dans la capitale.

Le mouvement politique de MoqtadaSadr a annonce hier qu'il allaitmettre fin â deux mois de boycottdu parlement irakien. Reuters.

IIITIIIIiTIQItAkDU 18 AU 24 JANVİER 2007

TURÛUIE

Ankara tente d'intervenir en IrakLa Turquie sera peut-etre obligee d'envoyerprochainement des troupes dans le nordde l'Irak pour empecher la creationd'un Etat kürde. Avec ou şans l'appuides Americains.

Depuis le declenchement de la guerre enIrak en 2003, Ankara a toujours eu la

hantise de voir ce pays eclater en donnantnaissance â un Etat kürde situe â sa porte.Les signaux en provenance de Washingtonces derniers jours, l'extension des affron¬tements interconfessionnels et le climat quis'est installe apres l'execution de SaddamHussein font monter l'inquietude. Cela remetâ l'ordre du jour les objectifs affiches parle gouvemement turc au debut de l'inter-vention americaine en Irak : preserver l'in-tegrite territoriale de l'Irak, empecher le PKK[mouvement independantiste kürde] d'ins-taller des bases dans le Kurdistan irakien etpreserver le statut de Kirkouk [ville irakiennerevendiquee â la fois par les Kurdes et parles Turkmenes].La sauvegarde par l'Irak de son integrite ter¬ritoriale semble etre une perspective de plus

en plus lointaine. La terreur du PKK, on enparle dejâ depuis des annees. Diverses pro-positions de cooperation visant â eliminerses bases dans le nord de l'Irak sont encours d'examen. Que ces discussions ser-vent ou non â quelque chose, il s'agit lâ d'unproblâme propre â laTurquie. Celle-ci ales moyens de le re-soudre, meme şansl'appui ni la colla-boration des Ameri¬cains. Quant â la villede Kirkouk, que Mas-soud Barzani [leaderkürde irakien] definitcomme le "cceur duKurdistan", la situa¬tion y est bien pluscompliquĞe et plus delicate. Dans le climatde l'apres-Saddam, les tensions ne cessentde croître. Et c'est dans ce climat qu'Erdo-gan a fait une dŞclaration inattendue. "Laquestion irakienne est devenue prioritaire,affirme le Premier ministre, davantage quele processus d'entree dans l'Union euro-

A Deşsin de Sdıronk paru dans The Economist, Londres.

peenne. " Dans le discours qu'il a tenu lorsde la reunion de son parti, Erdoğan a repe¬te : " Une activite tres intense se developpeâ Kirkouk en vue de changerla compositionethnique de la ville. On cherche â appliquerlâ-bas la meme logique de fait accompli que

dans le HautKarabakh[rĞgion de TAzerbaid-jan, d'oü les Azârisont etĞ chassĞs apresune guerre territonalequi les a opposâ auxArmeniens majontai-re dans ce territoire].Nous ne pouvons pasassister en specta-teurs â de tels agis-sements. Sinon, l'Irakpourrait etre l'objet

d'un plus grand Ğclatement encore et d'uneguerre çivile, avec des consâquences diffı-ciles â prĞvoir pour la paix regionale et mon-diale."Le message du Premier ministreest trâs clair : "Nous n'accepterons pas unfait accompli â Kirkouk, nous intervien-drons"... Ce message n'est pas seulement

59

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

adresse â l'administration irakienne et auxleaders kurdes, mais surtout â Washingtonet au prâsident Bush. Le ministre des Affairesetrangeres turc Abdullah Gül va bientçt ren-contrer Condoleezza Rice â Washington. II vaune fois de plus faire part de ses inquietudesâ ses interlocuteurs. II discutera avec eux duprobleme du PKK, mais surtout demande-ra le report du refârendum sur le statut deKirkouk, prevu pour cet automne.

Juste apres le refus du Parlement turc d'ac-corder â l'armee americaine un droit depassage par la Turquie pour envahir l'Iraken 2003, le chef de l'etat-major turc del'epoque avait declare : "C'est une decisionque nous respectons. Tout ce queje sou-haite, c'est que ce choix, qui vise en prin¬cipe â nous eviter d'etre impliques danscette guerre, ne nous oblige pas demainâ nous opposer â ceux qui sont actuelle-

ment en guerre [les Etats-Unis]... " A pre¬sent, avec le non-reglement de la questionde Kirkouk et la poursuite des activites duPKK en Irak, la Turquie approche rapidementde cette phase dangereuse.

Bilal Çetin, Vatan, İstanbul

le figaro plus de cent morts23 janvier 2007 dans des attentats en Irak

MOYEN-ORİENT. Un double atten-tat â la voiture piegee a ensan-glante Bagdad hier, tuant 88 civilset en blessant plus de 160. C'estvers midi que deux fortes explo-sions ont retenti â quelquessecondes d'intervalle dans le quar-tier de Bab al-Charki, surla rive estdu Tigre, â proximite du marcheaux puces de Haraj. Cette attaque,qui est la plus meurtriere depuis ledebut de 1' annee, survient alorsque les Etats-Unis ont commence'â deployer k Bagdad les premiersrenforts attendus dans le cadre dunouveau plan de securite cens6râtablir l'ordre dans la capitale.Douze personnes ont egalement

ete tuees et 29 blessees hier dansl'explosion quasi simultaneed'une bombe et la chute d'un obüsde mortier â Khales, â 80 km aunord de Bagdad. Les victimesetaient rassemblĞes dans un mar-châ populaire. De son cötĞ, le Pen-tagone a reconnu qu'un missilesol-air portable est şans doute âToriğine de la destruction samediau nord-est de Bagdad d'un heli-coptere americain UH-60 BlackHavvk. Douze soldats americainssont morts dans la chute del'appareil. La branche irakienned'al-Qaida a revendiqu6 l'attaquehier soir sur Internet.

(AFP)

Apres les attentats d'hier, »m hommecrie sa douleur pres de l'höpitalde Bagdad. W. al-Okaili/AFP.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad de plus en plus critique par les iraniens

mS o^ o

P* .5.

DEJÂ EN butte, ces dernieres semaines,â de vives critiques dans la presse iranien¬ne^ comp. is la presse conservatrice et latelevision d:Etat, le president MahmoudAhmadinejad vient d'essuyer une nouvel¬le rebuffade contre sa politique etrangereet interieure.

Cette fois, il s'agit de l'un des personna-ges â l'aura la plus incontesf.ee d'Iran, l'an¬cien dauphin de l'ayatollah Khomeiny, fon¬dateur de la Republique islamique, legrand ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri.Ecarte au profit du Guide actuel, l'ayatol¬lah Khamenei, M. Montazeri, Tetire âQom, la ville sainte, passe aujourd'huipour la reference intellectuelle de nom-breux dissidents.

. « Nous disons morta l'Amerique, mais lesEtats-Unis sont une puissance avec desmoyens importants (...). IIfaut agir avec rai-sonface â l'ennemi et ne pas leprovoquer »,a-t-il dit recemment lors d'une rencontreavec des membres de l'opposition liberale,

ajoutant, dans une reference explicite a laposition de confrontation de M. Ahmadi¬nejad sur le nucleaire et â sa gestion contes-tee de l'economie : « Lesextremismesneser-ventpas les interets du peuple. » Et l'ayatol¬lah d'expliciter : « Certains responsablesdisentque l'inflation ne depassepas les 13 %(...), mais lorsqu'on emmine la question on

voit que dans certains domaines comme lelogement les prix ont augmente de 50 % (...)On nepeutpas gouverner lepays avec des slo-gans. »

Depuis l'echec de la mouvance conserva¬trice qui lui est proche aux elections muni-cipales ainsi qu'â PAssemblee des experts,le 15 decembre, le president iranien estouvertement conteste. L'adoption de sanc¬tions, le 23 decembre, au Conseil de securi¬te des Nations unies contre le programmenucleaire semble meme avoir exacerbe lestensions. En effet, en depit des dementisofficiels, l'economie iranienne paye dejâau moins le coût des sanctions financieresunilaterales americaines. Les banques ira-niennes ont deride depuis hindi de ne plusfaire deviıements en dollars vers l'etran-ger â cause des restrictions imposees.

Le 10 janvier, le quotidien conservateurfomhouri Eslami avait vertement deman-de.au president de cesser de parler dunucleaire « â toutboutde champ » pour nepas « fournir depretexte » aux ennemis dupays.

« Aventurisme du president »De leur cote, apres avoir laisse prevaloir

leurs rivalites aux municipales - une desraisons de leur echec -, les conservateurs,majoritaires au Parlement, prenant acte

de leurs divisions, se sont scindes en deuxgroupes. De plus en plus de voix s'eieventaussi contre la « d^gradation » de l'imagede l'Iran sur la scene internationale. Mar¬di, Akbar Alami, un depute modere tresecoute, critiquant « l'aventurisme du presi¬dent », a denonce « l'organisation de la

conference internationale sur l'Holocaustepar le ministere des affaires etrangeres ».Cette conference sur la « realite » de laShoah qui s'est tenue âTeheran, en decem¬bre, fut une tribüne pour les revisionnistesde nombreux pays et a suscite une vaguede condamnations.

Les Etats-Unis ont fait circuler â PAs¬semblee generale des Nations unies, mar¬di 23 janvier, un projet de resolution appe-lant les 192 Etats membres de l'ONU a« rejeter şans reserve toute negation totaleoupartielle de l'Holocauste en tant qu'evene-ment historique, et toute activite ayant cetobjectif». Le texte ne menfionne aucunpays, mais vise notamment les declara¬tions revisionnistes iraniennes. Le jourmeme, M. Ahmadinejad a qualifie unenouvelle fois la Shoah de «fabrication »,predisant que l'Etat d'Israel allait « tom-ber en morceaux ». L'Assemblee generalede l'ONU devrait voter,vendredi, sur le tex-te americain. - (AFP, Reuters.) m

60

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

adresse â l'administration irakienne et auxleaders kurdes, mais surtout â Washingtonet au prâsident Bush. Le ministre des Affairesetrangeres turc Abdullah Gül va bientçt ren-contrer Condoleezza Rice â Washington. II vaune fois de plus faire part de ses inquietudesâ ses interlocuteurs. II discutera avec eux duprobleme du PKK, mais surtout demande-ra le report du refârendum sur le statut deKirkouk, prevu pour cet automne.

Juste apres le refus du Parlement turc d'ac-corder â l'armee americaine un droit depassage par la Turquie pour envahir l'Iraken 2003, le chef de l'etat-major turc del'epoque avait declare : "C'est une decisionque nous respectons. Tout ce queje sou-haite, c'est que ce choix, qui vise en prin¬cipe â nous eviter d'etre impliques danscette guerre, ne nous oblige pas demainâ nous opposer â ceux qui sont actuelle-

ment en guerre [les Etats-Unis]... " A pre¬sent, avec le non-reglement de la questionde Kirkouk et la poursuite des activites duPKK en Irak, la Turquie approche rapidementde cette phase dangereuse.

Bilal Çetin, Vatan, İstanbul

le figaro plus de cent morts23 janvier 2007 dans des attentats en Irak

MOYEN-ORİENT. Un double atten-tat â la voiture piegee a ensan-glante Bagdad hier, tuant 88 civilset en blessant plus de 160. C'estvers midi que deux fortes explo-sions ont retenti â quelquessecondes d'intervalle dans le quar-tier de Bab al-Charki, surla rive estdu Tigre, â proximite du marcheaux puces de Haraj. Cette attaque,qui est la plus meurtriere depuis ledebut de 1' annee, survient alorsque les Etats-Unis ont commence'â deployer k Bagdad les premiersrenforts attendus dans le cadre dunouveau plan de securite cens6râtablir l'ordre dans la capitale.Douze personnes ont egalement

ete tuees et 29 blessees hier dansl'explosion quasi simultaneed'une bombe et la chute d'un obüsde mortier â Khales, â 80 km aunord de Bagdad. Les victimesetaient rassemblĞes dans un mar-châ populaire. De son cötĞ, le Pen-tagone a reconnu qu'un missilesol-air portable est şans doute âToriğine de la destruction samediau nord-est de Bagdad d'un heli-coptere americain UH-60 BlackHavvk. Douze soldats americainssont morts dans la chute del'appareil. La branche irakienned'al-Qaida a revendiqu6 l'attaquehier soir sur Internet.

(AFP)

Apres les attentats d'hier, »m hommecrie sa douleur pres de l'höpitalde Bagdad. W. al-Okaili/AFP.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad de plus en plus critique par les iraniens

mS o^ o

P* .5.

DEJÂ EN butte, ces dernieres semaines,â de vives critiques dans la presse iranien¬ne^ comp. is la presse conservatrice et latelevision d:Etat, le president MahmoudAhmadinejad vient d'essuyer une nouvel¬le rebuffade contre sa politique etrangereet interieure.

Cette fois, il s'agit de l'un des personna-ges â l'aura la plus incontesf.ee d'Iran, l'an¬cien dauphin de l'ayatollah Khomeiny, fon¬dateur de la Republique islamique, legrand ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri.Ecarte au profit du Guide actuel, l'ayatol¬lah Khamenei, M. Montazeri, Tetire âQom, la ville sainte, passe aujourd'huipour la reference intellectuelle de nom-breux dissidents.

. « Nous disons morta l'Amerique, mais lesEtats-Unis sont une puissance avec desmoyens importants (...). IIfaut agir avec rai-sonface â l'ennemi et ne pas leprovoquer »,a-t-il dit recemment lors d'une rencontreavec des membres de l'opposition liberale,

ajoutant, dans une reference explicite a laposition de confrontation de M. Ahmadi¬nejad sur le nucleaire et â sa gestion contes-tee de l'economie : « Lesextremismesneser-ventpas les interets du peuple. » Et l'ayatol¬lah d'expliciter : « Certains responsablesdisentque l'inflation ne depassepas les 13 %(...), mais lorsqu'on emmine la question on

voit que dans certains domaines comme lelogement les prix ont augmente de 50 % (...)On nepeutpas gouverner lepays avec des slo-gans. »

Depuis l'echec de la mouvance conserva¬trice qui lui est proche aux elections muni-cipales ainsi qu'â PAssemblee des experts,le 15 decembre, le president iranien estouvertement conteste. L'adoption de sanc¬tions, le 23 decembre, au Conseil de securi¬te des Nations unies contre le programmenucleaire semble meme avoir exacerbe lestensions. En effet, en depit des dementisofficiels, l'economie iranienne paye dejâau moins le coût des sanctions financieresunilaterales americaines. Les banques ira-niennes ont deride depuis hindi de ne plusfaire deviıements en dollars vers l'etran-ger â cause des restrictions imposees.

Le 10 janvier, le quotidien conservateurfomhouri Eslami avait vertement deman-de.au president de cesser de parler dunucleaire « â toutboutde champ » pour nepas « fournir depretexte » aux ennemis dupays.

« Aventurisme du president »De leur cote, apres avoir laisse prevaloir

leurs rivalites aux municipales - une desraisons de leur echec -, les conservateurs,majoritaires au Parlement, prenant acte

de leurs divisions, se sont scindes en deuxgroupes. De plus en plus de voix s'eieventaussi contre la « d^gradation » de l'imagede l'Iran sur la scene internationale. Mar¬di, Akbar Alami, un depute modere tresecoute, critiquant « l'aventurisme du presi¬dent », a denonce « l'organisation de la

conference internationale sur l'Holocaustepar le ministere des affaires etrangeres ».Cette conference sur la « realite » de laShoah qui s'est tenue âTeheran, en decem¬bre, fut une tribüne pour les revisionnistesde nombreux pays et a suscite une vaguede condamnations.

Les Etats-Unis ont fait circuler â PAs¬semblee generale des Nations unies, mar¬di 23 janvier, un projet de resolution appe-lant les 192 Etats membres de l'ONU a« rejeter şans reserve toute negation totaleoupartielle de l'Holocauste en tant qu'evene-ment historique, et toute activite ayant cetobjectif». Le texte ne menfionne aucunpays, mais vise notamment les declara¬tions revisionnistes iraniennes. Le jourmeme, M. Ahmadinejad a qualifie unenouvelle fois la Shoah de «fabrication »,predisant que l'Etat d'Israel allait « tom-ber en morceaux ». L'Assemblee generalede l'ONU devrait voter,vendredi, sur le tex-te americain. - (AFP, Reuters.) m

60

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Thousandsmournslain editörin istanbulArmenians joinwith Turks in a raredisplay of unityBy Şebnem Arsu and Susanne Fovvler

İSTANBUL: More than 50,000 mourn-ers, including senior Turkish and Ar¬menian officials in a rare display ofunity, poured into the heart of istanbulon Tuesday to bid farevvell to HrantDink, the Turkish-Armenian journalistvvho vvas killed in front ofhis office lastvveek, a death that many Turks hopedvvould be a catalyst for change.

The Armenian patriarch, Mesrob II,spoke out during Dink's funeral ser¬vice against curbs on freedom of ex-pression and urged an expansion of thepotentially thavving relations betvveenArmenia and Turkey that have becomeevident since the slaying.

"it is unacceptable to judge and im-prison someone because of histhoughts, let alone to kili him," Mesrobsaid during the hourlong service at theHoly Mother of God Armenian Patriar-chal Church. "it is mystical that his fu¬neral turned into an occasion vvhereArmenian and Turkish officialsgathered together."

More than 600 people squeezed intothe 175-year-old church, and hundredsmore follovved the service from loud-speakers in the side rooms, vvhile stilimore vvaited in the nearby alleys of thediversified neighborhood.

inside, vvhite flovvers in the_shape ofa cross lay on Dink's coffin, as threeclose friends stood on each side hold¬ing candles tied vvith black ribbons.

Diplomatie relations betvveen Tur¬key and Armenia vvere frozen and theirborder elosed in 1993, after years ofgrievances, chiefly the mass deaths ofArmenians at Turkish hands in 1915,

during World War I. Armenia claimsthat the Turks killed 1.5 million Ar¬menians in a genocide, a subject Dinkoften addressed.

But senior Turkish and Armenianofficials joined together to commemor-ate Dink.

Top Turkish officials DeputyPrime Minister Mehmet Ali Şahin ofTurkey, Interior Minister AbdulkadirAksu, the istanbul governor MuammerGüler and the head of security forces,Celalettin Cerrah vvere seated in the

Ücra I £ribunc /«»»«O' 24< 2007

Turks bearing placards saying "We ali are Hrant Dink" and "We ali are Armenians" asthe funeral for Dink got under vvay Tuesday outside the office ofhis nevvspaper, Agos.

front rovv of the church. Tvvo generalsvvere also present. An adviser to theprime minister, Ömer Telik, also at¬tended.

The Armenian deputy foreign minis¬ter, Arman Kirakossian, vvas seated be-hind them, as vvas Karen Mirzoyan, thepermanent Armenian representative tothe Organization of the Black Sea Eco¬nomic Cooperation.

Religious leaders included the areh-bishop of the Armenian Church ofAmerica, Khajag Barsamyan. Im-pressed by the strength of the public re¬action against Dink's death, Barsamyan,in an intervievv, underlined the povverof the positive feeling to achieve ideals.

"Hrant Dink vvas a man vvho suppor-ted dialogue and cooperation," he said."His soul vvill be in peace vvhen he sees

that his assassination created some pos¬itive steps betvveen tvvo countries."

Earlier, vvith hundreds of poliçe of-ficers in riot gear on duty and vvithtraffic barred on the main thorough-fares, normally chaotic seetions of thecity took on a somber atmosphere asethereal Armenian music played fromloudspeakers along Republic Avenueand Turks of various. ethnicities stoodshoulder to shoulder, many in tears.Others leaned out vvindovvs or över bal-cony railings to vvateh the procession.

Dink's vvidovv, Rakel, addressed thestreet gathering and said that unless theauthorities could learn hovv the 17-year-old suspect "grevv into a murderer, vvecannot achieve anything."

"Do not be left vvith today, be satisfiedvvith today," she said vvith a shaky voicein Armenian-accented Turkish. Sheurged the crovvds to follovv her hus-band's footsteps by vvorking for democ-

racy and regional peace and by empath-izing vvith, and not cursing, one another.

The Dink family had requested a si-lent vigil in front of the offices of Agos,the vveekly bilingual nevvspaper editedby Dink, but the mourners did expresstheir emotions vvith spontaneous boutsof vvhistling and applause. A fevv vvhodid chant called for solidarity betvveenthe majority Müslim Turkey and itsminority communities including theKurds and Jevvs.

At the start of the procession, Dink'scoffin lay inside a black hearse parkedoutside his nevvspaper offices. Thehearse then moved in the direetion ofcentral Taksim Square, vvith at least oneArmenian religious leader in the frontseat. Family members follovved on foot.

Dink's vveeping daughter, Sera, carrieda picture of her father as onlookerstossed flovvers and applauded in tribute.At one point, the entourage passed a bill-board several stories tali advertising bluejeans vvith the headline "Make History."

Many mourners held red carnationsdistributed by the local mayor's office orvvaved black and vvhite placards reading,"We are ali Hrant Dink" in Turkish onone side and in Armenian on the other.

Stili other signs read "Murder 301," areference to the Turkish lavv undervvhich scores of vvriters and intellectu-als, including Dink and the Nobel laure-ate Orhan Pamuk, have been prosecutedin lavvsuits filed by nationalists.

Many of Dink's friends and col-leagues hold the government responsi¬ble to a degree for Dink's death becauseit allovved nationalist groups to sue him,forcing him to stand trial vvhere he vvasconvieted on the charge of insultingTurkishness, and earning notorietyamong nationalists.

61

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Thousandsmournslain editörin istanbulArmenians joinwith Turks in a raredisplay of unityBy Şebnem Arsu and Susanne Fovvler

İSTANBUL: More than 50,000 mourn-ers, including senior Turkish and Ar¬menian officials in a rare display ofunity, poured into the heart of istanbulon Tuesday to bid farevvell to HrantDink, the Turkish-Armenian journalistvvho vvas killed in front ofhis office lastvveek, a death that many Turks hopedvvould be a catalyst for change.

The Armenian patriarch, Mesrob II,spoke out during Dink's funeral ser¬vice against curbs on freedom of ex-pression and urged an expansion of thepotentially thavving relations betvveenArmenia and Turkey that have becomeevident since the slaying.

"it is unacceptable to judge and im-prison someone because of histhoughts, let alone to kili him," Mesrobsaid during the hourlong service at theHoly Mother of God Armenian Patriar-chal Church. "it is mystical that his fu¬neral turned into an occasion vvhereArmenian and Turkish officialsgathered together."

More than 600 people squeezed intothe 175-year-old church, and hundredsmore follovved the service from loud-speakers in the side rooms, vvhile stilimore vvaited in the nearby alleys of thediversified neighborhood.

inside, vvhite flovvers in the_shape ofa cross lay on Dink's coffin, as threeclose friends stood on each side hold¬ing candles tied vvith black ribbons.

Diplomatie relations betvveen Tur¬key and Armenia vvere frozen and theirborder elosed in 1993, after years ofgrievances, chiefly the mass deaths ofArmenians at Turkish hands in 1915,

during World War I. Armenia claimsthat the Turks killed 1.5 million Ar¬menians in a genocide, a subject Dinkoften addressed.

But senior Turkish and Armenianofficials joined together to commemor-ate Dink.

Top Turkish officials DeputyPrime Minister Mehmet Ali Şahin ofTurkey, Interior Minister AbdulkadirAksu, the istanbul governor MuammerGüler and the head of security forces,Celalettin Cerrah vvere seated in the

Ücra I £ribunc /«»»«O' 24< 2007

Turks bearing placards saying "We ali are Hrant Dink" and "We ali are Armenians" asthe funeral for Dink got under vvay Tuesday outside the office ofhis nevvspaper, Agos.

front rovv of the church. Tvvo generalsvvere also present. An adviser to theprime minister, Ömer Telik, also at¬tended.

The Armenian deputy foreign minis¬ter, Arman Kirakossian, vvas seated be-hind them, as vvas Karen Mirzoyan, thepermanent Armenian representative tothe Organization of the Black Sea Eco¬nomic Cooperation.

Religious leaders included the areh-bishop of the Armenian Church ofAmerica, Khajag Barsamyan. Im-pressed by the strength of the public re¬action against Dink's death, Barsamyan,in an intervievv, underlined the povverof the positive feeling to achieve ideals.

"Hrant Dink vvas a man vvho suppor-ted dialogue and cooperation," he said."His soul vvill be in peace vvhen he sees

that his assassination created some pos¬itive steps betvveen tvvo countries."

Earlier, vvith hundreds of poliçe of-ficers in riot gear on duty and vvithtraffic barred on the main thorough-fares, normally chaotic seetions of thecity took on a somber atmosphere asethereal Armenian music played fromloudspeakers along Republic Avenueand Turks of various. ethnicities stoodshoulder to shoulder, many in tears.Others leaned out vvindovvs or över bal-cony railings to vvateh the procession.

Dink's vvidovv, Rakel, addressed thestreet gathering and said that unless theauthorities could learn hovv the 17-year-old suspect "grevv into a murderer, vvecannot achieve anything."

"Do not be left vvith today, be satisfiedvvith today," she said vvith a shaky voicein Armenian-accented Turkish. Sheurged the crovvds to follovv her hus-band's footsteps by vvorking for democ-

racy and regional peace and by empath-izing vvith, and not cursing, one another.

The Dink family had requested a si-lent vigil in front of the offices of Agos,the vveekly bilingual nevvspaper editedby Dink, but the mourners did expresstheir emotions vvith spontaneous boutsof vvhistling and applause. A fevv vvhodid chant called for solidarity betvveenthe majority Müslim Turkey and itsminority communities including theKurds and Jevvs.

At the start of the procession, Dink'scoffin lay inside a black hearse parkedoutside his nevvspaper offices. Thehearse then moved in the direetion ofcentral Taksim Square, vvith at least oneArmenian religious leader in the frontseat. Family members follovved on foot.

Dink's vveeping daughter, Sera, carrieda picture of her father as onlookerstossed flovvers and applauded in tribute.At one point, the entourage passed a bill-board several stories tali advertising bluejeans vvith the headline "Make History."

Many mourners held red carnationsdistributed by the local mayor's office orvvaved black and vvhite placards reading,"We are ali Hrant Dink" in Turkish onone side and in Armenian on the other.

Stili other signs read "Murder 301," areference to the Turkish lavv undervvhich scores of vvriters and intellectu-als, including Dink and the Nobel laure-ate Orhan Pamuk, have been prosecutedin lavvsuits filed by nationalists.

Many of Dink's friends and col-leagues hold the government responsi¬ble to a degree for Dink's death becauseit allovved nationalist groups to sue him,forcing him to stand trial vvhere he vvasconvieted on the charge of insultingTurkishness, and earning notorietyamong nationalists.

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Article 301 remains a roadblock toTurkish entry into the European Union,vvhich is urging Turkey to amend it.Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğanhas shovvn some vvillingness to have thelavv revvorded, asking nongovernmentalorganizations late last year to come upvvith a draft to submit to Parliament.

The security surrounding the eventsTuesday vvas a counterpoint to the lackof protection given to Dink vvhen he vvasreceiving threatens from nationalistsduring his trial in istanbul last year.

Emotions overflovved during themarch. An elderly vvoman of Armeniandescent, crying on the street, said that itvvas "important to remember that Tur¬key became a republic vvith our blood,too." She asked not to be identified, say¬ing that vvas afraid that if she talked,someone might shoot her, too.

The poliçe say that Ogün Samast, 17,

has confessed to shooting Dink, sayingthat he received the vveapon from YasinHayal, a nationalist vvho bombed a Mc¬Donald's restaurant in 2004, and vvhohas also been detained. Both are fromTrabzon, a tovvn on the Black Sea coastin eastern Turkey that is noted for strongnationalist sentiment.

The Turkish authorities said thatDink, 52, vvas killed for expressing hisvievvs. "His vvritings vvere full of de-mocracy, peace and good nationalism,"Aslihan Eker, 29, said, the edges of herred head scarf tightly tucked inside hercoat, and her sunglasses hiding hertears. "That people are openly callingthemselves Armenian today meanssomething and I hope our cries bring amessage for peace to those vvho see Ar¬menians as enemies."

FINANCIAL TIMES TUESDAY JANUARY 23 2007

Kurds reject claimof accord on Iraqioil law blueprint

By Steve Negus,lraq correspondent

Kurdish officials yesterdaydismissed a suggestion thatIraq's main political factionshad overcome their differ-ences on a proposed oil lavvand said a final agreementcould stili be some timeavvay.

Statements from Iraq's oilministry last vveek said ithad produced a draft of thelong-avvaited lavv governingthe country's oil industry,seen as essential to restoringthe economy and undermin-ing insurgent violence.

"No, vve have not [signedoff on a draft of the proposedhydrocarbons lavv]. Abso-lutely not," Ashti Havvrami,the Kurdistan Regional Gov¬ernment's oil minister, toldthe Financial Times. "Sev¬eral issues are stili notresolved. The ministry of oilstatement is unfortunatelyprematüre.

"The head of the [petro¬leum committee vvhich isdrafting the lavv] is going toorganise nevv meetings toaddress these issues. Proba-

bly vve vvill reconvene nextvveek or after to discuss theremaining issues."

He said that there vvereseveral annexes to the legis-lation and three other associ-ated lavvs governing revenuesharing, the status of thenational oil company andthe oil ministry's nevv rolevvhich needed to be draftedand agreed on before thevvhole package vvas finalised.

Iraq's oil ministry lastvveek said that a lavv hadbeen drafted to be presentedto the cabinet this vveek.

The statement vvas ini-tially vievved as a possibleend to the deadlock betvveenthe main Kurdish partiesand the Shia-led Baghdadgovernment över a lavv thatvvould allovv large-scale for¬eign investment in Iraq,believed to have the vvorld'ssecond-largest oil reserves.

The passage of a lavv gov¬erning the distribution ofpetroleum revenue couldalso appease Sünni Arabconcerns that their oil-poorheartland could be starvedof revenue and undercutsupport for the insurgency.

Hovvever, the Kurds andthe Shia have been at logger-heads for most of the pastyear över vvhether regionalgovernments such as theKRG should have the rightto enter contracts vvith oilcompanies. Officials in Bagh¬dad say that signing con¬tracts is the central govern¬ment's natural role, butKurdish leaders say they areunvvilling to give Baghdadveto povver över the develop-ment of a petroleum indus¬try vvithin their territory,and argüe that they have theconstitution on their side.

Mr Havvrami said a draft"vvhich allovvs the KRG tonegotiate and sign nevv con¬tracts vvithin the region andto receive its fair share ofIraq's oil revenue, to beguaranteed and regulated bylavv" had been presented toNouri al-Maliki, Iraqi primeminister, in mid-December.

He said recent drafts, donein his absence, had beenrevvritten vvithout Kurdishinvolvement.

Congress to grill commander inlraq: w\yw.ft.com/mideast

Oo

3e

-O

Presidentof IrandismissessanctionsAction 'born dead,'Ahmadinejad saysByNazilaFathi

TEHRAN: President Mahmoud Ah¬madinejad brushed off United Nationssanctions on Iran's nuclear program asinsignificant Sunday and vovved thatIran vvould not halt the program.

"The resolution vvas born dead," hesaid in Parliament of the SecurityCouncil action that established thesanctions. His remarks vvere part of his

presentation of a budget for the nextIranian year, vvhich begins March 21.

"Even if they issue 10 more such reso-lutions, it vvill not affect Iran's economyand politics," he said.

Ahmadinejad appears to be underpressure from the highest authorities inIran to end his involvement in its nucle¬ar program, a sign that his political cap¬ital is declining as his country comesunder increasing international pres¬sure.

Just one month after the SecurityCouncil imposed sanctions, tvvo hard-line nevvspapers, including one ovvnedby the supreme leader, Ayatollah AliKhamenei, called on Ahmadinejad tostay out of ali matters nuclear.

The United States and some Euro¬pean nations have said that Iran's nucle¬ar program is for creating nuclearvveapons. Iran contends that its pro¬gram is peaceful.

in the hazy vvorld of Iranian politics,such a public rebuke vvas seen as a signthat Khamenei, vvho has final say on alimatters of state, might no longer sup¬port the president as the public face ofdefiance of the West.

it is the first sign that Ahmadinejadhad lost any degree of Khamenei's con-

fidence, a potentially damaging devel-opment for a president vvho has ralliedhis nation and defined his administra¬tion by declaring nuclear povver to beIran's "inalienable right."

it vvas unclear, hovvever, vvhether therebuke vvas merely an effort to improveIran's public image by lovvering Ahmad-inejad's profile or vvas a signal for achange in policy. The presidency is arelatively vveak position vvith no officialauthority över foreign policy, vvhich isthe domain of the supreme leader.

But Ahmadinejad has used his post asa bully pulpit to insert himself into thenuclear debate, and as long as he ap¬peared to enjoy Khamenei's support, hecould continue.

Ahmadinejad said Sunday that usingsanctions as a vveapon against Iran vvas"a rusty instrument and has no effect."

"They thought that they could stop usvvith threats and pressure," he said.

"They thought that vve vvill back'dovvn if they took our case to the Secu¬rity Council," he said to reporters atParliament, the television nevvs report¬ed.

Hovvever, Ahmadinejad proposedcutting the oil price in the budget fornext year to $33. Iran's budget depends

62

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Article 301 remains a roadblock toTurkish entry into the European Union,vvhich is urging Turkey to amend it.Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğanhas shovvn some vvillingness to have thelavv revvorded, asking nongovernmentalorganizations late last year to come upvvith a draft to submit to Parliament.

The security surrounding the eventsTuesday vvas a counterpoint to the lackof protection given to Dink vvhen he vvasreceiving threatens from nationalistsduring his trial in istanbul last year.

Emotions overflovved during themarch. An elderly vvoman of Armeniandescent, crying on the street, said that itvvas "important to remember that Tur¬key became a republic vvith our blood,too." She asked not to be identified, say¬ing that vvas afraid that if she talked,someone might shoot her, too.

The poliçe say that Ogün Samast, 17,

has confessed to shooting Dink, sayingthat he received the vveapon from YasinHayal, a nationalist vvho bombed a Mc¬Donald's restaurant in 2004, and vvhohas also been detained. Both are fromTrabzon, a tovvn on the Black Sea coastin eastern Turkey that is noted for strongnationalist sentiment.

The Turkish authorities said thatDink, 52, vvas killed for expressing hisvievvs. "His vvritings vvere full of de-mocracy, peace and good nationalism,"Aslihan Eker, 29, said, the edges of herred head scarf tightly tucked inside hercoat, and her sunglasses hiding hertears. "That people are openly callingthemselves Armenian today meanssomething and I hope our cries bring amessage for peace to those vvho see Ar¬menians as enemies."

FINANCIAL TIMES TUESDAY JANUARY 23 2007

Kurds reject claimof accord on Iraqioil law blueprint

By Steve Negus,lraq correspondent

Kurdish officials yesterdaydismissed a suggestion thatIraq's main political factionshad overcome their differ-ences on a proposed oil lavvand said a final agreementcould stili be some timeavvay.

Statements from Iraq's oilministry last vveek said ithad produced a draft of thelong-avvaited lavv governingthe country's oil industry,seen as essential to restoringthe economy and undermin-ing insurgent violence.

"No, vve have not [signedoff on a draft of the proposedhydrocarbons lavv]. Abso-lutely not," Ashti Havvrami,the Kurdistan Regional Gov¬ernment's oil minister, toldthe Financial Times. "Sev¬eral issues are stili notresolved. The ministry of oilstatement is unfortunatelyprematüre.

"The head of the [petro¬leum committee vvhich isdrafting the lavv] is going toorganise nevv meetings toaddress these issues. Proba-

bly vve vvill reconvene nextvveek or after to discuss theremaining issues."

He said that there vvereseveral annexes to the legis-lation and three other associ-ated lavvs governing revenuesharing, the status of thenational oil company andthe oil ministry's nevv rolevvhich needed to be draftedand agreed on before thevvhole package vvas finalised.

Iraq's oil ministry lastvveek said that a lavv hadbeen drafted to be presentedto the cabinet this vveek.

The statement vvas ini-tially vievved as a possibleend to the deadlock betvveenthe main Kurdish partiesand the Shia-led Baghdadgovernment över a lavv thatvvould allovv large-scale for¬eign investment in Iraq,believed to have the vvorld'ssecond-largest oil reserves.

The passage of a lavv gov¬erning the distribution ofpetroleum revenue couldalso appease Sünni Arabconcerns that their oil-poorheartland could be starvedof revenue and undercutsupport for the insurgency.

Hovvever, the Kurds andthe Shia have been at logger-heads for most of the pastyear över vvhether regionalgovernments such as theKRG should have the rightto enter contracts vvith oilcompanies. Officials in Bagh¬dad say that signing con¬tracts is the central govern¬ment's natural role, butKurdish leaders say they areunvvilling to give Baghdadveto povver över the develop-ment of a petroleum indus¬try vvithin their territory,and argüe that they have theconstitution on their side.

Mr Havvrami said a draft"vvhich allovvs the KRG tonegotiate and sign nevv con¬tracts vvithin the region andto receive its fair share ofIraq's oil revenue, to beguaranteed and regulated bylavv" had been presented toNouri al-Maliki, Iraqi primeminister, in mid-December.

He said recent drafts, donein his absence, had beenrevvritten vvithout Kurdishinvolvement.

Congress to grill commander inlraq: w\yw.ft.com/mideast

Oo

3e

-O

Presidentof IrandismissessanctionsAction 'born dead,'Ahmadinejad saysByNazilaFathi

TEHRAN: President Mahmoud Ah¬madinejad brushed off United Nationssanctions on Iran's nuclear program asinsignificant Sunday and vovved thatIran vvould not halt the program.

"The resolution vvas born dead," hesaid in Parliament of the SecurityCouncil action that established thesanctions. His remarks vvere part of his

presentation of a budget for the nextIranian year, vvhich begins March 21.

"Even if they issue 10 more such reso-lutions, it vvill not affect Iran's economyand politics," he said.

Ahmadinejad appears to be underpressure from the highest authorities inIran to end his involvement in its nucle¬ar program, a sign that his political cap¬ital is declining as his country comesunder increasing international pres¬sure.

Just one month after the SecurityCouncil imposed sanctions, tvvo hard-line nevvspapers, including one ovvnedby the supreme leader, Ayatollah AliKhamenei, called on Ahmadinejad tostay out of ali matters nuclear.

The United States and some Euro¬pean nations have said that Iran's nucle¬ar program is for creating nuclearvveapons. Iran contends that its pro¬gram is peaceful.

in the hazy vvorld of Iranian politics,such a public rebuke vvas seen as a signthat Khamenei, vvho has final say on alimatters of state, might no longer sup¬port the president as the public face ofdefiance of the West.

it is the first sign that Ahmadinejadhad lost any degree of Khamenei's con-

fidence, a potentially damaging devel-opment for a president vvho has ralliedhis nation and defined his administra¬tion by declaring nuclear povver to beIran's "inalienable right."

it vvas unclear, hovvever, vvhether therebuke vvas merely an effort to improveIran's public image by lovvering Ahmad-inejad's profile or vvas a signal for achange in policy. The presidency is arelatively vveak position vvith no officialauthority över foreign policy, vvhich isthe domain of the supreme leader.

But Ahmadinejad has used his post asa bully pulpit to insert himself into thenuclear debate, and as long as he ap¬peared to enjoy Khamenei's support, hecould continue.

Ahmadinejad said Sunday that usingsanctions as a vveapon against Iran vvas"a rusty instrument and has no effect."

"They thought that they could stop usvvith threats and pressure," he said.

"They thought that vve vvill back'dovvn if they took our case to the Secu¬rity Council," he said to reporters atParliament, the television nevvs report¬ed.

Hovvever, Ahmadinejad proposedcutting the oil price in the budget fornext year to $33. Iran's budget depends

62

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

heavily on oil revenues and Ahmadine-jad's budget last year vvas based on apriceof$44.

"it is signal to our enemies saying vveare ready and vve vvill manage the coun¬try, even if you lovver the oil prices," hesaid.

The tvvo dailies that called on Ah¬madinejad to distance himself from thenuclear issue accused Ahmadinejad ofusing inflammatory rhetoric.

The daily Kargozaran, vvhich repre-sents the vievvs of moderate forces inthe country, vvarned Sunday that the al-liance against Iran vvas reaching analarming level.

"it appears that the pressure againstIran is increasing and unlike an opti¬mistle vievv there is a tangible tendeneyamong the countries in the region andin the international community tovvardAmerica's policies against Iran," JalalKhoshchehreh, the foreign editör

vvrote.The state-run television also report¬

ed that Iran's Revolutionary Guardsvvould begin three days of military ex-ercise to test the country's missile capa-bility.

The vvar games are expected to beginMonday and tvvo missiles vvill be test-fıred. The exercises vvill take place nearthe city of Garmsar, 100 kilometers, or60 miles, southeast of Tehran.

The maneuvers are to be the firstsince the UN resolution vvas passed.Iran condueted three large-scale ma¬neuvers last year as pressure över Iran'snuclear program intensified.

The exercise is seen in Tehran as adisplay of Iran's military capability astension vvith the West and the UnitedStates inereases. The United States an-nounced it vvould deploy a second air-craft carrier, the Stennis, in the Gulf.

Report on sanctions' effects

The French nevvspaper Le Monde re¬ported on its Web site Sunday that aconfidential Iranian government reporthad highlighted the damaging effectsthat UN sanctions vvould have on thecountry if Iran continued its nuclearprogram, Reuters reported from Paris.

Le Monde said it had obtained a copyof the report, vvhich vvas more than 100pages long and vvhose production vvasled by Iran's Foreign Affairs and De¬fense Ministries.

Le Monde said the report recommen-ded "making as much political effort aspossible to avoid receiving sanctions,vvhile maintaining the country's na¬tional interests and honor."

it said that the report had been givento Ahmadinejad but that the governmentvvanted to keep the study lovv profile.

t-ase

2

Sectarian attacks kili more than 100 in IraqBy Marc Santora

BAGHDAD: Raising the prospect ofyet more intensified sectarian fightinghere, tvvo povverful car bombs rippedthrough a crovvded market in centralBaghdad on Monday, killing at least 88,vvounding 160 and leaving the arealittered vvith pieces of human bodiesamid the flotsam of second-hand goodsthat had dravvn customers to the area.

The bombings, among the mostdeadly in the past year, vvere timed toinflict maximum carnage in the Shiiteneighborhood, oecurring around noonlocal time, vvhen shoppers and com-muters, vvho use the area as an informaltransportation hub, tend to gather.

"Bottles of perfumes and deodorantsvvere fiying in the air like small rock-ets," said Ali Hussein 47, a biologist vvhovvas heading home vvhen he vvasknocked off his feet by the explosion. "Ivvas vvounded in my right leg," he saidoutside the Kindi hospital, vvhich vvasquickly overvvhelmed vvith vietims.

Even vvith chaos enveloping thecountry, American soldiers began head¬ing into some of Baghdad's most trou-bled areas, setting up nevv bases vvherethey planned to vvork vvith the Iraqi se¬curity forces to restore order.

Possibly in anticipation of the Amer¬ican initiative, there vvere indicationsthat Shiite militia members had taken alovver profile in recent vveeks. Americanmilitary officials said they had arrestedmajör militia leaders, and judging bythe numbers of bodies found on the

streets in Baghdad each morning, it ap¬peared that the activities of the deathsquads had eased somevvhat.

But the bombings in Baghdad onMonday, along vvith an attack on aShiite tovvn north ofBaghdad that killed15, follovved a vveek of violent attacks onShiite areas, including tvvin car bomb¬ings at a university in Baghdad lastvveek that left 65 dead and threatened tospur yet more bloodletting.

in the past, attacks by Sünni Arab in¬surgents have been met vvith svvift re-prisals, a deadly eyele that left morethan 34,000 Iraqis dead last year.

Novv, hovvever, the American militaryis positioning troops in outposts onSunni-Shiite fault lines, and militaryofficials privately express concerns thata renevved period of intense sectarianfighting could easily overvvhelm their '

efforts.Elsevvhere in Baghdad, a Sünni

mosque in Doura vvas blovvn up Mondaynight. There vvere no reports of câsual-ties, and the mosque had been largelyabandoned as Shiites took control of thearea around it. Residents said the attackvvas probably revenge for the bombingof a Shiite mosque in the neighborhoodlast vveek.

The bombings at the market Monday,direeted so specifically at civilians,seemed explicitly intended to elicit a re-sponse from the Shiites, much like thebombings in Sadr City one day last failthat killed 144 people.

From the eastern banks of the nearbyTigris River, the tvvo explosions Mon¬

day could be heard going off in quicksuccession, vvith seconds betvveenblasts. Poliçe officials said they vvere solarge that each of the cars probably con-tained more than 90 kilograms, or 200pounds, of explosives. Huge clouds ofsmoke billovved high into the sky, and asthe fires caused by the explosions en-gulfed at least a dozen cars, the clouddrifted över the heavily fortifıed GreenZone, a short distance avvay.

Elsevvhere in the country, Iraqi secu¬rity forces and government officialscontinued to come under attack.

The Sünni Arab mayor of Baquba,Khalid al-Sanjari, vvas abdueted Mon¬day, and after armed gunmen svvepthim avvay from his office, they burned itto the ground, according to a local po¬liçe official. Residents in Baquba said hehad elose ties vvith armed groups fromthe regime of Saddam Hussein.

in Tal Afar, considered a success sto-ry in the American occupation of Iraq,the poliçe vvere the targets in a bombingattack that left three dead and ninevvounded.

The American military, vvhichquelled much of the violence in Tal Afarafter an intensive intervention, hasbeen using its aetions there as a modelfor a nevv strategy to secure Baghdad.

The bombing Monday in Baghdad vvasfollovved by prolonged gun battles. Thefighting could be heard across the city,although officials did not release anycasualty fıgures from the skirmishes.

At the site of the car bombings, vvhichtook place at the popular market in Bab

al-Sharji, next to Iraq's Museum ofModern Art, Iraqi Army troops spotteda man on a nearby rooftop shortly afterthe attack, filming the carnage.

63

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

heavily on oil revenues and Ahmadine-jad's budget last year vvas based on apriceof$44.

"it is signal to our enemies saying vveare ready and vve vvill manage the coun¬try, even if you lovver the oil prices," hesaid.

The tvvo dailies that called on Ah¬madinejad to distance himself from thenuclear issue accused Ahmadinejad ofusing inflammatory rhetoric.

The daily Kargozaran, vvhich repre-sents the vievvs of moderate forces inthe country, vvarned Sunday that the al-liance against Iran vvas reaching analarming level.

"it appears that the pressure againstIran is increasing and unlike an opti¬mistle vievv there is a tangible tendeneyamong the countries in the region andin the international community tovvardAmerica's policies against Iran," JalalKhoshchehreh, the foreign editör

vvrote.The state-run television also report¬

ed that Iran's Revolutionary Guardsvvould begin three days of military ex-ercise to test the country's missile capa-bility.

The vvar games are expected to beginMonday and tvvo missiles vvill be test-fıred. The exercises vvill take place nearthe city of Garmsar, 100 kilometers, or60 miles, southeast of Tehran.

The maneuvers are to be the firstsince the UN resolution vvas passed.Iran condueted three large-scale ma¬neuvers last year as pressure över Iran'snuclear program intensified.

The exercise is seen in Tehran as adisplay of Iran's military capability astension vvith the West and the UnitedStates inereases. The United States an-nounced it vvould deploy a second air-craft carrier, the Stennis, in the Gulf.

Report on sanctions' effects

The French nevvspaper Le Monde re¬ported on its Web site Sunday that aconfidential Iranian government reporthad highlighted the damaging effectsthat UN sanctions vvould have on thecountry if Iran continued its nuclearprogram, Reuters reported from Paris.

Le Monde said it had obtained a copyof the report, vvhich vvas more than 100pages long and vvhose production vvasled by Iran's Foreign Affairs and De¬fense Ministries.

Le Monde said the report recommen-ded "making as much political effort aspossible to avoid receiving sanctions,vvhile maintaining the country's na¬tional interests and honor."

it said that the report had been givento Ahmadinejad but that the governmentvvanted to keep the study lovv profile.

t-ase

2

Sectarian attacks kili more than 100 in IraqBy Marc Santora

BAGHDAD: Raising the prospect ofyet more intensified sectarian fightinghere, tvvo povverful car bombs rippedthrough a crovvded market in centralBaghdad on Monday, killing at least 88,vvounding 160 and leaving the arealittered vvith pieces of human bodiesamid the flotsam of second-hand goodsthat had dravvn customers to the area.

The bombings, among the mostdeadly in the past year, vvere timed toinflict maximum carnage in the Shiiteneighborhood, oecurring around noonlocal time, vvhen shoppers and com-muters, vvho use the area as an informaltransportation hub, tend to gather.

"Bottles of perfumes and deodorantsvvere fiying in the air like small rock-ets," said Ali Hussein 47, a biologist vvhovvas heading home vvhen he vvasknocked off his feet by the explosion. "Ivvas vvounded in my right leg," he saidoutside the Kindi hospital, vvhich vvasquickly overvvhelmed vvith vietims.

Even vvith chaos enveloping thecountry, American soldiers began head¬ing into some of Baghdad's most trou-bled areas, setting up nevv bases vvherethey planned to vvork vvith the Iraqi se¬curity forces to restore order.

Possibly in anticipation of the Amer¬ican initiative, there vvere indicationsthat Shiite militia members had taken alovver profile in recent vveeks. Americanmilitary officials said they had arrestedmajör militia leaders, and judging bythe numbers of bodies found on the

streets in Baghdad each morning, it ap¬peared that the activities of the deathsquads had eased somevvhat.

But the bombings in Baghdad onMonday, along vvith an attack on aShiite tovvn north ofBaghdad that killed15, follovved a vveek of violent attacks onShiite areas, including tvvin car bomb¬ings at a university in Baghdad lastvveek that left 65 dead and threatened tospur yet more bloodletting.

in the past, attacks by Sünni Arab in¬surgents have been met vvith svvift re-prisals, a deadly eyele that left morethan 34,000 Iraqis dead last year.

Novv, hovvever, the American militaryis positioning troops in outposts onSunni-Shiite fault lines, and militaryofficials privately express concerns thata renevved period of intense sectarianfighting could easily overvvhelm their '

efforts.Elsevvhere in Baghdad, a Sünni

mosque in Doura vvas blovvn up Mondaynight. There vvere no reports of câsual-ties, and the mosque had been largelyabandoned as Shiites took control of thearea around it. Residents said the attackvvas probably revenge for the bombingof a Shiite mosque in the neighborhoodlast vveek.

The bombings at the market Monday,direeted so specifically at civilians,seemed explicitly intended to elicit a re-sponse from the Shiites, much like thebombings in Sadr City one day last failthat killed 144 people.

From the eastern banks of the nearbyTigris River, the tvvo explosions Mon¬

day could be heard going off in quicksuccession, vvith seconds betvveenblasts. Poliçe officials said they vvere solarge that each of the cars probably con-tained more than 90 kilograms, or 200pounds, of explosives. Huge clouds ofsmoke billovved high into the sky, and asthe fires caused by the explosions en-gulfed at least a dozen cars, the clouddrifted över the heavily fortifıed GreenZone, a short distance avvay.

Elsevvhere in the country, Iraqi secu¬rity forces and government officialscontinued to come under attack.

The Sünni Arab mayor of Baquba,Khalid al-Sanjari, vvas abdueted Mon¬day, and after armed gunmen svvepthim avvay from his office, they burned itto the ground, according to a local po¬liçe official. Residents in Baquba said hehad elose ties vvith armed groups fromthe regime of Saddam Hussein.

in Tal Afar, considered a success sto-ry in the American occupation of Iraq,the poliçe vvere the targets in a bombingattack that left three dead and ninevvounded.

The American military, vvhichquelled much of the violence in Tal Afarafter an intensive intervention, hasbeen using its aetions there as a modelfor a nevv strategy to secure Baghdad.

The bombing Monday in Baghdad vvasfollovved by prolonged gun battles. Thefighting could be heard across the city,although officials did not release anycasualty fıgures from the skirmishes.

At the site of the car bombings, vvhichtook place at the popular market in Bab

al-Sharji, next to Iraq's Museum ofModern Art, Iraqi Army troops spotteda man on a nearby rooftop shortly afterthe attack, filming the carnage.

63

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

BBB

Iraq

May the government at last rein inthe Shia militias?

CAİROThere is a glimmer of hope that the prime minister has changed heartLAST May, Iraq's nevvly-chosen prime

j minister, Nuri al-Maliki, declared hisgovernment's intention to "put an end tothe militias" believed to be responsible formost of the country's hideous sectarian vi¬olence. Since then, as bodies have piled upin their thousands, it has become plainthat most of the killers vvere members ofthe Mahdi Army, tied to a radical Shiamovement led by Muqtada al-Sadr and akey partner in Mr Maliki's government.

Last August, this correspondentvvatched a flustered Iraqi battalion com-mander take a stream of telephone callsfrom the Ministry of Defence telling him tofree a bunch of suspected kidnappers vvhohad been brought in the night before byAmerican forces and who vvorked at theMinistry of Health, a Sadrist fief; almostcertainly, they vvere freed. Such protectionhelped ensure that American-Iraqi plansto secure the capital failed, vvith Sunnisfleeing from many of Baghdad's mixed dis-tricts and Shia families moving in.

Mr Maliki seems loth to say so outright,but both American officials and some ofhis aides have been telling journalists hehas had a change of heart and has autho-rised a full-fledged crackdovvn on the mili¬tias. The American army says that 16Mahdi Army commanders have been cap-tured in recent vveeks (out of a total of 22arrested since October), and that Ameri

can and Iraqi forces have carried out 52 op¬erations against Mahdi Army targets in thepast 45 days, compared vvith 42 againstSünni insurgents. Some 600 Mahdi Armymembers, the Americans say, are novvavvaiting trial. The Sadrists themselves saythey are under siege, their military com¬manders on the run and no longer usingmobile phones; their black-clad fighters,vvho used to patrol the streets of Shia dis-tricts like Baghdad's vast Sadr City slum inlieu of the poliçe, are lying lovv.

What has changed? The American am-bassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, saysthat Mr Maliki has lost patience vvith try-ing to engage the Sadrists through dia-logue, and has decided to "change themix" to less talk and more arrests. Mr Ma¬liki may also have been emboldened bythe death of Saddam Hussein. Hovveverbarbarie his execution, vvith at least one ofthe hangmen chanting a Sadrist religiousinvocation before the trapdoor opened, itseems to have reassured Shias that theirpolitical dominance as Iraq's largest sectar¬ian block vvill be permanent. After eightdecades of exclusion from povver, many ofthem feared that the West vvould connivevvith Iraq's Sünni Arab neighbours to put arevamped Baath party back into povver.Hussein's execution has convinced themthat Sunnis no longer control Iraq's des-tiny. it has also boosted Mr Maliki's stand

ing in his ovvn community.While Mr Maliki's popularity among

Shias has risen, he seems unabashed bythe decline in his standing among IraqiSünni Arabs: his efforts to conciliateSunnis at home have made little headvvay,irrespeetive of Hussein's demişe.

But he may be more rattled by the dropin his reputation abroad. For most of lastyear, the Americans have been telling himthat the Shia militias vvere their mainvvorry; American officials have been hint-ing ever more broadly that, if Mr Malikidid not rein them in, his government andfledgling army might lose American sup¬port. Meanvvhile, Saudi Arabia, Jordanand other Arab states are getting angrierabout the slaughter of their fellovv Sunnis.If Mr Maliki fails to stern the slaughter, hisgovernment may lose its chance to per-suade the Gulf states to forgive billions ofdollars of debt. Even vvorse, Sünni statessuch as Saudi Arabia may actually startbacking Iraq's Sünni fighters.

The Sadrists themselves may be chang-ing heart too. Mr Sadr never seemedhappy vvith the sectarian eleansing carriedout by groups aeting in his name and hasstruggled to control his loose-limbedmovement. The Sadrists had ahvays calledfor Sunni-Shia unity against the foreign oc-cupier, and after insurgent attacks in thepast had tried to prevent reprisals againstSunnis by declaring that they held theAmericans responsible. More recently, MrSadr has told his follovvers not to attackAmerican or Iraqi security forces, and hasrailed against Sadrist commanders vvhohave disobeyed those instruetions. So farhe has failed to respond to the arrests ofmany Mahdi Army leaders in the past sixmonths, suggesting he may have acqui-esced in the Americans' effort to prune his

movement of rogue commanders.At the same time, much of Mr Sadr's ap-

peal is due to his success in tapping into theShias' hostility to the American presence,so he has plainly been loth to let his mili¬tias be dismantled altogether. in October,they persuaded Mr Maliki's government tomake American troops lift a blockade ofSadr City, vvhere it vvas believed a kid-napped American soldier vvas being held.This vveek, by contrast, the Sadrist move¬ment reacted quite mildly to the inereas-ingly vvidespread arrests and also made aconciliatory gesture to Mr Maliki's govern¬ment: several leading Sadrist politiciansdeclared they vvould end a tvvo-monthboycott of parliament. The Sadrists maycalculate that, just as Iraq does not vvant tobe a pariah in the Arab vvorld, they do notvvant to become a pariah among Shia Is-lamists for having made it so.

Most likely the American and Iraqiforces vvill go on arresting specific MahdiArmy commanders but vvill not directlyassault Sadr City. The Americans admitthey cannot put ali the militia's estimated60,000 members behind bars. They hopeto buy off many of them through job-cre-ation sehemes that have been tried in the

64

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

BBB

Iraq

May the government at last rein inthe Shia militias?

CAİROThere is a glimmer of hope that the prime minister has changed heartLAST May, Iraq's nevvly-chosen prime

j minister, Nuri al-Maliki, declared hisgovernment's intention to "put an end tothe militias" believed to be responsible formost of the country's hideous sectarian vi¬olence. Since then, as bodies have piled upin their thousands, it has become plainthat most of the killers vvere members ofthe Mahdi Army, tied to a radical Shiamovement led by Muqtada al-Sadr and akey partner in Mr Maliki's government.

Last August, this correspondentvvatched a flustered Iraqi battalion com-mander take a stream of telephone callsfrom the Ministry of Defence telling him tofree a bunch of suspected kidnappers vvhohad been brought in the night before byAmerican forces and who vvorked at theMinistry of Health, a Sadrist fief; almostcertainly, they vvere freed. Such protectionhelped ensure that American-Iraqi plansto secure the capital failed, vvith Sunnisfleeing from many of Baghdad's mixed dis-tricts and Shia families moving in.

Mr Maliki seems loth to say so outright,but both American officials and some ofhis aides have been telling journalists hehas had a change of heart and has autho-rised a full-fledged crackdovvn on the mili¬tias. The American army says that 16Mahdi Army commanders have been cap-tured in recent vveeks (out of a total of 22arrested since October), and that Ameri

can and Iraqi forces have carried out 52 op¬erations against Mahdi Army targets in thepast 45 days, compared vvith 42 againstSünni insurgents. Some 600 Mahdi Armymembers, the Americans say, are novvavvaiting trial. The Sadrists themselves saythey are under siege, their military com¬manders on the run and no longer usingmobile phones; their black-clad fighters,vvho used to patrol the streets of Shia dis-tricts like Baghdad's vast Sadr City slum inlieu of the poliçe, are lying lovv.

What has changed? The American am-bassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, saysthat Mr Maliki has lost patience vvith try-ing to engage the Sadrists through dia-logue, and has decided to "change themix" to less talk and more arrests. Mr Ma¬liki may also have been emboldened bythe death of Saddam Hussein. Hovveverbarbarie his execution, vvith at least one ofthe hangmen chanting a Sadrist religiousinvocation before the trapdoor opened, itseems to have reassured Shias that theirpolitical dominance as Iraq's largest sectar¬ian block vvill be permanent. After eightdecades of exclusion from povver, many ofthem feared that the West vvould connivevvith Iraq's Sünni Arab neighbours to put arevamped Baath party back into povver.Hussein's execution has convinced themthat Sunnis no longer control Iraq's des-tiny. it has also boosted Mr Maliki's stand

ing in his ovvn community.While Mr Maliki's popularity among

Shias has risen, he seems unabashed bythe decline in his standing among IraqiSünni Arabs: his efforts to conciliateSunnis at home have made little headvvay,irrespeetive of Hussein's demişe.

But he may be more rattled by the dropin his reputation abroad. For most of lastyear, the Americans have been telling himthat the Shia militias vvere their mainvvorry; American officials have been hint-ing ever more broadly that, if Mr Malikidid not rein them in, his government andfledgling army might lose American sup¬port. Meanvvhile, Saudi Arabia, Jordanand other Arab states are getting angrierabout the slaughter of their fellovv Sunnis.If Mr Maliki fails to stern the slaughter, hisgovernment may lose its chance to per-suade the Gulf states to forgive billions ofdollars of debt. Even vvorse, Sünni statessuch as Saudi Arabia may actually startbacking Iraq's Sünni fighters.

The Sadrists themselves may be chang-ing heart too. Mr Sadr never seemedhappy vvith the sectarian eleansing carriedout by groups aeting in his name and hasstruggled to control his loose-limbedmovement. The Sadrists had ahvays calledfor Sunni-Shia unity against the foreign oc-cupier, and after insurgent attacks in thepast had tried to prevent reprisals againstSunnis by declaring that they held theAmericans responsible. More recently, MrSadr has told his follovvers not to attackAmerican or Iraqi security forces, and hasrailed against Sadrist commanders vvhohave disobeyed those instruetions. So farhe has failed to respond to the arrests ofmany Mahdi Army leaders in the past sixmonths, suggesting he may have acqui-esced in the Americans' effort to prune his

movement of rogue commanders.At the same time, much of Mr Sadr's ap-

peal is due to his success in tapping into theShias' hostility to the American presence,so he has plainly been loth to let his mili¬tias be dismantled altogether. in October,they persuaded Mr Maliki's government tomake American troops lift a blockade ofSadr City, vvhere it vvas believed a kid-napped American soldier vvas being held.This vveek, by contrast, the Sadrist move¬ment reacted quite mildly to the inereas-ingly vvidespread arrests and also made aconciliatory gesture to Mr Maliki's govern¬ment: several leading Sadrist politiciansdeclared they vvould end a tvvo-monthboycott of parliament. The Sadrists maycalculate that, just as Iraq does not vvant tobe a pariah in the Arab vvorld, they do notvvant to become a pariah among Shia Is-lamists for having made it so.

Most likely the American and Iraqiforces vvill go on arresting specific MahdiArmy commanders but vvill not directlyassault Sadr City. The Americans admitthey cannot put ali the militia's estimated60,000 members behind bars. They hopeto buy off many of them through job-cre-ation sehemes that have been tried in the

64

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

past but rarely persevered vvith. Also, theAmericans are setting up outposts in Sünniareas vvhere Shia militias have been par-ticularly active, even though that makesthem vulnerable to Sünni insurgents.

The best gauge of success vvill not bethe number of Mahdi Army people ar¬rested but vvhether the number of boundSünni bodies vvith signs of torture thatturn up in the morgue, in the Tigris river, orin other favoured dumping grounds be-gins to dip in the coming months. The out-going American general, George Casey,says it may not be until late summer thatIraqi civilians start to "feel safe in theirneighbourhoods". That is vvhat PresidentGeorge Bush's promised "surge" of Ameri¬can troops is meant to facilitate.

Stili a city of gloomBut vvhile the Mahdi Army may be qui-etening dovvn, the Sünni insurgents are

not. Hundreds of people, most of themShias in Baghdad, have been killed bybombings in the past fortnight. Shia civil¬ians may soon start blaming such thingson a dearth of Mahdi Army checkpointsfor spotting suicide-bombers or on a re-duction of Shia militia raids against "terro-rist" Sünni mosques. Another devastatingSünni insurgent attack may be enough topersuade Mr Maliki's government to endhis nevv get-tough policy against Shia mili¬tias or even provoke Mr Sadr's follovversinto flooding into the streets to attackSunnis, Americans, Iraqi governmentforces or anyone else in their vvay. Iraq hashad many false davvns in the past threeyears. Mr Maliki's apparent vvillingness tocurb the militias is only a glint of light.

Turkey's poorest corner

The plight of the KurdsHAKKARİ

Too many promises have been broken by the politicians

ON AN icy road snaking through themountains that separate Turkey from

Iran and Iraq, a military convoy rumblesalong. Ragged children stand barefoot inthe snovv, vvaving at the conscripts as theypeer through misted vvindovvs. They areheaded tovvards Hakkari, the poorest cor¬ner of Turkey's predominantly Kurdishsouth-east and a launching pad for mili¬tary operations against separatist pkk re-bels in Kurdish:controlled northern Iraq.Decades of neglect and brutal repressionhave made the province synonymousvvith ali that ails Turkey's 14ın Kurds.

Four years ago, vvhen he chose Hakkarito launch the election campaign thatsvvept his ak party to povver, Turkey'smildly-Islamist prime minister, Recep Tay

yip Erdoğan, joined a train of politicianspledging change for Hakkari.

"Not a thing has changed," hovvever,according to Metin Tekçe, the youthfulmayor of the province's eponymous capi¬tal. Jobless youths fiil coffee-houses. Thestench of uncollected rubbish vvaftsthrough the air. Barely a fifth of homeshave running vvater. Tens of thousands ofrefugees, expelled from surrounding vil¬lages by the security forces at the peak ofthe pkk insurgency in the 199OS, are sur-viving thanks to Hakkari's deeply rootedtribal culture-but their presence is strain-ing the tovvn's flimsy infrastructure to thepoint of collapse.

Mr Tekçe says he might have had a shotat fixing things. But the mayor's debt-ladenbudget is eaten up by his bloated vvork-force and his time is spent running fromone court hearing to the other. Mr Tekçehas been slapped vvith at least 20 casessince being elected in 2004 on the ticket ofTurkey's largest pro-Kurdish party, thedtp. Charges against him range from"membership of a terrorist organization"for saying "the pkk are not terrorists", to vi-olating constitutional lavvs decreeing that"everyone vvho lives in Turkey is a Türk."Mr Tekçe said he vvas a Kurd.

Fourteen months ago, Mr Erdoğan re-turned to Hakkari vvith fresh promises. itvvas after the bombing of a bookshop fre-quented by pro-PKK activists in the tovvn-

The Economist January 27th 2007

ship of Şemdinli. Tvvo intelligence officersand a pkk informant vvho planted thebomb vvere caught as they fled the scene.Speaking in Şemdinli, Mr Erdoğan vovvedto get to the bottom of the affair "no matterhovv high the trail leads."

Emboldened by such vvords, in his in-dictment of the Şemdinli bombers thechief prosecutor of nearby Van also impli-cated Turkey's havvkish chief of generalstaff , Yasar Buyukanit, vvho had called oneof the bombers "a fine chap". An unsched-uled "vvorking visit" to the prime ministerfrom the general prompted Mr Erdoğan toback dovvn; the prosecutor vvas sacked andthe bookshop ovvner jailed. "The biggestchance to solve the Kurdish problem vvassquandered," says one prominent human-rights lavvyer.

Adnan Demirkan, a local ak party offi¬cial, disagrees. The government is expand-ing roads and has built 700 units of lovv-in-come housing. it has also launched ascheme throughout the south-east vvhichgives poor families 30 lira ($21) a month foreach child to help vvith their education.The money is deposited in the mother's ac¬count to ensure it is properly spent.

in the nearby tovvn of Yüksekova, Ne¬cip Çapraz, vvho runs an online nevvs ser¬vice that broke the Şemdinli scandal, has adifferent vvorry. He detects a link betvveenthe steady stream of anonymous threatsthat he has been receiving and the deterio-rating relationship betvveen Turkey andthe eu. "The eu talks vvere our onlyshield," Mr Çapraz commented.

Meanvvhile, the climate of repression ispushing a grovving number of Kurds tocross into northern Iraq in search of jobsand freedom-or, vvorse stili, to join thepkk. Should Mr Erdoğan keep breaking hispromises for Hakkari, many more arepoisedtofollow.

A burdensome life

65

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

past but rarely persevered vvith. Also, theAmericans are setting up outposts in Sünniareas vvhere Shia militias have been par-ticularly active, even though that makesthem vulnerable to Sünni insurgents.

The best gauge of success vvill not bethe number of Mahdi Army people ar¬rested but vvhether the number of boundSünni bodies vvith signs of torture thatturn up in the morgue, in the Tigris river, orin other favoured dumping grounds be-gins to dip in the coming months. The out-going American general, George Casey,says it may not be until late summer thatIraqi civilians start to "feel safe in theirneighbourhoods". That is vvhat PresidentGeorge Bush's promised "surge" of Ameri¬can troops is meant to facilitate.

Stili a city of gloomBut vvhile the Mahdi Army may be qui-etening dovvn, the Sünni insurgents are

not. Hundreds of people, most of themShias in Baghdad, have been killed bybombings in the past fortnight. Shia civil¬ians may soon start blaming such thingson a dearth of Mahdi Army checkpointsfor spotting suicide-bombers or on a re-duction of Shia militia raids against "terro-rist" Sünni mosques. Another devastatingSünni insurgent attack may be enough topersuade Mr Maliki's government to endhis nevv get-tough policy against Shia mili¬tias or even provoke Mr Sadr's follovversinto flooding into the streets to attackSunnis, Americans, Iraqi governmentforces or anyone else in their vvay. Iraq hashad many false davvns in the past threeyears. Mr Maliki's apparent vvillingness tocurb the militias is only a glint of light.

Turkey's poorest corner

The plight of the KurdsHAKKARİ

Too many promises have been broken by the politicians

ON AN icy road snaking through themountains that separate Turkey from

Iran and Iraq, a military convoy rumblesalong. Ragged children stand barefoot inthe snovv, vvaving at the conscripts as theypeer through misted vvindovvs. They areheaded tovvards Hakkari, the poorest cor¬ner of Turkey's predominantly Kurdishsouth-east and a launching pad for mili¬tary operations against separatist pkk re-bels in Kurdish:controlled northern Iraq.Decades of neglect and brutal repressionhave made the province synonymousvvith ali that ails Turkey's 14ın Kurds.

Four years ago, vvhen he chose Hakkarito launch the election campaign thatsvvept his ak party to povver, Turkey'smildly-Islamist prime minister, Recep Tay

yip Erdoğan, joined a train of politicianspledging change for Hakkari.

"Not a thing has changed," hovvever,according to Metin Tekçe, the youthfulmayor of the province's eponymous capi¬tal. Jobless youths fiil coffee-houses. Thestench of uncollected rubbish vvaftsthrough the air. Barely a fifth of homeshave running vvater. Tens of thousands ofrefugees, expelled from surrounding vil¬lages by the security forces at the peak ofthe pkk insurgency in the 199OS, are sur-viving thanks to Hakkari's deeply rootedtribal culture-but their presence is strain-ing the tovvn's flimsy infrastructure to thepoint of collapse.

Mr Tekçe says he might have had a shotat fixing things. But the mayor's debt-ladenbudget is eaten up by his bloated vvork-force and his time is spent running fromone court hearing to the other. Mr Tekçehas been slapped vvith at least 20 casessince being elected in 2004 on the ticket ofTurkey's largest pro-Kurdish party, thedtp. Charges against him range from"membership of a terrorist organization"for saying "the pkk are not terrorists", to vi-olating constitutional lavvs decreeing that"everyone vvho lives in Turkey is a Türk."Mr Tekçe said he vvas a Kurd.

Fourteen months ago, Mr Erdoğan re-turned to Hakkari vvith fresh promises. itvvas after the bombing of a bookshop fre-quented by pro-PKK activists in the tovvn-

The Economist January 27th 2007

ship of Şemdinli. Tvvo intelligence officersand a pkk informant vvho planted thebomb vvere caught as they fled the scene.Speaking in Şemdinli, Mr Erdoğan vovvedto get to the bottom of the affair "no matterhovv high the trail leads."

Emboldened by such vvords, in his in-dictment of the Şemdinli bombers thechief prosecutor of nearby Van also impli-cated Turkey's havvkish chief of generalstaff , Yasar Buyukanit, vvho had called oneof the bombers "a fine chap". An unsched-uled "vvorking visit" to the prime ministerfrom the general prompted Mr Erdoğan toback dovvn; the prosecutor vvas sacked andthe bookshop ovvner jailed. "The biggestchance to solve the Kurdish problem vvassquandered," says one prominent human-rights lavvyer.

Adnan Demirkan, a local ak party offi¬cial, disagrees. The government is expand-ing roads and has built 700 units of lovv-in-come housing. it has also launched ascheme throughout the south-east vvhichgives poor families 30 lira ($21) a month foreach child to help vvith their education.The money is deposited in the mother's ac¬count to ensure it is properly spent.

in the nearby tovvn of Yüksekova, Ne¬cip Çapraz, vvho runs an online nevvs ser¬vice that broke the Şemdinli scandal, has adifferent vvorry. He detects a link betvveenthe steady stream of anonymous threatsthat he has been receiving and the deterio-rating relationship betvveen Turkey andthe eu. "The eu talks vvere our onlyshield," Mr Çapraz commented.

Meanvvhile, the climate of repression ispushing a grovving number of Kurds tocross into northern Iraq in search of jobsand freedom-or, vvorse stili, to join thepkk. Should Mr Erdoğan keep breaking hispromises for Hakkari, many more arepoisedtofollow.

A burdensome life

65

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turkey and the Armenians

How to honour HrantThe Econotm'st January 27th 2007

The best tribute for a bravejournalist would be a change in the lavvâİfÜfe * T7<^>R tnose vvho çare about

s., t» I '- Turkey, and its prospects of a

""laidmİB^^M to the core by the assassinationIf^HIHl^^H of a brave editör, Hrant Dink.W^^MkH Unbovved by a flavved judicial

system and a crescendo of death threats, Mr Dink paid vvithhis life for his efforts to make his fellovv Turkish citizens, andhis fellovv ethnic Armenians, think anevv about the horrorsthat unfolded in the final years of the Ottoman era.

But the public reaction to the murder, and the sight of100,000 people vvalking through istanbul to his funeral, af-firmed one of the truths that Mr Dink upheld. Whatever fierynationalists of any şort might claim, Turkey has never been acountry of angels vvho can do no serious vvrong, nor a nationof demons from vvhich nothing good can come. Any honestlook at history's hardest questions must start from there.

The same thought must surely have occurred to some Ar¬menians from other places vvho vvent to Turkey, many for thefirst time, for this vveek's funeral. The fate of their forebearsvvho endured death marches through Anatolia does not telithe vvhole story of relations betvveen the Turks and the Arme¬nians: the story has noble pages as vvell as black ones, and MrDink believed that both should be read. He vvas right.

If that history really is to be discovered, the least helpfulthing a state can do is penalise those vvho question the officialversion. it is vvrong to prosecute those vvho accept the vievv ex-pressed by many contemporary observers: that in 1915, the au¬thorities did not just relocate hundreds of thousands of Arme¬nians, they tried to make sure most of them died. And it is just

as bad to prosecute those vvho deny the Armenians sufferedgenocide, as a nevv French lavv vvould do. Even against deniersof the Nazi holocaust, argument is a better vveapon thanheavy-handed lavv (see page 29).

There are clearly plenty of Turkish citizens vvho agree vvithali this: that vvas the message of hope from Mr Dink's funeral.it is not the first time that a display of Turkey's vvorst side hasprompted a huge shovv of "people povver" by ordinary citi¬zens. A decade ago, vvhen a car crash exposed links betvveenthe security forces and the criminal undervvorld, millions ofTurks protested. What such demonstrations highlight is the ir-relevance of much of Turkey's formal political debate to its realdilemma: vvill its future be shaped by the freely expressed vvillof its citizens-as behoves a candidate member of the Euro¬pean Union-or by more shadovvy forces such as extreme na-tionalism or an uncontrolled state? VVhatever the setbacks,hope for the better vvay is very much stili alive.

But if Mr Dink is to be honoured in death, popular indigna-tion vvill not sunîce. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's moderateIslamist prime minister, should rescind Article 301 of the pe-nal code vvhich outlavvs "insults to Turkishness". This sinisterprovision in a nevv code, vvhich vvas supposed to moderniseTurkey's legal system, has been a huge step backvvards. it givesfanatics the chance to haul before the courts some of Turkey'sbest journalists, including Mr Dink, as vvell as vvriters andscholars. Worse, noisy prosecutions have exposed many peo¬ple to the rage of hotheads vvhose reaction to straight talkabout history is to reach for their guns.

it vvill take courage to reverse Article 301. But the murder ofa man of principle has created a nevv climate in vvhich thingspreviously inconceivable become imperative. Mr Erdoğan'sEuropean friends vvill cheer if he seizes the moment.

Ce genocide armenien qui hante encoreles esprits turcs un siecle plus tard

Enhardis parle rapprochemententre Ankara et l'Europe,quelques esprits Ğclairestentent de faire sauterle tabou. Parfoisauperrldeleurvie.

IA RESURGENCE d'un nationa-lisme turc virulent vient de prendreune tournure tragique, avecl'assassinat de Hrant Dink. Preoc-cupant, le phenomene s'etait tra-duit l'an dernier par plusieursagressions contre des religieuxchretiens, des tentatives de lyn-chage de Kurdes et le meurtre d'unpretre catholique â Trabzon, lorsde l'affaire des caricatures deMahomet. Face â ce phĞnomene,les magistrats, garants des dogmes

de l'Etat turc, paraissaient souventplus prompts k poursuivre desintellectuels pour des dâlits d'opi-nion, telles des allusions au gĞno-cide armĞnien de 1915 ou desinsultes supposâes â l'identiti tur-que, qu'â cöndamner les auteursde violences contre les minoritĞs.Les Ğcrivains et les universitairesqui cherchent k ouvrir le dâbat surl'episode le plus sombre de la fin del'Empire ottoman se sont ainsiheurtes autant aux reticences desautorites, qu'â l'hostilite des mou-vements nationalistes. 1

Ces crispations ne les avaientpourtant pas empâches d'ouvfirun debat sur une question jus-que-lâ occultâe. En septem-bre 2005, un colloque inedit s'Ğtaittenu â istanbul malgre des pres¬sions et des menaces k Toriğine de

plusieurs reports. Bravant lesinterdits, les chercheurs avaientose ouvrir une breche dans le murdes veritâs offîcielles en proposantdes analyses contradictoires sur lesujet. Les nationalistes, de droiteet de gauche, avaient ripostâ enleur lançant des ceufs. Ce n'etaitqu'un debut.

Enhardis par le rapprochemententre Ankara et l'Europe, quelquesesprits eclaires tentent depuis defaire sauter le tabou armenien. Uyaparmi eux des figures emblemati-ques comme le Prix Nobel de litte-rature, Orhan Pamuk, mais aussides historiens et des journalistessoucieux de regarder la realite enface. RĞputĞ pour son indĞpen-dance, le journal Bügûh estime, parexemple, que seule une introspec-

LE FIGARO21 janvier 2007

tion şans complaisance permettrak la Turquie de sortir du cauchemar

' arrnânien. «Ne serait-il pas plussain de crever maintenantl'abces ? », s'interrogeait en novem¬bre le quotidien. Les extremistesont apporte hier leur reponse.

L'heiitage d'AtatürkUltramajoritaires, les tenants

du dogme recusent le terme degenocide. Selon eux, 300 000 Arme-niens - et non pas 1,5 million surune population de 2 millions depersonnes comme raffîrment lesArmeniens - ont peri dans larepression d'un soulevement orga-nis<: avec le soutien des Russes. Laplupart des victimes seraient mor-tes de maladie et de faim, oud'actes de brigandage, lors del'exode des populations civiles. II

66

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Turkey and the Armenians

How to honour HrantThe Econotm'st January 27th 2007

The best tribute for a bravejournalist would be a change in the lavvâİfÜfe * T7<^>R tnose vvho çare about

s., t» I '- Turkey, and its prospects of a

""laidmİB^^M to the core by the assassinationIf^HIHl^^H of a brave editör, Hrant Dink.W^^MkH Unbovved by a flavved judicial

system and a crescendo of death threats, Mr Dink paid vvithhis life for his efforts to make his fellovv Turkish citizens, andhis fellovv ethnic Armenians, think anevv about the horrorsthat unfolded in the final years of the Ottoman era.

But the public reaction to the murder, and the sight of100,000 people vvalking through istanbul to his funeral, af-firmed one of the truths that Mr Dink upheld. Whatever fierynationalists of any şort might claim, Turkey has never been acountry of angels vvho can do no serious vvrong, nor a nationof demons from vvhich nothing good can come. Any honestlook at history's hardest questions must start from there.

The same thought must surely have occurred to some Ar¬menians from other places vvho vvent to Turkey, many for thefirst time, for this vveek's funeral. The fate of their forebearsvvho endured death marches through Anatolia does not telithe vvhole story of relations betvveen the Turks and the Arme¬nians: the story has noble pages as vvell as black ones, and MrDink believed that both should be read. He vvas right.

If that history really is to be discovered, the least helpfulthing a state can do is penalise those vvho question the officialversion. it is vvrong to prosecute those vvho accept the vievv ex-pressed by many contemporary observers: that in 1915, the au¬thorities did not just relocate hundreds of thousands of Arme¬nians, they tried to make sure most of them died. And it is just

as bad to prosecute those vvho deny the Armenians sufferedgenocide, as a nevv French lavv vvould do. Even against deniersof the Nazi holocaust, argument is a better vveapon thanheavy-handed lavv (see page 29).

There are clearly plenty of Turkish citizens vvho agree vvithali this: that vvas the message of hope from Mr Dink's funeral.it is not the first time that a display of Turkey's vvorst side hasprompted a huge shovv of "people povver" by ordinary citi¬zens. A decade ago, vvhen a car crash exposed links betvveenthe security forces and the criminal undervvorld, millions ofTurks protested. What such demonstrations highlight is the ir-relevance of much of Turkey's formal political debate to its realdilemma: vvill its future be shaped by the freely expressed vvillof its citizens-as behoves a candidate member of the Euro¬pean Union-or by more shadovvy forces such as extreme na-tionalism or an uncontrolled state? VVhatever the setbacks,hope for the better vvay is very much stili alive.

But if Mr Dink is to be honoured in death, popular indigna-tion vvill not sunîce. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's moderateIslamist prime minister, should rescind Article 301 of the pe-nal code vvhich outlavvs "insults to Turkishness". This sinisterprovision in a nevv code, vvhich vvas supposed to moderniseTurkey's legal system, has been a huge step backvvards. it givesfanatics the chance to haul before the courts some of Turkey'sbest journalists, including Mr Dink, as vvell as vvriters andscholars. Worse, noisy prosecutions have exposed many peo¬ple to the rage of hotheads vvhose reaction to straight talkabout history is to reach for their guns.

it vvill take courage to reverse Article 301. But the murder ofa man of principle has created a nevv climate in vvhich thingspreviously inconceivable become imperative. Mr Erdoğan'sEuropean friends vvill cheer if he seizes the moment.

Ce genocide armenien qui hante encoreles esprits turcs un siecle plus tard

Enhardis parle rapprochemententre Ankara et l'Europe,quelques esprits Ğclairestentent de faire sauterle tabou. Parfoisauperrldeleurvie.

IA RESURGENCE d'un nationa-lisme turc virulent vient de prendreune tournure tragique, avecl'assassinat de Hrant Dink. Preoc-cupant, le phenomene s'etait tra-duit l'an dernier par plusieursagressions contre des religieuxchretiens, des tentatives de lyn-chage de Kurdes et le meurtre d'unpretre catholique â Trabzon, lorsde l'affaire des caricatures deMahomet. Face â ce phĞnomene,les magistrats, garants des dogmes

de l'Etat turc, paraissaient souventplus prompts k poursuivre desintellectuels pour des dâlits d'opi-nion, telles des allusions au gĞno-cide armĞnien de 1915 ou desinsultes supposâes â l'identiti tur-que, qu'â cöndamner les auteursde violences contre les minoritĞs.Les Ğcrivains et les universitairesqui cherchent k ouvrir le dâbat surl'episode le plus sombre de la fin del'Empire ottoman se sont ainsiheurtes autant aux reticences desautorites, qu'â l'hostilite des mou-vements nationalistes. 1

Ces crispations ne les avaientpourtant pas empâches d'ouvfirun debat sur une question jus-que-lâ occultâe. En septem-bre 2005, un colloque inedit s'Ğtaittenu â istanbul malgre des pres¬sions et des menaces k Toriğine de

plusieurs reports. Bravant lesinterdits, les chercheurs avaientose ouvrir une breche dans le murdes veritâs offîcielles en proposantdes analyses contradictoires sur lesujet. Les nationalistes, de droiteet de gauche, avaient ripostâ enleur lançant des ceufs. Ce n'etaitqu'un debut.

Enhardis par le rapprochemententre Ankara et l'Europe, quelquesesprits eclaires tentent depuis defaire sauter le tabou armenien. Uyaparmi eux des figures emblemati-ques comme le Prix Nobel de litte-rature, Orhan Pamuk, mais aussides historiens et des journalistessoucieux de regarder la realite enface. RĞputĞ pour son indĞpen-dance, le journal Bügûh estime, parexemple, que seule une introspec-

LE FIGARO21 janvier 2007

tion şans complaisance permettrak la Turquie de sortir du cauchemar

' arrnânien. «Ne serait-il pas plussain de crever maintenantl'abces ? », s'interrogeait en novem¬bre le quotidien. Les extremistesont apporte hier leur reponse.

L'heiitage d'AtatürkUltramajoritaires, les tenants

du dogme recusent le terme degenocide. Selon eux, 300 000 Arme-niens - et non pas 1,5 million surune population de 2 millions depersonnes comme raffîrment lesArmeniens - ont peri dans larepression d'un soulevement orga-nis<: avec le soutien des Russes. Laplupart des victimes seraient mor-tes de maladie et de faim, oud'actes de brigandage, lors del'exode des populations civiles. II

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

n'y a done eu ni ordre, ni pro¬gramme d'extermination : criteresd'un genocide. Et le nombre detues doit etre compare avec les400 000 soldats turcs tombes auchamp d'honneur durant la Pre¬miere Guerre mondiale. Couvertsd'honneurs, une partie des respon¬sables des tueries fut â Toriğine dela creation de la Turquie contem-poraine aux cötes de MustafaKemal.

Cette lecture de l'histoire estinculquee des le plus jeune âge âl'ecole dans le cadre d'un systeme

herite d'Atatürk qui privilegieTacquis de connaissances şansehereher a developper Tesprit criti-que. Elle conduit Timmense majo¬rite des Turcs k assimiler touteremise en cause â une trahison. Etpeut pousser des illumines aumeurtre.

Un röle de moderateurSouvent critique pour son

« aueuglement» dans les pays occi-dentaux, Ankara retorque que lepays est prât â ouvrir ses arehives etâ reunir des commissions d'histo-

riens turcs et armeniens. Mais lesrelations entre la Turquie et l'Arme-nie restenf gelees. Plus flexible que

\ les representants de l'Etat kema-lisme, le gouvemement de RecepTayyip Erdoğan joue la carte d'uneouverture prudente. Mais son soucide coller â une opinion publiquelasse des difficultes rencontreesdans les negociations d'adhesionavec TUnion europeenne le poussesur la voie du repli identitaire.

Connu pour sa moderation,Hrant Blink sJ etait toujours declarefavorable k l'Europe sachant qu'un

En Turquie, hommage populaireet emotion aux fiınerailles de Hrant Dink

tel anerage şerait la meÜleure pro-teetion pour l'avenir des minorites.Coriscient que chaque nouvellecrise armenienne relançait lesconvulsions nationalistes, il s'effor-çait de calmer le jeu et appelait sesinterlocuteurs et detracteurs â lasagesse et â la reflexion. Son assas-sinat en plein cceur d'lstanbul viseâ briser ce röle de passerelle. Plusde quatre-vingt-dlx ans apres legenocide armenien, la Turquie n'atoujours pas vaincu ses vieuxdĞmons.

THIERRY 0BERI.fi

iflHOHllC25 janvier 2007

Une foulede 100 000 personnesa traverse istanbullors de l'enterrementdu journaliste d'originearmenienne assassineİSTANBULCORRESPONDANCEUne maree humaine silen-

cieuse - 100 000 person¬nes selon les organisateurs

- a suivi, mardi 23 janvier, le cer¬cueil du journaliste Hrant Dink,qui avait voulu reconcilier Turcset Armeniens. Le cortege, parti dusiege de Thebdomadaire Agos,devant lequel il a ete assassine le19 janvier, a traverse istanbul surhuit kilometres. Ce fut la marehela plus importante dans cette villedepuis des annees. II n'y avaitqu'un mot d'ordre, inserit sur desmilliers de pancartes : « Noussommes tous Hrant Dink » ou« Nous sommes tous armeniens ».

Ce fut aussi la premiere foisqu'une messe ehretienne fut mon-

tree â la television en Turquie.Une demi-douzaine de chaînes

turques a transmis en direct l'eve-nement, dont Poffice â TEglise dupatriarcat â Kumkapi, avant l'en¬terrement. Tout le pays pouvaitainsi entendre le patriareheMesrob II lancer un appel sousforme d'accusation au pouvoirturc : « Nous avons toujours espoirde voir d'urgence l'amorce d'effortspour eradiauer l'animo-site envers les Armeniensen Turquie, â commen-cer par les manuels sco-laires et les ecoles. »D'une voix alteree par

Pemotion, il a appele âce que les Armeniens« nesoientplus vus com¬me des ennemis potentiels et aesetrangers sur les terres oü ils viventdepuis des millenaires ».

Ces Armeniens, qui furent desmillions en Turquie avant la pre¬miere guerre mondiale et 300 000apres, n'y seraient plus que50 000 - şans compter la descen-dance de ceux qui furent convertiset turcises pour eehapper â la

mort. Ni les dizaines de milliersd'immigres recents d'Armenie,venus en quete d'emploi. Beau-coup etaient dans le cortege, auxcötes de Kurdes, de membres depetits partis de gauche ou de syndi-cats, et de milliers d'« inorgani-ses » - unis par la quete d'une Tur-quie liberale oû Ton ne tuerait paspour une race ou des idees.

II y eut beaucoup de larmes,notamment lors desadieux de Rakel Dink âson mari, qui a refused'emigrer apres les inju-res et menaces qu'il rece-vait ces derniers tempspar centaines : « Tu asquitte ceux que tuaimais, tes enfants, nous

tous, mais tu n'as pas quitte tonpays. »

Evoquant Tassassin - un jeunehomme qui, arrete, aurait avoueşans hesiter, comme s'il etait hono-rable de tuer « un ennemide la Tur-quie » - elle a dit : « II fut d'abordun enfant. Nous n'arriverons â rienavant de savoir comment cet enfantapu devenir un meurtrier. »

La rumeur avait couru que lepremier ministre finirait par trou¬ver un moment pour se joindreaux deux ministres presents aux

funerailles. II n'eh fut rien, memes'il est probable que Recep TayyipErdoğan, qui a vivement condam¬ne ce premier assassinat d'unefigüre de proue armenienne enTurquie depuis des decennies,aurait aime attenuer ainsi soneffet desastreux â l'etranger, com¬me sur le moral des minoritaireset des liberaux en Turquie.

Mais le pays est en annee elec-torale et la toujours puissante« opposition » nationaliste, peu

audible depuis vendredi, a redoh-ne de la voix. Onur Oymen, nume-ro deux du parti « kemaliste », aainsi demande pourquoi « touscesgens n'ontpas manifeste quandnos soldats ont ete tues » dans lalutte contre les « terroristes » kur¬des. II a reaffirme son oppositionâ Tabrogation du fameux arti¬cle 301 (« insulte â Tidentite tur-que »), en vertu duquel HrantDink fut condamne.

SophieShihab

67

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

n'y a done eu ni ordre, ni pro¬gramme d'extermination : criteresd'un genocide. Et le nombre detues doit etre compare avec les400 000 soldats turcs tombes auchamp d'honneur durant la Pre¬miere Guerre mondiale. Couvertsd'honneurs, une partie des respon¬sables des tueries fut â Toriğine dela creation de la Turquie contem-poraine aux cötes de MustafaKemal.

Cette lecture de l'histoire estinculquee des le plus jeune âge âl'ecole dans le cadre d'un systeme

herite d'Atatürk qui privilegieTacquis de connaissances şansehereher a developper Tesprit criti-que. Elle conduit Timmense majo¬rite des Turcs k assimiler touteremise en cause â une trahison. Etpeut pousser des illumines aumeurtre.

Un röle de moderateurSouvent critique pour son

« aueuglement» dans les pays occi-dentaux, Ankara retorque que lepays est prât â ouvrir ses arehives etâ reunir des commissions d'histo-

riens turcs et armeniens. Mais lesrelations entre la Turquie et l'Arme-nie restenf gelees. Plus flexible que

\ les representants de l'Etat kema-lisme, le gouvemement de RecepTayyip Erdoğan joue la carte d'uneouverture prudente. Mais son soucide coller â une opinion publiquelasse des difficultes rencontreesdans les negociations d'adhesionavec TUnion europeenne le poussesur la voie du repli identitaire.

Connu pour sa moderation,Hrant Blink sJ etait toujours declarefavorable k l'Europe sachant qu'un

En Turquie, hommage populaireet emotion aux fiınerailles de Hrant Dink

tel anerage şerait la meÜleure pro-teetion pour l'avenir des minorites.Coriscient que chaque nouvellecrise armenienne relançait lesconvulsions nationalistes, il s'effor-çait de calmer le jeu et appelait sesinterlocuteurs et detracteurs â lasagesse et â la reflexion. Son assas-sinat en plein cceur d'lstanbul viseâ briser ce röle de passerelle. Plusde quatre-vingt-dlx ans apres legenocide armenien, la Turquie n'atoujours pas vaincu ses vieuxdĞmons.

THIERRY 0BERI.fi

iflHOHllC25 janvier 2007

Une foulede 100 000 personnesa traverse istanbullors de l'enterrementdu journaliste d'originearmenienne assassineİSTANBULCORRESPONDANCEUne maree humaine silen-

cieuse - 100 000 person¬nes selon les organisateurs

- a suivi, mardi 23 janvier, le cer¬cueil du journaliste Hrant Dink,qui avait voulu reconcilier Turcset Armeniens. Le cortege, parti dusiege de Thebdomadaire Agos,devant lequel il a ete assassine le19 janvier, a traverse istanbul surhuit kilometres. Ce fut la marehela plus importante dans cette villedepuis des annees. II n'y avaitqu'un mot d'ordre, inserit sur desmilliers de pancartes : « Noussommes tous Hrant Dink » ou« Nous sommes tous armeniens ».

Ce fut aussi la premiere foisqu'une messe ehretienne fut mon-

tree â la television en Turquie.Une demi-douzaine de chaînes

turques a transmis en direct l'eve-nement, dont Poffice â TEglise dupatriarcat â Kumkapi, avant l'en¬terrement. Tout le pays pouvaitainsi entendre le patriareheMesrob II lancer un appel sousforme d'accusation au pouvoirturc : « Nous avons toujours espoirde voir d'urgence l'amorce d'effortspour eradiauer l'animo-site envers les Armeniensen Turquie, â commen-cer par les manuels sco-laires et les ecoles. »D'une voix alteree par

Pemotion, il a appele âce que les Armeniens« nesoientplus vus com¬me des ennemis potentiels et aesetrangers sur les terres oü ils viventdepuis des millenaires ».

Ces Armeniens, qui furent desmillions en Turquie avant la pre¬miere guerre mondiale et 300 000apres, n'y seraient plus que50 000 - şans compter la descen-dance de ceux qui furent convertiset turcises pour eehapper â la

mort. Ni les dizaines de milliersd'immigres recents d'Armenie,venus en quete d'emploi. Beau-coup etaient dans le cortege, auxcötes de Kurdes, de membres depetits partis de gauche ou de syndi-cats, et de milliers d'« inorgani-ses » - unis par la quete d'une Tur-quie liberale oû Ton ne tuerait paspour une race ou des idees.

II y eut beaucoup de larmes,notamment lors desadieux de Rakel Dink âson mari, qui a refused'emigrer apres les inju-res et menaces qu'il rece-vait ces derniers tempspar centaines : « Tu asquitte ceux que tuaimais, tes enfants, nous

tous, mais tu n'as pas quitte tonpays. »

Evoquant Tassassin - un jeunehomme qui, arrete, aurait avoueşans hesiter, comme s'il etait hono-rable de tuer « un ennemide la Tur-quie » - elle a dit : « II fut d'abordun enfant. Nous n'arriverons â rienavant de savoir comment cet enfantapu devenir un meurtrier. »

La rumeur avait couru que lepremier ministre finirait par trou¬ver un moment pour se joindreaux deux ministres presents aux

funerailles. II n'eh fut rien, memes'il est probable que Recep TayyipErdoğan, qui a vivement condam¬ne ce premier assassinat d'unefigüre de proue armenienne enTurquie depuis des decennies,aurait aime attenuer ainsi soneffet desastreux â l'etranger, com¬me sur le moral des minoritaireset des liberaux en Turquie.

Mais le pays est en annee elec-torale et la toujours puissante« opposition » nationaliste, peu

audible depuis vendredi, a redoh-ne de la voix. Onur Oymen, nume-ro deux du parti « kemaliste », aainsi demande pourquoi « touscesgens n'ontpas manifeste quandnos soldats ont ete tues » dans lalutte contre les « terroristes » kur¬des. II a reaffirme son oppositionâ Tabrogation du fameux arti¬cle 301 (« insulte â Tidentite tur-que »), en vertu duquel HrantDink fut condamne.

SophieShihab

67

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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D

BUSH OSERA-T-ILAHAÇUER URAN ?

II est desormais evident, pour les enqueteurs du Neo> York Times, quela Maison-Blanche se prepare tres activement â effectuer une interventionmusclee contre sa nouvelle bete noire, l'Iran d'Ahmadinejad. Et cela enevitant soigneusement tout debat au Congres Les hostilites pourraientetre declenchees des le mois de mars, â l'expiration du delai accorde parla resolution du Conseil de securite de l'ONU qui exige que Teherancesse tout enrichissement d'uranium Une menace prise au serieux parune armee iranienne mal entraînee mais qui reçoit actuellementd'importantes livraisons de missiles russes.

.THE NEW YORK TIMESNewYork

Pendant les deux annees qui ont suivi lachute de Saddam Hussein, Tobjectif affi-che de l'armee americaine a ete de pour-chasser les insurges et les combattantsd'Al-Qaida en Irak. Depuis 2006, elle aegalement ceuvre pour mettre fin â la vio-^

lence communautaire. Mais, depuis le debut de '

cette annee, deux series de raids et la revela-tion de nouvelles consignes donnees par le pre¬sident Bush montrent qu'un troisieme front a '.

ete ouvert : contre Tiran.Le gouvemement americain dit que la mis¬

sion de l'armee se limite â empecher les iraniens .

d'aider les insurges â attaquer les forces irakienneset americaines en Irak. Mais, lors de declarationsrecentes, certains hauts fonctionnaires ont bienfait comprendre que le programme americainallait beaucoup plus loin. II vise en fait â mettreTiran dans Timpossibilite de realiser son reve :

devenir la plus grande puissance du Moyen-Orient. Dans une intervievv donnee le 1 2 janvier,juste avant son depart pour le Moyen-Orient,Condoleezza Rice a decrit une strategie "qui evo-lue" pour faire face au "comporcement destabili-sateur" de Tiran dans la region. [La tournee deRice a effectivement debouche, le 1 7 janvier, surune declaration "contre les ingerences" signee parTEgypte,.la Jordanie, TArabie Saoudite et cinqautres monarchies du golfe.] Le conseiller â lasecurite nationale de George W. Bush, StephenJ. Hadley, a pour sa part explique sur la chaîneNBC Nevvs que les Etats-Unis voulaient resis-ter aux tentatives de Tiran "d'imposer son hege-monie" â tout le Moyen-Orient. Meme certainsdes detracteurs les plus virulerits du presidentne remettent pas en question le fait que Tirannourrit de grandes ambitions. Quelques membresdu gouvemement se demandaient dejâ en 2003

s'il ne representait pas une menace beaucoupplus importante que Saddam Hussein.

Avant Tinvasion de l'Irak, eh 2003, les res¬ponsables du gouvemement affirmaient que ren-verser Saddam Hussein enverrait un messagefort â Tiran et â la Coree du Nord, les deux paysdont Bush avait dit dans son discours sur l'etatde TUnion de 2002 qu'ils formaient avec l'Irak .

"l'axe du mal". "Cet argument revenait dans toutesles reunions", se souvient un ancien membre duConseil national de securite. "Aller en Irak ..

etait cense simplifier les problemes plus compliquesqu'etaient l'Iran et la Coree du Nord." C'est lecontraire qui s'est produit. La Coree du Nord afait exploser sa premiere bombe atomique en

octobre, et Tiran a accelere son programme d'en¬richissement de Turanium.

Maintenant, faisant fi des recommandationsde la commission Baker-Hamilton, â savoirreprendre le dialogue avec Tiran, le gouveme¬ment americain a choisi une voie beaucoup plusconflictuelle : il a deploye de nouvelles batte-ries de missiles antinavires, antiaeriens et anti¬missiles au large de la cöte iranienne, persuadede nombreuses multinationales de cesser tousliens commerciaux avec Tiran et arrete des ira¬niens sur le territoire irakien. "Le gouvemementest vraiment obsede par l'Iran, etje crois gu'il exa-gere l'ampleur de Vinfluence iranienne en Irak",affirme Kenneth M. Pollack, de la Brookings Ins-titution. "Une telle attitude adefortes chances d'al-

' ler â l'encontre du but recherche. Elle risgue plutâtd'entraîner les Etats-Unis et l'Iran dans une spi¬rale qui aboutira au conflit. Les İraniens vont pro-

: bablement vouloir montrer qu 'üs neşe laisseront pasmarcher sur les pieds'." Washington est persuadeque fermer les yeux sur les activites de Tiranne peut que renforcer le pouvoir de MahmoudAhmadinejad. "II ne fait aucun doute que tout cequi s 'est passe en Irak ajoue enfaveur des iraniens ",a declare recemment un haut fonctionnaire dela Maison-Blanche. "La question est : commenttraiter cette situation ?"

La reponse a ete donnee par le Conseil natio¬nal de securite : l'armee americaine doit s'atta-quer aux iraniens qui soutiennent Tinsurrection.Cette decision a ete prise il y a plusieurs moispar le president Bush, mais n'a ete renduepublique que debut janvier. Les soldats ameri¬cains ont arrete des iraniens au moins â deuxreprises le mois dernier, dans le cadre d'opera-tions qui ont provoque la colere des autoriteslocales. Le 14 janvier, le ministre des Affairesetrangeres irakien, Hoshyar Zebari, a demandela liberation des cinq iraniens arret.es trois joursplus tot â Erbil.

Mais le risque d'un desaccord entre les Etats-Unis et l'Irak au sujet des prisonniers iraniensn'est que Tun des nombreux problemes soulevespar la nouvelle strategie de Washington. La pre¬miere question qui se pose est de savoir si l'armeeamericaine s'arretera aux frontieres de Tiran. Leministre de la Defense, Robert M. Gates, adeclare devant le Congres qu'il ne voyait aucunenecessite de penetrer sur le territoire iranien. Legouvemement americain n'a pourtant pas ecartela possibilite d'une action americaine en Iran.Interroge â ce sujet sur la chaîne ABC le 14 jan¬vier, Stephen J. Hadley a explique que l'Irak etaitpour les Etats-Unis "le meilleur endroit" oû sebattre contre les iraniens pour Tinstant. "Vous nevous sentez done pas autorises â entrer en Iran ?"a demande Tanimateur George Stephanopoulos."Je n'aipas dit cela, â repondu Hadley. C'est unautre sujet. Des qu'il s'agit de traverser des fron¬tieres, des considerations legales entrent en jeu."La deuxieme question est de savoir si le presi¬dent Bush va redoubler d'efforts pour stopperle programme nucleaire iranien, officiellementou secretement. Jusqu'â present, les donneesdont dispose TAgence internationale de Tener-gie atomique indiquent que les activites nucleairesde Tiran se heurtent â des obstacles techniques,mais il est possible que les inspecteurs soient pas-ses â cöte d'installations secretes. Une troisiemequestion est de savoir ce que ferait Washingtonsi Tiran decidait de riposter. Les allies des Etats-Unis dans la region craignent une escalade destensions. Ils ont certes peur de ce que Tiran pour¬rait faire, mais davantage encore de le provoquer.

Le vice-president Dick Cheney a assure le1 4 janvier que les aetions des Etats-Unis avaientpour but de proteger leurs allies dans le golfe Per-sique - meme s'il n'y a aucune indication queles voisins arabes sunnites de Tiran approuventcette strategie. "Lorsqu'on parle avec les pays duGolfe et les Saoudiens, ou lorsqu'on evoque la ques-tion d 'Israel ou de la Jordanie, on s 'aperçoit que toutela region est inquiete", a declare le vice-presidentsur Fox Nevvs. 11 a decrit la façon dont Tiranpourrait bloquer le detroit d'Ormuz et pertur-ber le trafic petrolier, et rappele qu'il s'agissaitd'un pays qui soutient le Hamas et le Hezbollah."L'Iran represente done une menace eroissante", a-t-il declare, reprenant plus ou moins les termesqu'il avait employes dans son requisitoire contreSaddam Hussein. "C'est une menace multi-dimensionnelle, qui, en fait, concerne tout le mondedans la region." David E. Sanger

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Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

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D

BUSH OSERA-T-ILAHAÇUER URAN ?

II est desormais evident, pour les enqueteurs du Neo> York Times, quela Maison-Blanche se prepare tres activement â effectuer une interventionmusclee contre sa nouvelle bete noire, l'Iran d'Ahmadinejad. Et cela enevitant soigneusement tout debat au Congres Les hostilites pourraientetre declenchees des le mois de mars, â l'expiration du delai accorde parla resolution du Conseil de securite de l'ONU qui exige que Teherancesse tout enrichissement d'uranium Une menace prise au serieux parune armee iranienne mal entraînee mais qui reçoit actuellementd'importantes livraisons de missiles russes.

.THE NEW YORK TIMESNewYork

Pendant les deux annees qui ont suivi lachute de Saddam Hussein, Tobjectif affi-che de l'armee americaine a ete de pour-chasser les insurges et les combattantsd'Al-Qaida en Irak. Depuis 2006, elle aegalement ceuvre pour mettre fin â la vio-^

lence communautaire. Mais, depuis le debut de '

cette annee, deux series de raids et la revela-tion de nouvelles consignes donnees par le pre¬sident Bush montrent qu'un troisieme front a '.

ete ouvert : contre Tiran.Le gouvemement americain dit que la mis¬

sion de l'armee se limite â empecher les iraniens .

d'aider les insurges â attaquer les forces irakienneset americaines en Irak. Mais, lors de declarationsrecentes, certains hauts fonctionnaires ont bienfait comprendre que le programme americainallait beaucoup plus loin. II vise en fait â mettreTiran dans Timpossibilite de realiser son reve :

devenir la plus grande puissance du Moyen-Orient. Dans une intervievv donnee le 1 2 janvier,juste avant son depart pour le Moyen-Orient,Condoleezza Rice a decrit une strategie "qui evo-lue" pour faire face au "comporcement destabili-sateur" de Tiran dans la region. [La tournee deRice a effectivement debouche, le 1 7 janvier, surune declaration "contre les ingerences" signee parTEgypte,.la Jordanie, TArabie Saoudite et cinqautres monarchies du golfe.] Le conseiller â lasecurite nationale de George W. Bush, StephenJ. Hadley, a pour sa part explique sur la chaîneNBC Nevvs que les Etats-Unis voulaient resis-ter aux tentatives de Tiran "d'imposer son hege-monie" â tout le Moyen-Orient. Meme certainsdes detracteurs les plus virulerits du presidentne remettent pas en question le fait que Tirannourrit de grandes ambitions. Quelques membresdu gouvemement se demandaient dejâ en 2003

s'il ne representait pas une menace beaucoupplus importante que Saddam Hussein.

Avant Tinvasion de l'Irak, eh 2003, les res¬ponsables du gouvemement affirmaient que ren-verser Saddam Hussein enverrait un messagefort â Tiran et â la Coree du Nord, les deux paysdont Bush avait dit dans son discours sur l'etatde TUnion de 2002 qu'ils formaient avec l'Irak .

"l'axe du mal". "Cet argument revenait dans toutesles reunions", se souvient un ancien membre duConseil national de securite. "Aller en Irak ..

etait cense simplifier les problemes plus compliquesqu'etaient l'Iran et la Coree du Nord." C'est lecontraire qui s'est produit. La Coree du Nord afait exploser sa premiere bombe atomique en

octobre, et Tiran a accelere son programme d'en¬richissement de Turanium.

Maintenant, faisant fi des recommandationsde la commission Baker-Hamilton, â savoirreprendre le dialogue avec Tiran, le gouveme¬ment americain a choisi une voie beaucoup plusconflictuelle : il a deploye de nouvelles batte-ries de missiles antinavires, antiaeriens et anti¬missiles au large de la cöte iranienne, persuadede nombreuses multinationales de cesser tousliens commerciaux avec Tiran et arrete des ira¬niens sur le territoire irakien. "Le gouvemementest vraiment obsede par l'Iran, etje crois gu'il exa-gere l'ampleur de Vinfluence iranienne en Irak",affirme Kenneth M. Pollack, de la Brookings Ins-titution. "Une telle attitude adefortes chances d'al-

' ler â l'encontre du but recherche. Elle risgue plutâtd'entraîner les Etats-Unis et l'Iran dans une spi¬rale qui aboutira au conflit. Les İraniens vont pro-

: bablement vouloir montrer qu 'üs neşe laisseront pasmarcher sur les pieds'." Washington est persuadeque fermer les yeux sur les activites de Tiranne peut que renforcer le pouvoir de MahmoudAhmadinejad. "II ne fait aucun doute que tout cequi s 'est passe en Irak ajoue enfaveur des iraniens ",a declare recemment un haut fonctionnaire dela Maison-Blanche. "La question est : commenttraiter cette situation ?"

La reponse a ete donnee par le Conseil natio¬nal de securite : l'armee americaine doit s'atta-quer aux iraniens qui soutiennent Tinsurrection.Cette decision a ete prise il y a plusieurs moispar le president Bush, mais n'a ete renduepublique que debut janvier. Les soldats ameri¬cains ont arrete des iraniens au moins â deuxreprises le mois dernier, dans le cadre d'opera-tions qui ont provoque la colere des autoriteslocales. Le 14 janvier, le ministre des Affairesetrangeres irakien, Hoshyar Zebari, a demandela liberation des cinq iraniens arret.es trois joursplus tot â Erbil.

Mais le risque d'un desaccord entre les Etats-Unis et l'Irak au sujet des prisonniers iraniensn'est que Tun des nombreux problemes soulevespar la nouvelle strategie de Washington. La pre¬miere question qui se pose est de savoir si l'armeeamericaine s'arretera aux frontieres de Tiran. Leministre de la Defense, Robert M. Gates, adeclare devant le Congres qu'il ne voyait aucunenecessite de penetrer sur le territoire iranien. Legouvemement americain n'a pourtant pas ecartela possibilite d'une action americaine en Iran.Interroge â ce sujet sur la chaîne ABC le 14 jan¬vier, Stephen J. Hadley a explique que l'Irak etaitpour les Etats-Unis "le meilleur endroit" oû sebattre contre les iraniens pour Tinstant. "Vous nevous sentez done pas autorises â entrer en Iran ?"a demande Tanimateur George Stephanopoulos."Je n'aipas dit cela, â repondu Hadley. C'est unautre sujet. Des qu'il s'agit de traverser des fron¬tieres, des considerations legales entrent en jeu."La deuxieme question est de savoir si le presi¬dent Bush va redoubler d'efforts pour stopperle programme nucleaire iranien, officiellementou secretement. Jusqu'â present, les donneesdont dispose TAgence internationale de Tener-gie atomique indiquent que les activites nucleairesde Tiran se heurtent â des obstacles techniques,mais il est possible que les inspecteurs soient pas-ses â cöte d'installations secretes. Une troisiemequestion est de savoir ce que ferait Washingtonsi Tiran decidait de riposter. Les allies des Etats-Unis dans la region craignent une escalade destensions. Ils ont certes peur de ce que Tiran pour¬rait faire, mais davantage encore de le provoquer.

Le vice-president Dick Cheney a assure le1 4 janvier que les aetions des Etats-Unis avaientpour but de proteger leurs allies dans le golfe Per-sique - meme s'il n'y a aucune indication queles voisins arabes sunnites de Tiran approuventcette strategie. "Lorsqu'on parle avec les pays duGolfe et les Saoudiens, ou lorsqu'on evoque la ques-tion d 'Israel ou de la Jordanie, on s 'aperçoit que toutela region est inquiete", a declare le vice-presidentsur Fox Nevvs. 11 a decrit la façon dont Tiranpourrait bloquer le detroit d'Ormuz et pertur-ber le trafic petrolier, et rappele qu'il s'agissaitd'un pays qui soutient le Hamas et le Hezbollah."L'Iran represente done une menace eroissante", a-t-il declare, reprenant plus ou moins les termesqu'il avait employes dans son requisitoire contreSaddam Hussein. "C'est une menace multi-dimensionnelle, qui, en fait, concerne tout le mondedans la region." David E. Sanger

68

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın özeti

January 29, 2007TIME

V I E W P O I N T

Peter Beinart

Stop Obsessing About IranTehran's designs on Iraq face one majör hurdle: Iraqis

DISTINGUISHING IRAÇIS FROM IRANİANS CAN BE HARD.Iraq's most revered cleric, Grand Ayatullah AliHusaini Sistani, speaks Arabie vvith a thick Persian ac-cent. (Sistan-Baluchestan is the name of a province in

southeastern Iran.) Meanvvhile, across the border, Iran's topjudge, Ayatullah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, strugglesvvith Persian, the residue of an Iraqi birth. Theological eross-pollination and political exile have created deep ties betvveenthe tvvo Shi'ite communities and that's exactly vvhat the U.S. isafraid of. in his speech last vveek announcing plans to sendmore than 20,000 additional troops to Iraq, U.S. PresidentBush vvarned that if the U.S. left, "Iran vvould be emboldened."Hours later, U.S. troops raided an Iranian office in Iraq's north.The thrust of Bush's strat¬egy novv appears less tobuild demoeracy in Iraqthan to prevent it from be-coming a elient state ofTehran.

The Administrationshould relax. Iraq poses bigproblems, but becomingIran's flunky probably isn'tone of them. There arethree main reasons: Iraq'sSunnis, Shi'ites and Kurds.

Sünni Iraqis havefeared Persian dominationsince before there vvas anIraq. That fear reachedfever piteh after the over-Üırovv of Saddam Hussein. Sünni politicians regularly cali theirShi'ite rivals tools of Tehran. If Iraq's Shi'ite leaders vvant theSunnis to end their insurgency, they'U have to seriously distancethemselves from the mullahs next door. If they don't, Üıe Baghdadgovernment vvill lack influence över large chunks of Üıe coun¬try, since even vvith Iran's help, Iraq's Shi'ite militias won't eas-ily defeat a Sünni insurgency stocked vviüı Saddam's formerofficers and bankrolled by oil money from the gulf.

in fact, Tehran probably fears an Iraqi civil vvar more manit relishes calling the shots in Baghdad. One big reason is theKurds. The more Iraq unravels, the eloser Iraq's Kurds vvill edgetovvard outright secession. And the eloser they get, the morelikely it is that their Kurdish brethren across the border vvhomake up 7% of Iran's population vvill try to join them. As non-Persians (and Sunnis to boot), Iran's Kurds get nothing butabuse from their Shi'ite masters in Tehran. in July 2005,

Beinart is a seniorfelloıo at the Council on Foreign Relations

VVAR GAMES Clergymen outside the holy city of Qom, Iran, vvateh thetest-firing of a missiie during Iranian military exercises last November

Iranian poliçe killed a Kurdish opposition figüre, strapped hisbody to a jeep and dragged it through the streets of a Kurdishtovvn, sparking riots Üıat lasted six vveeks. Many Iranian Kurdsvvould love a country of their ovvn, and events next door couldprovide tiıe inspiration they need. Instead of Iran's subvertingIraq's stability, it could turn out to be Üıe other vvay around.

Were Iraqi Shi'ites really an Iranian fiftiı column, ali thismight be cold comfort. But Üıe trutiı is more complicated.Though many Sunnis vvon't admit it, Iraqi nationalism runsdeep among their long-repressed countrymen. As historianReidar Visser has observed, Iraq's Shi'ites have never launcheda broad-based movement to secede. When Baghdad andTehran vvent to vvar in the 1980s, Iraq's Shi'ite soldiers fought

fiercely, especially afterS Iranian forces erossed on-

to Iraqi soil. it's true Üıatone majör Shi'ite party,Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Davva, took refugein Iran during Saddam'srule. Another, sciri, vvasactually born there. Butsince entering government,leaders of both partieshave carefully displayedtheir independence fromTehran.

There's another reasonÜıat Iraq is likely to resistIran's influence: Muqtadaal-Sadr. Ironically, Üıe Shi'ite

leader America fears most is also the one feared most in Tehran.Al-Sadr is a thug, but he's a nationalist. He vvants a strong centralgovernment in Baghdad, not a Shi'ite mini-state in Iraq's south.As Ray Takeyh notes in his book, Hidden Iran, Tehran's mullahsfund al-Sadr to cover their bets, but distrust and dislike him.

The thing driving al-Sadr and Iran together is Üıe U.S.From Üıe beginning, al-Sadr has made common cause vvithanyone fighting Üıe oecupation. (in 2004, vvhen U.S. troopsvvere battling Sünni insurgents in Fallujah, al-Sadr sent themaid.) Americans vvorried during tlıe Vietnam War Üıat if theyleft, Hanoi vvould become a puppet of its vvartime patron,Beijing. Instead, four years after Üıe U.S. evacuated Saigon,Vietnam and China vvere at vvar. When American troops are onyour doorstep, it's easy to make common cause. But vvhen theyleave, deep-seated rivalries often re-emerge. The U.S.'s oecu¬pation of Iraq helps Iran pose as Üıe patron of Iraqi national¬ism. But önce it leaves, Iran vvill become less of a patron andmore of a target. That's in Iraq's interest, and America's.

69

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın özeti

January 29, 2007TIME

V I E W P O I N T

Peter Beinart

Stop Obsessing About IranTehran's designs on Iraq face one majör hurdle: Iraqis

DISTINGUISHING IRAÇIS FROM IRANİANS CAN BE HARD.Iraq's most revered cleric, Grand Ayatullah AliHusaini Sistani, speaks Arabie vvith a thick Persian ac-cent. (Sistan-Baluchestan is the name of a province in

southeastern Iran.) Meanvvhile, across the border, Iran's topjudge, Ayatullah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, strugglesvvith Persian, the residue of an Iraqi birth. Theological eross-pollination and political exile have created deep ties betvveenthe tvvo Shi'ite communities and that's exactly vvhat the U.S. isafraid of. in his speech last vveek announcing plans to sendmore than 20,000 additional troops to Iraq, U.S. PresidentBush vvarned that if the U.S. left, "Iran vvould be emboldened."Hours later, U.S. troops raided an Iranian office in Iraq's north.The thrust of Bush's strat¬egy novv appears less tobuild demoeracy in Iraqthan to prevent it from be-coming a elient state ofTehran.

The Administrationshould relax. Iraq poses bigproblems, but becomingIran's flunky probably isn'tone of them. There arethree main reasons: Iraq'sSunnis, Shi'ites and Kurds.

Sünni Iraqis havefeared Persian dominationsince before there vvas anIraq. That fear reachedfever piteh after the over-Üırovv of Saddam Hussein. Sünni politicians regularly cali theirShi'ite rivals tools of Tehran. If Iraq's Shi'ite leaders vvant theSunnis to end their insurgency, they'U have to seriously distancethemselves from the mullahs next door. If they don't, Üıe Baghdadgovernment vvill lack influence över large chunks of Üıe coun¬try, since even vvith Iran's help, Iraq's Shi'ite militias won't eas-ily defeat a Sünni insurgency stocked vviüı Saddam's formerofficers and bankrolled by oil money from the gulf.

in fact, Tehran probably fears an Iraqi civil vvar more manit relishes calling the shots in Baghdad. One big reason is theKurds. The more Iraq unravels, the eloser Iraq's Kurds vvill edgetovvard outright secession. And the eloser they get, the morelikely it is that their Kurdish brethren across the border vvhomake up 7% of Iran's population vvill try to join them. As non-Persians (and Sunnis to boot), Iran's Kurds get nothing butabuse from their Shi'ite masters in Tehran. in July 2005,

Beinart is a seniorfelloıo at the Council on Foreign Relations

VVAR GAMES Clergymen outside the holy city of Qom, Iran, vvateh thetest-firing of a missiie during Iranian military exercises last November

Iranian poliçe killed a Kurdish opposition figüre, strapped hisbody to a jeep and dragged it through the streets of a Kurdishtovvn, sparking riots Üıat lasted six vveeks. Many Iranian Kurdsvvould love a country of their ovvn, and events next door couldprovide tiıe inspiration they need. Instead of Iran's subvertingIraq's stability, it could turn out to be Üıe other vvay around.

Were Iraqi Shi'ites really an Iranian fiftiı column, ali thismight be cold comfort. But Üıe trutiı is more complicated.Though many Sunnis vvon't admit it, Iraqi nationalism runsdeep among their long-repressed countrymen. As historianReidar Visser has observed, Iraq's Shi'ites have never launcheda broad-based movement to secede. When Baghdad andTehran vvent to vvar in the 1980s, Iraq's Shi'ite soldiers fought

fiercely, especially afterS Iranian forces erossed on-

to Iraqi soil. it's true Üıatone majör Shi'ite party,Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Davva, took refugein Iran during Saddam'srule. Another, sciri, vvasactually born there. Butsince entering government,leaders of both partieshave carefully displayedtheir independence fromTehran.

There's another reasonÜıat Iraq is likely to resistIran's influence: Muqtadaal-Sadr. Ironically, Üıe Shi'ite

leader America fears most is also the one feared most in Tehran.Al-Sadr is a thug, but he's a nationalist. He vvants a strong centralgovernment in Baghdad, not a Shi'ite mini-state in Iraq's south.As Ray Takeyh notes in his book, Hidden Iran, Tehran's mullahsfund al-Sadr to cover their bets, but distrust and dislike him.

The thing driving al-Sadr and Iran together is Üıe U.S.From Üıe beginning, al-Sadr has made common cause vvithanyone fighting Üıe oecupation. (in 2004, vvhen U.S. troopsvvere battling Sünni insurgents in Fallujah, al-Sadr sent themaid.) Americans vvorried during tlıe Vietnam War Üıat if theyleft, Hanoi vvould become a puppet of its vvartime patron,Beijing. Instead, four years after Üıe U.S. evacuated Saigon,Vietnam and China vvere at vvar. When American troops are onyour doorstep, it's easy to make common cause. But vvhen theyleave, deep-seated rivalries often re-emerge. The U.S.'s oecu¬pation of Iraq helps Iran pose as Üıe patron of Iraqi national¬ism. But önce it leaves, Iran vvill become less of a patron andmore of a target. That's in Iraq's interest, and America's.

69

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

TURQUIE fer DU 25 AU 31 JANVİER 2007

Combattre l'injustice malgre les menaccsLe journaliste Hrant Dink a ete assassine le 19 janvier par un jeune extremiste. Dans son dernier article,il evoque le harcelement quotidien dont il etait victime, le silence de l'Etat, la mauvaise foi de la justice.II affirme surtout son attachement â la Turquie. Courrier international lui rend hommage en publiant ces lignes.

AGOS (extraits)İstanbul

Pourquoi Hrant Dink a-t-il etecondamne, alors que toutesles autres personnes jugeesau titre de Partide 301 ont

benefıcie d'un non-lieu grâce â unartifice judiciaire ? Telle est la ques-tion que se posent non seulementTauteur de ces lignes, les Armeniensmais aussi l'ensemble de Popinionturque. Dans le cas du Prix Nobel delitterature Orhan Pamuk, on a cher¬che mille astuces pour aboutir â unnon-lieu avant meme que son procesne commence. On a assiste â un pro-cessus similaire, mais encore plus sim-plifie, dans le cas de la romanciere ElifŞafak. Commence avec grand fracas,le proces s'est clos des la premiereaudience, şans meme que Tauteure soitobligee d'etre presente.Tout le mondesemblait satisfait. Le Premier ministrelui a meme telephone pour partagerson emotion. idem pour les journa-listes et les academiciens apres la confe¬rence armenienne. D ne faut pas y voirde. la jalousie de ma part. Je veux justeessayer de comprendre pourquoi Tem-pressement avec lequel on a clos cesproces n'a jamais joue en ma faveur.Des le lendemain de mon "invitation"â la prefecture [pour une mise en gardevoilee], plusieurs joumaux ont declen-che une campagne soulignant monhostilite aux Turcs, en se fondant surune phrase extraite d'un de mes essaisconsacre â Tidentite armenienne selonlaquelle "le sang pur qui remplacerale sang empoisonne du Turc coule dansles nobles veines que les Armeniens sontappeles â nouer avec l'Armenie". Audebut de Tenquete commencee par leparquet, je n'etais pas inquiet. Aprestout, je pouvais m'appuyer sur ce quej'avais ecrit et sur ma bonne foi. Le pro-cureur, qui lirait la totalite de monarticle et non pas cette phrase depour-vue de.sens hors de son contexte, com-prendrait aisement que je n'avaisaucune intention d'humilier Tidentiteturque et la comedie s'arreterait lâ, şansouverture d'un proces. Mais le parqueten a decide autrement.

Cela ne m'a pas empeche deconserver mon optimisme, certain quej'etais qu'â un moment ou un autredu proces la cour prendrait consciencede son erreur. Un groupe d'expertsconstitue par trois professeufs de Tuni-versite d'Istanbul a d'ailleurs abonde

Deşsin de Maykparu dansSydsvenskan,Malmö.

m HarcelementPour avoir declareen 2002 que,en tant qu'Armenien,il n'etait "pas turcmais citoyen de laTurquie", Hrant Dinka subi trois ansde tracasseriesjudiciaires pour etrefinalement acquitte.En 2006, il a etecondamne â sixmois de prisonavec sursispour un articlepublie dans Agoset considere comme"insultant â l'egardde l'identiteturque". Un nouveauproces l'attendait,en mars 2007,

â la süite deses declarationsâ l'agence Reutersconcernantla realite dugenocide armenien.La justice avaitrequis contre luiune peine de troisans de prison, envertu de l'article 301

du Code penalpunissantles "insultesâ l'identite turque".

dans mon sens. Mais, surprise, j'ai etecondamne. Le juge qui s'est exprime"au nom du peuple turc" a legalementconfirme que j'avais "humilie l'identiteturque"\ J'aurais pu tout endurer, maispas ça. J'ai done choisi d'aller en appelet de me tourner vers la Cour euro¬peenne. J'ai aussi decide qu'en casd'echec je quitterais mon pays, carcelui qui a ete condamne pour un telerime ne devrait pas avoir le droit

de continuer â vivre aux cötes descitoyens qu'il humilie.

La cour d'appel a confirme le juge-ment, malgre la demande d'acquitte-ment du premier procureur. A chaqueetape du proces, les journaux ontcontinue â citer la meme phrase. Tetaiscelui qui aurait dit "le sang du Turc estempoisonne". Chaque fois on me ren-dait un peu plus celebre en me pre-sentant comme anti-Turc. Dans lescouloirs du palais de justice, les fas-cistes m'agressaient avec leurs slogansracistes. Les menaces par courrier, partelephone, par courriel n'ont pas cesse.Je me sens comme une colombe. Jeregarde â droite, â gauche, devant etderriere moi, avec la timidite d'unecolombe. Ce n'est pas facile de vivretout cela. Surtout quand les menaces

commencent â viser vos proehes.II y a eu des moments oü j'ai vraimentpense â quitter le pays. Ma famille etmes enfants me soutenaient et etaientprets â partir si je le decidais. Oui mais,oû serions-nous alles ? En Armenie ?

Une personne comme moi qui ne peut

pas se taire devant l'injustice pourrait-elle se taire face aux injustices dans cepays ? Ne me serais-je pas retrouvedans une situation encore plus diffı-cile ? Quant âla possibilite de m'exi-ler en Europe, il n'en etait pas ques-tion. Lorsque je me rends en Occidentpour trois jours, je commence rapi-dement â etouffer, mon pays memanque, je suis impatient de rentrer.Rester en Turquie est done mon reeldesir et une obligation par respect âTegard des milliers d'amis, connus ou

inconnus, qui me soutiennent et quicombattent pour la demoeratie enTur-quie. Mais si je devais un jour partir. . .

Je me mettrais en route commeen 1915. Comme mes ancetres, şanssavoir oû j'irais. En empruntant lesmemes ehemins. En ressentant la dou-leur, en subissant la tourmente. J'iraisnon pas lâ oü nous menent nos coeurs,mais lâ oü nous menent nos pieds.Peu importe la destination. J'espereque je ne serai jamais oblige de vivreun tel dechirement. Meme si je mesens comme une colombe, je sais quedans ce pays on ne touche pas auxcolombes. Elles continuent â vivre aucceur de la çite, meme au milieu desfoules humaines. Un peu timidescertes, mais d'autant plus libres.

Hrant Dink

70

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

TURQUIE fer DU 25 AU 31 JANVİER 2007

Combattre l'injustice malgre les menaccsLe journaliste Hrant Dink a ete assassine le 19 janvier par un jeune extremiste. Dans son dernier article,il evoque le harcelement quotidien dont il etait victime, le silence de l'Etat, la mauvaise foi de la justice.II affirme surtout son attachement â la Turquie. Courrier international lui rend hommage en publiant ces lignes.

AGOS (extraits)İstanbul

Pourquoi Hrant Dink a-t-il etecondamne, alors que toutesles autres personnes jugeesau titre de Partide 301 ont

benefıcie d'un non-lieu grâce â unartifice judiciaire ? Telle est la ques-tion que se posent non seulementTauteur de ces lignes, les Armeniensmais aussi l'ensemble de Popinionturque. Dans le cas du Prix Nobel delitterature Orhan Pamuk, on a cher¬che mille astuces pour aboutir â unnon-lieu avant meme que son procesne commence. On a assiste â un pro-cessus similaire, mais encore plus sim-plifie, dans le cas de la romanciere ElifŞafak. Commence avec grand fracas,le proces s'est clos des la premiereaudience, şans meme que Tauteure soitobligee d'etre presente.Tout le mondesemblait satisfait. Le Premier ministrelui a meme telephone pour partagerson emotion. idem pour les journa-listes et les academiciens apres la confe¬rence armenienne. D ne faut pas y voirde. la jalousie de ma part. Je veux justeessayer de comprendre pourquoi Tem-pressement avec lequel on a clos cesproces n'a jamais joue en ma faveur.Des le lendemain de mon "invitation"â la prefecture [pour une mise en gardevoilee], plusieurs joumaux ont declen-che une campagne soulignant monhostilite aux Turcs, en se fondant surune phrase extraite d'un de mes essaisconsacre â Tidentite armenienne selonlaquelle "le sang pur qui remplacerale sang empoisonne du Turc coule dansles nobles veines que les Armeniens sontappeles â nouer avec l'Armenie". Audebut de Tenquete commencee par leparquet, je n'etais pas inquiet. Aprestout, je pouvais m'appuyer sur ce quej'avais ecrit et sur ma bonne foi. Le pro-cureur, qui lirait la totalite de monarticle et non pas cette phrase depour-vue de.sens hors de son contexte, com-prendrait aisement que je n'avaisaucune intention d'humilier Tidentiteturque et la comedie s'arreterait lâ, şansouverture d'un proces. Mais le parqueten a decide autrement.

Cela ne m'a pas empeche deconserver mon optimisme, certain quej'etais qu'â un moment ou un autredu proces la cour prendrait consciencede son erreur. Un groupe d'expertsconstitue par trois professeufs de Tuni-versite d'Istanbul a d'ailleurs abonde

Deşsin de Maykparu dansSydsvenskan,Malmö.

m HarcelementPour avoir declareen 2002 que,en tant qu'Armenien,il n'etait "pas turcmais citoyen de laTurquie", Hrant Dinka subi trois ansde tracasseriesjudiciaires pour etrefinalement acquitte.En 2006, il a etecondamne â sixmois de prisonavec sursispour un articlepublie dans Agoset considere comme"insultant â l'egardde l'identiteturque". Un nouveauproces l'attendait,en mars 2007,

â la süite deses declarationsâ l'agence Reutersconcernantla realite dugenocide armenien.La justice avaitrequis contre luiune peine de troisans de prison, envertu de l'article 301

du Code penalpunissantles "insultesâ l'identite turque".

dans mon sens. Mais, surprise, j'ai etecondamne. Le juge qui s'est exprime"au nom du peuple turc" a legalementconfirme que j'avais "humilie l'identiteturque"\ J'aurais pu tout endurer, maispas ça. J'ai done choisi d'aller en appelet de me tourner vers la Cour euro¬peenne. J'ai aussi decide qu'en casd'echec je quitterais mon pays, carcelui qui a ete condamne pour un telerime ne devrait pas avoir le droit

de continuer â vivre aux cötes descitoyens qu'il humilie.

La cour d'appel a confirme le juge-ment, malgre la demande d'acquitte-ment du premier procureur. A chaqueetape du proces, les journaux ontcontinue â citer la meme phrase. Tetaiscelui qui aurait dit "le sang du Turc estempoisonne". Chaque fois on me ren-dait un peu plus celebre en me pre-sentant comme anti-Turc. Dans lescouloirs du palais de justice, les fas-cistes m'agressaient avec leurs slogansracistes. Les menaces par courrier, partelephone, par courriel n'ont pas cesse.Je me sens comme une colombe. Jeregarde â droite, â gauche, devant etderriere moi, avec la timidite d'unecolombe. Ce n'est pas facile de vivretout cela. Surtout quand les menaces

commencent â viser vos proehes.II y a eu des moments oü j'ai vraimentpense â quitter le pays. Ma famille etmes enfants me soutenaient et etaientprets â partir si je le decidais. Oui mais,oû serions-nous alles ? En Armenie ?

Une personne comme moi qui ne peut

pas se taire devant l'injustice pourrait-elle se taire face aux injustices dans cepays ? Ne me serais-je pas retrouvedans une situation encore plus diffı-cile ? Quant âla possibilite de m'exi-ler en Europe, il n'en etait pas ques-tion. Lorsque je me rends en Occidentpour trois jours, je commence rapi-dement â etouffer, mon pays memanque, je suis impatient de rentrer.Rester en Turquie est done mon reeldesir et une obligation par respect âTegard des milliers d'amis, connus ou

inconnus, qui me soutiennent et quicombattent pour la demoeratie enTur-quie. Mais si je devais un jour partir. . .

Je me mettrais en route commeen 1915. Comme mes ancetres, şanssavoir oû j'irais. En empruntant lesmemes ehemins. En ressentant la dou-leur, en subissant la tourmente. J'iraisnon pas lâ oü nous menent nos coeurs,mais lâ oü nous menent nos pieds.Peu importe la destination. J'espereque je ne serai jamais oblige de vivreun tel dechirement. Meme si je mesens comme une colombe, je sais quedans ce pays on ne touche pas auxcolombes. Elles continuent â vivre aucceur de la çite, meme au milieu desfoules humaines. Un peu timidescertes, mais d'autant plus libres.

Hrant Dink

70

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LECRIMEQUIVIENTDESiurque pROFONDEURSDE L'ETAT

: Um i 1 i

DU 27 JANVİER AU 2 FEVRIER 2007

L'assassinata istanbul du

journaliste armeno-turc Hrant Dink

est tout saufun hasard. II etaitdesigne commecible et harcelepar les milieuxnationalistes.

PAR ANNE DASTAKIAN

Pres de 100 000 personnesont suivi, mardi 23 janvierâ istanbul, les obseques du.journaliste armeno-turc HrantDink, assassine quatre joursplus töt par un jeune chomeuroriginaire de Trabzon (Trebi-

zonde), Oğuz Samast, lie â des groupesnationalistes et âge tout juste de 17 ans.La foule scandait « Nous sommes tous desHrant Dink, nous sommes tous des Arme¬niens. » Le spectacle aurait ravi celui quis'etait fait le porte-parole de la commu¬naute armenienne de Turquie, estimeeaujourd'hui â 60 000 personnes, contre2 millions avant le genocide de 1915. HrantDink revait d'une Turquie multiethnique,democratique et europeenne.

Quelques jours avant son assassinat,

«Les Armeniens vivaient I" I _

de devenir letombeaude leur identite.» Hrant Dink

il avait depose un recours aupres de laCour europeenne des droits de l'homme,â Strasbourg, contre sa condamnation, en2005, â six mois de prison avec sursis pour« insulte â Tidentite nationale turque »,

selon le desormais fameux article 301 ducode penal turc. Pour recuser cette accusa-tion qu'il jugeait infamante, U avait redigeune note etonnamment premonitoire,qu'il avait tenu â publier dans la presseturque la veille meme de son assassinat.Elle resume une longue histoire de harce¬lement de la part de juristes nationalistes,sous l'oeil indifferent sinon complice desautorites d'Ankara.

A l'approche des echeances electoralesde 2007, les tensions s'amplifient en Tur-quie. Lorsque Bruxelles, en novembre, astigmatise le peu de progres d'Ankara enmatiere de droits de Thomme, le pays s'estdrape dans un refus petri de fierte nationa¬liste. La perspective de voir le Congres ame¬ricain reconnaître le genocide armenien n'arien arrange. Hrant Dink avait vivementdenonce Tadoption, par TAssemblee natio¬nale française en octobre, d'une proposirionde loi penalisant la negation du genocide.11 la jugeait contre-productive. Conscientde Tignorance de la majorite de ses conci-toyens sur les massacres de 1915, il plaidaitpour une demarche pedagogique. Hommede dialogue, Dink est tombe victime dufanatisme orchestre par ce qu'il designaitcomme « l'Etat profond », c'est-â-dire cesforces militaires, politiques et nationa¬listes presentes dans Tappareil d'Etat etopposees â toute ouverture de laTurquie,a deplore son avocate Fethiye Çetin. SiDink fait remonter la premiere discrimi-nation dont il a ete victime en Turquie âson service militaire, en 1986, le lancementen 1996 de son journal, Agos, a, selon lui,marque le debut de ses veritables ennuis.Pourquoi avoir quitte une prospere carrierede libraire pour se lancer dans une profes-sion â haut risque ? Ces quinze dernieresannees, 18 journalistes sont morts assas-sines en Turquie. « Les Armeniens, nousavait-il explique, vivaient ici dans un replisur soi qui risquait de devenir le tombeaude leur identite. Agos a voulu les ouvrir surTexterieur. Nous n'y avons pas perdu nötreidentite et la Turquie a pris conscience del'ezistence des Armeniens. »

Un article intitule « Le secret deMme Sabiha », publie en avril 2004, mit lefeu aux poudres.Dink y revele queSabiha Gökçen, lafille adoptive du fon¬dateur de la Turquiemoderne, MustaphaKemal, etait uneorpheline arme¬nienne ! Un erimede lese-majeste dansce pays epris de sa « turquite ». Repris parla presse populaire, Tarticle provoque undeferlement de haine contre son auteur etfait l'objet d'un communique indigne deTetat-major des annees.

Le lendemain, Hrant Dink est convoquechez Tun des adjoints du prefet d'Istanbul.«Je voulaisparlerdeceuxquisontrestes, dessurvivants, et non pas, comme c'est l'usage,ne parler des Armeniens qu'au travers deleurs morts ! » se justifîe-t-il. Un homme etune femme, qui ne lui sont pas presentes,assistent â l'entretien. Ces representants deT«Etat profond » le mettent alors en garde.« Vous risquez d'attirersur vous lesfoudres

« Je suis de la race deshommes qui attendent

en paradİS.» Hrant Oink

de la societe », disent-ils. Une campagne dedenigrement, harcelement mediatique etjuridique, est engagee contre cet homme« de trop », comme il le dit â Tepoque.

Hrant Dink continue d'appeler au dia¬logue. II demande aux Armeniens de ladiaspora (4 millions de personnes, dont lespılncipaux points d'ancrage sont la Russie,les Etats-Unis et la France) de se liberer dela « haine du Turc » qui empoisonne leursang. Les juristes nationalistes tordent sespropos et le poursuivent pour avoir parle du« sang infeete des Turcs ». Ce sont d'ailleursces mots que son jeune meurtrier citerapour justifier son aete. . . Dink fait appelde chaque condamnation, persuade d'etreacquitte. En vain. II note que tous ses cama-

rades d'infortune,tels le prbe Nobel delitterature OrhanPamuk ou Tecri-vaine tureo-ame-ricaine Elif Shafak,poursuivis commelui, ont ete relaxĞs.« Est-ce parce queje suis armenien ?,

s'interroge-t-ü. Je suis citoyen de ce pays,etje demande avec insistance â etre traiteâ egalite avec tous les autres. »

Aucun homme politique en Turquiene songe alors â le defendre. Egalementmenace, Orhan Pamuk choisit prudem-ment d'ecrire son nouveau livre aux Etats-Unis. Submerge de lettres de menaces, Dinksonge â s'exiler. En Armenie ? « Commentaurais-je pu tenir face aux injustices del'autre cöte de lafrontiere ? » dit-il. En Occi-dent ? « Qu'aurais-jefaitla-bas ?» II choisitde rester en Turquie. « Je suis de la race deshommes qui attendent que leur enfer setransforme en paradis », tranche-t-il

71

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LECRIMEQUIVIENTDESiurque pROFONDEURSDE L'ETAT

: Um i 1 i

DU 27 JANVİER AU 2 FEVRIER 2007

L'assassinata istanbul du

journaliste armeno-turc Hrant Dink

est tout saufun hasard. II etaitdesigne commecible et harcelepar les milieuxnationalistes.

PAR ANNE DASTAKIAN

Pres de 100 000 personnesont suivi, mardi 23 janvierâ istanbul, les obseques du.journaliste armeno-turc HrantDink, assassine quatre joursplus töt par un jeune chomeuroriginaire de Trabzon (Trebi-

zonde), Oğuz Samast, lie â des groupesnationalistes et âge tout juste de 17 ans.La foule scandait « Nous sommes tous desHrant Dink, nous sommes tous des Arme¬niens. » Le spectacle aurait ravi celui quis'etait fait le porte-parole de la commu¬naute armenienne de Turquie, estimeeaujourd'hui â 60 000 personnes, contre2 millions avant le genocide de 1915. HrantDink revait d'une Turquie multiethnique,democratique et europeenne.

Quelques jours avant son assassinat,

«Les Armeniens vivaient I" I _

de devenir letombeaude leur identite.» Hrant Dink

il avait depose un recours aupres de laCour europeenne des droits de l'homme,â Strasbourg, contre sa condamnation, en2005, â six mois de prison avec sursis pour« insulte â Tidentite nationale turque »,

selon le desormais fameux article 301 ducode penal turc. Pour recuser cette accusa-tion qu'il jugeait infamante, U avait redigeune note etonnamment premonitoire,qu'il avait tenu â publier dans la presseturque la veille meme de son assassinat.Elle resume une longue histoire de harce¬lement de la part de juristes nationalistes,sous l'oeil indifferent sinon complice desautorites d'Ankara.

A l'approche des echeances electoralesde 2007, les tensions s'amplifient en Tur-quie. Lorsque Bruxelles, en novembre, astigmatise le peu de progres d'Ankara enmatiere de droits de Thomme, le pays s'estdrape dans un refus petri de fierte nationa¬liste. La perspective de voir le Congres ame¬ricain reconnaître le genocide armenien n'arien arrange. Hrant Dink avait vivementdenonce Tadoption, par TAssemblee natio¬nale française en octobre, d'une proposirionde loi penalisant la negation du genocide.11 la jugeait contre-productive. Conscientde Tignorance de la majorite de ses conci-toyens sur les massacres de 1915, il plaidaitpour une demarche pedagogique. Hommede dialogue, Dink est tombe victime dufanatisme orchestre par ce qu'il designaitcomme « l'Etat profond », c'est-â-dire cesforces militaires, politiques et nationa¬listes presentes dans Tappareil d'Etat etopposees â toute ouverture de laTurquie,a deplore son avocate Fethiye Çetin. SiDink fait remonter la premiere discrimi-nation dont il a ete victime en Turquie âson service militaire, en 1986, le lancementen 1996 de son journal, Agos, a, selon lui,marque le debut de ses veritables ennuis.Pourquoi avoir quitte une prospere carrierede libraire pour se lancer dans une profes-sion â haut risque ? Ces quinze dernieresannees, 18 journalistes sont morts assas-sines en Turquie. « Les Armeniens, nousavait-il explique, vivaient ici dans un replisur soi qui risquait de devenir le tombeaude leur identite. Agos a voulu les ouvrir surTexterieur. Nous n'y avons pas perdu nötreidentite et la Turquie a pris conscience del'ezistence des Armeniens. »

Un article intitule « Le secret deMme Sabiha », publie en avril 2004, mit lefeu aux poudres.Dink y revele queSabiha Gökçen, lafille adoptive du fon¬dateur de la Turquiemoderne, MustaphaKemal, etait uneorpheline arme¬nienne ! Un erimede lese-majeste dansce pays epris de sa « turquite ». Repris parla presse populaire, Tarticle provoque undeferlement de haine contre son auteur etfait l'objet d'un communique indigne deTetat-major des annees.

Le lendemain, Hrant Dink est convoquechez Tun des adjoints du prefet d'Istanbul.«Je voulaisparlerdeceuxquisontrestes, dessurvivants, et non pas, comme c'est l'usage,ne parler des Armeniens qu'au travers deleurs morts ! » se justifîe-t-il. Un homme etune femme, qui ne lui sont pas presentes,assistent â l'entretien. Ces representants deT«Etat profond » le mettent alors en garde.« Vous risquez d'attirersur vous lesfoudres

« Je suis de la race deshommes qui attendent

en paradİS.» Hrant Oink

de la societe », disent-ils. Une campagne dedenigrement, harcelement mediatique etjuridique, est engagee contre cet homme« de trop », comme il le dit â Tepoque.

Hrant Dink continue d'appeler au dia¬logue. II demande aux Armeniens de ladiaspora (4 millions de personnes, dont lespılncipaux points d'ancrage sont la Russie,les Etats-Unis et la France) de se liberer dela « haine du Turc » qui empoisonne leursang. Les juristes nationalistes tordent sespropos et le poursuivent pour avoir parle du« sang infeete des Turcs ». Ce sont d'ailleursces mots que son jeune meurtrier citerapour justifier son aete. . . Dink fait appelde chaque condamnation, persuade d'etreacquitte. En vain. II note que tous ses cama-

rades d'infortune,tels le prbe Nobel delitterature OrhanPamuk ou Tecri-vaine tureo-ame-ricaine Elif Shafak,poursuivis commelui, ont ete relaxĞs.« Est-ce parce queje suis armenien ?,

s'interroge-t-ü. Je suis citoyen de ce pays,etje demande avec insistance â etre traiteâ egalite avec tous les autres. »

Aucun homme politique en Turquiene songe alors â le defendre. Egalementmenace, Orhan Pamuk choisit prudem-ment d'ecrire son nouveau livre aux Etats-Unis. Submerge de lettres de menaces, Dinksonge â s'exiler. En Armenie ? « Commentaurais-je pu tenir face aux injustices del'autre cöte de lafrontiere ? » dit-il. En Occi-dent ? « Qu'aurais-jefaitla-bas ?» II choisitde rester en Turquie. « Je suis de la race deshommes qui attendent que leur enfer setransforme en paradis », tranche-t-il

71

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Moyen-Orient Une strategie contre l'influence iranienne dans le Golfe, en Irak et au Liban, et sur le nucleaire

Les Etats-Unis accentuent leurs pressions sur l'Iran

nb o

Fİ -i.

WASHNGTONGORRESPONDANTELes Etats-Unis entendent reprendre

la main au Moyen-Orient et montrerque, malgre les deboires en Irak, ils

sont en mesure de contrer l'influence dePIran. Tel est le message que Tadrninistra-tion Bush a entrepris de faire passer, unmois avant la prochaine echeance a l'ONUsur le programme nucleaire de ITran.

La « nouvelle strategie » vise â exercer« une pression croissante et multiforme »sur les iraniens pour « renverser la percep-tion qu'ils ontd'etre invincibles »,explique un diplomate. Selon leWashington Post, le sentimentdans l'administration Bush estque « les iraniens ne repondentâla communaute internationaleque lorsqu'ils sont sous pression,pas quand ils se sententforts » .

Cette strategie avait ete expo-see, le 15 janvier, par le secretaire âla defen¬se, Robert Gates. « Nous voulons simple-mentfaire comprendre a tous les pays de laregion que nous allons etre presents dans leGolfepour une longue periode », avait-il diten commentant le deploiement de deuxporte-avions dans le Golfe et l'envoi d'unbataillon de defense aerienne equipe demissiles antimissiles Patriot.

Des propos repris, vendredi 26 janvier,par Condoleezza Rice, la secretaire d'Etat,dans un entretien au Washington Post.Selon elle, la demonstration de force vise â

LES CHİİTES AU MOYEN-ORİENT

Iran : 90 % des musulmans.Irak : 65 % des musulmans ; contrölentle Parlement et le gouvemement.Bahrein : 70 % des musulmans ; Ğcar-tes du pouvoir contröle par les sunnites.Arabie saoudite : 5 â 6 % des musul¬mans mais majoritaires (60 %) dans laprovince petroliere du Hasa.Liban : 60 % des musulmans ; represen-tes par deux partis, Amal et surtout leHezbollah, diriğe par Hassan Nasrallah.Kovvei't : 30 % des musulmans.Emirats arabes unis : 20 % des musul-

Le « realignement »

viseraitâcreerune allianceentre Israel et lessunnites moderes

montrer aux regimes amis qu'ils peuventcompter sur Washington. « Les Etats-Unisdoiventfaire la demonstration qu'ils sontpre¬sents dans le Golfe et qu'ils entendent le res¬ter. » M Rice a utilise le terme de « reali¬gnement» - â la mode dans les cerclesdiplomatiques. Selon elle, la guerre duLiban a cree une fracture dans la regionentre les « durs » et les moderes, inquietsde voir grandir l'ombre de ITran.

Si l'on en croit l'un de ceux qui ontemploye le mot les premiers, le professeurGary Sick, ex-membre du conseil de securi-ııı te nationale, le « realignement »

vise â creer une alliance entreIsrael et les sunnites moderes.« Les Etats-Unis, Israel et lesprincipaux Etats sunnites sontd'accord sur une chose : Virandevient tropfart, trop menaçant,

___ et il faut faire quelque chose »,a-t-il explique sur la radio publi-

queNPRDe nouvelles reveiations,vendredi dans

le Washington Post, ont donne la mesurede la confrontation latente. « Des douzai-nes » d'agents iraniens auraient ete arre-

tees secretement en Irak en 2006, fiches etphotoğraphies, avant d'etre relâches, etdes echantillons d'ADN collect.es â leurinsu. Depuis Pautomne, rautorisation ameme ete donnee aux soldats americainsde « capturer ou tuer » ces agents. Ilsseraient environ 150 officiers de renseigne¬ment, plus des membres du commande-ment des Gardiens de la revolution et del'unite Al-Qods.

En recevant, vendredi, le general DavidPetraeus, nouveau commandant des for¬ces americaines en Irak, apres le vote deconfirmation au Senat, M. Bush a indiquequ'il fallait « stopper » ceux qui s'en pren-nent aux soldats ou aux « objectifs » ameri¬cains et qu'il n'etait pas question pour lestroupes americaines de franchir lairontie-re avec l'Iran. M. Gates a precise : « Nosforces sont autorisees â poursuivre ceux quiessaient de les tuer. Nous essayons d'extirperces reseaux qui posent des engins explosifsartisanauxquicausent70 %denospertes. »

L'Irak n'est pas le seul lieu de la lutted'influence. Au Liban, toujours selon leWashington Post, des operations auraientete approuvees contre le Hezbollah. La

Un soldat americain dans le cratere forme par I explosıon d une bombe au sud de Bagdad, le 26 janvier. Au moins 20 personnesont ete tuees en Irak vendredi dans des attaques dont 15 dans un marche aux anımaux, dans le centre de la capitale. ailipuzzo/ap

Des insurges irakiens ont execute quatre soldats americains

Des insufges irakiens ont mene, le 20 jan¬vier, un raid contre un centre de comman-dement americain â Kerbala, l'une desdeux principales villes saintes chiites ira¬kiennes. Un convoi de vehicules de mar-que GMC semblables â ceux utilises parl'armee americaine a reussi â franchir lescontroles et â prendre d'assaut le bâti¬ment oû se tenait une reunion consacreeaux commemorations de l'Achoura. Lesassaillants, qui s'exprimaient en anglais,disposaient d'armes et d'uniformes ame¬ricains. Au terme de l'assaut, au coursduquel un soldat americain a ete tue, les

assaillants ont quitte les lieux en emme-nant avec eux quatre soldats. Les corpsde trois d'entre eux ont ete decouverts âproximite des lieux. Le quatrieme, retrou-ve grievement blesse, est decede pen¬dant son transport vers un höpital. L'ar¬mee americaine a reconnuJesıfaits, ven¬dredi 26 janvier, apres avoir indique dansun premier temps que les cinq soldatsavaient ete tues dans l'assaut.- Par-ailleurs, un attentat a tue 15 personnes âBagdad, oû s'est rendue la presidente dela Chambre des representants, NancyPelosi. - (AP.)

conference des donateurs, â Paris, a auşşi. rnontre que les Etats-Unis et l'Arabie saou¬dite entendent rester les principauxbailleurs de fonds, alors que le Hezbollahbeneficie de l'argent du petrole iranien.

Les Americains estiment que le rapportde forces est moins favorable au presidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad. Avec un baril untiers moins cher qu'il y a im an, ils eşperentque la baisse des cours va contenir lesaides iraniennes au Hezbollah Ubanais etau Hamas palestinien. Le role de l'Arabiesaoudite est preponderant dans le main-tien des cours au niveau artuel.

CORINE LESNES

72

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Moyen-Orient Une strategie contre l'influence iranienne dans le Golfe, en Irak et au Liban, et sur le nucleaire

Les Etats-Unis accentuent leurs pressions sur l'Iran

nb o

Fİ -i.

WASHNGTONGORRESPONDANTELes Etats-Unis entendent reprendre

la main au Moyen-Orient et montrerque, malgre les deboires en Irak, ils

sont en mesure de contrer l'influence dePIran. Tel est le message que Tadrninistra-tion Bush a entrepris de faire passer, unmois avant la prochaine echeance a l'ONUsur le programme nucleaire de ITran.

La « nouvelle strategie » vise â exercer« une pression croissante et multiforme »sur les iraniens pour « renverser la percep-tion qu'ils ontd'etre invincibles »,explique un diplomate. Selon leWashington Post, le sentimentdans l'administration Bush estque « les iraniens ne repondentâla communaute internationaleque lorsqu'ils sont sous pression,pas quand ils se sententforts » .

Cette strategie avait ete expo-see, le 15 janvier, par le secretaire âla defen¬se, Robert Gates. « Nous voulons simple-mentfaire comprendre a tous les pays de laregion que nous allons etre presents dans leGolfepour une longue periode », avait-il diten commentant le deploiement de deuxporte-avions dans le Golfe et l'envoi d'unbataillon de defense aerienne equipe demissiles antimissiles Patriot.

Des propos repris, vendredi 26 janvier,par Condoleezza Rice, la secretaire d'Etat,dans un entretien au Washington Post.Selon elle, la demonstration de force vise â

LES CHİİTES AU MOYEN-ORİENT

Iran : 90 % des musulmans.Irak : 65 % des musulmans ; contrölentle Parlement et le gouvemement.Bahrein : 70 % des musulmans ; Ğcar-tes du pouvoir contröle par les sunnites.Arabie saoudite : 5 â 6 % des musul¬mans mais majoritaires (60 %) dans laprovince petroliere du Hasa.Liban : 60 % des musulmans ; represen-tes par deux partis, Amal et surtout leHezbollah, diriğe par Hassan Nasrallah.Kovvei't : 30 % des musulmans.Emirats arabes unis : 20 % des musul-

Le « realignement »

viseraitâcreerune allianceentre Israel et lessunnites moderes

montrer aux regimes amis qu'ils peuventcompter sur Washington. « Les Etats-Unisdoiventfaire la demonstration qu'ils sontpre¬sents dans le Golfe et qu'ils entendent le res¬ter. » M Rice a utilise le terme de « reali¬gnement» - â la mode dans les cerclesdiplomatiques. Selon elle, la guerre duLiban a cree une fracture dans la regionentre les « durs » et les moderes, inquietsde voir grandir l'ombre de ITran.

Si l'on en croit l'un de ceux qui ontemploye le mot les premiers, le professeurGary Sick, ex-membre du conseil de securi-ııı te nationale, le « realignement »

vise â creer une alliance entreIsrael et les sunnites moderes.« Les Etats-Unis, Israel et lesprincipaux Etats sunnites sontd'accord sur une chose : Virandevient tropfart, trop menaçant,

___ et il faut faire quelque chose »,a-t-il explique sur la radio publi-

queNPRDe nouvelles reveiations,vendredi dans

le Washington Post, ont donne la mesurede la confrontation latente. « Des douzai-nes » d'agents iraniens auraient ete arre-

tees secretement en Irak en 2006, fiches etphotoğraphies, avant d'etre relâches, etdes echantillons d'ADN collect.es â leurinsu. Depuis Pautomne, rautorisation ameme ete donnee aux soldats americainsde « capturer ou tuer » ces agents. Ilsseraient environ 150 officiers de renseigne¬ment, plus des membres du commande-ment des Gardiens de la revolution et del'unite Al-Qods.

En recevant, vendredi, le general DavidPetraeus, nouveau commandant des for¬ces americaines en Irak, apres le vote deconfirmation au Senat, M. Bush a indiquequ'il fallait « stopper » ceux qui s'en pren-nent aux soldats ou aux « objectifs » ameri¬cains et qu'il n'etait pas question pour lestroupes americaines de franchir lairontie-re avec l'Iran. M. Gates a precise : « Nosforces sont autorisees â poursuivre ceux quiessaient de les tuer. Nous essayons d'extirperces reseaux qui posent des engins explosifsartisanauxquicausent70 %denospertes. »

L'Irak n'est pas le seul lieu de la lutted'influence. Au Liban, toujours selon leWashington Post, des operations auraientete approuvees contre le Hezbollah. La

Un soldat americain dans le cratere forme par I explosıon d une bombe au sud de Bagdad, le 26 janvier. Au moins 20 personnesont ete tuees en Irak vendredi dans des attaques dont 15 dans un marche aux anımaux, dans le centre de la capitale. ailipuzzo/ap

Des insurges irakiens ont execute quatre soldats americains

Des insufges irakiens ont mene, le 20 jan¬vier, un raid contre un centre de comman-dement americain â Kerbala, l'une desdeux principales villes saintes chiites ira¬kiennes. Un convoi de vehicules de mar-que GMC semblables â ceux utilises parl'armee americaine a reussi â franchir lescontroles et â prendre d'assaut le bâti¬ment oû se tenait une reunion consacreeaux commemorations de l'Achoura. Lesassaillants, qui s'exprimaient en anglais,disposaient d'armes et d'uniformes ame¬ricains. Au terme de l'assaut, au coursduquel un soldat americain a ete tue, les

assaillants ont quitte les lieux en emme-nant avec eux quatre soldats. Les corpsde trois d'entre eux ont ete decouverts âproximite des lieux. Le quatrieme, retrou-ve grievement blesse, est decede pen¬dant son transport vers un höpital. L'ar¬mee americaine a reconnuJesıfaits, ven¬dredi 26 janvier, apres avoir indique dansun premier temps que les cinq soldatsavaient ete tues dans l'assaut.- Par-ailleurs, un attentat a tue 15 personnes âBagdad, oû s'est rendue la presidente dela Chambre des representants, NancyPelosi. - (AP.)

conference des donateurs, â Paris, a auşşi. rnontre que les Etats-Unis et l'Arabie saou¬dite entendent rester les principauxbailleurs de fonds, alors que le Hezbollahbeneficie de l'argent du petrole iranien.

Les Americains estiment que le rapportde forces est moins favorable au presidentMahmoud Ahmadinejad. Avec un baril untiers moins cher qu'il y a im an, ils eşperentque la baisse des cours va contenir lesaides iraniennes au Hezbollah Ubanais etau Hamas palestinien. Le role de l'Arabiesaoudite est preponderant dans le main-tien des cours au niveau artuel.

CORINE LESNES

72

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Quatre rebelles kurdes abattus lors de combats dansle sud-est de la Turquie

DİYARBAKIR (Turquie), 15 jan 2007 (AFP) - 09h35 - Quatre rebelles separatistes kurdes du Parti des travailleurs duKurdistan (PKK) ont ete tues dimanche lors de combats avec les forces de securite turques dans le sud-est anatolien, peuplemâjoritairement de Kurdes, ont indique lundi les autorites locales.

Un premier affrontement a fait deux morts dimanche soir dans une zone rurale de Lice, petite ville dependant de la grandeprovince de Diyarbakir, a-t-on precise de meme source. L'armee mene des operations de ratissage dans la zone, a-t-onajoute.

Dans un autre incident, dans une zone reculee de la province de Bingöl (est), un autre rebelle a ete abattu dans la soiree, aannonce le gouvernorat local.

Dimanche en cours de journee un premier rebelle avait ete tue et un soldat blesse dans la meme zone.

Le PKK, qui lutte pour l'independance du Sud-Est, a annonce un cessez-le-feu unilateral le 1er octobre dernier, mais lesautorites turques l'ont rejete. L'armee a promis de pourchasser les rebelles jusqu'au dernier.

Les combats ont cependant sensiblement diminue en intensite depuis.

Le PKK, considere comme une organisation terroriste par Ankara, Washington et l'Union europeenne, a decrete quatre trevesdans le passe, qui ont toutes ete rejetees par Ankara. Plus de 37.000 personnes ont trouve la mort depuis le debut de sa luttearmee en 1984.

Le conseil de Kirkouk accuse la Turquie d'inciteraux violences en Irak

KİRKOUK (Irak), 19 jan 2007 (AFP) - 14h00 - Le conseil de la province petroliere irakienne de Kirkouk (nord) a accusevendredi le gouvemement turc d'accroître les violences confessionnelles en Irak, dans un communique.

Razgar Ali, qui diriğe le Conseil de la province, a notamment denonce la tenue les 15 et 16 janvier â Ankara d'une conferencesur l'avenir de Kirkouk.

"Organiser une conference sur des bases sectaires ne rendra service â aucun groupe ethnique. Cela va accroître lesviolences confessionnelles initiees par les takfiris (extremistes sunnites), les partisans de Saddam Hussein et leurs allies", aestime M. Ali, membre de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK).

"Cette conference s'inscrit dans la lignee des efforts continus menes par le gouvemement turc pour perturber le processusengage en accord avec l'article 140 de la Constitution irakienne", a-t-il ajoute, en demandant au gouvemement irakien deprendre position.

L'article 140 prevoit la tenue d'un referendum controverse avant le 31 decembre 2007, pour decider de l'avenir de la regionpetroliere de Kirkouk (nord), revendiquee par les Kurdes, mais oü vivent aussi des Arabes et des Turcomans.

Les Kurdes veulent rattacher Kirkouk, oü vivaient de nombreux Kurdes mais qui a ete victime d'une politique d'arabisationforcee, au Kurdistan.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdoğan a declare la semaine demiere que les tensions ethniques â Kirkouk nepourraient que s'aggraver si un referendum devait determiner le statut de la ville.

La Turquie accuse les Kurdes irakiens d'avoir installe â Kirkouk des milliers de membres de leur minorite en vue de modifieren leur faveur la composition demographique de la ville.

Atta qu es contre des maisons en majorite kurdes âKirkouk (Irak): 11 blesses

KİRKOUK (Irak), 30 jan 2007 (AFP) - 08hl3 - Des bombes placees devant neuf maisons habitees en majorite par deskurdes ont explose mardi dans i'est de la ville multiethnique irakienne de Kirkouk, blessant 11 personnes, selon les servicesde securite.

Cette ville petroliere, situee â 250 km au nord de Bagdad, et oü cohabitent des arabes, sunnites, chiites et chretiens, deskurdes et des turcomans de souche turque, est revendiquee par les Kurdes qui veulent la rattacher â leur region autonome duKurdistan dans le nord irakien.

Selon la meme source, sept des habitations visees par les bombes appartiennent â des Kurdes et deux â des chiites arabes.

73

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Quatre rebelles kurdes abattus lors de combats dansle sud-est de la Turquie

DİYARBAKIR (Turquie), 15 jan 2007 (AFP) - 09h35 - Quatre rebelles separatistes kurdes du Parti des travailleurs duKurdistan (PKK) ont ete tues dimanche lors de combats avec les forces de securite turques dans le sud-est anatolien, peuplemâjoritairement de Kurdes, ont indique lundi les autorites locales.

Un premier affrontement a fait deux morts dimanche soir dans une zone rurale de Lice, petite ville dependant de la grandeprovince de Diyarbakir, a-t-on precise de meme source. L'armee mene des operations de ratissage dans la zone, a-t-onajoute.

Dans un autre incident, dans une zone reculee de la province de Bingöl (est), un autre rebelle a ete abattu dans la soiree, aannonce le gouvernorat local.

Dimanche en cours de journee un premier rebelle avait ete tue et un soldat blesse dans la meme zone.

Le PKK, qui lutte pour l'independance du Sud-Est, a annonce un cessez-le-feu unilateral le 1er octobre dernier, mais lesautorites turques l'ont rejete. L'armee a promis de pourchasser les rebelles jusqu'au dernier.

Les combats ont cependant sensiblement diminue en intensite depuis.

Le PKK, considere comme une organisation terroriste par Ankara, Washington et l'Union europeenne, a decrete quatre trevesdans le passe, qui ont toutes ete rejetees par Ankara. Plus de 37.000 personnes ont trouve la mort depuis le debut de sa luttearmee en 1984.

Le conseil de Kirkouk accuse la Turquie d'inciteraux violences en Irak

KİRKOUK (Irak), 19 jan 2007 (AFP) - 14h00 - Le conseil de la province petroliere irakienne de Kirkouk (nord) a accusevendredi le gouvemement turc d'accroître les violences confessionnelles en Irak, dans un communique.

Razgar Ali, qui diriğe le Conseil de la province, a notamment denonce la tenue les 15 et 16 janvier â Ankara d'une conferencesur l'avenir de Kirkouk.

"Organiser une conference sur des bases sectaires ne rendra service â aucun groupe ethnique. Cela va accroître lesviolences confessionnelles initiees par les takfiris (extremistes sunnites), les partisans de Saddam Hussein et leurs allies", aestime M. Ali, membre de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK).

"Cette conference s'inscrit dans la lignee des efforts continus menes par le gouvemement turc pour perturber le processusengage en accord avec l'article 140 de la Constitution irakienne", a-t-il ajoute, en demandant au gouvemement irakien deprendre position.

L'article 140 prevoit la tenue d'un referendum controverse avant le 31 decembre 2007, pour decider de l'avenir de la regionpetroliere de Kirkouk (nord), revendiquee par les Kurdes, mais oü vivent aussi des Arabes et des Turcomans.

Les Kurdes veulent rattacher Kirkouk, oü vivaient de nombreux Kurdes mais qui a ete victime d'une politique d'arabisationforcee, au Kurdistan.

Le Premier ministre turc Recep Tayyip Erdoğan a declare la semaine demiere que les tensions ethniques â Kirkouk nepourraient que s'aggraver si un referendum devait determiner le statut de la ville.

La Turquie accuse les Kurdes irakiens d'avoir installe â Kirkouk des milliers de membres de leur minorite en vue de modifieren leur faveur la composition demographique de la ville.

Atta qu es contre des maisons en majorite kurdes âKirkouk (Irak): 11 blesses

KİRKOUK (Irak), 30 jan 2007 (AFP) - 08hl3 - Des bombes placees devant neuf maisons habitees en majorite par deskurdes ont explose mardi dans i'est de la ville multiethnique irakienne de Kirkouk, blessant 11 personnes, selon les servicesde securite.

Cette ville petroliere, situee â 250 km au nord de Bagdad, et oü cohabitent des arabes, sunnites, chiites et chretiens, deskurdes et des turcomans de souche turque, est revendiquee par les Kurdes qui veulent la rattacher â leur region autonome duKurdistan dans le nord irakien.

Selon la meme source, sept des habitations visees par les bombes appartiennent â des Kurdes et deux â des chiites arabes.

73

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Parmi les blesses, figurent cinq enfants, a-t-on appris de source hospitaliere.

Lundi soir, le fils d'un commandant des forces de securite kurdes a ete tue dans cette ville dans l'explosion d'une voiturepiegee qui a totalement detruit quatre habitations et endommage sept.

Depuis la chute du regime de Saddam Hussein en 2003, les violences interethniques sont frequentes â Kirkouk oü les Kurdessont de nouveau majoritaires.

L'article 140 de la Constitution irakienne prevoit la tenue d'un referendum controverse avant le 31 decembre 2007, pourdecider de l'avenir de cette region.

Onze Kurdes chiites tues dans un attentat â KhaneqineSOULAIMANIYAH (Irak), 30 jan 2007 (AFP) - 09hl4 - Onze Kurdes chiites ont ete tues et 39 blesses mardi en fin dematinee dans l'explosion d'une bombe pres d'un lieu de culte chiite dans le centre de Khaneqine, â 170 km au nord-est deBagdad, a annonce la poliçe.

Selon le colonel de la poliçe Azad Issa, la bombe etait placee dans une poubelle.

L'attentat meurtrier a vise la communaute "fayli", des Kurdes chiites, au moment oü elle commemorait le deuil de l'Achoura âKhaneqine.

Parmi les victimes, figurent une femme et un enfant, selon la meme source.

En novembre 2005, un double attentat suicide dans deux lieux de culte chiites de cette localite frontaliere de l'Iran avait fait 78morts et 90 blesses. Deux kamikazes s'etaient alors faufiles au moment de la priere de midi parmi les fideles et avaientactionne leurs bombes.

Khaneqine ne se trouve pas dans la region autonome du Kurdistan, mais dans la province de Diyala. Elle n'est aujourd'huihabitee que par des "faylis", apres l'expulsion juste apres la chute du regime de Saddam Hussein des Arabes sunnites etchiites qui s'y etaient installes.

'.Vighe Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007

Can reality bring Turkey to reason?Globe Editorialin a closed session lastTuesday the Turkish par¬liament voted against itsarmy's impeding opera¬tions in South Kurdistan.Some information gleamedthrough the AK party ofKurdish MPs, revealedthat the AK party high of¬ficials held other positionsthan the ones shovvn in themedia, namely that they be¬gin to reahze that Kurdishachievements in South arethere to stay.

We may feel a sense of re-lief for a vvhile, but Turkeyis not AK party; there areseveral actors in Turkishpolitics that can - and theyhave done it several timesbefore - change courseagain. As long as Turkeymeasures its national in-terests in territorial dimen-sions, there vvill alvvays bean imminent threat against

South and other neighbor¬ing countries.

Recent skirmishes aboutKirkuk and PKK in QendilMountain is clear evidencefor this expansionist dis-course. As long as SaddamHussein vvas in chargethey seldom cared aboutTurkomen in Iraq, and theyhave several times enteredSouth hunting PKK fightersbefore. PKK insurgenciesin North did not end andthe Turkomans are betteroff than during Saddam.

Here one should semti¬nize Turkey's real inten¬tions. The central authori¬ties in Turkey are avvare ofthe reason behind PKK'sattraction for the Kurd¬ish youth in North andKirkuk can scarcely becompared vvith Cyprus; tohave control över Kirkukand founding Northern IraqTurkomen Republic is notonly an impossible under-

taking, it indicates the coreof political lunacy.

When listening to theTurkish establishmentone can get the idea thatthe Kurds and PKK areholding Turkomans hos-tage in Qendil Mountain;Turkish troops can, vvith asingle operation, removethe PKK menace and savetheir Turkoman brethren.We knovv, and they knovv,that their biggest con-cern is vvhat Kurds haveachieved in South. Whetherthe achievements can bea threat against Turkey isdependent on the mentalityof the Turkish authorities.During their entire history,Kurds have never under-taken any expansionist dis-course; they have alvvaysstruggled on their ovvn landand their causes have beenfreedom and basic humanrights not so much hovvmuch territory they shouldhold. Kirkuk is not an ex-

ception; Kirkuk's oil isnot etemal; it is the Kurd¬ish people of Kirkuk andtheir rights and libertiesthat are of ğreatest concernfor Kurds and they havesuffered enough. Whetherthey opt betvveen Baghdadand Kurdistan Region is upto their democratic right.

Turkey is at the eross-roads of a redefinition of itsnationhood or continuationof its counter-produetivediscourse ofdenial. As longas it defines itself in con-trast to its neighbors, par-ticularly the Kurds, it vvillbe more isolated. After cen-turies of misdeeds againsttheir elosest ally the Kurds,it is maybe the time to com-

pensate them for vvhat theyhave done; the first stepvvould be acceptance ofthem as equal neighbors.Through Ottoman mega¬lomanla considering themas tribal chieftains and not

even âccepting them hav-ing central posts in the fed¬eral body of Iraq, they vvillharm their ovvn interests.President Talabani has beenin majör Western countriesand ali neighboring coun¬tries, except Turkey.

Within the discourse ofTurkish high officials he isstili a minör actor in North¬ern Iraq, but times havechanged. Talabani is Presi¬dent of Iraq and Barzaniis President of Kurdistanregion, legally stipulated inthe constitution of FederalIraq, democratically votedby the Iraqis. Yes Mr. Gul,the only vvay out from theregion is Khabur border,but the residents in the oth¬er side of Khabur are alsoKurds. The reality shouldbring Turkey to reason. Af¬ter ali, vve ali vvant to be onneighborly terms.

By Behrooz SlıojaiGlobe Political Desk

74

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Parmi les blesses, figurent cinq enfants, a-t-on appris de source hospitaliere.

Lundi soir, le fils d'un commandant des forces de securite kurdes a ete tue dans cette ville dans l'explosion d'une voiturepiegee qui a totalement detruit quatre habitations et endommage sept.

Depuis la chute du regime de Saddam Hussein en 2003, les violences interethniques sont frequentes â Kirkouk oü les Kurdessont de nouveau majoritaires.

L'article 140 de la Constitution irakienne prevoit la tenue d'un referendum controverse avant le 31 decembre 2007, pourdecider de l'avenir de cette region.

Onze Kurdes chiites tues dans un attentat â KhaneqineSOULAIMANIYAH (Irak), 30 jan 2007 (AFP) - 09hl4 - Onze Kurdes chiites ont ete tues et 39 blesses mardi en fin dematinee dans l'explosion d'une bombe pres d'un lieu de culte chiite dans le centre de Khaneqine, â 170 km au nord-est deBagdad, a annonce la poliçe.

Selon le colonel de la poliçe Azad Issa, la bombe etait placee dans une poubelle.

L'attentat meurtrier a vise la communaute "fayli", des Kurdes chiites, au moment oü elle commemorait le deuil de l'Achoura âKhaneqine.

Parmi les victimes, figurent une femme et un enfant, selon la meme source.

En novembre 2005, un double attentat suicide dans deux lieux de culte chiites de cette localite frontaliere de l'Iran avait fait 78morts et 90 blesses. Deux kamikazes s'etaient alors faufiles au moment de la priere de midi parmi les fideles et avaientactionne leurs bombes.

Khaneqine ne se trouve pas dans la region autonome du Kurdistan, mais dans la province de Diyala. Elle n'est aujourd'huihabitee que par des "faylis", apres l'expulsion juste apres la chute du regime de Saddam Hussein des Arabes sunnites etchiites qui s'y etaient installes.

'.Vighe Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007

Can reality bring Turkey to reason?Globe Editorialin a closed session lastTuesday the Turkish par¬liament voted against itsarmy's impeding opera¬tions in South Kurdistan.Some information gleamedthrough the AK party ofKurdish MPs, revealedthat the AK party high of¬ficials held other positionsthan the ones shovvn in themedia, namely that they be¬gin to reahze that Kurdishachievements in South arethere to stay.

We may feel a sense of re-lief for a vvhile, but Turkeyis not AK party; there areseveral actors in Turkishpolitics that can - and theyhave done it several timesbefore - change courseagain. As long as Turkeymeasures its national in-terests in territorial dimen-sions, there vvill alvvays bean imminent threat against

South and other neighbor¬ing countries.

Recent skirmishes aboutKirkuk and PKK in QendilMountain is clear evidencefor this expansionist dis-course. As long as SaddamHussein vvas in chargethey seldom cared aboutTurkomen in Iraq, and theyhave several times enteredSouth hunting PKK fightersbefore. PKK insurgenciesin North did not end andthe Turkomans are betteroff than during Saddam.

Here one should semti¬nize Turkey's real inten¬tions. The central authori¬ties in Turkey are avvare ofthe reason behind PKK'sattraction for the Kurd¬ish youth in North andKirkuk can scarcely becompared vvith Cyprus; tohave control över Kirkukand founding Northern IraqTurkomen Republic is notonly an impossible under-

taking, it indicates the coreof political lunacy.

When listening to theTurkish establishmentone can get the idea thatthe Kurds and PKK areholding Turkomans hos-tage in Qendil Mountain;Turkish troops can, vvith asingle operation, removethe PKK menace and savetheir Turkoman brethren.We knovv, and they knovv,that their biggest con-cern is vvhat Kurds haveachieved in South. Whetherthe achievements can bea threat against Turkey isdependent on the mentalityof the Turkish authorities.During their entire history,Kurds have never under-taken any expansionist dis-course; they have alvvaysstruggled on their ovvn landand their causes have beenfreedom and basic humanrights not so much hovvmuch territory they shouldhold. Kirkuk is not an ex-

ception; Kirkuk's oil isnot etemal; it is the Kurd¬ish people of Kirkuk andtheir rights and libertiesthat are of ğreatest concernfor Kurds and they havesuffered enough. Whetherthey opt betvveen Baghdadand Kurdistan Region is upto their democratic right.

Turkey is at the eross-roads of a redefinition of itsnationhood or continuationof its counter-produetivediscourse ofdenial. As longas it defines itself in con-trast to its neighbors, par-ticularly the Kurds, it vvillbe more isolated. After cen-turies of misdeeds againsttheir elosest ally the Kurds,it is maybe the time to com-

pensate them for vvhat theyhave done; the first stepvvould be acceptance ofthem as equal neighbors.Through Ottoman mega¬lomanla considering themas tribal chieftains and not

even âccepting them hav-ing central posts in the fed¬eral body of Iraq, they vvillharm their ovvn interests.President Talabani has beenin majör Western countriesand ali neighboring coun¬tries, except Turkey.

Within the discourse ofTurkish high officials he isstili a minör actor in North¬ern Iraq, but times havechanged. Talabani is Presi¬dent of Iraq and Barzaniis President of Kurdistanregion, legally stipulated inthe constitution of FederalIraq, democratically votedby the Iraqis. Yes Mr. Gul,the only vvay out from theregion is Khabur border,but the residents in the oth¬er side of Khabur are alsoKurds. The reality shouldbring Turkey to reason. Af¬ter ali, vve ali vvant to be onneighborly terms.

By Behrooz SlıojaiGlobe Political Desk

74

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

e Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007

Iran and its malicious attitude vis-â-visIraqi Kurdistan

The Kurdish leaders and politicians in Iraqi Kurdistan should cali into mind that urging the government ofIran to abolish the policy of denial and recognize the democratic rights of 10 million Kurds of the country is alegitimate gesture that drastically empovvers the position of Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) vis-â-visnon-democratic forces in the region, vvrites Globe's Khalid Khayati.

Khalid KhayatiGlobe Political Commcntator

Depicting the politicalinteraction betvveen theIslamic Republic of Iranand the Kurdish de factostate in northern Iraq isa thorny task. it impliesthat vve should at leastsurvey the vvhole historyof Kurdish state-build-ing, vvhich is no olderthan 15 years. Certainly,the history of the rela¬tionship betvveen the Ira¬nian regime and the po¬litical movement of IraqiKurdistan is much older,especially vvhen consider-ing the relationships thatthe PDK and PUK, tvvomajör Kurdish politicalparties, maintained vviththe Islamic Republic pri-or to the formation of theKurdistan Regional Gov¬ernment (KRG) in 1991.Hovvever, the history ofthe political interactionbetvveen the Iranian re¬gime and the Kurdish au-tonomous region shouldbe separated into threedifferent periods. Theyare 1991-1998, 1998-2003, and 2003-2007.

The period of1991-98

Except for a short timeof exultance över regainedfreedom and the creationof the Kurdish Parliamentin 1992, the first period(1991-1998) is character-ized by the reign of con-tinuous political and eco¬nomic instability, chaos,intemal rivalry, civil vvar,vvar economy, plunderingand external interferences

from neighboring states.Paradoxically, it is dur¬ing this period that IraqiKurdistan started on theroad to reconstruction afterit became an autonomousregion follovving the 1991Gulf vvar.

The approach that the Is¬lamic regime held vis-â-visthe Kurdish region at thattime exhibits a great dealof complexity, inconsisten-cy, contradiction and mali-ciousness. it vvas sensitiveto the political and culturalfluctuations in the regionand prioritized constantlythe political and economicinterests of its ovvn state.For example, follovvingthe 1991 Gulf vvar, Iranianauthorities made perfectuse of the political vacuumand economic chaos of theregion and savv to it thatlooting became a wide-spread practice among alarge number of Kurds.A large amount of stolenproperty vvas smuggled

över the border. Conse-quently, substantial dam-age vvas inflicted on theinfrastructure of Kurdistanand.it took many years torecover. During the reignof factional vvar betvveenthe KDP and PUK, theIslamic regime, throughits flexible and combinedstrategy based on assist-ance, deprivation and sab-otage, most often played adestructive role.

Moreover, the Iranian Is¬lamic regime has during theyears of chaos transformedIraqi Kurdistan into a real"field of terror," an allusionto the fate ofmore than 300Iranian Kurds assassinatedby Iranian agents betvveen1991 and 1998. Addition-ally, this period of timebears vvitness to severalmilitary incursions thatthe Islamic regime under-took in pursuit of its ovvnKurdish citizens, settled in

different localities of IraqiKurdistan.

The period of1998-2003

This period gives evi-dence to some majörchanges in the Iranian re-gime's attitude tovvard theautonomous region ofIraqiKurdistan.

The Islamic state ceasedcompletely its direct terror-ist actions, i. e., the assas-sination of Iranian Kurd¬ish dissidents. Instead, itbegan to give some Kurd-ish-Islamic terrorist groupssafe haven and to a certainextent logistical assistance,vvhile it continued to exertits cultural and politicalcharm vis-â-vis the Kurd¬ish population and Kurd¬ish leaders, striking strongroots in various economicsectors of Kurdish society.For example, the KurdishAnsar-al-lslam that con-trolled part of Iraqi Kurdis-tan's territory vvas amongthose redoubtable organi-zations that received Irani¬an support. The Americaninvasion of Iraq put an endto the brutal reign of An¬sar-al-lslam.

The period of2003-2007

The invasion of Iraq andthe overthrovv of the Sadd¬am regime by America andits alîied military forcesgenerated nevv politicaland social constellations inthe Middle East. The nevvreality induced the Islamicregime on its part to elabo-rate a nevv strategy. This

time, the operational fieldfor the Islamic regime ex-tends to ali of Iraq, vvherethe toppling of the Sunni-Arab-dominated regime .

has given vvay for the ma¬jority Shiite Arabs to alterthe classical balance of

povver, and subsequentlypromote and consolidatetheir ovvn political povver.

in spite of ali political,cultural and social diver-gences, the majority ShiiteArabs are said to be drasti¬cally pro-Iranian. Here thefore of paradox is evident.The intervention ofAmeri¬ca and its allies in Iraq hassuddenly turned in favorof a state that othervvisevvas completely unable toachieve its ovvn objectivesin Iraq.

in this regard, the dev-astating 1980-1988 vvarbetvveen Iran and Iraq isa conspicuous example tobe referred. Hovvever, theemergence of Shiite povv¬er and the daily sectariancarnage in Iraq, togethervvith the menace of atomicvveapons and military andpolitical action that theHezbollah in Lebanon pe-riodically undertake vvithsupport of the Syrian re¬gime, provide the Iranianstate a redoubtable sourceof influence not only in¬side Iraqi territory but alsoin the entire Middle East.The final objective of theIslamic regime of İran isto see the total defeat ofAmerican forces in Iraq.

RecentdevelopmentsPresident George W.

Bush made public onJanuary 10 his frame-

vvork for a nevv Americanstrategy. The framevvork,vvhich calls for increas-ing the current 132,000American troop level byan additional 21,500, andimproving the capacity ofthe Iraqi security forces toprotect the civilian popu¬lation, indicates that theU.S. has already opted fora tougher confrontationa!policy vis-â-vis Iran. U.S.

military forces raided ,anIranian government of¬fice in Irbil tvvo vveeks agoand captured six Iranianemployees, accusing themof supporting Iraqi insur¬gents.

This, along vvith thepressure put upon Ameri¬ca by the pro-Iranian Me¬hdi Army, can be seen notonly as a general indicatorto an ongoing global vvaron terrorism that the Bushadministration claims tobe carrying out, but alsoas a sign of a specific vvaragainst Iran that is aboutto emerge. Several otherIranian officials have al¬ready been detained överthe last month. OutgoingU.S. Ambassadorto Iraq,Zalmay Khalilzad, toldreporters on VVednesday,January 24, that detailsof accusations against theIranian officials vvould bemade public in comingdays.

Furthermore, PresidentBush has authorized theU.S. military forces to kilior capture Iranian agentsactive in Iraq. The Islamicregime of Iran continuesto react against the exter-nal threats. The inspectorsof the International Atom¬ic Energy Agency (IAEA)are no longer allovved tolook över the Iranian nu¬clear facilities. Moreover,Russia has recently deliv-ered the modern, short-range, anti-aircraft systemTor-Ml to Iran, saying thecountry could use themagainst possible attacks.

Final wordsAs for the Iraqi Kurds,

it is essential to acquirea consistent and cohesiveknovvledge about the be-havioral pattern of theIslamic Republic of İran.Even if the biased phrasesthat Kurds use, such as"Persians suffocate theirenemies vvith. sügar" and

75

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

e Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007

Iran and its malicious attitude vis-â-visIraqi Kurdistan

The Kurdish leaders and politicians in Iraqi Kurdistan should cali into mind that urging the government ofIran to abolish the policy of denial and recognize the democratic rights of 10 million Kurds of the country is alegitimate gesture that drastically empovvers the position of Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) vis-â-visnon-democratic forces in the region, vvrites Globe's Khalid Khayati.

Khalid KhayatiGlobe Political Commcntator

Depicting the politicalinteraction betvveen theIslamic Republic of Iranand the Kurdish de factostate in northern Iraq isa thorny task. it impliesthat vve should at leastsurvey the vvhole historyof Kurdish state-build-ing, vvhich is no olderthan 15 years. Certainly,the history of the rela¬tionship betvveen the Ira¬nian regime and the po¬litical movement of IraqiKurdistan is much older,especially vvhen consider-ing the relationships thatthe PDK and PUK, tvvomajör Kurdish politicalparties, maintained vviththe Islamic Republic pri-or to the formation of theKurdistan Regional Gov¬ernment (KRG) in 1991.Hovvever, the history ofthe political interactionbetvveen the Iranian re¬gime and the Kurdish au-tonomous region shouldbe separated into threedifferent periods. Theyare 1991-1998, 1998-2003, and 2003-2007.

The period of1991-98

Except for a short timeof exultance över regainedfreedom and the creationof the Kurdish Parliamentin 1992, the first period(1991-1998) is character-ized by the reign of con-tinuous political and eco¬nomic instability, chaos,intemal rivalry, civil vvar,vvar economy, plunderingand external interferences

from neighboring states.Paradoxically, it is dur¬ing this period that IraqiKurdistan started on theroad to reconstruction afterit became an autonomousregion follovving the 1991Gulf vvar.

The approach that the Is¬lamic regime held vis-â-visthe Kurdish region at thattime exhibits a great dealof complexity, inconsisten-cy, contradiction and mali-ciousness. it vvas sensitiveto the political and culturalfluctuations in the regionand prioritized constantlythe political and economicinterests of its ovvn state.For example, follovvingthe 1991 Gulf vvar, Iranianauthorities made perfectuse of the political vacuumand economic chaos of theregion and savv to it thatlooting became a wide-spread practice among alarge number of Kurds.A large amount of stolenproperty vvas smuggled

över the border. Conse-quently, substantial dam-age vvas inflicted on theinfrastructure of Kurdistanand.it took many years torecover. During the reignof factional vvar betvveenthe KDP and PUK, theIslamic regime, throughits flexible and combinedstrategy based on assist-ance, deprivation and sab-otage, most often played adestructive role.

Moreover, the Iranian Is¬lamic regime has during theyears of chaos transformedIraqi Kurdistan into a real"field of terror," an allusionto the fate ofmore than 300Iranian Kurds assassinatedby Iranian agents betvveen1991 and 1998. Addition-ally, this period of timebears vvitness to severalmilitary incursions thatthe Islamic regime under-took in pursuit of its ovvnKurdish citizens, settled in

different localities of IraqiKurdistan.

The period of1998-2003

This period gives evi-dence to some majörchanges in the Iranian re-gime's attitude tovvard theautonomous region ofIraqiKurdistan.

The Islamic state ceasedcompletely its direct terror-ist actions, i. e., the assas-sination of Iranian Kurd¬ish dissidents. Instead, itbegan to give some Kurd-ish-Islamic terrorist groupssafe haven and to a certainextent logistical assistance,vvhile it continued to exertits cultural and politicalcharm vis-â-vis the Kurd¬ish population and Kurd¬ish leaders, striking strongroots in various economicsectors of Kurdish society.For example, the KurdishAnsar-al-lslam that con-trolled part of Iraqi Kurdis-tan's territory vvas amongthose redoubtable organi-zations that received Irani¬an support. The Americaninvasion of Iraq put an endto the brutal reign of An¬sar-al-lslam.

The period of2003-2007

The invasion of Iraq andthe overthrovv of the Sadd¬am regime by America andits alîied military forcesgenerated nevv politicaland social constellations inthe Middle East. The nevvreality induced the Islamicregime on its part to elabo-rate a nevv strategy. This

time, the operational fieldfor the Islamic regime ex-tends to ali of Iraq, vvherethe toppling of the Sunni-Arab-dominated regime .

has given vvay for the ma¬jority Shiite Arabs to alterthe classical balance of

povver, and subsequentlypromote and consolidatetheir ovvn political povver.

in spite of ali political,cultural and social diver-gences, the majority ShiiteArabs are said to be drasti¬cally pro-Iranian. Here thefore of paradox is evident.The intervention ofAmeri¬ca and its allies in Iraq hassuddenly turned in favorof a state that othervvisevvas completely unable toachieve its ovvn objectivesin Iraq.

in this regard, the dev-astating 1980-1988 vvarbetvveen Iran and Iraq isa conspicuous example tobe referred. Hovvever, theemergence of Shiite povv¬er and the daily sectariancarnage in Iraq, togethervvith the menace of atomicvveapons and military andpolitical action that theHezbollah in Lebanon pe-riodically undertake vvithsupport of the Syrian re¬gime, provide the Iranianstate a redoubtable sourceof influence not only in¬side Iraqi territory but alsoin the entire Middle East.The final objective of theIslamic regime of İran isto see the total defeat ofAmerican forces in Iraq.

RecentdevelopmentsPresident George W.

Bush made public onJanuary 10 his frame-

vvork for a nevv Americanstrategy. The framevvork,vvhich calls for increas-ing the current 132,000American troop level byan additional 21,500, andimproving the capacity ofthe Iraqi security forces toprotect the civilian popu¬lation, indicates that theU.S. has already opted fora tougher confrontationa!policy vis-â-vis Iran. U.S.

military forces raided ,anIranian government of¬fice in Irbil tvvo vveeks agoand captured six Iranianemployees, accusing themof supporting Iraqi insur¬gents.

This, along vvith thepressure put upon Ameri¬ca by the pro-Iranian Me¬hdi Army, can be seen notonly as a general indicatorto an ongoing global vvaron terrorism that the Bushadministration claims tobe carrying out, but alsoas a sign of a specific vvaragainst Iran that is aboutto emerge. Several otherIranian officials have al¬ready been detained överthe last month. OutgoingU.S. Ambassadorto Iraq,Zalmay Khalilzad, toldreporters on VVednesday,January 24, that detailsof accusations against theIranian officials vvould bemade public in comingdays.

Furthermore, PresidentBush has authorized theU.S. military forces to kilior capture Iranian agentsactive in Iraq. The Islamicregime of Iran continuesto react against the exter-nal threats. The inspectorsof the International Atom¬ic Energy Agency (IAEA)are no longer allovved tolook över the Iranian nu¬clear facilities. Moreover,Russia has recently deliv-ered the modern, short-range, anti-aircraft systemTor-Ml to Iran, saying thecountry could use themagainst possible attacks.

Final wordsAs for the Iraqi Kurds,

it is essential to acquirea consistent and cohesiveknovvledge about the be-havioral pattern of theIslamic Republic of İran.Even if the biased phrasesthat Kurds use, such as"Persians suffocate theirenemies vvith. sügar" and

75

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

"Persians cut one's headvvith cotton," have noscientific value, they canexplâin to a limited extentthe negative experiencesthat Kurds have accumu-lated in their historicalmemory about the sub-tlety and maliciousness ofPersians.

Each time, it is a popularinsurrection in Kurdistan;in the end, the leadersare enticed by the centralgovernment into a deadlytrap. Iranian agents assas-sinated the famous Kurd¬ish leader A. Qasemlooin 1989 in Wien, vvherehe found himself and his

company at the negotiat-ing table vvith supposedIranian diplomats.

The majority of ali po¬litical assassinations thatthe Iranian regime carriedout against its dissidentsduring the 1980s and theearly 1990s in VVesternEurope and other parts ofthe vvorld vvere realizedby people vvho traveledeither as diplomats, busi-nessmen, restaurateurs,cultural personalities orsimple tourists. Therefore,

they can appear in someplaces as adorable friendsvvhile they smash one's

life into pieces in otherplaces. it is also impor¬tant to stress that the partof the national border thatseparates Iranian Kurdis¬tan from Iraqi Kurdistanhas alvvays been treatedas a security issue. Whileothers enjoy the entranceand departure in accord-ance vvith internationallavvs, crossing the borderin the Kurdish areas is stilia laborious and dangerousdeed.

The Iranian regime doesnot lack the povver of initi-ative to cali on Turkey andSyria to form a joint anti-Kurdish and anti-Ameri-

can policy. Everybodyremembers the vvords ofthe Iranian Ambassador toTurkey, Firouz Davvlata-badi, in an intervievv vviththe Turkish daily Milliyetin May 2006, "U.S. islooking tocarve Kurdishstate from Turkey, Iranand Syria."

The Kurdish leadersand politicians in IraqiKurdistan should cali intomind that urging the gov¬ernment of Iran to abolishthe policy of denial andrecognize the democraticrights of 10 million Kurdsof the country is a legiti-mate gesture that drasti-

cally empovvers the posi-tion ofKurdistan RegionalGovernment (KRG) vis-â-vis non-democratic forcesin the region. The processof political change in theMiddle East is irrevers-ible, and the Kurds vvillget stronger if they remainamong those whö strugglefor peace, democracy andhuman rights.

^.lljne Kurdish Globe January 23, 2007

Kirkuk 2007: Hosting a meeting on a lost cityGlobe EditorialTurkish threats över the is¬sue of Kirkuk and southernKurdistan dramatically inten¬sified last vveek as the TurkishNational Assembly gatheringlast Thursday vvitnessed chau-vinistic speeches delivered byTurkish MPs and leaders ofopposition parties representedin Parliament. The TurkishNational Assembly vvill haveanother session today onKirkuk but this time closed tothe public and media.

Ankara is also hostinga meeting called 'Kirkuk2007'. The interesting aspectof the meeting vvas that not asingle Kurdish representativefrom southern Kurdistan orKirkuk vvas invited, vvhereas

a number of Sünni groups andIraqi Türkmen Front along-side high-ranking Turkish of¬ficials attended.

Both the speakers at theTurkish Parliament andKirkuk 2007 meeting sug-gested that either referendumto be cancelled or to be heldnot only in Kirkuk but ali överIraq. Neither of the proposi-tions are acceptable to theKurds or to the Iraqi constitu¬tion.

Despite the January and De¬cember 2005 elections resultsvvhich clearly indicated thedemographic map of Kirkuk

city vvhere Kurdish List gotmore than 65% of the vote,some Turkish politicians atthe Parliament session lastThursday claimed that Kirkukis a Turkoman city and that

Turkey has a right to be in-volved in the its future. Themain opposition party, Re-publican People 's Party, CHP,asked the government to calion Parliament to issue author-ity to send troops to northernIraq and Kirkuk.

The recent sense of anxi-ety in Turkey, vvith regard toIraq, resulted mainly from aperception that Iraq is mov-ing tovvards separation, vvhichin such eventuality the estab-lishment of an independentKurdistan vvould be imminent.Some Turkish Parliamentar-ians and oppositional partyleaders sincerely believe thatthe division of Iraq means thedivision of Turkey.

They are not so vvrong aboutthis perception either. Thethree countries of the region,

Turkey, Iraq and Syria vvereestablished after WWI mainlybecause of tlıe imperialistpovver struggle. These regionsvvere part of the Ottoman Em-pire. Follovving the defeat ofthe Axis povvers in WWI tlıeOttoman 's Asiatic lands vverepartitioned amongst Britainand France and nevv mandat-ed and arbitrary states vvereestablished vvhich served the

interests of the Great Povv¬ers. Tlıe main charactefistic ofthese states is that they pos-sessed parts of Kurdistan andenforced upon the Kurds theirforceful state nationalism. Ke¬malisin in Turkey, Ba'athismin Iraq and Syria and Pehlevi-sim and Islamism in Iran.

Arbitrary divisions and es-tablishments in the region didnot evolve tovvards healthyand democratic institutions,contrary they developed un-democratic dictatorial re-gimes. These state-led econo-mies vvhich enjoyed a post1945 period of national de-velopment policies that vverepromoted by vvorld capitalismfaces crisis as their model ofnational economic develop-ment vvith huge amounts ofbureaucracy no longer corre-spond vvith the vvorkings of aglobal economy.

Both Iraq and Turkey sharesome common characteris-

Former ambassador and parliamentarian Onur Oymen of Turkey, center, is flanked by ftvo Iraqis during a panel of eıperts and poli¬ticians from Turkey and Iraq to discııss (he current situation and the future of the oil-rich northern Iraqi city of Kirkuk in Ankara,Monday, Jan. 15, 2007.

76

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

"Persians cut one's headvvith cotton," have noscientific value, they canexplâin to a limited extentthe negative experiencesthat Kurds have accumu-lated in their historicalmemory about the sub-tlety and maliciousness ofPersians.

Each time, it is a popularinsurrection in Kurdistan;in the end, the leadersare enticed by the centralgovernment into a deadlytrap. Iranian agents assas-sinated the famous Kurd¬ish leader A. Qasemlooin 1989 in Wien, vvherehe found himself and his

company at the negotiat-ing table vvith supposedIranian diplomats.

The majority of ali po¬litical assassinations thatthe Iranian regime carriedout against its dissidentsduring the 1980s and theearly 1990s in VVesternEurope and other parts ofthe vvorld vvere realizedby people vvho traveledeither as diplomats, busi-nessmen, restaurateurs,cultural personalities orsimple tourists. Therefore,

they can appear in someplaces as adorable friendsvvhile they smash one's

life into pieces in otherplaces. it is also impor¬tant to stress that the partof the national border thatseparates Iranian Kurdis¬tan from Iraqi Kurdistanhas alvvays been treatedas a security issue. Whileothers enjoy the entranceand departure in accord-ance vvith internationallavvs, crossing the borderin the Kurdish areas is stilia laborious and dangerousdeed.

The Iranian regime doesnot lack the povver of initi-ative to cali on Turkey andSyria to form a joint anti-Kurdish and anti-Ameri-

can policy. Everybodyremembers the vvords ofthe Iranian Ambassador toTurkey, Firouz Davvlata-badi, in an intervievv vviththe Turkish daily Milliyetin May 2006, "U.S. islooking tocarve Kurdishstate from Turkey, Iranand Syria."

The Kurdish leadersand politicians in IraqiKurdistan should cali intomind that urging the gov¬ernment of Iran to abolishthe policy of denial andrecognize the democraticrights of 10 million Kurdsof the country is a legiti-mate gesture that drasti-

cally empovvers the posi-tion ofKurdistan RegionalGovernment (KRG) vis-â-vis non-democratic forcesin the region. The processof political change in theMiddle East is irrevers-ible, and the Kurds vvillget stronger if they remainamong those whö strugglefor peace, democracy andhuman rights.

^.lljne Kurdish Globe January 23, 2007

Kirkuk 2007: Hosting a meeting on a lost cityGlobe EditorialTurkish threats över the is¬sue of Kirkuk and southernKurdistan dramatically inten¬sified last vveek as the TurkishNational Assembly gatheringlast Thursday vvitnessed chau-vinistic speeches delivered byTurkish MPs and leaders ofopposition parties representedin Parliament. The TurkishNational Assembly vvill haveanother session today onKirkuk but this time closed tothe public and media.

Ankara is also hostinga meeting called 'Kirkuk2007'. The interesting aspectof the meeting vvas that not asingle Kurdish representativefrom southern Kurdistan orKirkuk vvas invited, vvhereas

a number of Sünni groups andIraqi Türkmen Front along-side high-ranking Turkish of¬ficials attended.

Both the speakers at theTurkish Parliament andKirkuk 2007 meeting sug-gested that either referendumto be cancelled or to be heldnot only in Kirkuk but ali överIraq. Neither of the proposi-tions are acceptable to theKurds or to the Iraqi constitu¬tion.

Despite the January and De¬cember 2005 elections resultsvvhich clearly indicated thedemographic map of Kirkuk

city vvhere Kurdish List gotmore than 65% of the vote,some Turkish politicians atthe Parliament session lastThursday claimed that Kirkukis a Turkoman city and that

Turkey has a right to be in-volved in the its future. Themain opposition party, Re-publican People 's Party, CHP,asked the government to calion Parliament to issue author-ity to send troops to northernIraq and Kirkuk.

The recent sense of anxi-ety in Turkey, vvith regard toIraq, resulted mainly from aperception that Iraq is mov-ing tovvards separation, vvhichin such eventuality the estab-lishment of an independentKurdistan vvould be imminent.Some Turkish Parliamentar-ians and oppositional partyleaders sincerely believe thatthe division of Iraq means thedivision of Turkey.

They are not so vvrong aboutthis perception either. Thethree countries of the region,

Turkey, Iraq and Syria vvereestablished after WWI mainlybecause of tlıe imperialistpovver struggle. These regionsvvere part of the Ottoman Em-pire. Follovving the defeat ofthe Axis povvers in WWI tlıeOttoman 's Asiatic lands vverepartitioned amongst Britainand France and nevv mandat-ed and arbitrary states vvereestablished vvhich served the

interests of the Great Povv¬ers. Tlıe main charactefistic ofthese states is that they pos-sessed parts of Kurdistan andenforced upon the Kurds theirforceful state nationalism. Ke¬malisin in Turkey, Ba'athismin Iraq and Syria and Pehlevi-sim and Islamism in Iran.

Arbitrary divisions and es-tablishments in the region didnot evolve tovvards healthyand democratic institutions,contrary they developed un-democratic dictatorial re-gimes. These state-led econo-mies vvhich enjoyed a post1945 period of national de-velopment policies that vverepromoted by vvorld capitalismfaces crisis as their model ofnational economic develop-ment vvith huge amounts ofbureaucracy no longer corre-spond vvith the vvorkings of aglobal economy.

Both Iraq and Turkey sharesome common characteris-

Former ambassador and parliamentarian Onur Oymen of Turkey, center, is flanked by ftvo Iraqis during a panel of eıperts and poli¬ticians from Turkey and Iraq to discııss (he current situation and the future of the oil-rich northern Iraqi city of Kirkuk in Ankara,Monday, Jan. 15, 2007.

76

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ties. Both countries ineludemulti-national groups along-side religious factions. Bothcountries, ruled by a kind ofstate nationalism mixed vvithsecularism, have shovvn nosensitivity tovvards othersoutside of state nationalistdiscourse. Both Kurds andShiites (Alavvis in Turkey)vvere stripped from their eth¬nic and religious freedoms.Both countries faced seriousKurdish revolts and their as-

similation policies did notvvork out as a Kurdish senseof nationality proved to bemore srubborn than their op-pressive attitudes.

As Ba'athisim, out of po¬litical povver, gamble and theKurds move tovvards theirself-rule vviüı a prospect ofKirkuk being incorporatedinto such nevv political entity,Turkey has "ali the reasons tobe anxious and vvorry aboutits ovvn future.

Despite the explicit threatsthat Turkey may occupysouthern Kurdistan and sendtroops to Kirkuk such sce¬nario vvould be almost impos-sible. As one retired Turkishgeneral stated should Turkishtroops enter northern Iraq theymust fight against 6 millionKurds. it is clear Üıat vvithoutUS consent occupation of anypart of Iraq by other regionalpovvers cannot be tolerated.Such an act vvould destroy US

interests in Iraq and the regionas a vvhole.

The Kurds should concen-trate on the issue of Kirkukand not pay serious atten-tion to Turkish threats. itis obvious that such threatsare nothing but empty bluffsand should not be allovved todistract the Kurds from theirmain agenda.

A zad AslanGlobe Political Editör

.tV-ÇSİ!,e Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007As Ankara hosts meetings on the future of Kirkuk

Kurdistan Parliament holds its emergeney gathering onTurkish troop deployment

Kurdistan parliamentheld an emergeney ses¬sion last Wednesday,as part of the KRG re-sponse to the recentmeetings in Turkey onthe future of the oil richcity of Kirkuk. The ses¬sion, attended by theKurdish Prime Minis¬ter Nechirvan Barzanivvas focused on Tur¬key's recent deploymentof troops along Iraq'sNorthern borders.

in the session, membersof Kurdistan parliamentsharply criticized Turkishofficials' statements andconferences on KurdistanRegion indicating suchmeetings could harm therelations betvveen the tvvonations.

"Turkey's threats överKurdistan region are notnevv. Turkey is threateningKurdistan region becausethey consider themselvesmilitarily superior," Kur-shid Shera, an MP, said

Some of the MPs com-plained about Ira-qi Central Gov¬ernment for being"pass'ive" in theface of Turkey'sthreats to invadeKurdistan regionand urged Bagh¬dad to "punish"Iraqi officials vvhoparticipated at theconference heldin Ankara on Ira-qi affairs. Also, membersof Kurdistan parliamentcalled on Kurdish leadersto send delegations to US

ERBİL

QasslmKhidhirqassim@

kurdishglohe.net

and neighboring countriesto discuss vvhat they de¬scribed as Turkey's "in-creasing threats" againstKurdistan region.

The meeting came aday after Turkish parlia¬ment held a elosed de-bate on Iraq's future. TheTurkish Prime Minister,Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,vvas seheduled to speakon behalf of the govern¬ment and Deniz Baykal,the chairman of the Turk¬ish Republican People'sParty, vvas to address it onbehalf of his party.

Turkish Parliament'selosed session came afterthe government voicedgrovving concern över thecontinuing presence of theKurdistan VVorkers Party(PKK) in lraqi Kurdistanregion and prospects forKurdish control över theoil rich city of Kirkuk.

During the KurdistanParliament's emergeneysession, Prime Minis¬ter, Nechirvan Barzani, stipulated that

Kurds are not de-manding to takeback Kirkuk foroil, but becauseKurds vvere dis-possessed fromtheir homes inKirkuk city dur¬ing former Iraqiregime. Barzanisaid that the eraof threats had

ended. "Claiming Kirkukis ali about land and it isone of the hardest thingsvvhen someone comes and

Kıırdistnn Prime Minisler Nechirvan Bnrz.ıni seen here nddressing ıhe Pnrli.-ıment in Erhil Jnmı.ıry 24, 2007.

occuppies your land," saidthe PM.

Barzani said that PKK is¬sue is a political questionand could not be solvedthrough military opera¬tions, trying to assure thepublic that the politicalsituation in Iraq vvill notallovv Turkey to performmilitary operations insideKurdistan region.

Kurdish ofTicials sayTurkey uses the Turkomanissue in Iraq as a pretext tointerfere in Iraq's domes-tic affairs vvhereas Turkeysays it is defending vvhatthey cali as "the nationalrights" of the Turkomanin Iraq.

Talhat Qassab, a memberof Kurdistan Parliament ofthe Turkoman origin, vvhoalso spoke in Turkomani

during the parliament'semergeney session, saidthey are Turkomans andnot Turks, and Turkey byinterfering in Kurdistanregion 's internal affairsis doing more harm thangood. Qassab said thatAnkara has never helpedTurkomans in Iraq, espe-cially during Saddam's

era.On the same issue,

Karkhi Abdullah, head ofTurkoman List in Kurdis¬tan Parliament, slammedAnkara for its policiesin regard to Kirkuk say¬ing that Turkey has neverhelped Turkoman peoplein the past.

Iraqi government spokes-men have repeatedly urgedneighboring countries not

to interfere in the vvartorncountry's internal affairsby hosting meetings thatBaghdad believes encour-ages sectarian tensions.

Ali Dabbagh, the spokes-man for Iraqi government,said in an intervievv theIraqi government express-es anxiety över statementsmade by Turkish officials,referring to the possibleTurkish military interven¬tion in Iraq.

Washington has cau-tioned Turkey över anyunilateral military opera¬tions, fearing that suchaetions could destabilizeKurdistan region, one ofthe fevv stable regions inlraq.

77

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ties. Both countries ineludemulti-national groups along-side religious factions. Bothcountries, ruled by a kind ofstate nationalism mixed vvithsecularism, have shovvn nosensitivity tovvards othersoutside of state nationalistdiscourse. Both Kurds andShiites (Alavvis in Turkey)vvere stripped from their eth¬nic and religious freedoms.Both countries faced seriousKurdish revolts and their as-

similation policies did notvvork out as a Kurdish senseof nationality proved to bemore srubborn than their op-pressive attitudes.

As Ba'athisim, out of po¬litical povver, gamble and theKurds move tovvards theirself-rule vviüı a prospect ofKirkuk being incorporatedinto such nevv political entity,Turkey has "ali the reasons tobe anxious and vvorry aboutits ovvn future.

Despite the explicit threatsthat Turkey may occupysouthern Kurdistan and sendtroops to Kirkuk such sce¬nario vvould be almost impos-sible. As one retired Turkishgeneral stated should Turkishtroops enter northern Iraq theymust fight against 6 millionKurds. it is clear Üıat vvithoutUS consent occupation of anypart of Iraq by other regionalpovvers cannot be tolerated.Such an act vvould destroy US

interests in Iraq and the regionas a vvhole.

The Kurds should concen-trate on the issue of Kirkukand not pay serious atten-tion to Turkish threats. itis obvious that such threatsare nothing but empty bluffsand should not be allovved todistract the Kurds from theirmain agenda.

A zad AslanGlobe Political Editör

.tV-ÇSİ!,e Kurdish Globe January 30, 2007As Ankara hosts meetings on the future of Kirkuk

Kurdistan Parliament holds its emergeney gathering onTurkish troop deployment

Kurdistan parliamentheld an emergeney ses¬sion last Wednesday,as part of the KRG re-sponse to the recentmeetings in Turkey onthe future of the oil richcity of Kirkuk. The ses¬sion, attended by theKurdish Prime Minis¬ter Nechirvan Barzanivvas focused on Tur¬key's recent deploymentof troops along Iraq'sNorthern borders.

in the session, membersof Kurdistan parliamentsharply criticized Turkishofficials' statements andconferences on KurdistanRegion indicating suchmeetings could harm therelations betvveen the tvvonations.

"Turkey's threats överKurdistan region are notnevv. Turkey is threateningKurdistan region becausethey consider themselvesmilitarily superior," Kur-shid Shera, an MP, said

Some of the MPs com-plained about Ira-qi Central Gov¬ernment for being"pass'ive" in theface of Turkey'sthreats to invadeKurdistan regionand urged Bagh¬dad to "punish"Iraqi officials vvhoparticipated at theconference heldin Ankara on Ira-qi affairs. Also, membersof Kurdistan parliamentcalled on Kurdish leadersto send delegations to US

ERBİL

QasslmKhidhirqassim@

kurdishglohe.net

and neighboring countriesto discuss vvhat they de¬scribed as Turkey's "in-creasing threats" againstKurdistan region.

The meeting came aday after Turkish parlia¬ment held a elosed de-bate on Iraq's future. TheTurkish Prime Minister,Recep Tayyip Erdoğan,vvas seheduled to speakon behalf of the govern¬ment and Deniz Baykal,the chairman of the Turk¬ish Republican People'sParty, vvas to address it onbehalf of his party.

Turkish Parliament'selosed session came afterthe government voicedgrovving concern över thecontinuing presence of theKurdistan VVorkers Party(PKK) in lraqi Kurdistanregion and prospects forKurdish control över theoil rich city of Kirkuk.

During the KurdistanParliament's emergeneysession, Prime Minis¬ter, Nechirvan Barzani, stipulated that

Kurds are not de-manding to takeback Kirkuk foroil, but becauseKurds vvere dis-possessed fromtheir homes inKirkuk city dur¬ing former Iraqiregime. Barzanisaid that the eraof threats had

ended. "Claiming Kirkukis ali about land and it isone of the hardest thingsvvhen someone comes and

Kıırdistnn Prime Minisler Nechirvan Bnrz.ıni seen here nddressing ıhe Pnrli.-ıment in Erhil Jnmı.ıry 24, 2007.

occuppies your land," saidthe PM.

Barzani said that PKK is¬sue is a political questionand could not be solvedthrough military opera¬tions, trying to assure thepublic that the politicalsituation in Iraq vvill notallovv Turkey to performmilitary operations insideKurdistan region.

Kurdish ofTicials sayTurkey uses the Turkomanissue in Iraq as a pretext tointerfere in Iraq's domes-tic affairs vvhereas Turkeysays it is defending vvhatthey cali as "the nationalrights" of the Turkomanin Iraq.

Talhat Qassab, a memberof Kurdistan Parliament ofthe Turkoman origin, vvhoalso spoke in Turkomani

during the parliament'semergeney session, saidthey are Turkomans andnot Turks, and Turkey byinterfering in Kurdistanregion 's internal affairsis doing more harm thangood. Qassab said thatAnkara has never helpedTurkomans in Iraq, espe-cially during Saddam's

era.On the same issue,

Karkhi Abdullah, head ofTurkoman List in Kurdis¬tan Parliament, slammedAnkara for its policiesin regard to Kirkuk say¬ing that Turkey has neverhelped Turkoman peoplein the past.

Iraqi government spokes-men have repeatedly urgedneighboring countries not

to interfere in the vvartorncountry's internal affairsby hosting meetings thatBaghdad believes encour-ages sectarian tensions.

Ali Dabbagh, the spokes-man for Iraqi government,said in an intervievv theIraqi government express-es anxiety över statementsmade by Turkish officials,referring to the possibleTurkish military interven¬tion in Iraq.

Washington has cau-tioned Turkey över anyunilateral military opera¬tions, fearing that suchaetions could destabilizeKurdistan region, one ofthe fevv stable regions inlraq.

77

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Military İntervention in lraq: A Disastrous Idea

By: ŞAHIN ALPAY / Zaman Jan 29, 2007

Speculation that Turkey is preparing for a military intervention in northern lraq abounds. LastTuesday the Turkish Parliament held a elosed session to debate developments in lraq.

The intervention is thought to have not one but several declared and undeclared objeetives: tofinish off the Kurdistan VVorkers? Party (PKK) in lraq, to prevent Kirkuk from becoming a Kurdishcity, to protect the rights of the Türkmen minority and to stop the lraqi Kurds from advancing onthe road to independence.

According to a report by Lale Sarıibrahimoğlu, the Bush administration is about to allovv theTurkish military to cross into northern lraq for an operation against the PKK in the region. Theoperation vvill last no more than tvvo vveeks and is expected to take place in late February or earlyMarch. The cross-border operation is to be carried out by airborne Turkish troops supported byattack helicopters. The US administration believes that the lraqi Kurdish leadership vvill not objectto such a US-coordinated intervention. (Today's Zaman, Jan. 22, 2007.)

What results can vve expect from an operation targeting the PKK in lraq. During the 1990s theTurkish military condueted a number of operations in northern lraq, ali vvith the support of thelraqi Kurdish leadership, but the objeetive of finishing off the PKK could not be achieved. Todaythe lraqi Kurdish leadership considers a Turkish military intervention in the region to be a threatto its autonomy and aspirations of eventual independence. They are not at ali happy vvith theexistence of the PKK but they vvant to avoid a vvar pitting Kurd against Kurd. They teli Ankara thatthe best vvay to render the PKK ineffeetive is to take measures that vvould enable militants toreturn to normal, civilian life. İn these circumstances a military operation, even if it is carried outvvith the approval of the US, is not likely to be any more effective than previous ones.Sarıibrahimoğlu reports that in fact neither Ankara nor Washington are convinced that theoperation vvould achieve its objeetive. The Turkish military, hovvever, thinks if something is notdone about the PKK in northern lraq, this vvould damage the confidence the Turkish people havein the military. On the other hand, the Bush administration's intentions behind allovving theoperation are to make up for some of the lost credibility in Turkish public opinion.

For a moment, let us take the supposition that Turkey vvill intervene for the sake of Kirkukseriously. Ankara may be justified in insisting that Kirkuk belongs to ali its ethnic groups, thatKirkuk's oil is ovvned by ali lraqis, and that the territorial integrity of lraq must be preserved. İt iscertainly entitled to say so and should do ali in its povver to achieve these objeetives by diplomatiemeans. Iraq's future, hovvever, is eventually going to be decided by its people and not by anyoutsiders. İt is evident that even the superpovver that could invade the country, topple the regimeand destroy the state is unable to shape the future of lraq.

There are good reasons to believe that the vast majority of Turkey,s Kurds do not vvant toseparate from Turkey but vvant to gain full democratic rights vvithin Turkey. Turkey's Kurds,hovvever, just like the Türkmen of Turkey, are concerned vvith the fate of their kinsmen in lraq.They certainly do not vvant the Kurds of lraq to önce again fail under dictatorial rule. Turkey hasso far avoided any involvement in the invasion of lraq. Such involvement carried the risk of a ?warvvithin a vvar,? that is to say, a Turkish-Kurdish vvar vvith disastrous consequences for Turkey'sdemoeracy and economy, vvhich so far the PKK has not been able to provoke. A Turkish military

intervention in lraq for the sake of Kirkuk today vvould almost certainly lead to such disastrousconsequences. The most effective vvay for Ankara to achieve its objeetives in lraq is to win thetrust and friendship of the lraqi Kurds. Turkey's most effective povver is not its military but its softpovver; its ability to attract and persuade others to adopt its norms and goals. If Turkey continuesto strengthen and consolidate its democratic regime and thus serve as a model, the broadautonomy or eventual independence of lraqi Kurds may not be against but in favor of Turkey'sinterests.

78

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

Military İntervention in lraq: A Disastrous Idea

By: ŞAHIN ALPAY / Zaman Jan 29, 2007

Speculation that Turkey is preparing for a military intervention in northern lraq abounds. LastTuesday the Turkish Parliament held a elosed session to debate developments in lraq.

The intervention is thought to have not one but several declared and undeclared objeetives: tofinish off the Kurdistan VVorkers? Party (PKK) in lraq, to prevent Kirkuk from becoming a Kurdishcity, to protect the rights of the Türkmen minority and to stop the lraqi Kurds from advancing onthe road to independence.

According to a report by Lale Sarıibrahimoğlu, the Bush administration is about to allovv theTurkish military to cross into northern lraq for an operation against the PKK in the region. Theoperation vvill last no more than tvvo vveeks and is expected to take place in late February or earlyMarch. The cross-border operation is to be carried out by airborne Turkish troops supported byattack helicopters. The US administration believes that the lraqi Kurdish leadership vvill not objectto such a US-coordinated intervention. (Today's Zaman, Jan. 22, 2007.)

What results can vve expect from an operation targeting the PKK in lraq. During the 1990s theTurkish military condueted a number of operations in northern lraq, ali vvith the support of thelraqi Kurdish leadership, but the objeetive of finishing off the PKK could not be achieved. Todaythe lraqi Kurdish leadership considers a Turkish military intervention in the region to be a threatto its autonomy and aspirations of eventual independence. They are not at ali happy vvith theexistence of the PKK but they vvant to avoid a vvar pitting Kurd against Kurd. They teli Ankara thatthe best vvay to render the PKK ineffeetive is to take measures that vvould enable militants toreturn to normal, civilian life. İn these circumstances a military operation, even if it is carried outvvith the approval of the US, is not likely to be any more effective than previous ones.Sarıibrahimoğlu reports that in fact neither Ankara nor Washington are convinced that theoperation vvould achieve its objeetive. The Turkish military, hovvever, thinks if something is notdone about the PKK in northern lraq, this vvould damage the confidence the Turkish people havein the military. On the other hand, the Bush administration's intentions behind allovving theoperation are to make up for some of the lost credibility in Turkish public opinion.

For a moment, let us take the supposition that Turkey vvill intervene for the sake of Kirkukseriously. Ankara may be justified in insisting that Kirkuk belongs to ali its ethnic groups, thatKirkuk's oil is ovvned by ali lraqis, and that the territorial integrity of lraq must be preserved. İt iscertainly entitled to say so and should do ali in its povver to achieve these objeetives by diplomatiemeans. Iraq's future, hovvever, is eventually going to be decided by its people and not by anyoutsiders. İt is evident that even the superpovver that could invade the country, topple the regimeand destroy the state is unable to shape the future of lraq.

There are good reasons to believe that the vast majority of Turkey,s Kurds do not vvant toseparate from Turkey but vvant to gain full democratic rights vvithin Turkey. Turkey's Kurds,hovvever, just like the Türkmen of Turkey, are concerned vvith the fate of their kinsmen in lraq.They certainly do not vvant the Kurds of lraq to önce again fail under dictatorial rule. Turkey hasso far avoided any involvement in the invasion of lraq. Such involvement carried the risk of a ?warvvithin a vvar,? that is to say, a Turkish-Kurdish vvar vvith disastrous consequences for Turkey'sdemoeracy and economy, vvhich so far the PKK has not been able to provoke. A Turkish military

intervention in lraq for the sake of Kirkuk today vvould almost certainly lead to such disastrousconsequences. The most effective vvay for Ankara to achieve its objeetives in lraq is to win thetrust and friendship of the lraqi Kurds. Turkey's most effective povver is not its military but its softpovver; its ability to attract and persuade others to adopt its norms and goals. If Turkey continuesto strengthen and consolidate its democratic regime and thus serve as a model, the broadautonomy or eventual independence of lraqi Kurds may not be against but in favor of Turkey'sinterests.

78

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.

JANUARY 30, 2007

The 'American Iraq'By Fouad Ajami

So this government in Baghdad, fightingfor its life, has not mastered even the grimscience of the gallovvs, and has no knovvl-edge of the "drop charts" used for hangingsaround the vvorld. The Tikritis had beenmuch better at this şort of thing. They hadali the time in the vvorld to perfect the skillsand techniques of terror; they had done itagainst the background of relative indiffer-ence by outside povvers. And they had the in-dulgence of the neighboring Arabs vvho gavetheir vvarrant to ali that played out in Iraqunder the Tikriti despotism.

Pity those men hunkereddovvn in Baghdad as they walka thin line betvveen the yearn-ing for justice and retributionin their land, and the scrutinyof the outside vvorld. in the an-nals of Arab history, the Shiahave been strangers to povver, rebels and dis-sidents and men on the run hunted dovvn byofficial povver. Novv the ground has shiftedin Baghdad, and an Arab vvorld steeped intyranny reproaches a Shia-led governmentsitting atop a volcano. America's "regionaldiplomacy" vvill not reconcile the Arab re-gimes to the rise of the Shia outcasts.

in the fullness of time, the Arab order ofpovver vvill have to come to a grudging accep-tance of the order sure to take hold in Bagh¬dad. This is a region that respects the prerog-atives of povver. it had önce resisted the com-ing to povver of the Alavvites in Syria andthen learned to accommodate that "hereti-cal" minority sect; the Shia path in Iraq vvillfollovv that trajectory, and its justice is infi-nitely greater for it is the ascendancy of ademographic majority, through the vveight ofnumbers and the ballot box. Of ali Arablands, Iraq is the most checkered, a frontiercountry at the crossroads of Arabia, Turkeyand Persia. The Sünni Arabs have never ac-cepted Iraq's diversity. The "Arabism" of theplace vvas synonymous vvith their ovvn pri-macy. Novv a binational state in ali but name(Arab and Kurdish) has come into being inIraq, and the Shia underclass have staked aclaim commensurate vvith their numbers.The Sünni Arabs have recoiled from thischange in their fortunes. They have ali but"Persianized" the Shia öf Iraq, branded themas a fifth column of the state next door. Con-temporary Islamism has sharpened this feud,for to the Sünni Islamists the Shia are here-tics at odds vvith the forbidding strictures ofthe Islamists' fanatical variant of the faith.

* * #

Baghdad, a city founded by the AbbasidCaliph al-Mansour in 762, vvas sacked bythe Mongols in 1258: The invaders put it tothe svvord, and dumped its books and librar-ies in the Tigris. in the (Sünni) legend, aShia minister by the name of Ibn Alqamihad opened the gates of the city to the in

vaders. History never relents here. in a com-mentary that follovved the execution of Sad¬dam, a Palestinian commentator vvrote in apan-Arab daily in London that a descendantof Ibn Alqami (read Nouri al-Maliki) hadput to death a descendant of al-Mansour.

These kinds of atavisms cannot be concili-ated. The truth of Iraq vvill assert itself onthe ground, but the age of Sünni monopolyon povver has passed. One of Iraq's most re-spected scholar-dipİomats, Hassan al-Alavvi,

has put the matter in stark terms. it isproper, he said, to speak of an "AmericanIraq" as one does of a Sumerian, a Babylo-nian, an Abbasid, an Ottoman, and then aBritish Iraq. VVhere Iraq in the age of the PaxBritannica rested on an "Anglo-Sunni" re¬gime, this nevv Iraq is by the logic of thingsan American-Shia regime. The militantpreachers railing against the fail of Baghdadto an alliance of the "American crusaders"and the "Shia heretics" are the bearers of adark but intensely felt conviction. Americansshould not be apologetic, in Arab landsseething vvith bigotry and rage, about their

expedition into Iraq. The U.S.shouldn't fail for Arab rulersvvho say they vvould have hadthe ability to cali off the furieshad it had in place a "process"for resolving the claims of thePalestinians, and had it beenable to "deliver" Israel. Those

furies have a life of their ovvn: They areaided and abetted by these same rulers inthe hope of tranquilizing their ovvn domainsand buying off the embittered in their midst.

The Sunhi'Arab regimes are not of one: mind on Iraq. Curiously, the Arab state most

likely to make peace vvith the nevv reality ofIraq is Saudi Arabia; those most hostile arethe Jordanians, the Egyptians and the Pales¬tinians. The Saudi monarch, King Abdullah,has read the wind vvith accuracy; he has aShia minority in his domain, in the oil-bear-ing lands of the Eastern Province, and heseems eager to cap the VVahhabi volcano intKe Najdi heartland of his kingdom. in con-trast, Jordan and Egypt presenf the oddspectacle of countries heavily invested in ananti-Shia drive but vvith noShia citizenry in their midst.The tvvo regimes derive agood measure of their reve-nues from the subsidies ofPax Americana. The threatof Shiism is a lucrative scare-çrovv for Cairo and Amman.The promise of standing sen-try in defense of the Sünniorder is vvhat these tvvo re¬gimes have to offer bothAmerica and the oil states.

The Palestinians, vveakerin the scale of povver andvvith troubles of their ovvn,are in the end of little conse-quence to the strategie align-ment in the region. But tothe extent that their "street"and their pundits matter,they can be counted upon toview the rise of this nevvIraq vvith reserve and out-right hostility. For six de-cades, the Palestinians havehad a virtual monopoly onpan-Arab sentiments, and the Arabic-speak-ing vvorld indulged them. Iraq has been a di-rect challenge to the Palestinians and totheir conception of their place in the Arabseheme of things. To the bitter end, the Pales¬tinian street remained enamored of SaddamHussein. Iraq's Şhia majority has returnedthe favor, and has come to vievv Üıe Palestin¬ian cause vvith considerable suspicion.

79

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.

JANUARY 30, 2007

The 'American Iraq'By Fouad Ajami

So this government in Baghdad, fightingfor its life, has not mastered even the grimscience of the gallovvs, and has no knovvl-edge of the "drop charts" used for hangingsaround the vvorld. The Tikritis had beenmuch better at this şort of thing. They hadali the time in the vvorld to perfect the skillsand techniques of terror; they had done itagainst the background of relative indiffer-ence by outside povvers. And they had the in-dulgence of the neighboring Arabs vvho gavetheir vvarrant to ali that played out in Iraqunder the Tikriti despotism.

Pity those men hunkereddovvn in Baghdad as they walka thin line betvveen the yearn-ing for justice and retributionin their land, and the scrutinyof the outside vvorld. in the an-nals of Arab history, the Shiahave been strangers to povver, rebels and dis-sidents and men on the run hunted dovvn byofficial povver. Novv the ground has shiftedin Baghdad, and an Arab vvorld steeped intyranny reproaches a Shia-led governmentsitting atop a volcano. America's "regionaldiplomacy" vvill not reconcile the Arab re-gimes to the rise of the Shia outcasts.

in the fullness of time, the Arab order ofpovver vvill have to come to a grudging accep-tance of the order sure to take hold in Bagh¬dad. This is a region that respects the prerog-atives of povver. it had önce resisted the com-ing to povver of the Alavvites in Syria andthen learned to accommodate that "hereti-cal" minority sect; the Shia path in Iraq vvillfollovv that trajectory, and its justice is infi-nitely greater for it is the ascendancy of ademographic majority, through the vveight ofnumbers and the ballot box. Of ali Arablands, Iraq is the most checkered, a frontiercountry at the crossroads of Arabia, Turkeyand Persia. The Sünni Arabs have never ac-cepted Iraq's diversity. The "Arabism" of theplace vvas synonymous vvith their ovvn pri-macy. Novv a binational state in ali but name(Arab and Kurdish) has come into being inIraq, and the Shia underclass have staked aclaim commensurate vvith their numbers.The Sünni Arabs have recoiled from thischange in their fortunes. They have ali but"Persianized" the Shia öf Iraq, branded themas a fifth column of the state next door. Con-temporary Islamism has sharpened this feud,for to the Sünni Islamists the Shia are here-tics at odds vvith the forbidding strictures ofthe Islamists' fanatical variant of the faith.

* * #

Baghdad, a city founded by the AbbasidCaliph al-Mansour in 762, vvas sacked bythe Mongols in 1258: The invaders put it tothe svvord, and dumped its books and librar-ies in the Tigris. in the (Sünni) legend, aShia minister by the name of Ibn Alqamihad opened the gates of the city to the in

vaders. History never relents here. in a com-mentary that follovved the execution of Sad¬dam, a Palestinian commentator vvrote in apan-Arab daily in London that a descendantof Ibn Alqami (read Nouri al-Maliki) hadput to death a descendant of al-Mansour.

These kinds of atavisms cannot be concili-ated. The truth of Iraq vvill assert itself onthe ground, but the age of Sünni monopolyon povver has passed. One of Iraq's most re-spected scholar-dipİomats, Hassan al-Alavvi,

has put the matter in stark terms. it isproper, he said, to speak of an "AmericanIraq" as one does of a Sumerian, a Babylo-nian, an Abbasid, an Ottoman, and then aBritish Iraq. VVhere Iraq in the age of the PaxBritannica rested on an "Anglo-Sunni" re¬gime, this nevv Iraq is by the logic of thingsan American-Shia regime. The militantpreachers railing against the fail of Baghdadto an alliance of the "American crusaders"and the "Shia heretics" are the bearers of adark but intensely felt conviction. Americansshould not be apologetic, in Arab landsseething vvith bigotry and rage, about their

expedition into Iraq. The U.S.shouldn't fail for Arab rulersvvho say they vvould have hadthe ability to cali off the furieshad it had in place a "process"for resolving the claims of thePalestinians, and had it beenable to "deliver" Israel. Those

furies have a life of their ovvn: They areaided and abetted by these same rulers inthe hope of tranquilizing their ovvn domainsand buying off the embittered in their midst.

The Sunhi'Arab regimes are not of one: mind on Iraq. Curiously, the Arab state most

likely to make peace vvith the nevv reality ofIraq is Saudi Arabia; those most hostile arethe Jordanians, the Egyptians and the Pales¬tinians. The Saudi monarch, King Abdullah,has read the wind vvith accuracy; he has aShia minority in his domain, in the oil-bear-ing lands of the Eastern Province, and heseems eager to cap the VVahhabi volcano intKe Najdi heartland of his kingdom. in con-trast, Jordan and Egypt presenf the oddspectacle of countries heavily invested in ananti-Shia drive but vvith noShia citizenry in their midst.The tvvo regimes derive agood measure of their reve-nues from the subsidies ofPax Americana. The threatof Shiism is a lucrative scare-çrovv for Cairo and Amman.The promise of standing sen-try in defense of the Sünniorder is vvhat these tvvo re¬gimes have to offer bothAmerica and the oil states.

The Palestinians, vveakerin the scale of povver andvvith troubles of their ovvn,are in the end of little conse-quence to the strategie align-ment in the region. But tothe extent that their "street"and their pundits matter,they can be counted upon toview the rise of this nevvIraq vvith reserve and out-right hostility. For six de-cades, the Palestinians havehad a virtual monopoly onpan-Arab sentiments, and the Arabic-speak-ing vvorld indulged them. Iraq has been a di-rect challenge to the Palestinians and totheir conception of their place in the Arabseheme of things. To the bitter end, the Pales¬tinian street remained enamored of SaddamHussein. Iraq's Şhia majority has returnedthe favor, and has come to vievv Üıe Palestin¬ian cause vvith considerable suspicion.

79

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

For its part, the Pax Americana has notbeen at peace vvitrTthe Shia genie it hadcalled forth. The U.S. did not knovv theShia to begin vvith; it savv them throughthe prism of its experience vvith Iran. Mo¬ktada al-Sadr in Baghdad and Hassan Nas-rallah in Beirut: This vvas the face of thenew Shiism and the U.S. vvas spooked by it.

This vvas odd: America had been in themidst of a searing battle vvith al Qaeda andthe Taliban, zealous Sünni movements, butit vvas stili givring credence to Arab vvarıûngsabout the threat of Shiism. Nor vvere theShia vvho finaliy claimed povver in Iraq pos-sessed of an appreciable understanding ofAmerican vvays. Nouri al-Maliki speaks not avvord of English; after years of exile in Syria,he vvas at considerable disadvantage in deal-ing vvith the American presence in his coun¬try. He and the political class around himlacked the traffic with U.S. diplomacy Üıathad seasoned their counterparts in Cairo,Amman and the Arabian Peninsula. VVithout

that intimacy, they had been given to premo-nitions that America could yet strike a bar¬gam vvith the Sünni order of povver.

America held aloft the banner of democ-racy, but in recent months its faith in democ-racy's possibiüties in Iraq has appeared toerode, and this unnerves Üıe Shia politicalclass. President Bush's setback in the con-gressional elections gave Iraqis cause for con-cern: Prime Minister Maliki himself vvon-dered aloud vvheüıer this vvas the beginningof a general American retreat. And therevvas Üıat brief moment vvhen it seemed asthough Üıe "realists" of Üıe James Baker va-riety vvere in the midst of a restoration. TheShia (and Üıe Kurds) needed no deep literacyin strategie matters to read the mind of Mr.Baker. His brand of realism vvas anathema topeople vvho teli their history in metaphors ofjustice and betrayal. He vvas a knovvn entityin Iraqj he had been the stevvard of Ameri¬can foreign policy vvhen America vvalkedavvay, in 1991, from the Kurdish and Shia re-beuions it had called for. The political classin Baghdad couldn't have knovvn that theBaker-Hamilton recommendations vvould dieon Üıe vine, and Üıat President Bush vvouldpay these recommendations scant attention.The American position vvas not transparent,and there vvere in the air rumors of retreneh-meht, and tiıus legitimate Iraqi fears Üıatthe American presence in Baghdad could bebartered avvay in some accommodation vviüıthe povvers in Iraq's neighborhood.

These fears vvere to be allayed, but notput to rest, by the military "surge" that Pres¬ident Bush announced in recent days. Morethan a military endeavor, the surge can beseen as a declaration by the president thatdeliverance vvould be sought in Baghdad,and not in deals vviüı the rogues (Syria andIran) or vvith the Sünni Arab states. PrimeMinister Maliki and the coalition that sus-

' tains his government could not knovv forcertain if this vvas the proverbial "extramile" before casting them adrift, or the surepromise that this president vvould stay vviththem for the remainder of his time in office.

But there can be no denying that vvithÜıe surge the landscape has altered in Bagh¬dad, and that Mr. Bush is invested in Üıe Ma¬liki government as never before. Mr. Maliki'spredecessor vvas forced out of office by anAmerican veto and Mr. Maliki could be for-given his suspicion Üıat the Americansmight try this agahı, it vvas knovvn Üıat hehad never taken to the American envoy, Zal-may Khalilzad, and Üıat he fully understoodthat American officials vvould rather haveother Shia contenders in his post. So if thisis America's extra mile in Baghdad, it has tobe traversed vvith a political leader vvhoseabilities and intentions have been repeatedlycalled into question by American officials.

This marriage of convenience may bethe best that. can be hoped for. Mr. Malikivvill not do America's bidding, and the U.S.should be grateful for his displays of inde¬pendence. He straddles the fence betvveenthe things it vvants him to do disarmingthe militias, vvalking avvay from Moqtada al-Sadr and the requirements of political sur¬vival. The U.S. has been vvaiting for the Ira-qis to assume responsibility for their ovvnaffairs and should not be disconcertedvvhen they take it at its vvord. The messages

put out by U.S. officials novv and then, thatMr. Maliki is living on borrovved time, andthe leaks of vvarnings he has been given byPresident Bush, serve only to underminevvhatever goals America seeks in Baghdad.

With Saddam's execution, this prime min¬ister has made himself a povver in the vastShia mainstream. Having removed ibrahimJaafari from office last year, the Americanregeney is doomed to live vvith Mr. Maliki,for a policy that attempts to unseat him issure to strip Iraqis of any sense that theyare sovereign in their ovvn country. He can-not be granted a blank eheck, but no smallmeasure of America's success in Iraq novvdepends on him. If he is to fail, Üıe deedmust be an affair of the Iraqis, and of thebroad Shia coalition to be exact. He maynovv to able to strike at renegade elementsof the Mahdi Army, for that movement Üıatönce ansvvered to Moqtada al-Sadr and car¬ried his banners has spüntered into gangsled by bandit vvarlords. in its concern vvithSadr and the Mahdi Army, the U.S. ought to '

understand the reluetance of Mr. Maliki'sruling coalition to take on the Shia militias.The terror inflicted on the Shia makes it ex-tremely difficult for a Shia-led government ,

to disarm men vvho pose as defenderş of acommunity stili under brutal siege.

Boldness and despair may have cometogether to carry forvvard this nevv drivein Baghdad. Fear of failure often concen-trates the mind, and President Bush's pol¬icy Could yet find its target right as theskeptics have vvritten off this vvholeproject in Baghdad. Iraq has had its vvay ofmeting out disappointments at every turn,but the tide of events appears to be vvork-ing in the president's favor.

There is a "balance of terror" today be¬tvveen the Sünni and Shia protagonists.More and more Sünni Arabs knovv thattheir old dominion is lost, and that they

- had better take the offeron the table a share ofÜıe oil revenues, the prom¬ise that the constitutioncould be amended and re-vievved, access to politicalpovver and spoils in returnfor reining in the violenceand banishing the Arab ji-hadists. The Shia, too, mayhave to come to a time ofreckoning. Their old tor-mentor vvas sent to the gal¬lovvs, and a kinsman oftheirs did the deed vviththe seal of the state. Fromthe poor Shia slums ofBaghdad, young avengersansvvered the Sünni cam¬paign of terror vvith brutalterror of their ovvn. Theold notion that the Sunnisof Iraq vvere a martial racevvhile the Shia vveremarked for lamentationsand political cjuiescencehas been broken for good.

The country has been fought över, and averdict can already be discerned rough bal¬ance betvveen its erstvvhile Sünni rulers andits Shia inheritors, and a special, autono¬mous life for tiıe Kurds. Against ali dire ex-peetations, the all-important question of thedistribution of oil vvealtiı appears elose to aresolution. The design for sharing tiıebounty is a "federal" one that strfkes a bal¬ance betvveen central government and re¬gional claimants. The nightmare of the SünniArabs that they vvould be left stranded in re-gions of sand and gravel has been averted.

This is the country midvvifed by Ameri¬can povver. Iraq vvill never approximate theexpectations projected onto it in more inno-cent times. But the U.S. should be able togrant it the gift of acceptance, and anotherdose of patience as it vvorks its vvay out ofits current torments. it is said that much oftiıe vvar's nobility has drained out of it, andthat America novv fights not to lose, and tokeep intact its larger position in the oillands of Üıe Arabian Peninsula and the Per¬sian Gulf. This may not be the stuff of glory,but it has povver and legitimacy ali its ovvn.

Mr. Ajami, a 2006 recipient of the BradleyPrize, teaches at Johns Hopkins and is au-thor of "The Foreiğner's Gift: The Ameri¬cans, the Arabs and the Iraqis in Iraq"(Free Press, 2006).

80

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

For its part, the Pax Americana has notbeen at peace vvitrTthe Shia genie it hadcalled forth. The U.S. did not knovv theShia to begin vvith; it savv them throughthe prism of its experience vvith Iran. Mo¬ktada al-Sadr in Baghdad and Hassan Nas-rallah in Beirut: This vvas the face of thenew Shiism and the U.S. vvas spooked by it.

This vvas odd: America had been in themidst of a searing battle vvith al Qaeda andthe Taliban, zealous Sünni movements, butit vvas stili givring credence to Arab vvarıûngsabout the threat of Shiism. Nor vvere theShia vvho finaliy claimed povver in Iraq pos-sessed of an appreciable understanding ofAmerican vvays. Nouri al-Maliki speaks not avvord of English; after years of exile in Syria,he vvas at considerable disadvantage in deal-ing vvith the American presence in his coun¬try. He and the political class around himlacked the traffic with U.S. diplomacy Üıathad seasoned their counterparts in Cairo,Amman and the Arabian Peninsula. VVithout

that intimacy, they had been given to premo-nitions that America could yet strike a bar¬gam vvith the Sünni order of povver.

America held aloft the banner of democ-racy, but in recent months its faith in democ-racy's possibiüties in Iraq has appeared toerode, and this unnerves Üıe Shia politicalclass. President Bush's setback in the con-gressional elections gave Iraqis cause for con-cern: Prime Minister Maliki himself vvon-dered aloud vvheüıer this vvas the beginningof a general American retreat. And therevvas Üıat brief moment vvhen it seemed asthough Üıe "realists" of Üıe James Baker va-riety vvere in the midst of a restoration. TheShia (and Üıe Kurds) needed no deep literacyin strategie matters to read the mind of Mr.Baker. His brand of realism vvas anathema topeople vvho teli their history in metaphors ofjustice and betrayal. He vvas a knovvn entityin Iraqj he had been the stevvard of Ameri¬can foreign policy vvhen America vvalkedavvay, in 1991, from the Kurdish and Shia re-beuions it had called for. The political classin Baghdad couldn't have knovvn that theBaker-Hamilton recommendations vvould dieon Üıe vine, and Üıat President Bush vvouldpay these recommendations scant attention.The American position vvas not transparent,and there vvere in the air rumors of retreneh-meht, and tiıus legitimate Iraqi fears Üıatthe American presence in Baghdad could bebartered avvay in some accommodation vviüıthe povvers in Iraq's neighborhood.

These fears vvere to be allayed, but notput to rest, by the military "surge" that Pres¬ident Bush announced in recent days. Morethan a military endeavor, the surge can beseen as a declaration by the president thatdeliverance vvould be sought in Baghdad,and not in deals vviüı the rogues (Syria andIran) or vvith the Sünni Arab states. PrimeMinister Maliki and the coalition that sus-

' tains his government could not knovv forcertain if this vvas the proverbial "extramile" before casting them adrift, or the surepromise that this president vvould stay vviththem for the remainder of his time in office.

But there can be no denying that vvithÜıe surge the landscape has altered in Bagh¬dad, and that Mr. Bush is invested in Üıe Ma¬liki government as never before. Mr. Maliki'spredecessor vvas forced out of office by anAmerican veto and Mr. Maliki could be for-given his suspicion Üıat the Americansmight try this agahı, it vvas knovvn Üıat hehad never taken to the American envoy, Zal-may Khalilzad, and Üıat he fully understoodthat American officials vvould rather haveother Shia contenders in his post. So if thisis America's extra mile in Baghdad, it has tobe traversed vvith a political leader vvhoseabilities and intentions have been repeatedlycalled into question by American officials.

This marriage of convenience may bethe best that. can be hoped for. Mr. Malikivvill not do America's bidding, and the U.S.should be grateful for his displays of inde¬pendence. He straddles the fence betvveenthe things it vvants him to do disarmingthe militias, vvalking avvay from Moqtada al-Sadr and the requirements of political sur¬vival. The U.S. has been vvaiting for the Ira-qis to assume responsibility for their ovvnaffairs and should not be disconcertedvvhen they take it at its vvord. The messages

put out by U.S. officials novv and then, thatMr. Maliki is living on borrovved time, andthe leaks of vvarnings he has been given byPresident Bush, serve only to underminevvhatever goals America seeks in Baghdad.

With Saddam's execution, this prime min¬ister has made himself a povver in the vastShia mainstream. Having removed ibrahimJaafari from office last year, the Americanregeney is doomed to live vvith Mr. Maliki,for a policy that attempts to unseat him issure to strip Iraqis of any sense that theyare sovereign in their ovvn country. He can-not be granted a blank eheck, but no smallmeasure of America's success in Iraq novvdepends on him. If he is to fail, Üıe deedmust be an affair of the Iraqis, and of thebroad Shia coalition to be exact. He maynovv to able to strike at renegade elementsof the Mahdi Army, for that movement Üıatönce ansvvered to Moqtada al-Sadr and car¬ried his banners has spüntered into gangsled by bandit vvarlords. in its concern vvithSadr and the Mahdi Army, the U.S. ought to '

understand the reluetance of Mr. Maliki'sruling coalition to take on the Shia militias.The terror inflicted on the Shia makes it ex-tremely difficult for a Shia-led government ,

to disarm men vvho pose as defenderş of acommunity stili under brutal siege.

Boldness and despair may have cometogether to carry forvvard this nevv drivein Baghdad. Fear of failure often concen-trates the mind, and President Bush's pol¬icy Could yet find its target right as theskeptics have vvritten off this vvholeproject in Baghdad. Iraq has had its vvay ofmeting out disappointments at every turn,but the tide of events appears to be vvork-ing in the president's favor.

There is a "balance of terror" today be¬tvveen the Sünni and Shia protagonists.More and more Sünni Arabs knovv thattheir old dominion is lost, and that they

- had better take the offeron the table a share ofÜıe oil revenues, the prom¬ise that the constitutioncould be amended and re-vievved, access to politicalpovver and spoils in returnfor reining in the violenceand banishing the Arab ji-hadists. The Shia, too, mayhave to come to a time ofreckoning. Their old tor-mentor vvas sent to the gal¬lovvs, and a kinsman oftheirs did the deed vviththe seal of the state. Fromthe poor Shia slums ofBaghdad, young avengersansvvered the Sünni cam¬paign of terror vvith brutalterror of their ovvn. Theold notion that the Sunnisof Iraq vvere a martial racevvhile the Shia vveremarked for lamentationsand political cjuiescencehas been broken for good.

The country has been fought över, and averdict can already be discerned rough bal¬ance betvveen its erstvvhile Sünni rulers andits Shia inheritors, and a special, autono¬mous life for tiıe Kurds. Against ali dire ex-peetations, the all-important question of thedistribution of oil vvealtiı appears elose to aresolution. The design for sharing tiıebounty is a "federal" one that strfkes a bal¬ance betvveen central government and re¬gional claimants. The nightmare of the SünniArabs that they vvould be left stranded in re-gions of sand and gravel has been averted.

This is the country midvvifed by Ameri¬can povver. Iraq vvill never approximate theexpectations projected onto it in more inno-cent times. But the U.S. should be able togrant it the gift of acceptance, and anotherdose of patience as it vvorks its vvay out ofits current torments. it is said that much oftiıe vvar's nobility has drained out of it, andthat America novv fights not to lose, and tokeep intact its larger position in the oillands of Üıe Arabian Peninsula and the Per¬sian Gulf. This may not be the stuff of glory,but it has povver and legitimacy ali its ovvn.

Mr. Ajami, a 2006 recipient of the BradleyPrize, teaches at Johns Hopkins and is au-thor of "The Foreiğner's Gift: The Ameri¬cans, the Arabs and the Iraqis in Iraq"(Free Press, 2006).

80

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ooc^

O

z

.o

Europe is at oddswith U.S. över IranContinent resists Washington's effortto isolate Tehran commercially

T By Steven R. Weisman

WASHNGTON: European nations,opening a nevv rift vvith the UnitedStates, are resistirig the latest Bush ad¬ministration drive to curtail Europeangovernment support, often in the formof loan guarantees, for exports to Iran.

European countries are also rebuff-ing requests from Üıe United States toblock bank transactions and freeze Üıeassets ofcertain Iranian companies andindividuals, officials on both sides say.

The American effort is aimed at per-suading European nations to step uptheir participation in a campaign toisolate Iran commercially at a timevvhen Iranian officials concede thatWestern sanctions have already hurttheir economy.

The West is pressing Iran to give upits nuclear vveapons program in returnfor political and economic benefits.Iran has refused and says its nuclearprogram is for civilian purposes only.

"We are telling Üıe Europeans thatthey need to go vvay beyond vvhatthey've done to maximize pressure onIran," said,a senior administration offi¬cial, asking not to be identifıed becausethe talks vvith Europe are sensitive. "Upuntil novv, Üıe European response on Üıeeconomic side has been pretty vveak"

European officials have counteredthat they do not at present have the le¬gal tools employed by the U.S. TreasuryDepartment to go after banks to freezeassets or block transactions betvveenEuropean and Iranian banks. But theysay that they have begun the process ofadopting such tools this year.

"We vvant to squeeze the Iranians,"said a European official, asking not tobe identifıed _by name or country, cit-ing' the sensitivity of the discussions."But there are varying degrees of polit¬ical vvill in Europe about turning thethumbscrevvs. it's not straightforvvard

, for the European Union to do vvhat theUnited States vvants."

Another official said: "We are goingto be very cautious about vvhat theTreasury Department vvants us to do."

The American effort to press Iraneconomically is of a piece vvith its otherforms of pressure on the Tehran gov¬ernment, American officials say. Theseinclude the arrest of Iranian op.erativesin Iraq and the sending of Americannaval vessels to the Gulf.

in addition, American officials saythat vvhile diplomatie pressure is thepolicy of the Bush administration, mil

itary action cannot be ruled out in thefulture.

Several European officials say theybelieve that the United States and SaudiArabia have reached an unvvritten dealto keep oil production up, and pricesdovvn, to further squeeze Iran, vvhich isdependent on oil for its economicsolveney.

The Bush administration has calledon Europe to do more economically aspart of its tvvo-year bargain in vvhichthe United States agreed to supportEuropean efforts to negotiate a resolu-tion of the crisis över the Iranian nucle¬ar program.

But as an act of good faith, Americanofficials say, Europe must do more in

: the economic sphere.Europe has many more commercial

and economic ties vvith İran than ÜıeUnited States, vvhich severed ali rela¬tions after the Iranian revolution and theseizure ofhostages in 1979. The U.S. StateDepartment estimates that Europeangovernments provided $18 billion in gov¬ernment export credits for Iran in 2005.

in addition to purehasing oil fromIran, European countries export to Iranmachînery, equipment and commodit-ies vvhich they say hşve no military ap-plication. Credits supplied by semi-in-

. dependent government agencies for' such items are granted to Iran and othercountries because they are consideredat risk, European officials say.

Europeans acknovvledge that Euro¬pean companies are dependent on Iranfor lucrative business deals, but they alsosay that Europe has no legal framevvorkfor curbing the activities of financial in-stitutions or businesses based on classi-fied information not useable in courts.

Indeed, they say that past efforts togo after businesses and banks in Europebased on secret information have beenoverturned by European courts.

American officials counter that someof the export credits issued by Euro¬pean governments may have facilitatedillicit business and that European gov-

; ernments must do more to acquire thei tools to stop such transactions.1 "They've told us they don't have thetools," said a senior American official."Our ansvver is: Get them."

At least five Iranian banks havebranehes in Europe that have facilitatedexport credits and engaged in transac¬tions vvith European banks, Americanand European officials say. The five in-

j clude Bank Saderat, cited by the Unitedi States last year as involved in terrorism,

and Bank Sepah, cited as being involvedin ballistic missile programs.

American citation of these banks hasvirtually halted ali transactions vviththem involving dollars, American andEuropean officials say.

in addition, the ripple effect ofAmer¬ican aetions has halted transactions in-

.yolving dollars vvith other Iranianbanks, many experts say.

But the "United States vvants Europeto go further and halt ali sorts of trans¬actions vvith Bank Sepah, and possibly,in the future, vvith other banks. Theysay Bank Sepah should be barred fromdoing business in Europe vvhere ithas branehes in Rome, Frankfurt, Lon-don and Paris because of its recordon missile programs.

UN Security Council Resolution 1737,

adopted in December, calls for sanc¬tions against a dozen companies andseveral individuals involved in Iran'snuclear and arms programs, many vvithties to Iranian banks. As a start, the ad¬ministration vvants Europe to freeze as¬sets and block transactions involvingthese entities and persons.

Hovv far Europe vvill be vvilling to go isin some doubt, American officials say,though some European officials say Üıatüıe European Commission, tiıe executivebranch of the European Union, vvill ap-prove a measure paving the vvay for suchaetions vvhen it meets in mid-February.

A vveek ago, European foreign minis-ters met in Brussels to adopt a recom-mendation that the European Union actto implement UN Security Council Res¬olution 1737 against Iran, approved inNevv York in December.

But Bush administration officialssaid that they vvere disappointed vviththe watered-down language of thatmeasure.

European officials novv say that theEuropean Union vvill act in mid-Febru¬ary to bar transactions of the entitiesand individuals cited in the SecurityCouncil resolution. If this happens, itvvould meet some but not ali the de-mands of the Bush administration.

in visits to Europe, several seniorAmerican envoys have pressed theEuropeans to move aggressively againstIranian bank and business transac¬tions.

The envoys involved have been thedeputy treasury secretary, Robert Kim-mitt, the under secretary of state, R.Nicholas Burns, and the Treasury un¬der secretary for terrorism and finan¬cial intelligence, Stuart Levey.

"Önce vve have adopted the regula-tions implementing 1737 in February, itbecomes part of the national adminis-trative lavv in Europe," a European offi¬cial said.

"Then it's a question of Europeancountries aeting on their ovvn. But Ithink this is going to move svviftly."

European officials also say that theyare already cutting back on governmentcredits for exports to Iran. Germanymaintains that it supplied only $450million in nevv credits in the first half of2006, compared to $564 million in thesame period iri 2005. Germany also saysthat its overall exports to ifan have alsodeclined.

81

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

ooc^

O

z

.o

Europe is at oddswith U.S. över IranContinent resists Washington's effortto isolate Tehran commercially

T By Steven R. Weisman

WASHNGTON: European nations,opening a nevv rift vvith the UnitedStates, are resistirig the latest Bush ad¬ministration drive to curtail Europeangovernment support, often in the formof loan guarantees, for exports to Iran.

European countries are also rebuff-ing requests from Üıe United States toblock bank transactions and freeze Üıeassets ofcertain Iranian companies andindividuals, officials on both sides say.

The American effort is aimed at per-suading European nations to step uptheir participation in a campaign toisolate Iran commercially at a timevvhen Iranian officials concede thatWestern sanctions have already hurttheir economy.

The West is pressing Iran to give upits nuclear vveapons program in returnfor political and economic benefits.Iran has refused and says its nuclearprogram is for civilian purposes only.

"We are telling Üıe Europeans thatthey need to go vvay beyond vvhatthey've done to maximize pressure onIran," said,a senior administration offi¬cial, asking not to be identifıed becausethe talks vvith Europe are sensitive. "Upuntil novv, Üıe European response on Üıeeconomic side has been pretty vveak"

European officials have counteredthat they do not at present have the le¬gal tools employed by the U.S. TreasuryDepartment to go after banks to freezeassets or block transactions betvveenEuropean and Iranian banks. But theysay that they have begun the process ofadopting such tools this year.

"We vvant to squeeze the Iranians,"said a European official, asking not tobe identifıed _by name or country, cit-ing' the sensitivity of the discussions."But there are varying degrees of polit¬ical vvill in Europe about turning thethumbscrevvs. it's not straightforvvard

, for the European Union to do vvhat theUnited States vvants."

Another official said: "We are goingto be very cautious about vvhat theTreasury Department vvants us to do."

The American effort to press Iraneconomically is of a piece vvith its otherforms of pressure on the Tehran gov¬ernment, American officials say. Theseinclude the arrest of Iranian op.erativesin Iraq and the sending of Americannaval vessels to the Gulf.

in addition, American officials saythat vvhile diplomatie pressure is thepolicy of the Bush administration, mil

itary action cannot be ruled out in thefulture.

Several European officials say theybelieve that the United States and SaudiArabia have reached an unvvritten dealto keep oil production up, and pricesdovvn, to further squeeze Iran, vvhich isdependent on oil for its economicsolveney.

The Bush administration has calledon Europe to do more economically aspart of its tvvo-year bargain in vvhichthe United States agreed to supportEuropean efforts to negotiate a resolu-tion of the crisis över the Iranian nucle¬ar program.

But as an act of good faith, Americanofficials say, Europe must do more in

: the economic sphere.Europe has many more commercial

and economic ties vvith İran than ÜıeUnited States, vvhich severed ali rela¬tions after the Iranian revolution and theseizure ofhostages in 1979. The U.S. StateDepartment estimates that Europeangovernments provided $18 billion in gov¬ernment export credits for Iran in 2005.

in addition to purehasing oil fromIran, European countries export to Iranmachînery, equipment and commodit-ies vvhich they say hşve no military ap-plication. Credits supplied by semi-in-

. dependent government agencies for' such items are granted to Iran and othercountries because they are consideredat risk, European officials say.

Europeans acknovvledge that Euro¬pean companies are dependent on Iranfor lucrative business deals, but they alsosay that Europe has no legal framevvorkfor curbing the activities of financial in-stitutions or businesses based on classi-fied information not useable in courts.

Indeed, they say that past efforts togo after businesses and banks in Europebased on secret information have beenoverturned by European courts.

American officials counter that someof the export credits issued by Euro¬pean governments may have facilitatedillicit business and that European gov-

; ernments must do more to acquire thei tools to stop such transactions.1 "They've told us they don't have thetools," said a senior American official."Our ansvver is: Get them."

At least five Iranian banks havebranehes in Europe that have facilitatedexport credits and engaged in transac¬tions vvith European banks, Americanand European officials say. The five in-

j clude Bank Saderat, cited by the Unitedi States last year as involved in terrorism,

and Bank Sepah, cited as being involvedin ballistic missile programs.

American citation of these banks hasvirtually halted ali transactions vviththem involving dollars, American andEuropean officials say.

in addition, the ripple effect ofAmer¬ican aetions has halted transactions in-

.yolving dollars vvith other Iranianbanks, many experts say.

But the "United States vvants Europeto go further and halt ali sorts of trans¬actions vvith Bank Sepah, and possibly,in the future, vvith other banks. Theysay Bank Sepah should be barred fromdoing business in Europe vvhere ithas branehes in Rome, Frankfurt, Lon-don and Paris because of its recordon missile programs.

UN Security Council Resolution 1737,

adopted in December, calls for sanc¬tions against a dozen companies andseveral individuals involved in Iran'snuclear and arms programs, many vvithties to Iranian banks. As a start, the ad¬ministration vvants Europe to freeze as¬sets and block transactions involvingthese entities and persons.

Hovv far Europe vvill be vvilling to go isin some doubt, American officials say,though some European officials say Üıatüıe European Commission, tiıe executivebranch of the European Union, vvill ap-prove a measure paving the vvay for suchaetions vvhen it meets in mid-February.

A vveek ago, European foreign minis-ters met in Brussels to adopt a recom-mendation that the European Union actto implement UN Security Council Res¬olution 1737 against Iran, approved inNevv York in December.

But Bush administration officialssaid that they vvere disappointed vviththe watered-down language of thatmeasure.

European officials novv say that theEuropean Union vvill act in mid-Febru¬ary to bar transactions of the entitiesand individuals cited in the SecurityCouncil resolution. If this happens, itvvould meet some but not ali the de-mands of the Bush administration.

in visits to Europe, several seniorAmerican envoys have pressed theEuropeans to move aggressively againstIranian bank and business transac¬tions.

The envoys involved have been thedeputy treasury secretary, Robert Kim-mitt, the under secretary of state, R.Nicholas Burns, and the Treasury un¬der secretary for terrorism and finan¬cial intelligence, Stuart Levey.

"Önce vve have adopted the regula-tions implementing 1737 in February, itbecomes part of the national adminis-trative lavv in Europe," a European offi¬cial said.

"Then it's a question of Europeancountries aeting on their ovvn. But Ithink this is going to move svviftly."

European officials also say that theyare already cutting back on governmentcredits for exports to Iran. Germanymaintains that it supplied only $450million in nevv credits in the first half of2006, compared to $564 million in thesame period iri 2005. Germany also saysthat its overall exports to ifan have alsodeclined.

81

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 30 janvier 2007

L'Irans'alarmedes menacesamericaines

Washington a decide' d'envoyer un second porte-avions dans les eaux

du golfe Persique. Paul}. Perkins/AP.

GOLFELa perspectived'une confrontationavec les Etats-Unisest de plus en plus evoquee,â tous les echelonsde la Republique islamique.

Teheran

İL S'EN SOUVIENT comme sic'Ğtait hier. Mais les temps ontchange\ En avril 2003, c'est avecenvie qu'Ali regarda la statue deSaddam Hussein se faire debou-lonner a Bagdad. « Avec les copains,on ne revait que d'une chose : voirdebarquer â Teheran les blindesamâricains pour nous debarrasserdes mollahs et pour goûter, enfin, âla liberte ! », raconte le jeune ven-deur iranien de 20 ans, baskets âl'occidentale et cheveux coiffes enbrosse. Mais «aujourd'hui, quandje vois le chaos irakien, je dis : Nonmerci. Les GTs, on n'en veut pas ! »,

ajoute-t-il, appuye au comptoir desa boutique de vetements, pres dela place Imam-Khomeiny, au Sudde TehĞran.

Ici, les rumeurs sur les mena¬ces de frappes americaines vontbon train. Elles sont alimentees,entre autres, par la decision deWashington d'envoyer undeıudeme porte-avions dans leseaux du Golfe persique. On estencore loin de la paranoîa quipousserait les TĞheranais â quitterla capitale. Mais, signe d'uneinquietude croissante, certainesflgures pohtkmes, jusqu'ici muet-tes sur la question, commencent âeVoquer serieusement la probabi-lite d'une attaque. Â commencerpar Mohsen Rezaî, l'actuel secre¬taire du Conseil de discernement

nienne est sur le point de vivre unenouvelle confrontation », decla-rait-il la semaine derniere lors d'undĞplacement â Dacht-6 Azadegan,le long de la frontiere irano-ira-kienne. Quelques jours plus tot, ilavait parle d'un « affrontement ine-luctable » dans une intervievvaccordee au quotidien gouverne-mental de Dubai, Al Bayan.

Cette perspective inquiete ega¬lement les dĞtracteurs du Presi¬dent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, dedroite comme de gauche, qui luireprochent dejâ d'avoir envoye ledossier du nucleaire iranien auConseil de sĞcurite. Aujourd'hui,ils craignent de voir ses slogansprovocateurs sur le nucleaire et laShoah servir de pretexte â GeorgeW. Bush pour s'attaquer â l'Iran,malgre l'opposition du Congresamericain et des pays europeens.«Bush a montre, avec l'invasionirakienne, qu'il est capable de fairecavalier seul », s'alarme, dans uneditorial, le quotidien Kargozaran.D'apres le journal reformateur enligne Aftabnews, l'ancien presidentAli Hashemi Rafsandjani auraitegalement fait part, lors d'une ren¬contre recente avec cent deputâsiraniens, de « la prise au serieıvc desmenaces americaines par le guide

supreme, l'ayatollah Ali Khame¬nei ». Ce dernier, qu'on dit maladeet fragilise par un cancer de laprostate, n'a pas dâmenti cetteinformation.

« La rĞgion va s'embraser »

La population iraniennedemeure incapable de decrypterles tenants et les aboutissants ducombat entre Bush et Ahmadine¬jad. Avec cette peur, au final, de seretrouver otage d'une guerrequ'elle n'aura pas souhaitĞe. «Sil'Amirique attaaue Tiran, c'esttoute une region qui va s'embra¬ser», s'inquiete Sadegh Tirafkan.Pour cet artiste iranien de 41 ans,les risques d'une guerre sont tropgrands pour se permettre de restersilencieux. Sa derniere ceuvre,entre peinture et photomontage,presente des images d'Iraniens etIraniennes de tous les jours, enca-drâes par des graphiques persans,telles les figurines contemporainesd'une miniature â l'ancienne. Âchaque extrĞmitâ du tableau, laphoto de soldats americains entenue de combat vient menacercette sârâniti apparente. «J'aivoulu montrer qu'une guerre feraitpartir en fumee toute la richeculture du Moyen-Orient », confie

Bush â Teheran : « Nous reagirons fermement '

iranien et ancien commandant enchef des Pasdaran (gardiens de larevolution) pendant la guerre Iran-Irak (1980-1988). «La nation ira-

II Le president Bush a deplore,hier, les recentes violences auLiban et a dit que l'Iran, la Syrie etle Hezbollah devaient « rendredes comptes » pour leurs tentati-ves de döstabilisation. De soncöte, l'ancien ambassadeur desEtats-Unis â l'ONU, John Bolton,a assure que les discussions surle programme nucleaire iranienayant « echoue », la seule solution

desormais reşide dans un « chan-gement de regime » â T6heran. Levice-president americain, DickCheney, vient, quant â lui, d'expli-quer la signification de l'envoiröcent d'un second porte-avionsdans le Golfe : « Nous avons descapacites importantes pourrepondre â la menace iranienne. »

Et de preciser que « toutes lesoptions restaient sur la table '>.

Sadegh Tirafgan. En ajoutant :

«Peut-etre que nos dirigeants ontdes problemes entre eux, mais pasnos peuples ! Une guerre, ça vou-drait dire des milliers dejeunes ira¬niens et Americains forces d'allermourir au front... Regardez ce quise passe en Irak ! »

Dans sa petite boutique duSud, Ali dit ressentir les cons6-quences des menaces americaines.« Ma clientele a dejâ chutĞ de moi-tie depuis le vote, en decembre der¬nier, de la resolution onusiennefavorable â des sanctions.Aujourd'hui, ça s'empire avec lescraintes d'une attaque. Les affairesvont mal ! », dit-il. Mohammad, unclient du coin, portant barbe etchemise noire, et fervent deTen-seur du regime iranien, a son mot kdire. « Dites aux Americains qu'onn'a pas peur d'eux. S'ils nous atta-quent, on defendra nötre honneur(« nâmous », en persan) jusqu'â laderniere goutte de sang! Nötrepays, c'est comme nötre mere. Siune personne la viole, on est pret âtuer ! », lâche-t-il. « Vous savez, iln'a pas tort», murmure Ali, unefois le client ĞclipsĞ. « C'est plusfortqu'eux, les iraniens sont tres natio¬nalistes. Moi-meme, j'ai beau etrecontre le gouvemement, etj'ai beaurever d'un changement de regime,je prendrai les armes s'il le faut »,

dit-il. «J'adore les chansons deMadonna, et lesfilms de Spyke Lee.Mais Bush, je ne peux pas le voir enpeinture!», poursuit-il. Une jeunefemme vient de pousser la porte dela boutique. C'est Narguess, lasceur d'Ali. Elle se plaint d'avoir âsupporter son foulard tout au longde la journĞe. Mais la deinocratie kl'americaine, imposĞe par la force,elle n'en veut pas. « Par les tempsqui courent, nötre securite est plusimportante que nötre liberte », dit-elle.

"' ÖELPHINE MlNOUI

82

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

LE FIGARO 30 janvier 2007

L'Irans'alarmedes menacesamericaines

Washington a decide' d'envoyer un second porte-avions dans les eaux

du golfe Persique. Paul}. Perkins/AP.

GOLFELa perspectived'une confrontationavec les Etats-Unisest de plus en plus evoquee,â tous les echelonsde la Republique islamique.

Teheran

İL S'EN SOUVIENT comme sic'Ğtait hier. Mais les temps ontchange\ En avril 2003, c'est avecenvie qu'Ali regarda la statue deSaddam Hussein se faire debou-lonner a Bagdad. « Avec les copains,on ne revait que d'une chose : voirdebarquer â Teheran les blindesamâricains pour nous debarrasserdes mollahs et pour goûter, enfin, âla liberte ! », raconte le jeune ven-deur iranien de 20 ans, baskets âl'occidentale et cheveux coiffes enbrosse. Mais «aujourd'hui, quandje vois le chaos irakien, je dis : Nonmerci. Les GTs, on n'en veut pas ! »,

ajoute-t-il, appuye au comptoir desa boutique de vetements, pres dela place Imam-Khomeiny, au Sudde TehĞran.

Ici, les rumeurs sur les mena¬ces de frappes americaines vontbon train. Elles sont alimentees,entre autres, par la decision deWashington d'envoyer undeıudeme porte-avions dans leseaux du Golfe persique. On estencore loin de la paranoîa quipousserait les TĞheranais â quitterla capitale. Mais, signe d'uneinquietude croissante, certainesflgures pohtkmes, jusqu'ici muet-tes sur la question, commencent âeVoquer serieusement la probabi-lite d'une attaque. Â commencerpar Mohsen Rezaî, l'actuel secre¬taire du Conseil de discernement

nienne est sur le point de vivre unenouvelle confrontation », decla-rait-il la semaine derniere lors d'undĞplacement â Dacht-6 Azadegan,le long de la frontiere irano-ira-kienne. Quelques jours plus tot, ilavait parle d'un « affrontement ine-luctable » dans une intervievvaccordee au quotidien gouverne-mental de Dubai, Al Bayan.

Cette perspective inquiete ega¬lement les dĞtracteurs du Presi¬dent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, dedroite comme de gauche, qui luireprochent dejâ d'avoir envoye ledossier du nucleaire iranien auConseil de sĞcurite. Aujourd'hui,ils craignent de voir ses slogansprovocateurs sur le nucleaire et laShoah servir de pretexte â GeorgeW. Bush pour s'attaquer â l'Iran,malgre l'opposition du Congresamericain et des pays europeens.«Bush a montre, avec l'invasionirakienne, qu'il est capable de fairecavalier seul », s'alarme, dans uneditorial, le quotidien Kargozaran.D'apres le journal reformateur enligne Aftabnews, l'ancien presidentAli Hashemi Rafsandjani auraitegalement fait part, lors d'une ren¬contre recente avec cent deputâsiraniens, de « la prise au serieıvc desmenaces americaines par le guide

supreme, l'ayatollah Ali Khame¬nei ». Ce dernier, qu'on dit maladeet fragilise par un cancer de laprostate, n'a pas dâmenti cetteinformation.

« La rĞgion va s'embraser »

La population iraniennedemeure incapable de decrypterles tenants et les aboutissants ducombat entre Bush et Ahmadine¬jad. Avec cette peur, au final, de seretrouver otage d'une guerrequ'elle n'aura pas souhaitĞe. «Sil'Amirique attaaue Tiran, c'esttoute une region qui va s'embra¬ser», s'inquiete Sadegh Tirafkan.Pour cet artiste iranien de 41 ans,les risques d'une guerre sont tropgrands pour se permettre de restersilencieux. Sa derniere ceuvre,entre peinture et photomontage,presente des images d'Iraniens etIraniennes de tous les jours, enca-drâes par des graphiques persans,telles les figurines contemporainesd'une miniature â l'ancienne. Âchaque extrĞmitâ du tableau, laphoto de soldats americains entenue de combat vient menacercette sârâniti apparente. «J'aivoulu montrer qu'une guerre feraitpartir en fumee toute la richeculture du Moyen-Orient », confie

Bush â Teheran : « Nous reagirons fermement '

iranien et ancien commandant enchef des Pasdaran (gardiens de larevolution) pendant la guerre Iran-Irak (1980-1988). «La nation ira-

II Le president Bush a deplore,hier, les recentes violences auLiban et a dit que l'Iran, la Syrie etle Hezbollah devaient « rendredes comptes » pour leurs tentati-ves de döstabilisation. De soncöte, l'ancien ambassadeur desEtats-Unis â l'ONU, John Bolton,a assure que les discussions surle programme nucleaire iranienayant « echoue », la seule solution

desormais reşide dans un « chan-gement de regime » â T6heran. Levice-president americain, DickCheney, vient, quant â lui, d'expli-quer la signification de l'envoiröcent d'un second porte-avionsdans le Golfe : « Nous avons descapacites importantes pourrepondre â la menace iranienne. »

Et de preciser que « toutes lesoptions restaient sur la table '>.

Sadegh Tirafgan. En ajoutant :

«Peut-etre que nos dirigeants ontdes problemes entre eux, mais pasnos peuples ! Une guerre, ça vou-drait dire des milliers dejeunes ira¬niens et Americains forces d'allermourir au front... Regardez ce quise passe en Irak ! »

Dans sa petite boutique duSud, Ali dit ressentir les cons6-quences des menaces americaines.« Ma clientele a dejâ chutĞ de moi-tie depuis le vote, en decembre der¬nier, de la resolution onusiennefavorable â des sanctions.Aujourd'hui, ça s'empire avec lescraintes d'une attaque. Les affairesvont mal ! », dit-il. Mohammad, unclient du coin, portant barbe etchemise noire, et fervent deTen-seur du regime iranien, a son mot kdire. « Dites aux Americains qu'onn'a pas peur d'eux. S'ils nous atta-quent, on defendra nötre honneur(« nâmous », en persan) jusqu'â laderniere goutte de sang! Nötrepays, c'est comme nötre mere. Siune personne la viole, on est pret âtuer ! », lâche-t-il. « Vous savez, iln'a pas tort», murmure Ali, unefois le client ĞclipsĞ. « C'est plusfortqu'eux, les iraniens sont tres natio¬nalistes. Moi-meme, j'ai beau etrecontre le gouvemement, etj'ai beaurever d'un changement de regime,je prendrai les armes s'il le faut »,

dit-il. «J'adore les chansons deMadonna, et lesfilms de Spyke Lee.Mais Bush, je ne peux pas le voir enpeinture!», poursuit-il. Une jeunefemme vient de pousser la porte dela boutique. C'est Narguess, lasceur d'Ali. Elle se plaint d'avoir âsupporter son foulard tout au longde la journĞe. Mais la deinocratie kl'americaine, imposĞe par la force,elle n'en veut pas. « Par les tempsqui courent, nötre securite est plusimportante que nötre liberte », dit-elle.

"' ÖELPHINE MlNOUI

82

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

TURQUIE

u*nm«

m

cMM

C

roTî

o<t»

s

Ankara refiısela nouvelle politiquepetroliere irakienneau KurdistanİSTANBULCORRESPONDANCELaTurquie a menace l'Irak, lundi 29 jan¬vier, de mesures de retorsion au cas oûBagdad persisterait â demander auxsociet.es turques qui lui vendent des pro¬duits petroliers de s'adresser aux autori¬tes du Kurdistan d'Irak pour le renouvel-lement de leurs contrats. Or Ankara refu-

se tout contact officiel avec ces autoritesregionales kurdes de peur de favoriserleur glissement vers l'independance.« Ceux qui veulent mettre la Turauie dl'epreuve en paieront leprix, la Turauie necedejamais devant lesfaits accomplis », adeclare le ministre turc du commerceexterieur, KürsadTüzmen.

Des le 11 janvier, des societ.es turquesont reçu des lettfes de la compagnie ira¬kienne de commercialisation du petrole,SOMO, leur suggerant de passer par lesKurdes d'Irak s'ils voulaient renouvelerleurs contrats. M. Tüzmen a ecrit a laSOMO qu'il s'agissait d'une rupture desaccords bilateraux signes au niveauministeriel en novembre 2006 et que celamenace le maintien des livraisons. II adeclare, lundi, ne pas avoir reçu de repon-

se de la SOMO, « oü l'on ne repond pasaıvcappels telephoniques ».

La portee des menaces turques est limi-tee par le fait que les ventes â l'Irak de pro¬duits raffines en Turquie avaient dejâ tresfortement diminue en 2006 â la süite deretards de paiement et de rivalites pour lescommissions fmancieres afferentes. LeKurdistan est un passage oblige pour lescamions turcs qui vendent de l'essence enIrak. Celui-ci en importe desormais beau¬coup plus de ses autres voisins dont l'Iran.Cette crise s'ajoute aux vives tensions pro-voquees ces dernieres semaines par lesmenaces turques d'intervention militairedans le nord de Firak, agitees de nouveaudans les medias et au Parlement turcs. m

SophieShihab

David Brooks

Parting ways in IraqDuring the summer of 1995, Ed-

vvard Joseph vvas serving as aUN peacekeeper in Bosnia. Hevvas asked to help Müslim

vvomen and children flee from an areanear Srebrenica, vvhere 7,000 Muslimshad already been slaughtered by Serbforces.

it vvas a controversial mission. TheUN High Commissioner for Refugeesrefused to participate, believing theevacuation vvould just complete the eth¬nic eleansing. But the high commis¬sioner didn't see the crovvds of Müslimvvomen shrieking in terror as Serb jeepsrolled by. Joseph did. it might seemhigh-minded to preach ethnic recon-ciliation from afar, Joseph novv says, butin a civil vvar, vvhen you can't protectpeople, it's immoral toleave them to bekilled.

Gradually, leaders on ali sides of theBosnian fight came to see it vvas in theirinterest to separate their peoples. Andönce the ethnic groups vvere given şanc-tuary, it became possible to negotiate apeace that vvas imperfect, but vvhichvvas better than the reverberatingsplashes of blood.

Today, many of the people active inBosnia believe they have a model thatcould help stabilize Iraq. They ac-knovvledge the many differences be¬tvveen the tvvo places, but Iraq, theynote, is a disintegrating nation. Ethniceleansing is dividing Baghdad, millionsare moving, thousands are dying andthe future looks horrific.

The best ansvver, then, is soft parti-tion: Create a central government vvitha fevv key povvers; reinforce strong re¬gional governments; separate the sec¬tarian groups as much as possible.

in praetice, that means, first, modify-ing the Iraqi Constitution.

As Senatör Joseph Biden points out,

the constitution already goes a long vvaytovvard decentralizing povver. it givesthe provinces the povver to have theirovvn security services, to send ambassa-dors to foreign countries, to join togeth¬er to form regions. Decentralization isnot an American imposition, it's anIraqi idea.

But, he adds, so far the Constitutiondoesn't yet have legislation that vvoulddo things like equitably share oil andgas revenue. The Sunnis vvill never becontent vvith a strip of sand unlessthey're constitutionally guaranteed 20

Many of the people activein Bosnia believe they have

a model that could helpstabilize Iraq.

percent of the nation's vvealth.The second step is getting implicit

consent from ali sects that separationand federalisin are in their interest. TheShiites vvould have to accept that therenever vvill be a stable Iraq if the Sunnisare reduced to helot status. The Kurdsvvould have to accept that peace and sta-bility are vvorth territorial compromisein Kirkuk. The Sunnis vvould have to ac¬cept that they're never going to run Iraqagain, and having a strong Sünni regionis better than living under a Shiite jack-boot.

As a former president of the Councilon Foreign Relations, Les Gelb, says, un¬less the thirst for vengeance has driventhe leaders in Iraq beyond the realm ofreason, it should be possible to per¬suade them to see vvhere their best in-terests lie.

The third step in a soft partitionvvould be the relocation of peoples. Thisvvould mean using U.S. or Iraqi troops toshepherd people vvho vvant to flee to¬vvard areas vvhere they feel safe. it vvouldmean providing humanitarian assist-ance so they can get back on their feet.

As Edvvard Joseph and MichaelO'Hanlon note, in this kind of opera¬tion, timing is everything. Move peoplein a certain neighborhood too early, andmilitias could perceive a vacuum andaccelerate the violence. Move too lateand you could be moving corpses.

The fourth step is getting Iraq'sneighbors to buy into the arrângement.Presumably neither Iran nor Saudi Ara¬bia really relishes complete chaos inIraq and a proxy vvar vvith each otherafter the United States vvithdravvs. TheTurks vvould have to be reassured thatthis plan means no independent Kur¬distan vvill ever come into being.

The most serious objection to softpartition is that the Sünni and Shiitepopulations are too intermingled inBaghdad and elsevvhere to really sepa¬rate. This objection, sadly, becomes lessof a problem every day. But it vvould stilibe necessary to maintain peacekeepersin the mixed neighborhoods, be öpen tocreative sovereignty struetures, andhope that the detoxification of the situ¬ation nationally might reduce violencevvhere diverse groups touch.

in short, logic, circumstances andpolitics are leading inexorably tovvardsoft partition. The Bush administrationhas been slovv to recognize its virtuesbecause it is too dependent on theGreen Zone Iraqis. The Iraqis talk aboutnationaİ unity, but their behavior sug-gests they vvant decentralization. Soon-er or later, everybody vvill settle on thissensible policy, having exhausted ali thealternatives.

83

Revue de Presse-Press Reviezv-Berhevoka Çape-Rivista Stampa-Dentro de la Prensa-Basın Özeti

TURQUIE

u*nm«

m

cMM

C

roTî

o<t»

s

Ankara refiısela nouvelle politiquepetroliere irakienneau KurdistanİSTANBULCORRESPONDANCELaTurquie a menace l'Irak, lundi 29 jan¬vier, de mesures de retorsion au cas oûBagdad persisterait â demander auxsociet.es turques qui lui vendent des pro¬duits petroliers de s'adresser aux autori¬tes du Kurdistan d'Irak pour le renouvel-lement de leurs contrats. Or Ankara refu-

se tout contact officiel avec ces autoritesregionales kurdes de peur de favoriserleur glissement vers l'independance.« Ceux qui veulent mettre la Turauie dl'epreuve en paieront leprix, la Turauie necedejamais devant lesfaits accomplis », adeclare le ministre turc du commerceexterieur, KürsadTüzmen.

Des le 11 janvier, des societ.es turquesont reçu des lettfes de la compagnie ira¬kienne de commercialisation du petrole,SOMO, leur suggerant de passer par lesKurdes d'Irak s'ils voulaient renouvelerleurs contrats. M. Tüzmen a ecrit a laSOMO qu'il s'agissait d'une rupture desaccords bilateraux signes au niveauministeriel en novembre 2006 et que celamenace le maintien des livraisons. II adeclare, lundi, ne pas avoir reçu de repon-

se de la SOMO, « oü l'on ne repond pasaıvcappels telephoniques ».

La portee des menaces turques est limi-tee par le fait que les ventes â l'Irak de pro¬duits raffines en Turquie avaient dejâ tresfortement diminue en 2006 â la süite deretards de paiement et de rivalites pour lescommissions fmancieres afferentes. LeKurdistan est un passage oblige pour lescamions turcs qui vendent de l'essence enIrak. Celui-ci en importe desormais beau¬coup plus de ses autres voisins dont l'Iran.Cette crise s'ajoute aux vives tensions pro-voquees ces dernieres semaines par lesmenaces turques d'intervention militairedans le nord de Firak, agitees de nouveaudans les medias et au Parlement turcs. m

SophieShihab

David Brooks

Parting ways in IraqDuring the summer of 1995, Ed-

vvard Joseph vvas serving as aUN peacekeeper in Bosnia. Hevvas asked to help Müslim

vvomen and children flee from an areanear Srebrenica, vvhere 7,000 Muslimshad already been slaughtered by Serbforces.

it vvas a controversial mission. TheUN High Commissioner for Refugeesrefused to participate, believing theevacuation vvould just complete the eth¬nic eleansing. But the high commis¬sioner didn't see the crovvds of Müslimvvomen shrieking in terror as Serb jeepsrolled by. Joseph did. it might seemhigh-minded to preach ethnic recon-ciliation from afar, Joseph novv says, butin a civil vvar, vvhen you can't protectpeople, it's immoral toleave them to bekilled.

Gradually, leaders on ali sides of theBosnian fight came to see it vvas in theirinterest to separate their peoples. Andönce the ethnic groups vvere given şanc-tuary, it became possible to negotiate apeace that vvas imperfect, but vvhichvvas better than the reverberatingsplashes of blood.

Today, many of the people active inBosnia believe they have a model thatcould help stabilize Iraq. They ac-knovvledge the many differences be¬tvveen the tvvo places, but Iraq, theynote, is a disintegrating nation. Ethniceleansing is dividing Baghdad, millionsare moving, thousands are dying andthe future looks horrific.

The best ansvver, then, is soft parti-tion: Create a central government vvitha fevv key povvers; reinforce strong re¬gional governments; separate the sec¬tarian groups as much as possible.

in praetice, that means, first, modify-ing the Iraqi Constitution.

As Senatör Joseph Biden points out,

the constitution already goes a long vvaytovvard decentralizing povver. it givesthe provinces the povver to have theirovvn security services, to send ambassa-dors to foreign countries, to join togeth¬er to form regions. Decentralization isnot an American imposition, it's anIraqi idea.

But, he adds, so far the Constitutiondoesn't yet have legislation that vvoulddo things like equitably share oil andgas revenue. The Sunnis vvill never becontent vvith a strip of sand unlessthey're constitutionally guaranteed 20

Many of the people activein Bosnia believe they have

a model that could helpstabilize Iraq.

percent of the nation's vvealth.The second step is getting implicit

consent from ali sects that separationand federalisin are in their interest. TheShiites vvould have to accept that therenever vvill be a stable Iraq if the Sunnisare reduced to helot status. The Kurdsvvould have to accept that peace and sta-bility are vvorth territorial compromisein Kirkuk. The Sunnis vvould have to ac¬cept that they're never going to run Iraqagain, and having a strong Sünni regionis better than living under a Shiite jack-boot.

As a former president of the Councilon Foreign Relations, Les Gelb, says, un¬less the thirst for vengeance has driventhe leaders in Iraq beyond the realm ofreason, it should be possible to per¬suade them to see vvhere their best in-terests lie.

The third step in a soft partitionvvould be the relocation of peoples. Thisvvould mean using U.S. or Iraqi troops toshepherd people vvho vvant to flee to¬vvard areas vvhere they feel safe. it vvouldmean providing humanitarian assist-ance so they can get back on their feet.

As Edvvard Joseph and MichaelO'Hanlon note, in this kind of opera¬tion, timing is everything. Move peoplein a certain neighborhood too early, andmilitias could perceive a vacuum andaccelerate the violence. Move too lateand you could be moving corpses.

The fourth step is getting Iraq'sneighbors to buy into the arrângement.Presumably neither Iran nor Saudi Ara¬bia really relishes complete chaos inIraq and a proxy vvar vvith each otherafter the United States vvithdravvs. TheTurks vvould have to be reassured thatthis plan means no independent Kur¬distan vvill ever come into being.

The most serious objection to softpartition is that the Sünni and Shiitepopulations are too intermingled inBaghdad and elsevvhere to really sepa¬rate. This objection, sadly, becomes lessof a problem every day. But it vvould stilibe necessary to maintain peacekeepersin the mixed neighborhoods, be öpen tocreative sovereignty struetures, andhope that the detoxification of the situ¬ation nationally might reduce violencevvhere diverse groups touch.

in short, logic, circumstances andpolitics are leading inexorably tovvardsoft partition. The Bush administrationhas been slovv to recognize its virtuesbecause it is too dependent on theGreen Zone Iraqis. The Iraqis talk aboutnationaİ unity, but their behavior sug-gests they vvant decentralization. Soon-er or later, everybody vvill settle on thissensible policy, having exhausted ali thealternatives.

83