current economic indicator

7/29/2019 Current Economic Indicator

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Current Economic Indicators

Estimated Fiscal deficit: 7.5 % of GDP

Tax to GDP Ratio:

% of population living below the poverty line

Contribution of Agriculture to the economy

Contribution of service Sector

Contribution of Industry

Current Social Indicators

Crime Rate

Political Developments

Pakistan Internal And External Relations

The Indus Water Treaty between India and Pakistan

The Indo-Pakistani dispute over the sharing of the Indus River system has not been as

contentious as one would expect it to have been. The Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 between India

and Pakistan is cited as one of the few examples of successful resolution of a major dispute over

an international river basin. It is the largest, contiguous irrigation system in the world, with a

command area of about 20 million hectares and annual irrigation capacity of over 12 million

hectares. The partition of the Indian sub-continent in 1947 put the headwater of the basin in

India, while Pakistan received the lower part of the basin. A serious dispute over the river waters


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occurred in 1948, when India halted water supplies to some Pakistani canals at the start of the

summer irrigation season.

The ensuing negotiations between the two countries did not resolve the problem. The water flow

cut off by India affected 5.5 per cent of Pakistans irrigated area and put tremendous strains on

the new country. After nine years of negotiations, the Indus Waters Treaty was finally signed on

September 19, 1960, with the cooperation of the World Bank.

The salient features of the Indus Waters Treaty are:

Three Eastern rivers namely Ravi, Sutlej and Beas were given to India.

Three Western rivers, Indus, Jhelum and Chenab were given to Pakistan.

Pakistan to meet the requirements of its Eastern river canals from the Western rivers by

constructing replacement works.

Safeguards incorporated in the treaty to ensure unrestricted flow of waters in the Western rivers.

Both parties were to regularly exchange flow-data of rivers, canals and streams.

A permanent Indus Waters Commission was constituted to resolve the disputes between the

parties. The Treaty sets out the procedure for settlement of the differences and disputes. It also

provides for settlement of disputes through the International Court of Arbitration.

Thus, future prospects persuaded the two countries to agree to a partition of the Indus Basin

waters. Both countries were expected to exploit their respective water shares with the help of an

Indus Basin Development Fund to be administered by the World Bank.


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Wular Barrage Issue

Despite the signing of the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, another dispute emerged in 1985, when

Pakistan learnt through a tender notice in the Indian press about the development of a barrage by

the name of Tulbul Navigational Project. The barrage was to be constructed by India on River

Jhelum, below the Wular Lake located near Sopore, 25 km north of Srinagar, where the river

Jhelum flows into the Lake in the South and flows out of it from the West. For Pakistan the

geostrategic importance of the site lies in the fact that its possession and control provides India

with the means to intimidate Pakistan. A Dam on that site has the potential to ruin the entire

system of the triple canal project within Pakistan namely, the upper Jhelum Canal, upper Chenab

Canal and the lower Bari Doab Canal.

According to the Indian Government, the purpose of the Wular Barrage was to construct a

control structure, with a view to improving the navigation in the River Jhelum during winters, in

order to connect Srinagar with Baramula for transportation of fruits and timber.

India claimed that 90 percent of the Tulbul project would be beneficial to Pakistan, as it would

regulate the supply to Mangla Dam, which would increase Pakistans capacity of power

generation at Mangla, as well as regulate the irrigation network in the Pakistani Punjab through

the triple canal system.10 India further suggested that Pakistan should bear the greater share of

constructing the Barrage, as it would be more beneficial to Pakistan, and would be especially

effective in reducing the flow of water during the flood season.

Pakistan, on the other hand, argued that India had violated Article I (11) of the Indus Waters

Treaty, which prohibits both parties from undertaking any manmade obstruction that may cause

change in the volume of the daily flow of waters. Further that Article III (4) specifically

barred India, from storing any water of, or construct any storage works on, the Western Rivers.

According to sub-paragraph 8(h) of the Indus Waters Treaty, India is entitled to construct an

incidental storage work on Western rivers on its side:


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only after the design has been scrutinised and approved by Pakistan; and

Its storage capacity should not exceed 10,000 acres feet of water.

Whereas the Wular Barrages capacity is 300,000 acres feet, which is thirty times more than the

permitted capacity. Regarding the building of a hydro electric plant, according to the Treaty,

India is only allowed to construct a small run-off water plant with a maximum discharge of 300

cusecs through the turbines which are insufficient to generate 960 Megawatts of electricity as

planned by India.

Bilateral Negotiations

Pakistan referred the Wular Barrage case to the Indus Waters Commission in 1986, which, in

1987, recorded its failure to resolve it. When India suspended the construction work, Pakistan

did not take the case in the International Arbitral Court. To date, eight rounds of talks have been

held. In 1989, Pakistan agreed to build a barrage conditional to Pakistani inspection, which India

rejected.

The two sides almost reached an agreement in October 1991, whereby India would keep 6.2

meters of the barrage ungated with a crest level of 1574.90m (5167 ft), and would forego the

storage capacity of 300,000 acre feet. In return, the water level in the Barrage would be allowed

to attain the full operational level of 5177.90 ft. However, in February 1992, Pakistan added

another condition that India should not construct the Kishenganga (390 MW) hydropower-

generating unit. India refused to accept this condition.

According to Pakistan, the Kishenganga project on River Neelam affected its own Neelam-

Jhelum power-generating project, located in its Punjab province. The issue of Wular Barrage was

one of the disputes on the agenda highlighted for the Indo-Pak talks, both at the Lahore meeting


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in February 1999, and at the Agra Summitof July 2001.

Implications for Pakistan

The control of the River Jhelum by India through a storage work would mean:

A serious threat to Pakistan should India decide to withhold the water over an extended period,

especially during the dry season. It would also multiply and magnify the risks of floods and

droughts in Pakistan. The Mangla Dam on River Jhelum, which is a source of irrigation and

electricity for Punjab, would be adversely affected.

Provide India a strategic edge, during a military confrontation, enabling it to control the

mobility and retreat of Pakistani troops and enhancing the maneuverability of Indian troops.

Closing the Barrage gates would render the Pakistani canal system dry and easy to cross. During

the 1965 war, the Indian Army failed to cross the BRB Link Canal, due to its full swing flow.

India is already in control of the Chenab River through Salal Dam constructed in 1976. Many

Pakistanis criticise the conceding of the Salal Dam to India.

Shah Waliullah

Dr. Iqbal, the poet of the East, has charcterized the celeberated Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb

as tarkashi maa raa khudangi akhareen (the last arrow in the quiver of Muslim power in

India). The anti-Islamic forces which had raised their head during the reign of the irreligious

Emperor Akbar and later found their champions in Jahangir and Dara Shikoh, were, to a

great extent, checked by Aurangzeb, the most honest, conscientious and able Muslim

monarch that ascended the throne of Delhi.

With his passing away in 1707 started the political chaos which later culminated in the

distintegration of the Muslim power in the subcontinent. This political disintegration which

was the result of spiritual confusion encompassed the socio-economic spheres also.

Aurangzeb's successors were too weak and incapable of facing the rebellious forces


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emerging on all hands. At such a critical period of Muslim history was born Shah Waliullah,

one of the greatest religious thinkers produced by Muslim India who contributed immensely

to the reintegration of the structure of Islam.

Shah Waliullah was born in 1703 AD four years before the death of Aurangzeb. Hisgrandfather, Sheikh Wajihuddin, was an important officer in the army of Shah Jahan who

supported Prince Aurangzeb in the war of succession. His father, Shah Abdur Rahim, a sufi

and an eminent scholar assisted in the compilation of "Fataawa-i-Alamgiri"---the voluminous

code of Islamic law. He, however, refused an invitation to visit the Emperor and devoted his

energies to the organization and teaching at `Madrassa Rahimia'---a theological college

which he had established and which, later, played an important part in the religious

emancipation of Muslim India and became the breeding ground of religious reformers and

`Mujahids' like Shah Abdul Aziz, Syed Ahmad of Bareli, Maulvi Abdul Haiy and Shah Ismail

Shaheed. Writing about the teachings of Shah Abdur Rahim and his brother, Maulana

Ubaidullah Sindhi observes: `The essence of the teaching of the two brothers was the effort

to discover a path which could be traversed together by the Muslim philosophers (the Sufis

and the Mutakallims) and the Muslim Jurists (Faqih).'

Shah Waliullah received his early education from his illustrious father, who was his teacher

as well as his spiritual guide. Being a precocious child with a retentive memory he

committed the Holy Quran to memory at an early age of 7 years. On the death of his father

in 1131 AH when he was hardly 17 years old, he started teaching in his father's `Madrassa-

i-Rahimiya' and carried on the work for 12 years when he left for Arabia for higher studies.

He was a brilliant scholar; during fourteen months' stay in Makkah and Madina, he came

into contact with the oustanding teachers of Hejaz. His favourite teacher was Sheikh Abu

Tahir bin Ibrahim of Madina, from whom he obtained his Sanad (Degree) in Hadith. The

Sheikh was an erudite scholar, possessing encyclopaedic knowledge; Shah Waliullah

benefitted much from him too and speaks highly of his piety, independence of judgement

and scholarly talents.

During his stay at Makkah, Shah Waliullah had a dream in which the Holy Prophet (sws)

commanded him to work for the organization and emancipation of the Muslim community in

the subcontinent. He, therefore, returned to Delhi on July 9th, 1732 and started his work in

real earnest. His was an uphill task in a period when Muslim India was passing through the

most critical phase of its history and its entire social, political, economic and spiritual fabric


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was torn to pieces. On his arrival in Delhi, he started training pupils in diverse branches of

Islamic learning and entrusted them with the missionary work of enlightening people with

the true nature of Islam. He embarked upon the task of producing standard works on

Islamic learning and, before his death in 1762, completed a large number of outstanding

works on Islam.

He rose to be a great scholar of Islamic studies, endowed with saintly qualities. So great

was his dedication to work that according to his talented son Shah Abdul Aziz: `...he was

rarely ill and once he sat down to work after Ishraq (post-sunrise prayers) he would not

change his posture till midday'. He was a real genius, an intellectual giant who set himself

to the mission of educating the misguided Muslim masses with the true spirit of Islam. His

was the task of the revival of Islam in the subcontinent which had been clouded with mystic

philosophy and to bring it out in its pristine glory. He was a humble devotee to this cause,

who resisted all temptations of personal glory.

His activities were not confined to spiritual and intellectual spheres only. He lived in troubled

times and witnessed during his lifetime about a dozen rulers occupying the throne of Delhi.

Endowed with a keen political insight, he observed with deep anguish the breaking up of

Muslim power in the subcontinent and wrote to leading political dignitaries like Ahmad Shah

Abdali, Nizam ul Mulk and Najibuddaula to stop the rot which had set in the political life of

Muslim India. It was on account of his call that Ahmad Shah Abdali appeared on the field of

Panipat in 1761 and put an end to the Marhatta dream of dominating the subcontinent.

Shah Waliullah was a prolific writer. It is in the realm of Islamic learning that he made a

lasting contribution and within a period of 30 years produced more than 50 works of

outstanding merit, both in Arabic and Persian Languages. Some of these are still

unsurpassed in the whole domain of Islamic literature. His most valuable service to the

cause of Islamic learning was that he codified the vast store of Islamic teachings under

separate heads. Both in thought and prediction, his works occupy an outstanding place. As a

reformer and as a propounder of theories dealing with socialism, he may be considered asthe forerunner of Karl Marx.

His works may be classified into six categories. The first deals with the Holy Quran. It

includes his translation of the Holy Book into Persian, the literary languages of the

subcontinent of those times. According to him, the object of studying the Holy Book is `to


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reform human nature and correct the wrong beliefs and injurious actions'. The second

category deals with Hadith, in which he has left behind several works including an Arabic

and Persian Commentaries on "Mu'atta", the well-known collection of the traditions of the

Holy Prophet (sws) compiled by Imam Malik. He attached great importance to this collection

of traditions by Imam Malik, even greater than those of Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim.He is an outstanding Muhaddith (Traditionist) and links of all modern scholars of Hadith in

the subcontinent may be traced to him. Foremost among these modern Traditionalists was

his son and successor Shah Abdul Aziz and Syed Murtaza Bilgrami.

Shah Waliullah wrote a number of books and pamphlets dealing with Hadith. The third

category deals with `Fiqh' or Islamic Jurisprudence, which includes "Insaaf-fi-bayaan-i-

Sabab-il-Ikhtilaaf" which is a brief but a very interesting and informative history of the

Islamic Jurisprudence of the last five centuries. The fourth category deals with his works

based on mysticism. The fifth category pertains to his works on Muslim philosophy and Ilm-

i-Kalam. He also wrote a pamphlet on the principles of Ijtihad (independent interpretation)

and Taqlid (conformity). In his "Principles of Ijtihaad" he clarifies whether it is obligatory for

a Muslim to adhere to one of the four recognized schools of Islamic Jurisprudence or

whether he can exercise his own judgement. In the opinion of Shah Waliullah, a layman

should rigidly follow his own Imam but a person well versed in Islamic law can exercise his

own judgement which should be in conformity with the practice of the Holy Prophet (sws).

But the most outstanding of all his works "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baalighah" which deals with such

aspects of Islam that are common among all Muslim countries. In its introduction he

observes: `Some people think that there is no usefulness involved in the injunctions of

Islamic law and that in actions and rewards as prescribed by God there is no beneficial

purpose. They think that the commandments of Islamic law are similar to a master ordering

his servant to lift a stone or touch a tree in order to test his obedience and that in this there

is no purpose except to impose a test so that if the servant obeys, he is rewarded, and if he

disobeys, he is punished. This view is completely incorrect. The traditions of the Holy

Prophet (sws) and consensus of opinion of those ages, contradict this view.' The sixthcategory deals with his works on the Shia-Sunni problem which had become somewhat

acute in those days. His writings on this subject have done a great deal in simplifying this

problem. His theories pertaining to economics and socialism are of revolutionary nature and

he may be considered as the precurser of Karl Marx.


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Writing about his works in the History of the Freedom Movement, Sheikh Muhammad Ikram

states: `Shah Waliullah wrote learned works and initiated powerful and beneficial

movements, but perhaps no less important are the invisible qualities of approach and

outlook, which he bequeathed to Muslim religious thought in the Indo-Pakistan

subcontinent. His work is characterized by knowledge, insight, moderation and tolerance,but the quality on which he laid the greatest emphasis, in theory and in practice, was Adl or

Adalat (justice, fairness). His works and views bear ample testimony to the ways he

observed this principle in practice and he lost few opportunities of emphasizing in theory its

role in maintaining the social fabric.'

Shah Waliullah introduced several reforms in religious and economic spheres. He was first to

translate the Holy Quran in a popular language, a practice which was later usefully followed

by others. His own son, Shah Abdul Aziz, translated the Holy Book into Urdu, the language

of Muslim masses in India. There had been a conflict between orthodox Islam revived under

Mujaddid-Alif-Sani, championed by Aurangzeb and heterodoxy introduced by Akbar and

championed by Dara Shikoh. The reign of orthodox Aurangzeb had created aversion to

Sufism and had led to the advent of extreme puritanism. Shah Waliullah struck a mean

between the two extremes and retained the virtues of both.

He was born in an atmosphere deeply imbued with the spirit of Sufism. His father was a

well-known Sufi. In his early age, he came under the influence of Ibni Taimiya, a great

religious reformer. During his stay in Hejaz, he came into contact with scholars who were

influenced by Wahabism. This provided a check to his blind following of Sufism. But like

Wahabis, he did not totally discard Sufism. He was aware of the services rendered by Sufis

in popularizing Islam in the subcontinent and the spiritual self developed by the truly

Islamic form of Sufism. But he was highly critical of the decadent and traditional form of

Sufism which borders on the verge of asceticism and is, therefore, averse to true Islam. In

his Wasiyat Nama (Will) he observes: `And the next advice (Wasiyat) is that one should not

entrust one's affairs to and become a disciple of the Saints of this period who are given to a

number of irregularities'. Shah Saheb had urged for the reform and discipline of Sufism andnot its rejection. He wrote several pamphlets on this subject in which he analyzed the evils

and virtues of Sufism. `With these books', writes Maulana Manazir Ahsan, `the disputes

between the Sufis and the Ulema, provided one is just, come to an end. By giving an

Islamic interpretation to the Sufi doctrines, Shah Waliullah removed the distaste which the

Ulema had felt for Sufism and the Sufis'. Shah Waliullah has, therefore, not only bridged the


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gulf between the Sufis and the Ulema but also harmonized the differences prevalent among

different sects of Sufis. His principles on the subject were put into practice in the great

theological college of Deoband, which had among its patrons such well-known Sufis like

Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi.

Shah Waliullah set upon the mission of reforming the social and political order of his day.

Being a realist, he diagnosed the ills which had entered into the body politic of Muslim

society and suggested remedies. He criticised the un-Islamic customs which had crept into

Muslim society due to its contact with Hinduism. He was particularly against excessive

extravagance in marriages, festivals and other ceremonies. He advocated the remarriage of

widows. He carefully analyzed the factors responsible for the economic degeneration of the

Muslim society during his time and proposed radical changes in the economy of the Muslim

society. He advocated wider distribution of wealth on socialistic lines and in this way

became the forerunner of Karl Marx. In an illuminating chapter of "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baaligah",

he outlined the evils of capitalism which brought about the fall of the Roman and Sassanid

Empires.

He is highly critical of the economic exploitation of the poor, which, in the past, had brought

about many revolutions and is the root cause of all troubles and unrest in the world. He

even criticised the Mughal rulers and nobility for their indolence and luxury. Addressing the

rapacious nobility of his time he observes: `Oh Amirs! Do you not fear God? (How is it that)

you have so completely thrown yourself into the pursuit of momentary pleasures and have

neglected those people who have been committed to your care! The result is that the strong

are devouring the (weak) people..... All your mental faculties are directed towards providing

yourself with sumptuous food and soft-skinned women for enjoyment and pleasure. You do

not turn your attention to anything except good clothes and magnificent palaces.'

Shah Waliullah was of the opinion that intellectual revolution should precede political

change. He did not contemplate a change in the political or social set-up through a bloody

revolution. He wanted to bring a revolutionary change in the society through peaceful

means. In his well-known book, "Izaalat-ul-Khifaa", he discusses the ideology of the politicalrevolution which he envisaged.

No scholar of Mediaeval India had understood the various aspects of civics as had been

done by Shah Waliullah. He considered `self-consciousness' as a prerequisite of `political

consciousness'. He has dealt in detail the factors which contribute towards the growth of


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civil consciousness in his immortal work "Hujjat-Ullah-il-Baaligah".

Shah Waliullah was, perhaps, the only Muslim scholar of Mediaeval India who realized the

importance of economics in a social and political set-up. He advocated the maintenance of

economic equilibrium in the society and strongly criticized the accumulation of wealth whichleads to all sorts of evils in the world. He had visualized a social order based on economic

equality, fraternity and brotherhood which are the principles governing Islamic socialist

practices during the time of the pious Caliphs.

Born in an age of decadence and chaos, Shah Waliullah strove for world of peace and

prosperity. He has made a singular contribution to the socio-economic thought of Mediaeval

India and visualized a Muslim society in which the individual enjoyed the fullest freedom,

consistent with the maximum good of all. In such an ideal Islamic state, the ruler was to be

governed by the Holy Quran and the Sunnah. No economic exploitation was to be tolerated

in such a state and the individual was free to earn his living by fair means.

His seminary, Madrassa-i-Rahimiya became the centre of Islamic Renaissance in the

subcontinent, where scholars flocked from the four corners of the country and after being

trained, became the torch bearers of freedom movement in the subcontinent. The

"Madrassa" in fact, had become the nucleus of the revolutionary movement for the

reconstruction of religious thought in Islam. It produced many zealous workers who carried

on their preacher's mission with a missionary zeal. Among these were Maulana Muhammad

Ashiq of Phulat, Maulana Norrullah of Budhana, Maulana Amin Kashmiri, Shah Abu Saeed of

Rai Bareli and his own son, Shah Abdul Aziz who was initiated into the religious and political

philosophy of his father.

Shah Waliullah played a vital role in the Indian politics of his times. He was greatly

instrumental in forging a united Muslim front against the rising Marhatta power which was

threatening the last vestige of the Muslim power in northern India. It was he who wrote to

Najibuddaula, and Nizam-ul-Malik and finally invited Ahmad Shah Abdali who inflicted acrushing defeat on the Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat in 1761. His letter to Ahmad

Shah Abdali inviting him to take up arms against the menacing Marhatta power in India is

one of the most important historical documents of the 18th century. It surveys the political

situation in the subcontinent and the dangers which Muslim India faced from different

quarters. He had choosen the most vivid, capable and disciplined Muslim leaders of his time


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for combating the Marhattas. Among these were Najibuddaula, the leader of the

redoubtable Rohilas and Ahmad Shah Abdali, the ruler of the brave Pathans. His efforts

towards forging a united front against the Marhattas were successful and the defeat of

Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat in 1761 provided a turning point in the history of the

subcontinent.Shah Waliullah visualized an ideal state of the days of the Pious Caliphs and strove to it.

Analyzing his political thought, Iqbal states:

"The Prophetic method of teaching, according to Shah Waliullah is that, generally speaking,

the law revealed by a prophet takes especial notice of the habits, ways and peculiarities of

the people to whom he is specifically sent. The Prophet who aims at all-embracing

principles, however, can neither reveal different peoples nor leave them to work out their

own rules of conduct. His method is to train one particular people and to use it as a nucleus

for the build up of a universal `Shariah'. In doing so, he accentuates the principles

underlying the social life of all mankind and applies them to concrete cases in the light of

the specific habits of the people immediately before him." ("Reconstruction of Religious

Thought in Islam")

The movement of political as well as spiritual regeneration of Muslim India did not die with

Shah Waliullah. His talented son, Shah Abdul Aziz, and his worthy disciples and successors,

strove for the realization of his mission. The torch of Islamic revival kindled by Shah

Waliullah was kept aloft by his worthy successors. The echo of the third battle of Panipat

was heard in the battle of Balakot. Both form the landmarks of the same struggle.

Shah Waliullah possessed a many-sided and versatile personality. His real greatness lies in

the cumulative effect produced by his writings, by the contribution of persons trained by

him and by the achievements of the school of thought founded by him. In religious matters,

he struck a mean between extremes; in social affairs he strove to introduce in the Muslim

society the simplicity and purity of early Islam; in the sphere of economics he advocated the

revolutionary Islamic socialism and in the political field he forged a united Muslim frontagainst the non-Muslim forces which were threatening to storm Muslim India.

A.MUJADDID ALF SANI(Saviour of Islam During Second Millennium)


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Shaikh Ahmed of Sirhind (1564-1624)

Born: 26-06-1564 Died: 15-12-1624

1. Background:

1.1. Akbars Din e Ilahi (reconciliation of religions: Islam and Hinduism +

Christianity) adulterated Muslim polity, society and religion

1.2. Un-Islamic practices and beliefs introduced by Akbar & continued during

Jahangirs reign

2. Evils of Muslim Society:

2.1. Social: adulteration with socio-religious practices of Hinduism

2.2. Political: Sovereignty concept (zill-e-Ilahi) prostration

2.3. Spiritual / Ideological: Wahdat-ul-Wajud (Creator creatures one)

3. Revival Movement:

3.1. He did not enter into direct political conflict with rulers but instead wrote letters

to prominent personalities in Akbars (subsequently Jahangirs) Court viz. Abdur

Rehman Khan-e-Khanan, Khan-e-Azam Mirza Abdul Aziz, Mufti Sadr-e-Jahan

reminding them their religious duty

3.2. Sent disciples to different corners of India for preaching basic concepts of

Islam, shariah sunnah to expose Akbars din-e-ilahi

3.3. In the court of Jahangir raised voice against the practice of prostration imprisoned in Gawaliar (1619-20) but later released and made religious advisor of

Jahangir

3.4. In prison he converted many inmates to Islam and brought reformation among

the Muslim prisoners


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3.5. He preached true spirit of Islam among the troops of Mughal army; raised their

moral and prepared them to perform their duties towards Islam and the State;

3.6. Ideological war

3.6.1. Wahdat-ul-Wajud* (Unity of Wajud (Being): Creator creatures one)

propounded by Ibn-al Arabi (1165-1240 AD - an Arab Muslim sufi mystic and

philosopher); and

3.6.2. Wahdat-ul-Shahud* (Unity of Shahud (experience / feelings): Creator

creatures are one by experience / feeling but separate Beings) propounded by

Shaikh Alaud Daula Simnani (1261-1336 AD an Irani opponent of Ibn-al Arabi)

but further propagated by Shaikh Ahmed in Indo-Pak.

*[For details visit:]Error

3.7. Mujaddids thought did not find much popularity in the sub-continent as:

3.7.1. Chishti traditions of Wahdat-ul-Wajud were too strong;

3.7.2. His theory of Wahdat-ul-Shahud was orthodox religious approach which gave

set back to Sufis to create harmony between Hindus and Muslims.

4. Influence on the history of Muslim India:

4.1. First person who propounded the idea of Muslim nationalism in India

4.2. Advocate of Muslim separatism distinctive image

4.3. Akbars heterodoxy > Aurangzebs orthodoxy rather than laissez faire policy of

Babur / Humanyun gradual transformation -

4.4. Akbar was a liberal Aurangzeb was a fundamentalist (imposed jizyah on non-

Muslims)

4.5. The movement was taken forward by Shah Waliullah and Syed Ahmed Shaheed
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahdat_ul-wujudhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahdat_ul-wujudhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahdat_ul-wujudhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahdat_ul-wujud


15/39

ultimately head way to destination of Pakistan movement.

5. Conclusion

5.1. The movement restored Shariah;5.2. Islam became a symbol of Muslim unity;

5.3. His movement influenced future movements and shaped the destiny of the

Muslims of India;

B. SHAH WALIULLAH (1703-1762) /

[Qutbuddin Ahmed] Born: 21-02-1703

1. Background

1.1. Departure of Aurangzeb (1707) adverse impacts on Mughal Empire + Muslims

of India (their hegemony / dominance over Hindus / non-Muslims started waning)

1.2. Political ascendancy of Muslims under Aurangzeb vanished after him impacted

economic interests of Muslims

1.3. Muslim society was assimilating (absorbing) Hindu ideas / traditions / practices

1.4. Ignorance of the basic principles of Islam & conflicts over minute / insignificant

details

1.5. Internal deterioration sectarian differences (shias & sunnis)

2. Family / Spiritual Background

2.1. Born in 1703 to Shah Abdur Rahim a theologian (religious / spiritual leader)

and mystic (sufi) at Phulat (UP) who endeavoured to reconcile the conflicting

philosophies of theology and mysticism.


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2.2. Successor of Mujaddid Alf Sani in preservation of religious belief and Muslim

identity

3. Reformist Movement:

First of its kind - aimed at social, political, religious and economic reformation of the

degenerated Muslim community in India.

3.1. Religious:

3.1.1. Sectarian differences nobles grouped into Turani and Irani- euphemisms

for Sunni and Shia soldiers and common men were also affected.

3.1.2. His book Izalat-ul-khifa an khilafat-il-khulafa ( ) removed misunderstandings

between shias and sunnis.

3.1.3. Sunnis were divided on minute details of the interpretation of Quran and

Sunnah. Minor issues created divisions in the society.

3.1.4. He adopted a balanced approach, translated Quran in Persian to make it

understandable and wrote al-fauz-ul kabir fi usul-it-tafsir ( ) highlighted the broad

principles for interpretation of Quran.

3.1.5. In order to create balance among four schools of (Sunnis) thought he wrote

al-insaf fi bayan sahib al ikhtilaf ( ).

3.1.6. Ijtihad (progressive interpretation of Islamic law) was vigorously adopted in

a society which had closed doors for further interpretation

3.1.7. He tried to reconcile the divergent views of Ibn-ul Arabi and Mujaddid Alf Sani

on the concepts of Wahdat-ul-Wajud (Creator creatures one) and Wahdat-ul-

Shahud (Creator creatures are separate).

3.2. Social:


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3.2.1. Deep crisis of public morality and character in Muslim society presented

Islam in a rational manner and urged Muslim masses to mould their lives

accordingly.

3.3. Economic:

3.3.1. He pointed out that social and economic factors had created fissures in the

society groups (nobility / clergy) responsible for well being of the general public

had become parasites on public exchequer;

3.3.2. He raised voice against inequitable distribution of wealth in the society

working / poorer classes were being exploited and were unable to meet basic needs,

while nobles, ulemas and soldiers were receiving money from public exchequer

without performing their duties effectively.

3.3.3. He appealed upper classes to realize their responsibilities. Besides,

emphasized upon the working classes to cultivate habits of hard work, honesty and

efficiency.

3.3.4. He laid utmost emphasis on justice and equilibrium without which society /

economy could not endure / sustain.

3.4. Political:

3.4.1. Marhattas and Jats had made the life of Muslims miserable in India.

3.4.2. He organized Muslims for Jihad against Marhattas and Sikhs.

3.4.3. Invited Ahmed Shah Abdali of Afghanistan and motivated Najib uddawlahChief Rohillah (North West of India) to help him to save the Muslim community from

Marhatta subjugation (Abdali attacked nine times) triumph of Panipat (1761) was

culmination of his political efforts.

3.5. Implications / Impact:


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3.5.1. Religious reformation;

3.5.2. Social regeneration

3.5.3. Political ascendancy

4. Conclusion:

4.1. None before him attempted to integrate whole Islamic structure

4.2. It was very influence of Shah Waliullahs movement that the movements of

Syed Ahmed Shaheed and Sir Syed Ahmed Khan flourished and further consolidated

Muslims in India.

C. DARUL-ULUM DEOBAND (Founded on 14-04-1866)

1. Introduction

1.1. Brain-child of Haji Mohammad Abid and toil of Maulana Mohammad Qasim

Nanautvi (Founder Principal)

1.2. Deoband movement was launched to counter Aligarh Movement which

reconciled with British rulers and Western civilization.

1.3. It was struggle for welfare and renaissance of Muslims through orthodox

religious teaching.

1.4. Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) was mentor (guru) of the movement Shah Abdul

Aziz and Syed Ahmed Shaheed were other pioneers (in philosophy).

2. Credo of Deoband Movement:

2.1. In initial stages, it concentrated on diversity of thought among various sects

and on purifying the traditions of Islam from alien influences / unhealthy practices.


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2.2. Maulana Qasim had come in conflict with the British during War of 1857 he

objected Western thoughts. The institution / movement was committed to religious

nationalism in India.

2.3. The pioneers were orthodox ulema, whose credo was the defence of religion as

the only panacea to save the distinct identity of Indian Muslims.

2.4. The movement adopted a moderate posture and was neither extremist nor ultra

orthodox. Spread religious education commendably

3. Other Personalities:

3.1. Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani extended his services without remuneration

3.2. Shaikh ul Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hassan was very dynamic (he was

instrumental in bringing Aligarh and Deoband closer by minimizing differences)

3.3. Haji Imadullah and Maulana Mahmood Hassan were of high caliber but lacked

public appeal / popularity (they were only teachers did not join the movement)

4. Influence / Impact of Deoband:

4.1. Education:

4.1.1. Attracted large number of students from various parts of India and abroad

in 1931, enrolment was 900 from UP, NWFP, Bengal and Bukhara

4.1.2. Educational standard was maintained that soon it was rated as the most

prestigious seat of Islamic learning after Al-Azhar University, Cairo.4.2. Religious:

4.2.1. The plan was to train enough ulema to be able to spread Islamic philosophy

Th movement produced:


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4.2.1.1. Maulana Ashraf Thanvi, 4.2.1.2 Maulana Ehtisham ul Haq Thanvi

4.2.1.3 Maulana Ubedullah Sindhi

4.2.2. Quran, Hadith, Arabic, Islamic jurisprudence, philosophy and Islamic history

were main disciplines fatwas of Deoband Ulemas were considered authentic in thesub-continent.

4.3. Administrative

4.3.1. The institution provided administrative guidance to other educational

institutions in syllabus, conduct of examination and teaching techniques it had

acquired the status of an informal university this further facilitated spread of

Islamic education in India.

4.4. Political

4.4.1. Leaders of the movement aimed at closer relationship with Sultan of Turkey.

4.4.2. Maulana Ubedullah Sindhi and Maulana Mahmood Hassan supported Turks

and Afghans against British in WW-1.

4.4.3. Madni Group under Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni aligned with Congress

4.4.4. But another group under Maulana Ashraf Thanvi and Maulana Shabbir Ahmed

Usmani counteracted the influence of Congress on Deoband helped Quaid-e-Azam

in Pakistan movement they were more popular among masses.

4.5. Social

4.5.1. Like Aligarh, successfully awakened social consciousness of Muslims throughreligious education.

5. Deoband versus Aligarh

5.1. Deoband Ulema were very effective in combating anti Islamic missionaries but


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could not provide any solid leadership (unlike their mentor Shah Waliullah)

5.2. On the other hand Sir Syed Ahmed Khan revitalized and re-evaluated the ideas

of Islam in the light of the progressive philosophy of Shah Waliullah and became

successful in resolving intellectual crises created by traditional thinking andfundamentalism. He provided effective and solid leadership to the community.

5.3. Aligarh movement, unlike Deoband, was very popular and instrumental among

the Muslim masses

5.4. The two movements had philosophical cleavages widened gulf between them

from the beginning. The authorities of the two institutions remained engaged in

controversy.

5.5. While Sir Syed forbad Muslims to join Congress, a group of Deoband ulema, led

by Maulana Madni joined Congress.

5.6. Sir Syed was reconciliatory while Deoband Ulemas were deadly against Britih

they even established their own government in their areas of influence for some

time. Political tension existed between the two until 1947.

6. Conclusion

6.1. Deoband had a limited sphere of influence due to its narrow approach and

selected adoption of the philosophy of its mentor.

6.2. The most progressive tool (ijtihad) of Shah Waliullah was adopted by Sir Syed

who became popular among the rulers and the Muslim masses.

6.3. Deoband Ulema remained wavered and grouped themselves with conflicting

credos (aligning with Ottomans against British in WW-1 on the one hand and joiningHindu dominated pro-British Congress on the other) Thus they lost appeal of

masses.

D. THE ALIGARH MOVEMENT


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1. Introduction:

1.1. Brain child of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817-1898) and toil of his followers Hali,

Shibli, Nazeer Ahmed (Syed Amir Ali, author of Spirit of Islam which was newinterpretation of Islam, though not a member, but contributed largely to the goals of

Aligarh Movement)

1.2. Characteristics of Muslim community soon after 1857 War education was

bleak (illiteracy rampant), religion an obsession (traditional thinking, religious

fanaticism) and politics was an enigma (puzzle / mystery).

1.3. Movements of Shah Waliullah and Syed Ahmed Shaheed reduced animosities

(hostilities) from among the Muslim community but created over obsession towards

religious thinking. This fanaticism was a barrier in the renaissance and regeneration

of the community after War of Independence British hegemony and Hindu

domination.

1.4. A cultural movement aimed at regeneration of liberal values literature, social

life and religion.

1.5. Education was the foundation on which Sir Syed build a super structure of his

religious, social and political ideas for Muslims

2. Highlights of the Movement:

2.1. The movement acted as social, political and psychological panacea for

betterment of Muslims in India.

2.2. British loyalty and confidence was also the programme of the movement

2.3. The Educational Aspect:

2.3.1. Aim: groom and quip Muslims with Western education to become intellectually


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and politically sound to play role effectively in the development of India

2.3.2. Sir Syed visited England in (1869) to study English educational institutions

2.3.3. Established Mohammedan Anglo Oriental (MAO) College, Aligarh (1875) later became Aligarh Muslim University - centre of cultural activities for Muslims

2.3.4. Mohammedan Educational Conference (1886) spread message through

conferences, seminars, public meetings, etc.

2.3.5. Translation Society at Ghazipur (1864) later became Aligarh Scientific Society

translated modern works from English to Persian and Urdu, published a journal

Aligarh Institute Gazette (1866) bridged gulf between British and Muslims.

2.4. Religious Role:

2.4.1. Sir Syed wrote many books on Islam to establish that it was a progressive

religion no conflict with Modern world, science and development

2.4.2. He gave a befitting reply in the form of detailed essays to William Moors

blasphemous book Life of Mohammad

2.4.3. Attempts were made to rationally interpret Islamic ideas and concepts

2.4.4. Emancipated the Muslims from centripetal tendencies of religion by

recommending extensive use of Ijtihad.

2.5. Political Contribution:

2.5.1. Policy of the movement was to remain away from politics (Aligarh wasapolitical!)

2.5.2. However, the movement safeguarded the political interests of Muslims of

India by educating them to face better educated and more prosperous Hindus


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2.5.3. To promote better understanding with the British, Sir Syed wrote a pamphlet

The Causes of the Indian Revolt

2.5.4. He highlighted services of the Muslims and defended them in Loyal

Mohammadans of India.

2.5.5. The movement championed Muslim nationalism cause when Sir Syed advised

Muslims not to join Congress thereby provoked the to establish a separate political

party [critical]

2.5.6. He was first to propose idea of separate electorate for Muslims did not

believe in Westminster democracy (majority rule) in India [critical]

2.5.7. Pleaded inclusion of Muslims in the Legislative Council to represent their

community;

2.5.8. The movement was bastion (fortress) of Two Nation Theory Sir Syed was

the first to formally propagate the idea after being disgruntled with Hindu attitude

and advocated separate and distinct identity of Muslims with different culture,

religion, civilization, etc. He was the first to formally call Muslims a nation

2.6. Social Role:

2.6.1. Reawakened Muslims with social consciousness

2.6.2. Tahzibul Ikhlaq ( ) magazine played positive role in improving morality /

moral values.

3. The Impact of the Movement:

3.1. Immediate:

3.1.1. Transformed the Muslim community from pessimism of the post 1857 war

days to optimism - gave a new hope to the Muslims

3.1.2. bridged the gulf between the British and Muslims (their loyalty no more


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challenged)

3.1.3. provided an opportunity to catch up with Hindus / other Indians

3.1.4. Produced graduates to fill up senior government assignments

3.2. Long Term / Far Reaching:

3.2.1. Infused new spirit in the dormant Muslim community raised it to a level of a

separate and independent nation in India

3.2.2. Gave political wisdom and offered new horizons to the Muslims which

ultimately paved way for establishment of All India Muslim League.

3.2.3. Under the influence of MAO Aligarh, Islamia College Peshawar and Islamia

Collge Lahore became nucleus for Muslim educational and political activities

3.2.4. Aligarh Movement indeed spearheaded Pakistan Movement!

4. Conclusion:

4.1. Some argue that Sir Syeds political philosophy of cooperation with British had

serious limitations; while others contend that his acceptance of Western values could

not build a nation with distinct identity and values; some critics even consider his

religious concept narrow and un-philosophical

4.2. But at a critical juncture of the history of Indian Muslims his movement and

philosophy provided opportunities and saved Muslims from the inertia, stagnation

and even annihilation

People say Sir Syed set up a college, nay, he made a nation- Dr. Maulvi Abdul

Haq

4.3. The movement provided new zeal and vigor to the Muslims of India


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4.4. Pakistan would not have been possible without the Aligarh Movement

E. NADWA-TUL-ULEMA, LUCKNOW

1. INTRODUCTION:

1.1. Nadwa was an outcome of prominent Muslims who wanted to adopt a middle

path between Deoband (old and traditional patterns) and Aligarh (modern

knowledge).

1.2. Established by leading Muslim Ulema, under the leadership of Shibli Nomani,

Maulvi Abdul Ghafoor (Deputy Collector) and Syed Mohammad Ali of Kanpur in1894, at Lucknow.

1.3. Syed Mohammad Ali was the founder and Administrator

1.4. Shibli Nomani, initially a teacher of Persian in Aligarh, left it and joined Nadwah.

He believed that Aligarh was only producing youth for clerical jobs and had lost its

purpose.

2. THE OBJECTIVES:

The objectives were to:

2.1. Reform maktabs, develop religious learning, improve morals and behaviour;

2.2. Resolve and settle difference of opinion among the ulema and observe restraint

on expression of divergent views;

2.3. Devise ways and means for general welfare of the Muslims but keep them away

from politics and affairs of the state;

2.4. Establish a magnificent academy of learning where technical education could be

provided along with academic education;

2.5. Spread Islam through tableegh and to establish department of ufta (to give

fatwas).


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3. THE MOVEMENT OF MODERATION:

3.1. The modern educational system was reorganized and Shibli Nomani became the

Principal of Nadwa in 1908. He introduced English and Islamic subjects of learning in

the curriculum.

3.2. At Nadwa the preachers were trained to carry out these objectives and were

sent to different parts of the sub-continent for the missionary work.

3.3. Al Nadwa, monthly magazine (1904) under the editorship of Maulana Shibli and

Maulana Habib-ur-Rahman Sherwani, attempted to harmonize Islamic thought with

modern science.

4. ROLE IN PAKISTAN MOVEMENT:

4.1. Allama Sulaiman Nadvi played an important role before and after the creation of

Pakistan was a product of this institution.

4.2. Other prominent personalities included Maulvi Abdul Haque, Maulana Abdus

Salam Nadvi and Maulvi Abu Zafar. They played very important role in imparting

religious knowledge and creating political consciousness among the Muslims.

5. CRITICAL APPRECIATION:

5.1. All the efforts of Nadwa did help ulema to retain their hold on the Muslims.

However, the compromise they made hardly aided the new progressive trends in

Islam; but their new approach certainly gave them a new lease of life.

5.2. Nadwa being a compromise between the two systems never gained the

popularity and importance which Deoband had in religious circles and Aligarhacquired in modern education.

5.3. However, Dar ul Musaniffin (Academy of Authors) established by Nadwa played

important role in the field of research and published a large number of books and

valuable literature on Islam.


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6. DEOBAND VS. NADWA:

6.1. Deoband was anti-British and gave the idea of removing the British by

supporting Hindus / Congress. A large section of Deoband Ulema opposed Pakistanand were in favour of united India. On the contrary, Nadwa believed in the unity of

Muslims and was against the Congress. Nadwa students worked for the creation of

Pakistan.

6.2. Deoband only appreciated religious teachings (Qoran, Hadith, Fiqh) while

Nadwa encouraged English along with Islamic teachings.

THE ROLE OF SUFIS AND ULEMA IN SPREADING ISLAM

1) INTRODUCTION:

a) Muslim nationalism in India would have never seen the reality of the day had there been

no Sufis or Ulema behind its scene;

b) The view that Islam was spread by the sword lacks the understanding ofthe history;

c) Islam indeed spread by means of its pragmatic ideals humanitarianism, piety, justice,

tolerance and peace fostered by great Sufis and Ulema through their teachings and

practical life;

d) They converted large number of Hindus to the fold of Islam sword never played

decisive role in this respect.

2) JUSTIFICATIONS:

a) If sword of Muslim Kings / Sultans had been the driving force then one would naturally

expect largest proportion of Muslim population in Delhi, Agra, Luknow seat of power;

b) This not true and the percentage of Muslims in these areas is very low as compared to


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other areas constituting Pakistan and Bangladesh;

c) Arnold, a European writer of Indian history, states: There are instances on record where

isolated families were converted under political pressure, but they were few. The vast

majority converted not through any Governmental pressure but by slow and patient processof missionary work.

d) Maclagen and Qanungo, two eminent non-Muslim scholars, studied spread of Islam in

Pakistan and Bangladesh, and came to the conclusion that Sufi saints added to the

numerical strength of Muslim population by encouraging conversions to Islam through

peaceful and non-violent means in these areas;

e) Had Islam been spread by sword / force, 1000 years of Muslim rule would have been

sufficient to bring the entire sub-continent under the sway of Islam which is not the case;

3) CONTRIBUITION OF SUFIS AND ULEMAS:

a) The contribution of Ulema and Sufis was instrumental;

b) In cities, where upper class of Muslim society lived, Ulema were custodian of religion;

c) In far flung areas where masses lived, Sufis played major role not only to preserve the

inner spirit of Islam among the Muslims but to win thousands of converts;

d) Sufism was a great spiritual movement in Islam which sought mystic realization of

Almighty Allah. It traces origin to Qoran and Hadith.

e) Organization: organized themselves in silsilahs (orders) and established khanqahs

f) Four silsilahs are worth mentioning:

i) Chishtiyah Khwaja Abu Ishaq Shami (940 AD)

ii) Qadiriyah founder Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani (1077-1166 AD);

iii) Suhrwardiyah Shaikh Najibuddin Abdul Qadir Suhrawardi (1169 AD);

iv) Naqshbandiyah founder Khwaja Bahauddin Naqshband (1388 AD);


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4) THE ROLE OF CHISHTIYAH ORDER:

i) The silsilah was brought to the sub-continent by Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti Ajmeri (1141-

1236 AD) converted many Rajputs to Islam;

ii) His eminent disciples Shaikh Hamiduddin (converted many Rajputs in Nagaur

Rajputana) and Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (welcomed by Iltutmish but declined and

carried out peaceful missionary work) further popularized the order;

iii) Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj Shakr, Khalifah of Bakhtiar Kaki, produced galaxy of Sufi

preachers who further spread message of Islam;

iv) Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliyah (1238-1325 AD), Ganj Shakrs eminent disciple, produced

many Sufis who propagated Islam and converted thousands in Bengal, Deccan and Gujrat;

v) Shaikh Salimuddin (16th C AD) a contemporary of Akbar, continued his Mission with the

emperor;

5) SERVICED OF QADIRIYAH ORDER:

i) The order was introduced in the subcontinent by Niamatullah and Makhdoom Mohammad

Jilani by mid 15C AD;

ii) Shaikh Abul Maali of Lahore and Mulla Shah of Badakhshan were renowned saints;

iii) The order established firm hold in Punjab and Sindh;

iv) Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis Delhvi, a celebrated Sufi scholar and Miyan Mir rendered

services in Delhi and Sindh [Shah Jahan and Dara Shikoh held Miyan Mir and Mullah Shah in

high esteem];

v) The order did not make much headway in the sub-continent during Delhi Sultanate;

6) TH ROLE OF SUHRAWARDIYAH ORDER:


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i) Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariyah was the founder of most popular order of Sufis in sub-

continent (Khanqah in Multan) thousands including Chiefs from Multan, Lahore and Sindh

embraced Islam;

ii) His son Sadruddin Arif succeeded him in Multan while disciple Syed Jalaluddin Bokhari(1213 AD) founded strong suhrawardi centre in Uchh Sharif converted many tribes to

Islam in Uchh;

iii) Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabraizi established his Khanqah at Deomahal in Bengal where Hindu

and Budhist tribes flocked, converted to Islam and became his disciples;

7) REVIVAL OF ISLAM BY NAQSHBANDIYA ORDER:

i) Khwaja Baqi Billah introduced this order in the sub-continent and his celebrated disciple

Shaikh Ahmed Sirhindi (Mujaddid Alf Sani) rendered valuable services to the purification of

Islam during and after the reign of Mughal Emperor Akbar;

ii) The heretic ideas of Wahdatul Wajud were dispelled by him; he stood up against the un-

Islamic practices of Akbars era, refused prostration in Jahangirs darbar;

iii) Masum, son of Shaikh Ahmed, followed his father. Aurangzeb Alamgir, as prince, used

to attend his lectures and later as emperor translated Shaikh Ahmeds ideas into action;

8) OTHER MUSLIM RENAISSANCE MOVEMENTS:

i) Shaikh Ahmeds cause was furthered by Shah Waliullah, whose time was of great turmoil

and anarchy of Muslim society shia sunni rift and divisions among sunnis; Ijtihad was put

in cold storage and shariah being misinterpreted; Shah Waliullah regenerated the Muslim

society and revived the spirit of Shariah;

ii) Jehad Movement was spearheaded by Sayyid Ahmed Shaheed in NWFP and the Punjab.He waged a holy war against the sikh fascist forces and established supremacy of Islam; he

was martyred in Balakot along with his comrade Shah Ismail and others;

iii) Similarly, many other movements were launched with the twin purposes establish

supremacy of Islam and fight against fascist forces in various provinces;


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iv) These include Faraizi movement in East Bengal by Haji Shariatullah.

9) CONCLUSION:

i) It is established from the above discussion that Islam spread in the subcontinent by

peaceful means through missionary work of Sufis and Ulema;

ii) A few movements were launched at the end of the Mughal rule to check the advance of

fascist forces to crush Islam and Muslims but these were in defence of faith and not really

for spread of Islam.

FARAIZI MOVEMENT

1) THE FARAIZI MOVEMENT:

i) The Muslim revivalism in Bangal during early 19th Century was a local manifestation of

the contemporary trend for the return to orthodoxy, felt throughout the subcontinent. The

first such movement, Faraizi movement, drew its inspiration from the principles of

Wahabism in Arabia.

ii) Faraiz, meaning injunctions of God and the holy Prophet (PBUH).

iii) Like other revivalist movements the Faraizis prescribed strict observance of the

principles of Islam and abhorred any deviation form them, especially shirk (polytheism) and

Bidah (innovation).

iv) Social equality was emphasized and social discrimination and caste practices of any kind

disapproved.

v) Most distinguishing feature of the movement was that its followers refused to attend the

juma and eid prayers. They argued that according to Hanafi School of law, to which they

belonged, these prayers could only be performed in the presence of a Caliph or his agent.


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To them British India was Darul Harb (a land of enemy), and not Darul Aman (land of

peace). They resumed these congregational prayers only after creation of Pakistan.

vi) Haji Shariatullah (1781-1840) the founder of this movement devoted his attention

mainly to religious reforms.

vii) His son Dadu Mian (1819-1862) was less a religio-moral preacher and more a politico-

military activist.

viii) Supporters of the movement were mostly depressed Muslim cultivators, oppressed by

their mainly Hindu landlords or new class of European indigo planters who treated their

native labourers almost as plantation slaves.

ix) Developing as a mass movement the faraizi assumed the form of a socio-economic

reform movement.

x) Dadu Mians confrontations with these landlords brought him into conflict with the British

authorities, who as founders of the permanent settlement of land revenue of 1793, always

favoured the landlords upholding freedom of contract and laissez faire liberalism.

xi) During his life time Dadu Mian set up an elaborate underground organization with an

administrative hierarchy discharging various responsibilities;

xii) Titu Mir (1782-1831) was another political militant, who initially followed Haji

Shariatullah but, later became militant as Dadu Mian.

2) INFLUENCE OF THE MOVEMENT(S):

i) The religio-political activism generated by the movement contributed to the general

transformation of the Indian Muslims from a religious community into a political force, laterto be utilized by the Ulema and political elite in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries.

ii) The movement, along with similar movements, helped to create necessary momentum

which brought about a measure of social unification and removed the internal social and

cultural barriers that existed within the community.


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iii) Another after effect was the activation of religious sentiment among the Muslims and

reorientation of their attitude towards the Hindus.

iv) The revivalism succeeded in purging the Indian Islam of many Hindu practices and re-established teachings of early Islam in Arabia.

v) Wider social and religious contacts between Muslims of different regions reduced

differences and opened new channels of communication. This resulted in further religious

activities and sponsoring of institutions and organizations. The Islamisation efforts of the

reform movements gradually generated a sense of solidarity across the social divisions of

the community.

IQBAL AND PAKISTAN MOVEMENT

Although his main interests were scholarly, Iqbal was not unconcerned with the politicalsituation of the, country and the political fortunes of the Muslim community of India.Already in 1908, while in England, he had been chosen as a member of the executivecouncil of the newly-established British branch of the Indian Muslim League. In 1931 and1932 he represented the Muslims of India in the Round Table Conferences held in Englandto discuss the issue of the political future of India. And in a 1930 lecture Iqbal suggestedthe creation of a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. Iqbal died (1938) before thecreation of Pakistan (1947), but it was his teaching that "spiritually ... has been the chief

force behind the creation of Pakistan."

Iqbal joined the London branch of the All India Muslim League while he was studying Lawand Philosophy in England. It was in London when he had a mystical experience. The ghazalcontaining those divinations is the only one whose year and month of composition isexpressly mentioned. It is March 1907. No other ghazal, before or after it has been givensuch importance. Some verses of that ghazal are:

Your civilization will commit suicide with its own daggers.A nest built on a frail bough cannot be durable.The caravan of feeble ants will take the rose petal for a boatAnd inspite of all blasts of waves, it shall cross the river.

I will take out may worn-out caravan in the pitch darkness of night.My sighs will emit sparks and my breath will produce flames.

For Iqbal it was a divinely inspired insight. He disclosed this to his listeners in December1931, when he was invited to Cambridge to address the students. Iqbal was in London,participating in the Second Round Table Conference in 1931. At Cambridge, he referred towhat he had proclaimed in 1906:

I would like to offer a few pieces of advice to the youngmen who are at present studying at


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Cambridge ...... I advise you to guard against atheism and materialism. The biggest blundermade by Europe was the separation of Church and State. This deprived their culture ofmoral soul and diverted it to the atheistic materialism. I had twenty-five years ago seenthrough the drawbacks of this civilization and therefore had made some prophecies. Theyhad been delivered by my tongue although I did not quite understand them. This happenedin 1907..... After six or seven years, my prophecies came true, word by word. The European

war of 1914 was an outcome of the aforesaid mistakes made by the European nations in theseparation of the Church and the State.

Building upon Sir Sayyid Ahmed's two-nation theory, absorbing the teaching of Shibli,Ameer Ali, Hasrat Mohani and other great Indian Muslim thinkers and politicians, listening toHindu and British voices, and watching the fermenting Indian scene closely forapproximately 60 years, he knew and ultimately convinced his people and their leaders,particularly Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah that:

"We both are exiles in this land. Both longing for our dear home's sight!"

"That dear home is Pakistan, on which he harpened like a flute-player, but whose birth hedid not witness."

Iqbal and Politics

These thoughts crystallised at Allahabad Session (December, 1930) of the All India MuslimLeague, when Iqbal in the Presidential Address, forwarded the idea of a Muslim State inIndia:

I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Provinces, Sind and Baluchistan into asingle State. Self-Government within the British Empire or without the British Empire. Theformation of the consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to be the finaldestiny of the Muslims, at least of the North-West India.

The seed sown, the idea began to evolve and take root. It soon assumed the shape ofMuslim state or states in the western and eastern Muslim majority zones as is obvious fromthe following lines of Iqbal's letter, of June 21, 1937, to the Quaid-i Azam, only ten monthsbefore the former's death:

A separate federation of Muslim Provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, isthe only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from thedomination of Non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal beconsidered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India andoutside India are.

There are some critics of Allama Iqbal who assume that after delivering the AllahbadAddress he had slept over the idea of a Muslim State. Nothing is farther from the truth. Theidea remained always alive in his mind. It had naturally to mature and hence, had to taketime. He was sure that the Muslims of sub-continent were going to achieve an independenthomeland for themselves. On 21st March, 1932, Allama Iqbal delivered the Presidentialaddress at Lahore at the annual session of the All-India Muslim Conference.

In that address too he stressed his view regarding nationalism in India and commented onthe plight of the Muslims under the circumstances prevailing in the sub-continent. Havingattended the Second Round Table Conference in September, 1931 in London, he was keenly


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aware of the deep-seated Hindu and Sikh prejudice and unaccommodating attitude. He hadobserved the mind of the British Government. Hence he reiterated his apprehensions andsuggested safeguards in respect of the Indian Muslims:

In so far then as the fundamentals of our policy are concerned, I have got nothing fresh tooffer. Regarding these I have already expressed my views in my address to the All India

Muslim League. In the present address I propose, among other things, to help you, in thefirst place, in arriving at a correct view of the situation as it emerged from a ratherhesitating behavior of our delegation the final stages of the Round-Table Conference. In thesecond place, I shall try, according to my lights to show how far it is desirable to construct afresh policy now that the Premier's announcement at the last London Conference has againnecessitated a careful survey of the whole situation.

It must be kept in mind that since Maulana Muhammad Ali had died in Jan. 1931 and Quaid-i Azam had stayed behind in London, the responsibility of providing a proper lead to theIndian Muslims had fallen on him alone. He had to assume the role of a jealous guardian ofhis nation till Quaid-i Azam returned to the sub-continent in 1935.

The League and the Muslim Conference had become the play-thing of petty leaders, who

would not resign office, even after a vote of non-confidence! And, of course, they had noorganization in the provinces and no influence with the masses.

During the Third Round-Table Conference, Iqbal was invited by the London National Leaguewhere he addressed an audience which included among others, foreign diplomats, membersof the House of Commons, Members of the House of Lords and Muslim members of theR.T.C. delegation. In that gathering he dilated upon the situation of the Indian Muslims. Heexplained why he wanted the communal settlement first and then the constitutionalreforms. He stressed the need for provincial autonomy because autonomy gave the Muslimmajority provinces some power to safeguard their rights, cultural traditions and religion.Under the central Government the Muslims were bound to lose their cultural and religiousentity at the hands of the overwhelming Hindu majority. He referred to what he had said at

Allahabad in 1930 and reiterated his belief that before long people were bound to comeround to his viewpoint based on cogent reason.

In his dialogue with Dr. Ambedkar Allama Iqbal expressed his desire to see Indian provincesas autonomous units under the direct control of the British Government and with no centralIndian Government. He envisaged autonomous Muslim Provinces in India. Under one Indianunion he feared for Muslims, who would suffer in many respects especially with regard totheir existentially separate entity as Muslims.

Allama Iqbal's statement explaining the attitude of Muslim delegates to the Round-TableConference issued in December, 1933 was a rejoinder to Jawahar Lal Nehru's statement.Nehru had said that the attitude of the Muslim delegation was based on "reactionarism."Iqbal concluded his rejoinder with:

In conclusion I must put a straight question to punadi Jawhar Lal, how is India's problem tobe solved if the majority community will neither concede the minimum safeguardsnecessary for the protection of a minority of 80 million people, nor accept the award of athird party; but continue to talk of a kind of nationalism which works out only to its ownbenefit? This position can admit of only two alternatives. Either the Indian majoritycommunity will have to accept for itself the permanent position of an agent of Britishimperialism in the East, or the country will have to be redistributed on a basis of religious,historical and cultural affinities so as to do away with the question of electorates and the


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communal problem in its present form.

Allama Iqbal's apprehensions were borne out by the Hindu Congress ministries establishedin Hindu majority province under the Act of 1935. Muslims in those provinces were givendastardly treatment. This deplorable phenomenon added to Allama Iqbal's misgivingsregarding the future of Indian Muslims in case India remained united. In his letters to the

Quaid-i Azam written in 1936 and in 1937 he referred to an independent Muslim Statecomprising North-Western and Eastern Muslim majority zones. Now it was not only theNorth-Western zones alluded to in the Allahabad Address.

There are some within Pakistan and without, who insist that Allama Iqbal never meant asovereign Muslim country outside India. Rather he desired a Muslim State within the IndianUnion. A State within a State. This is absolutely wrong. What he meant was understoodvery vividly by his Muslim compatriots as well as the non-Muslims. Why Nehru and othershad then tried to show that the idea of Muslim nationalism had no basis at all. Nehrustated:

This idea of a Muslim nation is the figment of a few imaginations only, and, but for thepublicity given to it by the Press few people would have heard of it. And even if many

people believed in it, it would still vanish at the touch of reality.

Iqbal and the Quaid-i Azam

Who could understand Allama Iqbal better than the Quaid-i Azam himself, who was hisawaited "Guide of the Era"? The Quaid-i Azam in the Introduction to Allama Iqbal's lettersaddressed to him, admitted that he had agreed with Allama Iqbal regarding a State forIndian Muslims before the latters death in April, 1938. The Quaid stated:

His views were substantially in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same

conclusions as a result of careful examination and study of the constitutional problemsfacing India and found expression in due course in the united will of Muslim India asadumbrated in the Lahore Resolution of the All-India Muslim League popularly known as the"Pakistan Resolution" passed on 23rd March, 1940.

Furthermore, it was Allama Iqbal who called upon Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah tolead the Muslims of India to their cherished goal. He preferred the Quaid to other moreexperienced Muslim leaders such as Sir Aga Khan, Maulana Hasrat Mohani, NawabMuhammad Isma il Khan, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Nawab Hamid Ullah Khan of Bhopal, Sir AliImam, Maulvi Tameez ud-Din Khan, Maulana Abul Kalam, Allama al-Mashriqi and others.But Allama Iqbal had his own reasons. He had found his "Khizr-i Rah", the veiled guide inQuaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah who was destined to lead the Indian branch of theMuslim Ummah to their goal of freedom. Allama Iqbal stated:

I know you are a busy man but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you often, as youare the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safeguidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the wholeof India.

Similar sentiments were expressed by him about three months before his death. SayyidNazir Niazi in his book Iqbal Ke Huzur, has stated that the future of the Indian Muslims wasbeing discussed and a tenor of pessimism was visible from what his friends said. At this


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Allama Iqbal observed:

There is only one way out. Muslim should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join theMuslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our unitedfront against both the Hindus and the English. Without it our demands are not going to beaccepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These

demands relate to the defence of our national existence.

He continued:

The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim

League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading

the Muslims.

Matlub ul-Hasan Sayyid stated that after the Lahore Resolution was passed on March 23,

1940, the Quaid-i Azam said to him:

Iqbal is no more amongst us, but had he been alive he would have been happy to know that

we did exactly what he wanted us to do.

But the matter does not end here. Allama Iqbal in his letter of March 29, 1937to the Quaid-i

Azam had said:

While we are ready to cooperate with other progressive parties in the country, we must not

ignore the fact that the whole future of Islam as a moral and political force in Asia rests very

largely on a complete organization of Indian Muslims.

According to Allama Iqbal the future of Islam as a moral and political force not only in India

but in the whole of Asia rested on the organization of the Muslims of India led by the Quaid-i

Azam.

The "Guide of the Era" Iqbal had envisaged in 1926, was found in the person of Muhammad

Ali Jinnah. The "Guide" organized the Muslims of India under the banner of the Muslim

League and offered determined resistance to both the Hindu and the English designs for a

united Hindu-dominated India. Through their united efforts under the able guidance of

Quaid-I Azam Muslims succeeded in dividing India into Pakistan and Bharat and achieving


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their independent homeland. As observed above, in Allama Iqbal's view, the organization of

Indian Muslims which achieved Pakistan would also have to defend other Muslim societies in

Asia. The carvan of the resurgence of Islam has to start and come out of this Valley, far off

from the centre of the ummah. Let us see how and when, Pakistan prepares itself to

shoulder this august responsibility. It is Allama Iqbal's prevision.

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