devil's footprints booklet

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The Devil’s Footprints and Other Folklore:Local Legend and Archaeological Evidence in Pendleton, Lancashire

Introduction Folklore has it that footprints found cut in stone near to the Lancashirevillage of Pendleton were created by the Devil, a giant who strodeacross the Lancashire moors, on his way to destroy Clitheroe Castle. Thelegend of “The Devil’s Footprints on Pendle and the Stones dropped byhim on Apronful Hill’ is retold here in the context of both the folklore ofLancashire and its near neighbours, and also the archaeologicalevidence for rock cut footprints from the region. We also compareBritish footprints with those of Scandinavian origin, where stone cutmarks are more frequent, and of the legends associated with them. A

possible ancient connection between the two is proposed based upon aclose reading of the evidence.

The LegendThe legend, which may have medieval or earlier origin, was passeddown orally until it was first published by John T. Fielding in 1905,following a visit to Pendleton by the Darwen Rambling Club. It runs asfollows:

It would be impolitic to pass this village without reference toone of its legends. Near the church, until recently, stood somehuge stones, like the one we noticed spanning the brook.These were said to have been thrown by the Devil; oneespecially was said to still bear the impress of his fingers.

The story runs, and they say that the Devil wascoming with an apronful of stones for the purpose ofknocking down Clitheroe Castle. He was coming fromAccrington way. He stepped from Hambledon to a large block of sandstone lying on Cragg’s Farm, above Sabden.

From here he stepped to the Apronful Hill, aboveWellsprings, leaving foot-prints on the stones at Cragg’sFarm. Being now in sight of Clitheroe Castle, he took one ofthe stones he was carrying, and threw it towards the Castle, but just then his brat string broke and all the remainingstones fell to the ground, where they still lie just as they fell.The stones he threw fell short of the Castle and landed nearthe church in Pendleton (Fielding 1905, 14).

A second version was published by Self Weeks in 1917:



…On Craggs Farm, near Sabden, on the sloping side of Pendle,is a mass of sandstone rocks that have fallen down from thescar above. On one of these big stones are two marks, side byside, about 2ft 6ins long and about 6ins wide.

They certainly resemble gigantic footmarks, and are said to be the Devil’s. ‘Old Scrat’, however, when he alighted upon thisstone, he must have crossed his legs, as the left footprint is onthe right side. The outline of one foot is perfect, but the other isill-formed, which is, however, easily explained, as it is wellknown the Devil has a club foot.

The legend is that the Devil was one day coming with anapronful of stones for the purpose of knocking down ClitheroeCastle. He stepped from Hambeldon Hill to Craggs, where heleft the footprints before referred to. His next step was to ‘The

Apronful’. Here, being in view of the castle, he took one of thestones and threw it at the castle, but as he was in the act ofthrowing his ‘brat string’ broke, and all the stones he wascarrying were tumbled on the ground. The stone which hethrew fell short of the mark, and may still be seen lying on theground just above Pendleton, with some marks upon it, whichare said to be the print of his fingers (Self Weeks 1916, 86).

The legend, may have medieval or earlier origins (Hallam 1995,141). One interpretation is that it possibly hints at local animositytoward outside authority as represented by the castle. Alternatively,following Jacqueline Simpson (1983) who discusses the many parallellegends in which the Devil or a giant tries to destroy a prominent building by throwing a stone at it, or a town by dropping a mass ofearth on it, a better explanation is that this is an instance of themalevolence of supernatural beings towards humanity. In this context itis likely that Clitheroe Castle is mentioned as the target because it is aprominent landmark, far enough from the place where the Devil is saidto have stood to make his throw a spectacular feat. The legend was

offered as a popular explanation for a series of archaeological featuresin the area: a panel of rock art depicting carved feet, aringwork/platform cairn (Barrowclough 2006 Appendix 1, 86) and apossible cup-marked stone. Mention of giants and association with theDevil in the context of prehistoric archaeological features in Lancashireare not uncommon. For example, “Giant’s Grave,” “Hell Clough” and“Hades Hill” (Barrowclough 2006 Appendix 1, 201; 57, 63, 64; 11)although we no longer have the folklore to explain how theseearthworks came to achieve their names.

Clitheroe Castle, the object of the Devil’s attack, occupies thesummit of a limestone knoll in the centre of Clitheroe, Lancashire. Builtin the eleventh century it was deliberately damaged after its capture by



he gathered he put into his apron. Having got one good loadhe essayed to return, and had crossed the highest part of thehill and descended partly into the valley, when the apronstrings broke and the stones fell into a heap at his feet…(forsome reason or other) he then threw up the contract ( Jopling1846, 451-2)

Other examples are: a long barrow in Cumberland known as“Sampson’s Bratful” and a mound in Radnorshire that carries the name:“Devil’s Apronful of Stones.” The above-mentioned chambered tombon Anglesey bears the name “Barclodiad-y-Gawres” which means“Apronful of the Giantess” and in Flintshire the name “Arffedogiad-y-Wrach,” meaning “Apronful of the Hag.” In northern England,associated with ritual sites are the names “Old Wife’s Howes” in North

Yorkshire; “Skirtfull of Stones” in the West Riding and “Auld Wife’sApronful of Stones” in Northumberland.

Place-names and legends referring to “stone-carrying women”or Giantesses have evolved around outcrops of stones and cairns. The best known of these is the Irish legend associated with the cemetery ofcairns at Loughcrew, County Meath. In the eighteenth century JonathanSwift visited the place and hearing the legend from a local gardener putit to verse:

Determined now her tomb to buildHer ample skirts with stones she filledAnd dropped a heap on CarnmoreThen stepped one thousand yards, to toar(?)And dropped another goodly heap;And then with one prodigious leapGained Carnbeg; and on its heightDisplayed the wonders of her mightAnd when approached death’s awful doomHer chair was placed within the womb

Of hills whose tops with heather bloom (attrib. Jonathan Swift in McMann 1993)

The Hag’s Chair stands by the side of the largest of the Loughcrewcairns, hewn out of a solid block of stone three metres long and twometres high (Shee Twohig 1996, 78).

The village of Pendleton to which the legend dealt with in thispaper refers, lies at the foot of Pendle Hill. In 1968 a burial urn wasdiscovered behind a cottage at the western end of the village. In 1975archaeological excavation (Hallam 1994) led to the discovery of twomore urn burials containing cremated bone and ceremonial offerings in



a stone circle or cairn dating to the early Bronze Age (Barrowclough2006 Appendix 1: 28; Barrowclough 2007, 107).

What is most interesting is the reference to footprints left by theDevil in the rock. Engraved footprints, or natural marks resemblingfootprints, although rare, have a wide geographic distribution acrossthe British Isles, and Scandinavia, and are generally described infolklore to represent visitations of gods or symbols made to invoke theirpresence conferring magical fertility upon the earth. In north-westernEurope, particularly Scandinavia, representations of human feet arefound amongst other symbols of prehistoric art such as axes, swordsand ships, or alongside circles or figures denoting gods, dating to theBronze Age. These symbols carved or engraved on boulders, rockoutcrops and slabs forming megalithic graves are obviously of somesignificance, and were perhaps involved in ritual ceremonies and

worship.The Craggs Farm footprints are nearly half a mile north-east of

the ruins of Craggs Farm at the Deerstones rocks, which lie below asteep-sided ridge to the north. The two depressions are easily visibleamongst the tumbled mass of landslip rocks. They occur on the flatupper surface of an angular-shaped block of stone and face towardsHambledon Hill ten and a half miles to the south. The two impressions,side-by-side, are roughly about 75 cm long and 15 cm wide at theirwidest part and seem to have changed little since they were described by Weeks. Viewed from the south, the left-hand footprint has the shapeof a large right foot. The other is more irregular in shape perhaps aresult of differential weathering or of subsequent vandalism.

Discussion of Footprints Carvings of human feet on rock art dated to the late Neolithic/earlyBronze Age are extremely rare in England (Forde-Johnston 1957, 34).Beside the Craggs Farm prints there are only three other examples ofthis motif on stones from burial chambers in England, one from thecovering slab of a stone cist at Poole Farm Barrow, West Harptree,

Somerset (Grinsell 1957), another from Harbottle Peels, Coquetdale,Northumberland, and a series from the Calderstones, Liverpool. ThePoole Farm example is covered with impressions of six single feet(Figure 1) whilst Harbottle Peels has a single one on a panel forming theside of a stone cist in which was an inhumation and urn (Forde- Johnston 1957, 35). Of most interest to the present discussion is the siteof Calderstones because of its geographic proximity.



Figure 1: Rock-cut carvings of human feet referred to in the text.



Overlooking the bank of the river Mersey was the late

Neolithic/early Bronze Age Calderstones burial monument(Barrowclough 2006 Appendix 1, 48; Barrowclough 2007, 121-24). Firstmention of the site is in legal documents dated 1568 where it is referredto in a boundary dispute. The site is described as a tumulus (Stewart-Brown 1911, 106-40). In 1765 the mound was disturbed and pottery andcremated bone was found (Baines 1968 [1825], 698). The subsequentdestruction of the mound was recorded in a series of letters to theLiverpool Daily Post between mid November and December 1896 (inparticular those dated 17, 20, 21 and 23 November). The monument wasnotable because the large stones that formed the tumulus weredecorated with rock art (Forde-Johnston 1957). As a consequence theyattracted the attention of local people and were preserved. The

remaining stones now reside in a glasshouse in the Calderstones Park,Liverpool. It is the rock art that is significant to the present discussion.Along with numerous cup marks, three cup and ring marks, and adozen or more spirals of various configurations, are ten carvings ofunshod human feet. Some of these display evidence of geneticabnormalities, in particular missing/fused toes (Figure 1).

Elsewhere nine other sites with bare footmarks are known, sixin Scotland and three in Ireland (Barrowclough 2007, 123). Themarkings at all these sites consist of either a single footmark (sevensites) or two markings arranged as a pair (three sites). The total numberof markings at the nine sites is twelve, compared to ten for theCalderstones. The concentration of foot carvings at the Calderstones isall the more significant for the fact that as a general rule rock art doesnot figure in the archaeological record of Lancashire. Only two panelsare known in addition to Calderstones. They are a cup and ring and cupmarked stone found on the Anglezarke uplands and the Craggs Farmshod footmarks (Figure 1) (Hallam 1995). Shod footmarks are also rare.A single mark is known from the site of Alwinton, Northumberland(Figure 1). It was found on the inside of a slab forming a cist containing

an inhumation accompanied by food vessels (Kinnes and Longworth1985, No. 202) and, therefore, also dated to the late Neolithic/ earlyBronze Age. It would appear that the largest concentration of feetdepicted in rock art in the British Isles appears in a region otherwisealmost devoid of a tradition of rock art.

Footprint or foot sole images, although rare in the British Isles,occur in larger numbers on decorated panels in western Sweden. Theygenerally appear in pairs and are, like the Craggs Farm example, often, but not always, shod. Examples are panels in Kville hundred Bohuslän,western Sweden, Scania, Ostergotland and Fossum (Figure 2). Theprints are carved life-size, unlike the other depictions found alongsidethem, and Bradley (2000, 142) argues that they represent the dead. The



depictions in seventy-seven per cent of the examples follow a pathleading up, and then down, the surface of the rock (Nordbladh 1980),that is, they represent movement in two directions, which has beeninterpreted by Bradley as linking the world of the living with that of thedead (Bradley 2000, 142). This interpretation may explain why theCraggs Farm prints point in opposite directions. Rather than having“crossed his feet” as Self Weeks describes, the prints represent twodifferent directions of travel. One foot heading up the hill and onedown.

Figure 2. Examples of foot carvings from Scandinavia. (SourcesKville-Fredsjö [in Bradley 2000, 140]; all others Hallam 1995, 140).

In the mythology of northern Scandinavia the dead occupy anunderworld that is the mirror image of the world occupied by theliving: “the lower layer [of the cosmos] is the inverted world of thedead, whose feet, since they walk upside down, are sometimes thought… to touch the soles of the living who walk upright” (Ingold 1986, 246;see also Davidson and Gelling 1969, 153). There is evidence thatinversion was also important to the early Bronze Age community ofLancashire in the context of funerary urns, which we frequentlyinverted when they were buried in barrows (Barrowclough 2007, Chap.7). I proposed that the inversion of funerary urns was associated with

the need to contain the dead, separating the deceased from the living.The footprints may further extend our understanding of their belief



system.It is relevant that some of the carvings depict shod feet. In

Icelandic folklore the recently dead must be helped on their journey tothe underworld by the provision of footwear known as hel-shoes (Ellis1943, 39, 62 and 75). Bradley (2000, 142) wonders whether this could bean echo of the beliefs enshrined in Bronze Age art, a point echoing thatof Davidson (1969):

The sagas … refer to a custom of binding “death-shoes” onthe feet of the dead which if genuinely based on funeralpractices in the heathen period, suggests a symbol of a journey to another world, and the hope that the dead mightnot remain in the vicinity of the grave to trouble the living”(Gelling and Davidson 1969, 153).

If so, the liminal area in between the living and the dead might be an appropriate place for rituals, including rights of passage (vanGannep 1908), to be undertaken.

In the Swedish examples the footprints record the passage ofthe deceased from cairns located on higher ground, through a liminalarea marked by ship motifs, down to the sea. For example, at Jarrestad4, Scania, which overlooks a valley leading to the sea, there aredrawings of foot soles and prints linking the summit of a rock to a small bog below (Coles 1999; Althin 1945). Foot-sole images follow a pathleading toward the lower ground; some are in pairs. Following KlausRandsborg’s reading of the imagery at Kivik and Sagaholm (Randsborg1993) this may be interpreted as representing, two distinct domains, thehigher ground, the “heavens” where Bronze Age barrows celebrated theancestors and the sea of the dead to which they had to travel.Symbolically, the journey from the grave, cutting across the landscapeof the living, to the sea links the two. If the foot soles represent the hel-shoes of the recently deceased, they may record the path from the graveto the world beyond. This may offer an explanation of the Craggs Farmshod-footprints, which are on a hill overlooking the river at Pendleton.

They could represent the hel-shoes of the dead making the final journeyfrom funeral cairn to sea. In an analysis of funerary cairns in Lancashire(Barrowclough 2007), Salmonidae bones were found as ritual graveofferings, it was proposed that this was significant because the lifecycleof the salmon involves the cyclical movement from freshwater rivers tosaltwater sea and back to freshwater river and death. That there was acosmological connection between funerary monuments, the dead andthe sea, is consistent with this interpretation. Evidence for connections between Lancashire and Scandinavia during the late Neolithic and earlyBronze Age periods exist in the form of Scandinavian flint axes found in both Bury and the “environs” of Manchester (Barrowclough 2006Appendix 3, 30) and so it is not so large a leap of faith to propose



Scandinavian influence on their religious beliefs.

Conclusion Taking folklore as its starting point this study points to the value oflegend for our understanding of ancient sites. Archaeologists oftenneglect this source in preference to objective scientific techniques. In sodoing they fail to recognise the richness of this source of data.Conversely, archaeological study of sites has the potential to add to the“biography” of ancient places. What is proposed here is more researchthat adopts an integrated approach combining both archaeology andfolklore.

AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank the following for their assistance in the

preparation of this paper. Letitia Caparelli of Darwen Library (for accessto the records of the Darwen Rambling Club) and Mary Chester-Kadwell.

AbbreviationNGR: National Grid Reference

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