france as a model for chilean educational reform to reduce economic disparity

AI3000: Dissertation

Student Number: u0412378

Module Leader: Meera Tiwari

Seminar Tutor: David Durkee

Submission Date: May 14th, 2007

France as a model for Chilean

educational reform to reduce

economic disparity

Table of Contents

ABSTRACT.................................................................................................. 0

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1

1. THE CHILEAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM: A STOCK TAKE 1974-2004......... 3

a. 1973-1989: the radical restructuring of the Chilean educational system through top-down market-oriented reforms ................................................................................3 b. 1990-2004: a need for equity and quality at the heart of the reforms under democratic governments..................................................................................................6 c. Summary: the main features of the Chilean educational system. ....................................................8

2. THE IMPACT OF THE CHILEAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM ON THE UNEQUAL STRUCTURE OF THE SOCIETY.......................................... 11

a. Pre-school education .............................................................................................................11 b. Primary and secondary education: a dual system ......................................................................12 c. Higher education as a means of reproducing inequalities ............................................................15 d. Conclusions .........................................................................................................................18

3. THE FRENCH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND ITS REFORMS

TO ADDRESS INEQUALITIES. ............................................................ 21

a. The main features of the French educational structure: a system very different from the Chilean structure......................................................................................................21 b. The main reforms to address inequalities in France...................................................................23

4. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS: CAUTIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS. ................................................................................ 28

a. Main weaknesses of the French system which Chile should give consideration. .............................28 b. The key strenghts of the French system that could be transferable ................................................30 c. Conclusions and potential for further research...........................................................................32

CONCLUSION...........................................................................................................35

BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................... 38

0

France as a model for Chilean educational

reform to reduce economic disparity

University Of East London

School of Social Sciences

May 2007

Abstract:

Although Chile has achieved great results in terms of economic growth and poverty reduction, the

Chilean society remains highly unequal. Inequalities increased with the radical reforms undertaken

during the Pinochet’s dictatorship. As democracy returned, the educational policies implemented in the

1990s have attempted to rectify this deficiency. However, Chile continues to face the challenge of

reforming its educational system as it continues to deepen economic inequalities. This study utilises a

comparative education analysis to examine what Chile could learn from the strengths and weaknesses

of the French educational system. On one side, the French example provides cautions related to early

streaming, option choice and social inequalities. On the other side, the use of grants inversely

proportional to parents’ income, the reduction of financial barriers to higher education, the

development of social mixing and of certain targeted affirmative actions, represent strengths of the

French education system that could inspire Chile.

U0412378 AI 3000 Dissertation

Page 1 of 45

INTRODUCTION

Chile is often labelled as ‘the Latin tiger’ in order to express the significant

development of the country in the last twenty years. However, Chile has a very uneven

distribution of wealth. In 2000, 10% of the population owned almost half of the total income.

The Gini Index was 57.1 classifying the country in the top ten most unequal societies in the

world (UNDP, 2006: 335). As inequalities seem to be one of the remaining challenges in

Chile, it seems very relevant to look at different ways of reducing economic disparity. While

Sylwester (2002) identified a link between education and reduction of inequalities, a study of

the World Bank (2001) showed that decreasing income inequalities could boost economic

growth and help reduce poverty. Furthermore, several academic, governmental and non-

governmental studies established a relationship between education, economic growth and

development (MacMahon, 2000; Kagia, 2006; Guisan et al., 1999). Since a better-quality

educational system “would not just boost Chile’s long-term growth potential, but help reduce

income inequality” it appears significant to analyse how Chile could reform educational

policies (De Mello & Mulder, 2006: 1).

In order to do so, the following paper applies a comparative analytical study. The

educational system of a developed country will be carefully selected and examined in order to

investigate points of cautions and where Chile can get inspiration for introducing educational

reform to reduce economic disparities. France has been chosen for several reasons. Due to

colonisation and the European immigration waves in the 19th Century, Chile has more of a

European culture and it seems more suitable to base our comparison with a European

country with a roman language and not a Northern American, Asian or Scandinavian

nation. France presents numerous similarities with Chile on political, geographical,

demographic and economic aspects. Both countries have a democratic Republic and a

bicameral legislature branch, similar total areas of land from coastal plains to mountain

range and the dominance of roman-catholic religion. Rural depopulation is a fact in both

states, which also share similarities in terms of inflation, foreign trade and unemployment


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rate. Tourism and exports are of great importance in Chile and France (CIA, 2007a; CIA,

2007b). Most importantly, income inequalities have been decreasing in France since the

revolutionary epoch in the 18th Century and the contemporary French society is typified by

‘greater equality’ (Morrisson and Snyder, 2000). France has always emphasized the

willingness to create an egalitarian society by adopting the motto “Liberty, Equality,

Fraternity” as a symbol of the Republic. The French education system is also perceived as

among the world’s most renowned for its level of sophistication. Therefore, France appears a

relevant choice for the purpose of a comparative education study.

The first section of this paper will provide a stock take of the Chilean educational system

between 1974 and 2004 and will show the contrasts of the various educational policies

implemented during this period. The effects of the educational organisation on the unequal

structure of the Chilean society will be analysed. The areas in the greatest need of change will

be examined in order to explain the necessity of reform. Amongst these aspects, the unequal

provision of education quality between different quintiles and the financing structure of

education will be detailed. The analysis of the French structure of education will include the

main features of its functioning as well as the reforms which took place to reduce inequalities.

The significant successes and failures of the French educational system will provide cautions

and recommendations for the educational reform in Chile.


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1. The Chilean educational system: a stock take 1974-2004

The following section will detail the main reforms of the Chilean educational system in the

last thirty years. An evident distinction will be made between policies implemented during

the dictatorship and those made when democracy returned. In addition, the features of the

current educational system will be provided.

a. 1974-1989: the radical restructuring of the Chilean

educational system through top-down market-oriented

reforms

i. Context: economic neo-liberalism and the search for competition

Neo-liberalism refers to policies promoting free competition among different units of the

market. Government intervention is not recommended and cuts in public expenditure for

social services are favoured as well as deregulation, privatisation and trade liberalisation. In

1973, when General Augusto Pinochet took power, the government was led by a great

amount of “Chicago Boys”1, fervent supporters of the free-market economy (Schiefelbein,

1991). As a result, neo-liberal economic reforms were implemented in Chile and the

educational system underwent profound changes in order to increase standards, educational

efficiency and cost-effectiveness in the use of resources (Matear, 2007). Following the neo-

liberal principles, the focus was put on competition between public and private sector so as to

implement an improved system in terms of choice, quality and efficiency (Matear, 2006). The

1 The ‘Chicago Boys’ were a group of Chilean economists under the Pinochet government. There were called Chicago Boys as they studied economics in the University La Catolica in Santiago and in the University of Chicago. They were pro-free market and implemented neo-liberal policies (Navarro, 2002).


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idea was that bad schools would improve in quality in order to survive or they would lose

their students and close down. As a result, public expenditures for education were cut while

private funding increased (Delannoy, 2000). This resulted in a highly market-orientated

educational system with a constant growth of private sector participation (Matear, 2006).

While 80% of Chilean students were enrolled in public schools in 1980, the municipal

enrolment rate dropped to around 57% in 1990 to reach 49% in 2004 (based on author’s

calculations using data from MINEDUC, 2005a: 27).

ii. Decentralisation and privatisation of the education system to facilitate competition

Public school administration was transferred to the municipal level in order to facilitate

competition between public and private schools (Gonzalez et al., 2004). Decentralisation gave

the authority to municipalities for hiring, contracting and firing teachers as well as

maintaining infrastructures (Delannoy, 2000). The government remained in control over

technical-pedagogic issues such as curriculum, student progression and evaluation (Matear,

2007). Privatisation of the education system was facilitated. Three categories of private

schools were formed: subsidised private schools, private technical-vocational schools and fee-

based private schools. Private schools were encouraged to compete and incentives were given

to industrial groups to run technical-vocational schools. In order to finance education, a

voucher system was implemented.

iii. Voucher system

The education vouchers gave the ability to parents to choose freely the school of their choice

instead of being assigned to a specific school. The Chilean government “decided that a

demand-side approach would encourage greater efficiency” (Taylor, 2003: 33). Inspired by

Milton Friedman’s original proposal, the voucher system was adopted in the early 1980s.


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The aim was to generate an “education market” to promote competition and efficiency in

order to improve quality of education. Since the 1980s, funds financing education are

assigned to parents allowing them to choose the best school for their children (Carnoy, 2000).

As a result, the financial resources, to cover operating costs of schools, depend on the number

of students they can attract and retain. The subsidy is higher for secondary school and in

rural areas to compensate for higher costs. However, the voucher does not vary accordingly

to socioeconomic factors and each student receives the same amount (Gonzalez et al., 2004).

iv. The final impact of the military regime: Ley Orgánica Constitucional de Enseñanza (10/03/1990)

On the last day of the dictatorship, the Ley Orgánica Constitucional de Enseñanza (LOCE)

was voted. The law “made any future amendments to the education reforms of 1980 and

1981 subject to an unattainable quorum in the parliament” (Mattear, 2006: 37). As a result,

the design and implementation of education policies have been contained in a legal

framework encouraging de facto continuity rather than change.

The legacy of the reforms, which occurred under the military regime, as well as the Ley

Orgánica Constitucional de Enseñanza constrained the role of the succeeding Chilean

governments in a highly-marketed educational system. The governments of the centre-left

coalition were caught between the continuation of a market-oriented educational system and

the desire to implement a more equitable structure providing better opportunities for all.


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b. 1990-2004: a need for equity and quality2 at the heart

of the reforms under democratic governments

i. 1990-1994: Primary education, targeted programmes and shared funding

The terms equity and quality appeared during Aylwin’s presidency (1990-1994). At the

beginning of the 1990s, “40% of 4th graders belonging to the poorest half of the population

could not understand what they were reading” (Matear, 2007: 104). 97% of the richest

population was enrolled in secondary school compared with 73.6% for the poorest segment

(Delannoy, 2000: 12). There was an understanding that equity and quality were essential to

provide poorer quintiles with opportunities offered by a market economy (Delannoy, 2000).

As a result, the government implemented new programmes beginning with primary

education. In 1991, Mejoramiento de la Equidad y de la Calidad de la Educatión Bàsica

(MECE-Básica) was put into practice in order to improve the quality of primary education

in Chile. Needs in terms of infrastructure were first targeted followed by supplying schools

with basic materials such as books. Eventually, the focus moved to more complex

contributions such as classroom libraries (Arrellano, 2001). In order to increase equity

within the educational system, the state put in place compensatory programmes such as

P900, which aimed at supporting 10% of the worst performing primary schools (Garcia-

Huidobro, 2000: 166). The idea was to guarantee a certain level of education to the most

needy. Decentralisation and the voucher system were kept for several reasons, one of which

was the prevention of a dispute with the opposition3. In addition to the use of vouchers, the

2 Equity is defined as “attending the needs of an increasingly diverse school population and targeting compensatory support to the most vulnerable in pursuit of equal educational opportunity” while quality “no longer meant the accumulation of factual knowledge, but the mastery of higher-order skills, attitudes and values” (Delannoy, 2000: 14). 3 “Conservatives were wary of any attempts to undo the structural and market reforms of the Pinochet government” (Delannoy, 2000: 19)


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government introduced a shared funding system whereby parents could pay a

complementary sum to schools (OECD, 2004). This new system was broadly adopted in

subsidised private schools (Matear, 2007).

ii. 1995-1999: Secondary education and continuity of targeted programmes

In 1994, the government of Eduardo Frei pursued the reforms and launched the MECE-

Media programme aimed at improving quality and equity of secondary education. Here

again, “the policy emphasis was on creating a modern education system for a democratic

society which could overcome inequalities, promoting social justice and equity” (Matear,

2007: 105). Targeted programmes were also maintained for example, free school meals and

learning materials were given to vulnerable families (Arellano, 2001).

iii. 2000-2004: the final stage of the reform- Higher education

The new millennium started MECE-Superior, which would complete a ten-year long

process of reform. The aims were to promote quality of higher education as well as

efficiency, cohesion and coordination of a complex and fragmented system where the

diversity of institutions causes serious challenges (Matear, 2006). In addition, the state

continued to make investment towards low-income families as well as giving financial

incentives to schools which helped economically disadvantaged children to be enrolled and

remain in education (OECD, 2004).

30 years of distinct reforms shaped a very unique educational system in Chile. The

following section will detail the key characteristics of the Chilean educational structure

resulting from the various reforms.


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c. Summary: the main features of the current Chilean

educational system

Figure 1: Graph of the Chilean Educational System


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i. Duration, enrolment and coverage rates

There are 12 years of mandatory education in Chile. Primary education is constituted of 8

years and there are 4 grades that need to be completed in secondary schools (MINEDUC,

2004). Universal primary education was achieved in the 1960s and secondary enrolment

rate reached 87% in 2002 (World Bank, 2006c: 95). The coverage of preschool and higher

education has also increased but remains low by international standards. In 2002, 31.5% of

18-24 years old were enrolled in post-secondary education (OECD, 2004: 17) while the

coverage in pre-school stood at 30.3% in 2002 (Delannoy, 2000: 1).

ii. Administrative categories: the increasing influence of the private sector

There are four types of schools in Chile: municipal or public schools, which are funded by

the government and managed by the municipality; private subsidized schools, which are

also funded by the government on the basis of enrolment but run privately; fully private fee-

paying schools, which are privately administrated and funded (mainly by parents) and

corporation schools also called technical-vocational schools, which are managed by

corporations or private businesses with government funding. Private subsidized schools

have the power to hire and dismiss teachers. These establishments usually select and

expulse students whereas “municipal schools have to accept all students when they have

vacancies” (Mizala et al., 2005: 7). In 2004, 49.4% of students were in municipal schools,

41.5% in private-subsidized ones, 7.7% in private paid schools and 1.4% in corporation

schools (MINEDUC, 2005b: 35). These figures contrast with the ones in 1990 when

municipal schools accounted for almost 58% and subsidised private ones for around 32%

(ibid.). This shows the high degree of private sector participation in the Chilean education

system, including tertiary studies (Matear, 2006).


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iii. Funding

Schools receive income from the parents, the municipalities and the government (Mizala et

al., 2005). Public expenditure has been rising steadily for the last fifteen years, going from

2.4% in 1990 (World Bank, 2006c: 91) to 4% of the GDP in 2004. Private spending on

education also increased from 1.6% in 1990 to 3.3% in 2004 (MINEDUC, 2005b: 43). This

shows a strong commitment of the government towards the development of the Chilean

educational system as well as a significant financial contribution of the private sector. As a

result, 7.3% of the Chilean GDP per capita was spent on education in 2004 (ibid.).

The increase of funding and the education reforms that began in the 1990s contributed to

the expansion of the quantity and quality of education. However, the functioning of the

Chilean educational system remains segregated from pre-school education to tertiary

studies and increases the unequal structure of the society.


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2. The impact of the Chilean Educational system on the

unequal structure of the society

a. Pre-school education

i. Importance of preschool education

Preschool education refers to education given to children under the age of 5. The basics of

human development are formed during the child’s first years. Early Childhood Education (ECE)

helps the development of cognitive, social and emotional skills in children and has significant

effects on children’s performance throughout their school years and later in their life (World

Bank, 2006b). There are measurable differences in schooling outcomes between children who

benefited from preschool education and those who did not. A study (UNESCO, 2003) revealed

that academic performance of children who receive quality ECE are substantially higher as

preschool education contributes to improving quality and reducing inequities in primary and

secondary school learning. Lastly, “preschool education increases the likelihood of finding

lucrative employment and higher earnings” (World Bank, 2006c: 99). Moreover, the benefits of

preschool education are especially strong for children from poor socio-economic milieu. As a

result, increasing investment in ECE among disadvantaged children could help reduce

inequalities as job opportunities increase (World Bank, 2006b). However, the access to pre-

school education is very unequal in Chile.


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ii. The segmented Chilean pre-school education structure and the impact on inequalities.

The Chilean enrolment rate in preschool education has increased from 16% in 1990 to 35.1%

in 2003 (World Bank, 2006c: 97). This rate remains lows and there are great disparities across

socio-economic classes. In 2003, around 50% of students from the highest quintiles received

ECE compared with 30% of the poorest quintiles (Schiefelbein, 2000: 185). Although overall

enrolment rate has been increasing over the years, the gap between children from different

socio-economic background continues widening to the benefits of higher quintiles (World Bank,

2006b). The polarized structure of ECE in Chile reinforces inequalities as children from poor

quintiles are the students who need preschool education the most but receive the least. As a

result, thanks to ECE, children from privileged milieu will see their schooling performance

increase even further in primary and secondary education while disadvantaged children will fall

behind.

b. Primary and secondary education: a dual system

i. Voucher system and seclusion of schools by socio-economic criteria The voucher system has led to segregation between higher and lower income groups. The

system was designed to enable parents to choose the best schools for their children but in fact

this freedom of choice has become correlated with the purchasing power of individuals (Taylor,

2003). Poorest families are less likely to exercise choice because they do not have the same

financial and intellectual capacity to look for and use information on schools (Carnoy, 1998).

“The information networks they (parents) consult and the quality of information they obtain is

related to their socioeconomic background” (World Bank, 2006c: 122). As a result, there is

unequal access to information on school performance and higher income groups are better able

to choose the best schools for their children, increasing disparities in terms of educational

attainment.


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In addition, schools tend to favour students from higher income families and with high abilities.

In order to compete, private schools have admission policies and attempt to select the best

students in order to get the best results and to improve peer composition (Hsieh & Urquiola,

2003). These policies are exclusionary by nature and discriminate on family background as the

best students come predominantly from higher income groups (Gonzalez et al., 2004). As a

result, the use of vouchers led to ‘“cream-skimming”; meaning that the best students from public

schools flew to the private sector (McEwan & Carnoy, 1998: 2). The outcomes of municipal

schools were affected as they could not benefit from peer effect and they were left with students

from lower income deciles, who do not perform as well (Matear, 2007). The educational system

became stratified as the voucher system led to “significant differences in educational results and

encourages discrimination against lower students by schools that are able to select their

students” (World Bank, 2006c: 120).

In 1993, the shared financing option was established and subsidised private schools, at all levels,

and municipal schools, at the secondary level, were enabled to charge parents with a

supplementary fee (Taylor, 2003).

ii. Shared financing increased the polarization of the system The aim of the shared financing was to increase resources in schools to be invested in the

improvement of quality of education (Matear, 2007). The system was extensively used in

subsidised private establishments bringing extra resources in schools, which already benefited

from socio-economic advantages.

Families from the highest quintile spend on average US$350 a month while those from the

lowest group spend US$35. As a result, “for many students in Chile, choice in education is

determined by ability to pay” (ibid.: 107). The increase of funds through the shared financing

system has benefited to middle and upper income families that can pay the supplementary fee

and access better schools. At the same time, it has reinforced polarization between high and low

income families (Taylor, 2002).


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iii. Quality differs in relation with different type of school and socio-economic groups.

The Sistema de Medición de la Calidad de la Educación (SIMCE) is a national system

implemented in 1998 to measure educational performance (Garcia-Huidobro, 2000). In

general, the results at the SIMCE shows that municipal schools do not perform as well as

subsidised and full private schools (Matear, 2007). The reasons are multiple. Private schools

benefit from greater financial resources as they typically charge more (Taylor, 2003). The fees

provide the opportunity for increased human and capital resources and the selective admissions

policies screen the best children (Matear, 2006). Furthermore, “private schools tend to avoid

having a high number of low-income children because they cost more to teach” (Garcia-

Huidobro, 2000: 175). Private schools have the best teachers in the country, adequate facilities,

and internationally prepared instructional materials (Schiefelbein, 2000).

The educational system is stratified for the following reasons; admission policies refuse entry to

many disadvantaged children and most low-income families cannot afford top-up tuition fees

and the cost of uniforms. As a result, poorest children go to the lowest achieving schools whereas

the richest children dominate the highest achieving schools (Taylor, 2003). In municipal

primary and secondary schools, respectively 80.9% and 72.1% of students come from the

lowest-five income deciles (Matear, 2006: 39).

Matear (2007) combined data on socio-economic background and types of school attended to

demonstrate that socio-economic characteristics of students have a greater role on school

performance than the type of school attended. Poorer students have more difficulties in schools;

they have greater dropout and repetition rate (Delannoy, 2000). This means that public schools

do not perform as well not because of their structure but because their students come mostly

from poorer quintiles. In fact, at similar quintiles, poor students succeed better in public schools

(Matear, 2007).

.


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iv. Consequences: primary and secondary schools are segmented by socio-economic groups and worsen prospect of reducing income inequality.

Poorer students remain confined in municipal schools, which have less means of providing a

good quality education. Having less financial and human resources, accepting children from all

background, municipal schools do not operate in conditions as favourable as in private schools.

In addition, they do not enjoy positive peer effects. As a result, the Chilean education system

remains socially stratified and students from middle and upper income groups benefit

excessively from the best educational provision and in Chile whilst poorer students lag behind.

In Chile, it seems that the more money one has the better education one is likely to receive.

The unequal access to quality education at primary and secondary levels contributes to

inequalities in higher education.

c. Higher education as a means of reproducing inequalities

i. Particular importance of higher education in Chile

In Chile, the returns of education are very different than elsewhere. In Europe, primary

education has a higher return rate than tertiary studies. In Chile, primary and secondary

education does not really impact on income. However, incomes are greatly impacted by higher

education (Beyer, 2000; OECD, 2004). As a result, returns of higher education are important in

Chile where an additional year of higher education has a marginal effect on salaries of 22%. A

citizen with higher education earns 1.5 times more than a person with basic education in

Europe and 5.5 times more in Chile (Beyer, 2000: 98).


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ii. The roots of the dual higher education structure: difference of quality in primary and secondary education

The unequal provision of quality at primary and secondary levels is detrimental for the

preparedness of students in municipal and private subsidised schools to enter universities. This is

especially true for accessing universities of the Consejo de Rectores, which are the most sought-

after institutions (Matear, 2006). For example, over 70% of the students attending the private

Pontificia Universidad Catolica and 51% from the national state university Universidad de

Chile (the two best Chilean universities) respectively went to fully private schools (ibid.: 40). As

students from richer quintiles receive better quality education they achieve better results at the

university entry exam (Prueba de Selección Universitaria – PSU). As a result, they get accepted

in the best universities (OECD, 2004). When students do not score well enough at the PSU, they

can go to a new private university, a private professional institute or a centre of technical

formation, which are not free and which do not allow for governments grants and loans.

iii. Influence of financial resources

In Chile, there are 25 ‘traditional universities’ also called universities of the ‘Consejo de

Rectores’ (Council of University Presidents) (Matear, 2006). From 1982, students attending one

of these universities were entitled to receive financial help from the government. In 2003,

financial help was given to 43.51% of total students (MINEDUC, 2004: 84). Student loans were

not given to students attending other universities, professional institutes and technical centres,

leaving more than half of them without any government help to finance their studies. This is a

significant problem as students receiving this type of higher education come largely from lower

income groups (Matear, 2006). As poorer students received lower scores at the PSU exam,

professional institutes and centres of technical training often remain their only option to get

higher education. However, their access tends to be restricted by a lack of sufficient financial

resources.


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Indirect public funding is given to universities that recruit the highest scoring students in the

PSU exam. To attract the best students, universities provide them with grants, concession in fees

and other benefits. However, the best performing group, towards which the highest amount of

money is given, consists of 60% of students from private schools (ibid.: 44). As a result, the

structure of the institutional funding increases the polarisation of the educational system for two

reasons. To start with, the institutional funding gives a clear disincentive to “promote equitable

access to socially disadvantaged students” as encouraging universities to select the best students

is akin to encouraging them to select the most privileged students (ibid). Secondly, privileged

students who studied in the most expensive schools benefit from extra financial support while

poorer students are the ones who would need it the most.

iv. Impact on inequalities

To conclude, many students are excluded from higher education due to poor scores at the

entrance examination test and poor quality of their secondary schooling. In addition, financial

resources are another major factor that restricts access of low-income groups to higher

education. The Chilean higher education system is highly stratified and those who have greater

financial resources are those who receive the best higher education. Higher education is

“reached by 60% of the rich but less than 10% of the poorest” (Delannoy, 2000: 43). This

reinforces inequalities considering the high returns rate on higher education (Beyer, 2000).


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d. Conclusions

i. The Chilean educational system reinforces inequalities

Source: author’s illustration

Economic disparities form unequal societies

Different access of pre-school education depending on socio-economic background: richer children are better prepared than poor children

Unequal ECE and access to better schools for richer children lead to differentiated access to quality education between quintiles at the primary and secondary levels

Students from higher quintiles have higher income as they have jobs with enhanced skills

Richer students are dominant in universities as they had better quality of education at secondary level and have more financial resources

As they had better higher education, students from higher quintiles have better job opportunities which require more skills


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ii. Poverty trap

The Chilean educational system does not seem to favour any social mobility. The current

framework of education within the unequal Chilean society seems to tighten the poverty trap.

Poorer people appear prevented from accessing a sufficient level of quality education to access

higher positions and better earnings. A vicious cycle is created whereby richer quintiles assure

their domination over the system.

iii. Education, poverty and development

Improving the access of quality education to all categories of the Chilean population could have

benefits for economic growth and development. Several studies (Kagia, 2006; MacMahon,

2000; World Bank, 2006d) suggest a link between education and economic growth. A more

educated population may improve quality of labour force which in turn can lead to better

innovation, increase of productivity, new technology and economic growth (UNESCO, 2005).

Furthermore, skills gained through education can improve the capacity of Chile to compete in

the globalised market (Kagia, 2006). Education also provides non-economic outcomes such as

improvement in health, human rights, sustainable environment, peace, stability and democracy,

which all contribute to better livelihood and development (McMahon, 2000; Haveman &

Wolfe, 1984; World Bank, 2006d). Development of education and reduction of economic

disparities could lead to the creation of a middle class with enhanced applicable capabilities and

knowledge. The Chilean population would then have better chances to take part in the

democratic process, which is essential to strengthen democracy and avoid the concentration of

power in the hands of a few. Through this democratic process and the acquisition of knowledge,

people could gain influence, raise their voice and political power to express their desire to live in

a more equal society (World Bank, 2006d). To conclude, reforming the educational system to

address economic inequalities seems central for Chile in order to continue its development

process. In order to help achieve this, Chile could look at the functioning of another system to


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get inspired. The educational system of France will now be examined. The features of the

current French system as well as the main reforms undertaken to reduce the impact of

inequalities will be detailed.


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3. The French educational system and its reforms to

address inequalities

a. The main features of the current French educational organisation: a system very different from the Chilean structure

Figure 2: graph of the French educational system


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i. Administrative organisation

The French education system is highly centralised (Thélot & Vallet, 2000). The state is

dominant and in charge of recruiting, training and remunerating teachers as well as most of the

administrative staff in schools. The French government organises teaching programmes through

the National Curriculum, defines and delivers diplomas, allocates resources and controls

educational policies (MENESR, 2005). The French administrative organisation is very different

from the Chilean system, which is much more decentralised.

The French education system is divided into four distinct levels: ‘école maternelle’

(kindergarten), ‘école primaire’ or primary school, ‘collège’ (lower secondary school) and “lycée”

(upper secondary school). There are also technical/vocational options in both lower and upper

secondary schools for students who do not perform well with the standard teaching.

Compared with Chile, private education remains marginal in France as only 17% of students

attend private institutions (Troger, & Ruano-Borbalan, 2005: 8). Chileans private schools have

more freedom and autonomy whereas French ones are much more controlled. In France,

private schools are essentially catholic establishments. Moreover, 97.4% of students in the

private sector go to schools, which are under contract with the government meaning that the

French government keeps relatively tight control over private schools (Duru-Bellat & Merle,

1997: 4). The finances of these private institutions are examined by the State, who imposes the

same curricula as in public schools and pays teachers (AFAE, 2005).

ii. Duration of studies, enrolment and coverage rates.

In France, instruction is compulsory between the ages of 6 and 16. The ‘école maternelle’ is not

obligatory but almost 100% of children between 3 and 6 receive three years of pre-elementary

education (OECD, 2006: 328). The coverage in primary school is also universal and lasts for 5

years. In 2004, around 93% of students achieved ‘collège’ while 70% of students accessed the


Page 23 of 45

level of the ‘baccalauréat’ at the end of secondary school (MENESR, 2005: 58). The ‘collège’ is

divided into four years and students take a final exam at the end. Pupils who continue to the

‘lycée’ will be prepared for the baccalauréat, the final examination where upon success opens

the doors of higher education. In 2004, the enrolment rate in higher education was around 50%

and students were twice more likely to receive post-secondary education as they were in 1984

(ibid.: 14).

iii. Funding

The main source of funding comes from the French government. In 2005, 6.9% of the GDP

was invested in the educational system (MENESR, 2006: 13). Around 85% of the total amount

came from the centralized government and local administrative institutions (Education &

Formations, 2003: 178). Chile and France invest a similar percentage of their GDP towards the

development of their educational system. However, the above figures concerning the

contribution of the public sector contrast with figures in Chile where half of the funds invested

in the educational system are private.

b. The main reforms to address inequalities in France

i. Pre-school education

There is a long tradition of early education in France where almost 100% of children from 3 to

6 go to “école maternelle’ (OECD, 2006: 328). In the 19th Century, “salles d’asile” were created

to take care of children from poor families aged between 2 and 7. In 1880, the “salles d’asile”

were incorporated into the formal primary level of teaching and called “école maternelle”

(Bouysse, 2006). For a long time, “école maternelle” remained an urban structure for

disadvantaged children. While the enrolment rate increased in the 1960s, universality of ECE

took off when a law in 1975 proclaimed the access to pre-school education to all children in


Page 24 of 45

France from age 3 as a right (MENESR, 2004). Early Childhood Education (ECE) is one the

most original creations of the French educational system as it is the only structure in the world

which is free, ‘laic’4, has teachers and inspectors with the same competence as in primary

school, is regulated by the Ministry of Education and has a national curriculum (Bouysse, 2006).

Different reforms made “école maternelle” as a real school which prepares children to primary

school through the provision of skills related for example to communication, reading and

writing (ibid.). France has focused on the special needs of disadvantaged children by developing

ECE at the age of 2 in the Educational Priority Zones (ZEPs)5 (Laronche, 2006).

ii. Jules Ferry laws and the Haby reform: expansion of primary and secondary schooling

Between 1880 and 1882, Jules Ferry initiated the process of expanding education to all and

reducing inequalities of access (Chayette & Minassian, 2006). Instruction became free, laic and

compulsory for children between the age of 6 and 13. It was a true revolution for the system and

the Republican school was born (ibid.). Education was designed to develop citizenship by

enabling the population to have a critical opinion and to decide autonomously the direction of

their life (Troger & Ruano-Borbalan, 2005). The impact of the Ferry laws was very significant as

primary education level was massively opened up. This was especially significant for girls and

children living in rural areas. By educating more children, primary school reduced the gap

between different socio-economic classes, favoured their respective understanding and therefore

assured a certain national cohesion. Furthermore, cultural level rose in France and primary

schools became a tool of social mobility (ibid.).

For a long time, traditional lower secondary education was reserved to an elite. The system was

reformed between 1960 and 1964 in order to increase access to poorer children. The

4 Not controlled by a religious body or concerned with religious or spiritual matters. 5 Schools located in a ZEP receive additional human and financial resources due to their location in a disadvantaged neighbourhood (Maurin, 2005).


Page 25 of 45

enrolment rate increase by 66% (Troger & Ruano-Borbalan: 24) but pupils chose different

streaming depending on their socio-economic background. To address these inequalities, the

Haby Reform created the “collège unique” in 1975 to merge the different types of establishment

into one (Duru-Bellat & Kieffer, 2000). The aim of the reform was to give the same chances to

all children to access the “baccalauréat” by providing common education to everyone (Maurin,

2005). As a result, the link between social origin and diploma has decreased. Almost all pupils go

to “collège” and there has been a great progression of students from disadvantaged background

reaching the “baccalauréat” (Education & Formations, 2003).

iii. 1963: ‘la carte scolaire’

In 1963, the Minister of Education created a system of school districts (“la carte scolaire”)

(Chayette, 2006). The “carte scolaire” divided France into small zones and obligated parents to

send their children to a specific school in their neighbourhood (Maurin, 2005). Parents could

not choose the establishment of their choice and had to give a proof of address when applying

for a school. The aim of that reform was school mixing. Several studies (CERC, 2006; Duru-

Bellat, 2003; ONPES, 2004) showed that mixing students in the same class increases the average

educational performance and that heterogeneity improves results of children in difficulty while

having marginal negative effects on best students. Pupils tend to adopt the attitudes and values

of the numerically dominant group. As a result, mixing students in heterogeneous classroom is

thought to improve educational aspirations of the most socio-economically disadvantaged

students (Duru-Bellat, 2000).

iv. Higher education

Higher education is very diversified in France. Different reforms in the 19th Century resulted in

a free higher education system (AFAE, 2005).

The government finances almost all of the costs of the universities, short technical studies and


Page 26 of 45

‘classes préparatoires’ (two years course which prepare to the examination entry to the ‘Grandes

Ecoles’). There is no restriction of entry in terms of financial resources as costs are minimal and

generally non-existent for poorer children who receive grants. The French higher education

system reflects the Republican idea of equality in its lack of academic selection at university

level. Any student who possesses the baccalauréat is entitled to attend university.

v. Affirmative actions: grants, ZEPs and other initiatives

In order to help disadvantaged students remain in the education system, the French government

allocates two types of grants, both inversely proportional to parents’ income. In 2005, financial

assistance was provided to 30% of students in secondary and higher education (MENESR,

2005: 30). Students receive a monthly payment, which hinges on their parents’ earnings. In

addition, another grant based on merit is given to the best performing students who already

receive the grant on social conditions (MENESR, 2005). As a result, even grants based on merit

are targeted to students with poorer income. Being aware that richer students are often the ones

who get the best results, the French government realised the need to restrict financial aid to the

poorest groups.

In the 1980s, the French government introduced the Educational Priority Zones (ZEPs) to give

additional human and financial resources to public schools located in disadvantaged

neighbourhoods (Maurin, 2005). The ZEPs benefited from additional financial resources as well

as more teaching positions and teaching hours. The aim was to reduce inequalities between

students attending privileged schools and students attending lower quality schools located in

deprived areas and students.

Other affirmative actions were put in place in order to tackle inequalities. The Institute for

Political Studies “Sciences Po Paris”, a highly selective institute, has created a special admission

test for students who studied in a ZEP (Piketty, 2006). In addition, in 2006, the Ministry of


Page 27 of 45

Education has established a partnership with representatives of universities, “Grandes Ecoles”,

business and engineering schools, to promote higher education and careers among children in

ZEPs. In practice, students in higher education volunteer their time to go to a disadvantaged

school. The school educative team selects the best students on the basis of motivation, results

and socio-economic background. The objective is to increase their culture and ameliorate their

methods of study. Moreover, the key element of the partnership is to make them aware of the

options available concerning long studies, higher education and occupations, as these students

typically lack this knowledge (Institut Montaigne, 2006). Organisations helping this type of

cooperation, such as ‘Preparemois’ (http://www.preparemois.fr/), are becoming increasingly

frequent.

France provides various examples of reforms aimed at reducing inequalities. Any model

generates knowledge. Even though a model possesses numerous difficulties, the acquaintance of

these weaknesses is valuable. As a result, the next section will provide strong points of the

French system that could be used in Chile but also weak points Chile could learn from in order

to avoid reproducing the same mistakes.


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4. Analysis and findings: cautions, recommendations and

conclusions

a. Main weaknesses of the French system which Chile should give consideration

i. Option choices, early streaming and inequalities

The various processes of streaming represent one of the flaws of the French educational system

(MENESR, 2005; Duru-Bellat, 2003 Duru-Bellat & Kieffer, 2001, Education & Formations,

2003). Although quantitative democratization of education occurred in France, there is now a

differentiation by option choices (Duru-Bellat, 2000). The professional future of French students

is determined by the choices made throughout their schooling years. Streaming starts in lower

secondary education and continues each year until higher education (MENESR, 2005). “There

is a strong link between the type of baccalauréat you obtain and which tertiary study you can

follow” (Duru-Bellat, 2000: 35). By choosing certain foreign languages, technical or general

section, scientific or literature studies, students can influence the type of higher education they

will eventually follow. The problem is that strategies concerning schools are affected by people’s

socio-economic origins. For example, students from upper class families will choose Latin at the

start of “lycée” in order to increase their chances to take the scientific baccalauréat which will

open the most prestigious tertiary education. On the opposite side, with similar results, working

class students tend to go more towards technical/professional options, which close certain

options in higher education.

To promote equality, it seems essential to postpone irremediable decisions and limit the

influence of families. This shows that if Chile manages to equalize the provision of quality

education for all students, it seems necessary to have an educational system with a long period of


Page 29 of 45

identical provision for all before introducing any form of selection. “Entirely uniform

organizational arrangements do appear to be indeed socially less selective” (Duru-Bellat, 2003:

74).

ii. ZEPs

In the case of Educational Priority Zones, it seems more likely that France could learn from

Chile rather than the opposite. The results of the ZEP policy are mixed and while few studies

(Caille, 2001) explain that students in ZEPs have a better progression throughout the “college”,

numerous publications (Maurin, 2005; Benabou et al., 2004) conclude there are no significant

effects on the achievement of students in ZEPs. As mentioned in the first part of this paper, the

Chilean government has targeted its educational policies and programmes towards the most

disadvantaged population. Results highlighting the successes of these programmes (Garcia-

Huidobro, 2000; Arellano, 2001) are not disputed as they are in France. In addition,

Educational Priority Zones have been implemented in a specific context of great territorial

inequalities, partly linked to the waves of immigration post-WW2. For both reasons, the ZEP

policy does not seem transferable to the case of Chile.

iii. Persistence of social inequalities between different social classes

In the French system, educational outcomes seem to be less correlated to economics as they are

in Chile. However, there are social inequalities between students from distinct social

background. Almost all studies (Duru-Bellat, 2003; Thélot & Vallet, 2000; Duru-Bellat &

Kieffer, 2000; Education et formation, 2003; MENESR, 2005) related to the analysis of the

French educational system explain that there has been a quantitative democratization of

education in France but not a qualitative one. Depending on their social class, children benefit

from different social and cultural capital. Upper class pupils have parents who seem to know the

educational system very well and who have access to information relative to the best option

choices. In addition, they have more qualifications and are more able to help their children. On


Page 30 of 45

the contrary, disadvantaged children tend to lack cultural and social capital and their familial

structure and living conditions (sharing bedroom, no heating, noise etc) are detrimental to their

chances of educational success. As a result, working class children leave school earlier, repeat

more class, choose less ambitious subjects and have weaker perspectives of employment and

salaries (CERC, 2004).

This shows that even though the link between education and economic disparities is weakened

in France, there is a concern over social inequalities. This problem could be encountered by

Chile where social inequalities could deepen as economic disparities decrease. The case of

France is very useful in order to gain the knowledge that social inequalities need to be watched

out. Unfortunately, the country has not managed to solve the problem and therefore does not

offer a model of policies that might be applicable in Chile.

b. The key strengths of the French system that could be transferable

i. Grants and voucher inversely to family income

The grants system in France could inspire Chile to reform its voucher system. The Chilean

government could provide more financial resources to poorer students. As students from lower

quintiles tend to be regrouped in similar municipal schools, an income related voucher would

bring more money to these schools. Besides, the poorest students could access better quality

schools with a voucher system inversely proportional to parents’ income. It is likely that private

schools would be more interested in accepting disadvantaged students as this would increase

their financial resources. This would “compensate for the higher challenge of educating poor

students” (Gonzalez et al., 2004: 19). The new voucher system could have benefits in term of

peer effects and improve the educational outcomes of disadvantaged pupils. In addition, Chile

could allocate grants based on parents’ income and merit. These grants could motivate students

from poorer quintiles to obtain better results.


Page 31 of 45

ii. School mix and control over ‘choice’

“Segregation between schools is less distinct in countries that have maintained rational

regulations to limit school autonomy and/or parental choice” (Duru-Bellat, 2003: 78). Social

mixing seems required in Chile. School mix would help increase schooling performance and

reduce inequalities between socio-economic groups. Moreover, the society as a whole could

benefit from social mixing as people from distinct milieu could understand each other better

(Hébrard, 2002).

The French system is not without problems and some schools in deprived areas only receive one

category of students. This highlights the need for Chile to realise a comprehensive study of town

planning in order to avoid this type of situation.

However, after a personal experience in the country, meeting and talking with different groups

of people from different backgrounds, it seems very difficult to suggest the replacement of the

voucher system by a school district system such as ‘la carte scolaire’. For decades, parents have

been able to choose and those benefiting from the current system would probably exercise their

dominance, power and influence to prevent such a reform.

iii. Higher education

French post-secondary education provides ideas to Chile in terms of access and finance as the

entry to higher education in France does not depend on financial resources or academic

excellence. The only main segregation of the French system relates to the access to the ‘Grandes

Ecoles’ (Albouy & Wanecq, 2003). However, this system does not exist in Chile and as a result

would not represent a potential threat. One of the solutions could be an increase of public

spending on higher education in order to reduce fees and/or increase financial help to all

tertiary institutions. This would reduce the influence of monetary factors and would therefore

benefit to poorer students. Although this recommendation seems difficult to implement in a

upper-middle-income economy, the Chilean government could study this possibility and


Page 32 of 45

attempt to find a financing scheme.

In addition, Chile could implement a proposal similar to the one related to affirmative action in

Science Po Paris. This could increase the access of under-privileged children to higher

education.

iv. Affirmative actions

Although Chile has showed competencies in using affirmative actions to fight against

inequalities, France offers some good examples that might be transferable. Chile could get

inspiration from “Sciences Po Paris” and implement a differentiated university admission test

for schools receiving the most disadvantaged population. The idea is to widen the access to

universities to poorer students. This policy would favour social mixing in higher education and

make students from disadvantaged socio-economic background realise that quality higher

education is possible. On the other side, new quintiles might be attracted to the municipal

secondary schools participating in the programme, increasing meanwhile social mixing and peer

effect.

c. Conclusions and potential for further research

i. The importance of taking into account the labour market

Structure of employment and needs of labour market are different in each country. One of the

major roles of education is the insertion on the labour market. For that reason, all decisions on

any reforms need to take into account the specificities and requirements of the labour market

(whether the economy needs many university graduates, people with a technical formation and

experience gained during their studies etc). Changes in the educational structure might induce


Page 33 of 45

devaluation of qualifications if the capacity of the economy to absorb jobs is limited (Duru-

Bellat, 2003). In addition, there is a need for technicians and qualified workers in Chile (Miguel,

2006; Bitar, 2003). As a result, the development of high quality technical studies and the effect

on reduction of economic disparities could represent a potential for further research.

ii. Societal problems and the need to implement comprehensive social policy

The analysis of the French educational system has linked problems in schools with societal

problems. In France, it seems that a lack of money is not the main reason explaining difficulties

in schools. Nowadays, problems seem to come from differentiated motivation and help in

children’s home. The child of a single mother who is not receiving great care and attention do

not tend to have the same rate of success. Moreover, a child with parents who are not very

educated cannot receive the same level of help. As a result, it seems important to implement

global social policy to support changes taking place in schools. For example, educative

programmes for adults and the reduction of social segregation in the residential environment

could be considered (Duru-Bellat, 2003). Here lies another potential for researchers; an analysis

of the needs for complementary social policies required in order to improve the effect of

education on income disparities in Chile.

iii. Transferability of policies and the role of model

“It is always a treacherous business to draw general lessons from the experiences of particular

countries” (Sheahan, 1997: 8). It seems also important to note here that one policy whose effects

are viewed as positive in one context may prove to be far less constructive in another because of

interactions with other policies (Duru-Bellat, 2003).

To conclude examining whether France could be used as a model for the Chilean educational

reform to reduce economic disparity has value because the findings help identify the positive

and negative aspects of a system and may help clarify alternatives for Chile. However, although


Page 34 of 45

much can be learnt from the French example, it does not signify that the country can be

considered entirely as an imitable model. While international comparisons are valuable, they

cannot claim for the universality of any one path and Chile needs to take into account its

particular specificities and the need to shape its own reforms.


Page 35 of 45

CONCLUSION

Although Chile has achieved great performances in terms of economic growth and poverty

reduction, ‘the Latin tiger’ remains a highly unequal society. Wealth is unevenly distributed and

great economic disparities subsist within the population. Education has several positive impacts

on economic and non-economic outcomes. There seems to be a significant link between

education, economic growth, reduction of inequalities and development. Thus, the reform of its

educational system could help Chile to pursue further its socio-economic development.

After going through a radical restructuring through top-down market-oriented reforms under

the Pinochet dictatorship, decentralisation, privatisation and the voucher system became the

main specificities of education in Chile. At the end of the 1980s, quality of education had not

improved as a whole and had worsened for the poorest. Although caught between the

continuation of a market-oriented system and the desire of a more equal structure, the

successive democratic governments implemented various reforms, often centred on affirmative

actions, to bring in quality and equity in the educational system. While these reforms had some

successes, the current Chilean education system still reinforces the unequal structure of the

society. A dual system is operating throughout the various educational levels from the access of

pre-school education until higher education. The current Chilean educational structure seems

to prevent disadvantaged population from drawing near labour market opportunities and

potential earnings expected by privileged students. The voucher and shared financing systems

regroup poorer children in under-performing schools where they receive lower quality

education. This difference of quality received by socio-economic groups results in inferior results

at the university entry examination for deprived students. Due to poor results, the access of

disadvantaged children to the 25 traditional universities, which are entitled to financial help

from the government, is greatly limited. In addition, accessing other tertiary institutions, which

do not allow for government monetary help, is often impossible for poorer students who lack

financial resources. As a result, richer students receive the best education and at the same time


Page 36 of 45

the greatest job opportunities and perspective of earnings considering the high returns rate of

higher education in Chile. On the other side, disadvantaged students remain caught in a

poverty trap whereby school does not permit their economic and social mobility.

It is especially valuable to note that the French case provides examples of where Chile should

take cautions in their reforms. Option choices and early streaming reinforce inequalities and

Chile should favour a long period of identical provision to avoid that better informed richer

families take advantage of the system. In addition, France has shown the risk of economic

disparities being replaced by social inequalities, whereby the unequal possession of cultural and

social capital induces segregation between students. On the other side, the French system shows

four key strengths that might be transferable. Chile might directly benefit from implementing a

voucher system inversely proportional to parents’ income, reducing financial barriers to higher

education, favouring social mixing and using certain affirmative actions to favour the access of

disadvantaged children to tertiary studies.

To conclude, the analysis of the French educational system, including its current features and

the various reforms implemented to reduce inequalities, proves very relevant both in its

strengths and weaknesses from which Chile can learn.


Page 37 of 45


Page 38 of 45

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france as a model for chilean educational reform to reduce economic disparity

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