The Die-Hards: An Exploratory Study of the Process of Becoming a Highly Identified Sports Fan

Blake KosciowDepartment of Sociology and Anthropology

George Mason University

2

Throughout the years, sports have become a big part of American culture. It is one of the

most popular forms of leisure and entertainment among the people in our society. Today, there

are multiple television channels, radio stations, magazines, newspapers, and websites that

broadcast and analyze games, along with spreading news on sports. Collegiate and professional

sports receive the most media attention, and their popularity seems to grow every year. Events

such as the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s March Madness and the National Football

League’s Super Bowl have become extremely popular nation-wide and receive massive amounts

of media attention. Many people have adopted these sports into their lives so much that sports

fans are considered a subculture of our society. A sports fan is someone who finds enjoyment in

watching sports and identifying with a certain sport, team, or athlete. Some fans, often called

“die-hard” fans, take this hobby to the extreme and incorporate it as a big part of their life and

personal identity. Though existing empirical research has effectively shown why people become

sports fans and how to distinguish highly identified from lower identified fans, the gap that exists

is that the process of becoming a sports fan has yet to be discovered. Fans have different reasons

for becoming a fan, so there must be different ways for one to become a highly identified fan. I

will fill this gap by conducting qualitative interviews with people who are highly identified

sports fans in order to discover the process people go through that results in becoming a highly

identified fan. In this paper I will describe the main findings and methodologies used in the

research done thus far and describe the research design I intend to incorporate in my research.

3

Theoretical Explanations

Theories that specifically explain the reasons for the behaviors of sports fans have yet to

be constructed. However, there are several theories that have been used to explain certain aspects

of sports fandom. These theories include interaction ritual (IR) theory (Cottingham 2012),

balance theory (Fink et al 2002), social identity theory (Dietz-Uhler et al 2000), and Stebbins’

theory on serious leisure (Gibson et al 2002). Interaction ritual theory “conceptualized emotion

as a socially emergent (rather than socially constrained) positive energy” (Cottingham 2012:

170). In the context of sports fandom, the interaction ritual theory is used to explain the positive

energy that comes out of being a sports fan. The social identity theory holds that “people gain a

sense of who they are and derive much of their self-esteem from their memberships in social

groups and categories” (Dietz-Uhler et al 2000: 226). It is used to explain the reasons for the

vicarious achievement and identity construction that result from sports fandom. Fink et al (2002)

uses Heider’s (1958) balance theory to explain the high levels of vicarious achievement

experienced by sports fans. The balance theory “suggests that an association with a positive other

will make us appear more positive too” (Fink et al 2002: 203). Gibson’s (2002) study used

Stebbins’ (1979; 1982; 1992; 2001) concept of serious leisure to explain sports fans’ behaviors.

The theory on serious leisure is defined as “the systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist, or

volunteer activity that is sufficiently substantial and interesting for the participant to find a career

there in the acquisition and expression of its special skills and knowledge” (Stebbins 1992: 3 c.f.

Gibson et al 2002: 399). The theory on serious leisure can be used to explain the various

behaviors used to classify highly identified sports fans.

4

Empirical Findings: Reasons for Becoming a Sports Fan

Vicarious Achievement

One of the most important aspects and strongest determinants of sports fandom is

vicarious achievement. Vicarious achievement is defined as “the sense of self-esteem that one

derives by being a part of a successful group/organization/team” (Fink et al 2002: 198). It gives

fans a sense of accomplishment especially when a team is successful. Fans celebrate the team’s

achievements as if they are part of the team (Fink et al 2002; Wann et al 1996, Wann et al 2001).

Fink (et al 2002) suggests that vicarious achievement is so strongly related to sports fandom

because people like to inform others of their personal achievements, but when they do not have

anything personal to share, sports fandom fills the gap by allowing them to talk about teams they

identify with and their success. Wann et al (1996) found that team success was the top reason for

team identification, as it was the highest occurring reason listed in the survey. He also found that

the team no longer being successful was the top reason for fans to stop supporting a team (Wann

et al 1996). In 2001, Wann conducted further research on the topic, finding that intrinsic

motivation was most common in highly identified fans and feelings of self-esteem resulting from

team success was the most prominent reason for team identification (Wann et al 2001).

Group Identity and Social Interaction

The need to be part of a group or community is another reason for sports fan

identification. Members of groups gain positive emotional energy from each other and the team

they identify with. Fans often use symbols, or the team logo, to show their membership in the

fandom group. Attending games causes high feelings of solidarity because people are surrounded

by other fans and the excitement is high, and they wear the symbols outside of sports settings to

represent the collective meaning and excitement within the group (Cottingham 2012; Derbaix

5

and Decrop (2011; Wann et al 1996; Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Derbaix and Decrop (2011)

observed this same solidarity in their research, finding that fans develop and maintain

relationships with others through fandom and game attendance. They participate in sports fan

activities so that they can make connections with other people. Derbaix and Decrop (2011)

explain that sports fandom contains a great deal of socialization form the processes of creating

and maintaining these groups of fans and engaging in different fan activities together, such as

tailgating (Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Wann (et al 1996) found that almost nine percent, one of

the total top responses, of the total sample were sports fans because they had friends and peers

who were also fans and enjoyed being part of the fan group (Wann et al 1996). Similarly, Dietz-

Uhler et al (2000) found that the social aspect of fandom was one of the top reasons for being a

sports fan. Enjoyment in cheering with the group and watching games with family and friends

were among the top reasons for being a sports fan at eleven and seven percent of the total sample

(Dietz-Uhler et al 2000).

Aesthetics

Some sports fans identify with teams because they like style of how the team plays or

they like the team colors or symbols (Fink et al 2002; Wann et al 1996). This is referred to as

aesthetics. Fink (et al 2002) defines aesthetics in the context of sports fandom as “the artistic

appreciation of the sport due to its inherent beauty” (Fink et al 2002: 198). Fink et al (2002)

found that aesthetics was the second most common reason for identifying with a sports team. She

suggests that there is a strong correlation between aesthetics and team identification because fans

often admire certain players and their style of play. She explains, “results suggest that as artistic

appreciation increases, so does a spectator’s level of identification” (Fink et al 2002: 204). It can

also be that they like a certain team’s style of play, for example, a fan of the NFL team the

6

Buffalo Bills could like them because of their offensive strategy (Fink et al 2002). Wann et al

(1996) also found that aesthetics was a top reason for team identification. Liking certain players

and their style of play accounted for over thirteen percent of the total responses. Liking the

team’s style of play and their uniforms, colors, name, mascot, or logo were also popular reasons

for liking a team (Wann et al 1996).

Excitement and Escape

Sports fans also identify with teams because it provides excitement and emotional arousal

(Fink et al 2002; Eastman and Riggs 1994; Gibson et al 2002). Fink et al (2002) describes this

with the terms drama and escape. Drama is “the need to experience pleasurable stress or

stimulation gained from the drama of the event” and escape is “the need to find a diversion from

work and the normal, unexciting activity of everyday life” (Fink et al 2002: 198). Fink (et al

2002) found that drama was the third most common reason for liking a sports team. Eastman and

Riggs (1994) also found that fans experience high excitement while watching their team play.

Participants described the emotions that they experience during a game, and feelings of an

“emotional high” that lasted even after the game were reported (Eastman and Riggs 1994: 265).

Some also explained that they enjoy watching games because it is a stress-reliever (Eastman and

Riggs 1994). Similarly, Gibson et al (2002) conducted interviews with sports fans and reported

that all fans interviewed said that being a sports fan is special and it evokes strong feelings of

joy. Participating in fan activities such as tailgating or attending a game serves as quality time for

fans and adds a sense of meaning to their lives. Many fans reported feeling very excited and

happy whenever they participate in fan activities (Gibson et al 2002).

7

Empirical Findings: Characteristics of Highly Identified Fans

Performing Rituals

Highly identified sports fans conduct and partake in rituals to show that they are part of

the fandom and separate themselves from outsiders (Cottingham 2012; Eastman and Riggs

1994). Rituals are done both in groups and by oneself. Cottingham (2012) observed group rituals

among fans of the NFL team the Pittsburg Steelers. These include attending games, tailgating, or

going to sports bars. In these settings, fans show their team support by wearing the team colors,

cheering when the team did well, and booing when they performed poorly. It is really important

for fans to outwardly show their support for the team and separate themselves from fair-weather

or non-fans. Eastman and Riggs (1994) also observed fan rituals and found that their purpose is

to show membership, participation, connection, and reassurance. Similar to Cottingham (2012),

Eastman and Riggs (1994) found that fans partake in rituals to show their membership in the fan

group and to gain social acceptance. Wearing fan apparel, such as t-shirts or jerseys, is a ritual

that reinforces group membership. Rituals of participation serve the purpose of allowing the fan

to feel like he or she influences the success of the team. It makes them feel as if they are part of

the event. Fans also use rituals to feel connected to the team and to other fans. Reassurance is a

reason why fans partake in rituals because they are so emotionally attached to a team that their

success can determine their mood. An example of this is when fans have superstitious rituals

they perform to assure themselves that their team will win (Eastman and Riggs 1994).

Identity Construction

Highly identified sports fans will use their fandom to construct their own identity

(Derbaix and Decrop 2011; Gibson et al 2002). Fandom becomes part of sports fans’ personal

identity. He found that fans most often do this by showing a preference for the team’s colors.

8

They wear the team colors and refuse to wear other colors as a way to set themselves apart as a

fan. Some people are fans because their family members are also fans, which results in

incorporating the fandom into family and individual identity. The city the team comes from can

also play a role in identity construction if the fan comes from the same area. It is a way for them

to represent where they come from (Derbaix and Decrop 2011). Gibson et al (2002) also found

that fandom plays a big role in fans’ identity construction. It is really common for serious fans to

own and wear a lot of fan clothing and other memorabilia. Fans find any way to incorporate their

fandom into their personal lives. For example, many people Gibson et al (2002) interviewed said

that they wear fan apparel at any chance they get, decorate their cars and homes with fan

memorabilia, and even name their pets after the team’s mascot. Interviewees also shared that

they include their fandom when introducing themselves to new people, and they enjoyed being

known as a big fan of their team to others (Gibson et al 2002).

Knowledge

Research has shown that knowledge on a sport or team is a necessary component in being

classified as a serious fan (Gibson et al 2002; Fink et al 2002; Wann and Branscombe 1993).

Fink et al (2002) suggests that “the more an individual knows about a team, players, and

coaches, the more connected the individual would be with the team” (Fink et al 2002: 199).

Though acquisition of knowledge is not a prominent reason for people to become sports fans, it

is a motive that can be used to predict the level of identification among fans (Fink et al 2002).

Gibson et al (2002) supports the claim that “Stebbins (1982) suggested that long time experience

in a role, coupled with personal effort and attaining knowledge and skills in a chosen pursuit,

distinguishes serious leisure from casual leisure” (Stebbins 1982 c.f. Gibson et al 2002: 411).

Results showed that being knowledgeable about a team was a distinguishing factor among highly

9

identified fans, and that they used it to separate themselves from other fans (Gibson et al 2002).

and Branscombe (1993) also found correlates between team allegiance and knowledge of a team.

He states “due to the increased involvement and exposure to the team that the highly identified

fans reported in this research, it appears reasonable to expect that persons high in identification

will be in fact the most knowledgeable fans – or at least for their preferred team” (Wann and

Branscombe 1993: 10).

Loyalty

Loyalty is a strong indicator of high team identification (Gibson et al 2002; Ware and

Kowalski 2012. Gibson et al (2002) found that perseverance was very important to highly

identified fans. This means that these fans stayed loyal to their preferred team whether or not the

team performed well. Not doing so is considered being a fair-weather fan, a type of fan that is

looked down upon by highly identified fans. The highly identified fans would use their strong

perseverance and loyalty to distinguish themselves from these fair-weather fans (Gibson et al

2002). Ware (2012) measured fan loyalty using the concepts of BIRGing and CORFing, which

stand for Basking in Reflected Glory and Cutting Off Reflected Failure. “BIRGing behavior

among sports fans involves publicly displaying one’s association with a successful team to

enhance one’s social image and self-evaluation” (Cialdini et al 1976; Cialdini & Richardson,

1980; Cialdini & DeNicholas, 1989 c.f. Ware and Kowalski 2012: 225). On the other hand,

“CORFing behavior occurs when fans decrease their association with an unsuccessful team to

protect their social image and self evaluation (Snyder et al 1986 c.f. Ware and Kowalski 2012:

225). Through research it was found that highly identified fans were more likely to BIRG and

less likely to CORF than fair-weather fans (Ware and Kowalski 2012).

10

Methodological Approaches

Survey

The most common method used among these empirical studies was a survey design. Fink

et al (2002), Dietz-Uhler (2000), Wann and Branscombe (1993), Wann et al (2001), Wann et al

(1996), and Ware and Kowalski (2012) all used a questionnaire format in their surveys. Fink et al

(2002) distributed five hundred surveys at an intercollegiate basketball game. The surveys were

given out at various entrances of the game to create a random sample. The questionnaire was

constructed with questions to be answered by indicating a number from a scale of "Strongly

Disagree" (1) to "Strongly Agree" (7) (Fink et al 2002). Dietz-Uhler et al (2000) had 76

undergraduate students complete a survey as extra credit for a class. It included a questionnaire

where participants answered questions by indicating a number on a scale that ranged from one to

eight, as well as open ended questions where respondents wrote their own answers (Dietz-Uhler

et al 2000). Wann and Branscombe (1993) distributed surveys to 75 male and 113 female

undergraduates which contained a seven item questionnaire. The questions were answered by

indicating a number on a scale of one to eight. Wann et al (2001) used the same questionnaire

format given to 45 male and 43 female college students and the responses were indicated on the

same eight-point scale where 1 represented “this is not at all descriptive of me” and 8

represented “this is very descriptive of me” (Wann et al 2001). Wann et al (1996) surveyed 44

male and 47 female undergraduate psychology students with a five page questionnaire packet. It

consisted of five questions where respondents were given a page to list their responses for each

question (Wann et al 1996). Ware and Kowalski (2012) had 273 students at a Bowl

Championship Series (BCS) university complete a survey of over 500 items. The questionnaire

11

included questions to be responded with a number on a five point scale as well as open ended

questions (Ware and Kowalski 2012).

Many of these survey designs have used the same or similar measures. Fink et al (2002),

Dietz-Uhler (2000), Wann and Branscombe (1993), Wann et al (2001), and Wann et al (1996) all

used the Sports Spectator Identification Scale. Though using previous measures increases

reliability, it can limit research. Focusing on the same measures prevents from finding ones that

have yet to be discovered.

Interview

Gibson et al (2002) conducted interviews with sixteen white males and four white

females about their fandom of the University of Florida Gators football team. This interview

portion is part of a long term study, so participants were selected randomly from the group of

181 participants of the initial study. Letters were sent out to these participants inviting them to

participate in an interview. The interviews consisted of various questions asking about fan

behaviors and lasted for twenty to sixty minutes (Gibson et al 2002).

Participant Observation

Cottingham (2012) used formal observation and participation at Pittsburg Steelers

football games at Heinz Field, tailgates in the parking lot before the games, and two sports bars

showing Steelers games on television to observe the ritualistic behaviors of sports fans.

Cottingham (2012) selected a Steelers fan to be the informant who introduced her to a group of

8-10 Steelers fans who she went to tailgates and sports bars with. Observations were noted and

transferred to a computer for analysis (Cottingham 2012).

12

Mixed Methods

Derbaix and Decrop (2011) used both interviews and participant observation to

understand why sports fans wear their team colors and what influence it has on their identities.

Ten Belgian, French, and Spanish football clubs were selected and thirty fans were interviewed,

observed, and filmed on game days or during other football-related activities. “Purposive

sampling was implemented in order to provide variety in the sample’s composition to the extent

that football spectators are coming from broad geographical, socio‐economical and cultural

population strata (Bromberger, 1995). Preliminary short ‘gate keeping’ interviews were carried

out with a few supporters in each club” (Derbaix and Decrop 2011: 274). Eastman and Riggs

(1994) observed and had informal discussions with sports fans to discover the meanings fans

give to ritualized behaviors. “The 46 observations and interviews were conducted mostly of

college students (76% male, 24% female) and were supplemented by 112 interviews with self-

identified sports fans” (Eastman and Riggs (1994): 255-256). Sampling was done by selection

only friends and acquaintances so that they felt conformable being observed at home. Informal

discussion was chosen over a structured design to avoid putting “words in the person’s mouth”

(Eastman and Riggs (1994): 255).

Research Design

In order to discover the process through which people become highly identified sports

fans, I will be collecting primary data using qualitative interviews. I believe this is the best

design for my research because most of the past research on this topic used surveys to identify

the motives and behaviors of sports fans, and interviews to gain more detail on these motives and

behaviors. My research will be an exploratory study since the process of becoming a highly

13

identified sports fan has yet to be discovered, and I believe the best way to do so would be to

conduct semi-structured interviews with highly identified sports fans and have them describe the

process in a narrative form. Conducting interviews will be more effective than using a survey

design because interviewing will allow me to gain more detail on the process and the fans’

personal experiences. I believe engaging in discussion with fans would give me the best

understanding of the process they went through to become a highly identified fan.

I will meet ethical standards but giving each participant informed consent which will

include that their participation is voluntary, the purpose of the research, the risks and benefits

involved, and ensuring confidentiality. I will ensure confidentiality by giving each participant a

pseudonym and promise not to share their personal information to protect their identity. I will

also explain the process and ensure confidentiality of audio recording, transcribing, and

analyzing their interviews. Each participant will receive a five dollar gift card as compensation

for participating in the interview.

I will be conducting this research within a five month time period, so I will be using a

cross-sectional design. Time and funding limitations prevent me from conducting a longitudinal

study, but I will use oral histories analysis to look at how the process of becoming a highly

identified sports fan occurs over time. Damaske (2011) used a similar design in For the

Family?: How Class and Gender Shape Women's Work to discover women’s work pathways and

what decisions they made over time to choose a certain path. She conducted qualitative

interviews with women to along with life history analysis, which she says “offers the possibility

to examine the intersection of people’s personal choices and the time period during which these

decisions are made” (Damaske 2011: 174). This is an appropriate design for me to use since both

Damaske’s (2011) and my studies examine processes that occur over time.

14

My sample will be George Mason University students who are highly identified sports

fans. They can be fans of any sport of any competition level. I will characterize highly identified

sports fans by randomly distributing questionnaires to George Mason students that include the

Sports Spectator Identification Scale (Wann and Branscombe 1993). This scale has been used by

many to measure the level of allegiance one has to their preferred team where higher scores

mean higher allegiance. Participants with high scores will then be contacted and invited to

participate in an interview describing how they became such a big fan over time.

I will analyze my data by audio recording, transcribing, and coding the interviews to find

patterns in the narratives provided by the participants. This will effectively answer my research

questions because the analysis will result in an outline of the process of becoming a highly

identified sports fan of various people which will allow me to see the possible ways one can

become a highly identified sports fan and if there are any variations between them. In my semi-

structured interviews with highly identified fans, I will ask questions that will guide their stories

of how they became a fan. These questions will ask participants about when they first became a

fan and why, what influenced them to become and stay a fan, and how and why their fandom

intensified.

There are several problems with reliability in qualitative studies. A different researcher

may not ask the same questions or note the same observations I do, which is the problem of

personal bias. Using a semi-structured interview design increases reliability because it will

decrease my personal bias by asking questions to guide a conversation with the participants

rather than asking specific questions that could influence or limit their answers.

I ensure validity, or that I will accurately measure the experiences of highly identified

sports fans, because observations from qualitative studies are valid in their own right because

15

you are observing a phenomenon in its natural setting. Interviewing will allow me to observe the

process of becoming a sports fan in depth and as described to me by the participants. Using a

semi-structured design ensures internal validity because it allows participants to openly discuss

their experiences while keeping them on subject. Out of the eight sources of internal invalidity,

history and maturation could possibly affect the interviews. The participants could get distracted

by something that happened or by being tired, hungry, or bored. I will avoid this by sustaining

the conversation by asking questions. The external validity, or the generalizability of my

empirical findings is limited by the fact that my sample will only be about 10 people who are all

students at the same university. Though the representation of highly identified sports fans is not

ideal, my design will gain a lot of detail for the process of becoming a highly identified sports

fan from people who fit the characteristics of such a fan as found by the existing empirical

literature.

16

References

Cialdini, Robert B, Richard J. Borden, Avril Throne, Marcus R. Walker, Stephen Freeman,

Lloyd R. Sloan. 1976. “Basking in Reflected Glory: Three (Football) Field Studies.”

Journal of Sport Personality and Social Psychology 34(3):366-375.

Cialdini, Robert B. and Kenneth D. Richardson. 1980. “Two Indirect Tactics of Image

Management: Basking and Blasting.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

39(3): 406-415.

Caildini, Robert B. and Maralou E. De Nicholas. 1989. “Self-Presentation by Association”

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 57(4):626-631.

Cottingham, Marci D. 2012. “Interaction Ritual Theory and Sports Fans: Emotion, Symbols, and

Solidarity.” Sociology of Sport Journal 29(2):168-185.

Damaske, Sarah. 2011. For the Family?: How Class and Gender Shape Women's Work. New

York: Oxford University Press.

Derbaix, Christian and Alain Decrop. 2011. “Colours and Scarves: An Ethnographic Account of

Football Fans and Their Paraphernalia.” Leisure Studies. 30(3):271-291.

Dietz-Uhler, Beth, Elizabeth A. Harrick, Christian End, and Lindy Jacquemotte. 2000. “Sex

Differences in Sport Fan Behavior and Reasons for Being a Sport Fan.” Journal of Sport

Behavior. (23)3:219-231.

Eastman, Susan Tyler and Karen E. Riggs. 1994. “Televised Sports and Ritual: Fan

Experiences.” Sociology of Sport Journal. 11(3):249-274.

Fink, Janet S., Galen T. Trail, and Dean F. Anderson. 2002. “An Examination of Team

Identification: Which Motives are Most Salient to Its Existence?” International Sports

Journal. 6(2):195-207.

17

Gibson, Heather, Cynthia Willming, and Andrew Holdnak. 2002. "We're Gators...not just Gator

fans": Serious leisure and University of Florida football.” Journal of Leisure Research.

34(4):397-425.

Stebbins, Robert A. 1992. Amateurs, Professionals, and Serious Leisure. Montreal: McGill-

Queen's University Press.

Wann, Daniel L., Christi L. Ensor, and Jaye K. Bilyeu. 2001. “Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motives for

Originally Following a Sport Team and Team Identification.” Perceptual and Motor

Skills. 93(2):451-454.

Wann, Daniel L., Kathleen B. Tucker, and Michael P. Schrader. 1996. “An Exploratory

Examination of the Factors Influencing the Origination, Continuation and Cessation of

Identification with Sports Teams.” Perceptual and Motor Skills. 82(3):995-1001.

Wann, Daniel L. and Nyla R. Branscombe. 1993. “Sports fans: Measuring Degree of

Identification with Their Team.” International Journal of Sport Psychology. 24(1):1-17.

Ware, Angela and Gregory S. Kowalski. 2012. “Sex Identification and the Love of Sports:

BIRGing and CORFing Among Sports Fans.” Journal of Sport Behavior. 35(2):223-237.