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How do I apply narrative theory?

Socio-narrative theory in translation studies

Sue-Ann HardingTranslation and Interpreting Institute Hamad Bin Khalita University

Since the publication of Translation and Conflict: A Narrative Account(Baker

2006), there has been a growing interest in applying socio-narrative theory to

Translation Studies, with Bakers ideas extended and applied to several differ-

ent areas of inquiry. is article gives a brief overview of these projects, and

discusses in more depth the example of my own application and development of

narrative theory. is includes a revised typology of narratives, the combination

of narratological and sociological approaches, an intratextual model of analysis,

and a new emphasis on the importance of narrators and temporary narrators in

the (re)configuration of narratives. e article ends with a brief discussion onfurther topics within Translation and Interpreting Studies to which narrative

theory might be applied.

Keywords: socio-narrative theory, research methodology, textual analysis,

narrator(s), news reporting, online media, Beslan, Russia, Russian/English

. Introduction

e use of narrative as a tool for academic investigation beyond the confines of

fiction and literature has steadily gained ground over the twentieth, and now into

the twenty-first, century. From the narrative form of the case study developed in

medicine, psychology and psychoanalysis, to a shi towards narrative in fields

such as history, anthropology, law, biology, physics, education, philosophy, theol-

ogy, gender studies, and political science, and the use of narrative in the study of

contemporary topics such as gaming, street art, and urban geography, scholars

from a wide range of disciplines and inter-disciplines have critically and fruitfullyengaged with narrative.1

is article looks at ways in which scholars in Translation Studies have also

begun to engage with the theory, and uses my own work as an extended example

Target :(), . ./target...har

/ - John Benjamins Publishing Company


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of its application and development. ese include a revised typology of narratives,

the combination of sociological and narrative approaches, the elaboration of an

intra-textual model of analysis and a new emphasis on the importance of nar-rators and temporary narrators in the configuration of narratives. I have found

socio-narrative theory to be a robust, intuitively satisfying conceptual framework,

useful for describing and accounting for the complex, dynamic, constructed, re-

constructed, and translated worlds in which we live and act, including our own

place(s) in it as researchers. is article is intended as something of a map for

other Translation and Interpreting Studies scholars interested in narrative theory

and its application to new areas of research. It offers a sketch of recent research, a

more detailed discussion of a particular case and a conclusion that briefly consid-

ers other areas to which the theory might be applied.

. Narrative theory and translation studies

In his account of descriptive and systemic approaches to the study of translation,

eo Hermans (1999) draws on the notion of the invisible college (Crane 1972)

to describe the growth and diffusion of these approaches through the personal

interaction and intellectual exchange of (originally a small group of) like-minded,interest-sharing scholars. e process he describes occurred, in this case, over sev-

eral decades and so is not immediately analogous to the very recent introduction

of narrative theory to translation studies. Nevertheless, Hermans (and Cranes)

emphasis on both social and cognitive contexts, on material as well as intellec-

tual circumstances (Hermans 1999, 15), is relevant here. e communication,

exchange and development of ideas involves practitioners working in an insti-

tutional environment, regular personal contacts and a sense of solidarity, and a

material as well as an intellectual infrastructure (Hermans 1999, 10), all of which

could, over the last few years, be found among narrative theory scholars.

Baker (2006) initiated the application of narrative in translation and inter-

preting studies.2Baker draws on and with her focus on translation aims to

supplement, a strand of narrative emerging primarily from psychology and social

and communication theory, the crucial idea of which is that narratives do not

merely represent, but constitute, the world. Narratives are the stories we elaborate

in order to make meaning of our lives and to both guide and justify our actions.

ey are not limited to a particular genre or to single texts but cut across time and

texts (Baker 2006, 12) and are configured from the elements around us. Bakersmonograph is structured around a typology of four kinds of narratives (discussed

in 2.1 below), eight features of narrative,3the notion of framing as an active strat-

egy that implies agency (Baker 2006, 106), and, drawing extensively on the notion


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Sue-Ann Harding

of Fishers narrative paradigm (1984, 1985, 1987, 1997), ways in which we assess,

and ultimately subscribe to, different narratives. As the title of her book indicates,

Baker is chiefly concerned with the roles of narratives, translation and interpret-ing in situations of violent political conflict, and the way narratives and translated

narratives are used by various powers to legitimize their version of events (Baker

2006, 1). ese initial interests continue to be reflected in her work (see 2007,

2008, 2009, 2010a, 2010b).

Harding (2009, 2012) is a direct response to Bakers work and an attempt to

further develop her application of socio-narrative theory to Translation Studies.

While Baker uses a broad-spectrum approach to exemplify narrative theory and

its relevance to issues of translation, my study offers a sustained textual analysis

and detailed case study that functions as a testing ground for both the applica-

bility of narrative theory to, and the investigation of, a sample of online media

reportage. Other scholars who have sought to apply Bakers approach explore a

variety of data, including Italian diaspora fiction, Arabic childrens literature, (re)

narrations of Edward Said and Palestinian women in Arabic, and networks of po-

litically motivated, activist interpreters. us, Baldos (2008) study, Translation as

Re-Narration in Canadian-Italian Writing, investigates a trilogy of novels by the

internationally-acclaimed Italian-Canadian author Nino Ricci that traces the lives

of an Italian family before and aer they migrate to Canada in 1961. Drawingon poststructuralist narratological understandings of plot, focalisation and voice,

Baldo explores the novelists use of codeswitching (between English and Standard

Italian or dialect) and the ways in which codeswitching passages are negotiated in

the Italian translation of the novels. Also a literary study, Ayoubs research (2010)

examines the set of stories rewritten, adapted, and translated for children by the

renowned Egyptian author Kamil Al-Kilani (18971959). Rather than on the texts

themselves, Ayoubs primary focus is on the ways in which framing is effected at

sites around text, and she investigates introductions, titles, cover blurbs, footnotes,

and additional glossaries, poems, testimonials and questions.

Al-Herthani (2009) also focuses on paratextual material, drawing particularly

on Genette (1991, 1997), and the notions of framing and counter-framing. His

topic is the legacy of Palestinian-American cultural theorist Edward Said,4 the

translations of his work into Arabic, and the re-narrations of Saids works by vari-

ous types of Arab institutions and mediators, such as the academy, media, publish-

ing houses, intellectuals, writers and translators. Al Sharif (2009) also turns her

attention to translated Arabic and its impacts on regional cultures and politics. She

examines the translation programme of the Middle East Media Research Institute(MEMRI), a highly influential web-based advocacy group.5Al Sharif carries out

a detailed analysis of MEMRIs online reports and investigates ways in which

the site actively uses translation to select, deselect and frame material in order to


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systematically elaborate and widely circulate negative, dehumanising, and reduc-

tionist narratives of Palestinians and Palestinian women.

Finally, Bori (2009) adopts a socio-narrative approach to investigate theworkings of Babels, the international network of volunteers recognised as one of

the most politicised communities of translators and interpreters (2009, 6), partic-

ularly with regard to the Alter-Globalization Movement and members active, yet

complex, pursuit and negotiation of an alternative society marked by a commit-

ment to organizational principles such as (linguistic) diversity, inclusive participa-

tion and horizontality. Boris work examines online data posted by members on

Babels online forums to trace the evolving narrative positions of the organisation

in terms of its scope of involvement, financial structure, and decision-making pro-

cesses. She also examines online data published by AIIC (Association internatio-

nale des interprtes de confrence) to explore the external re-narration of Babels by

members of the professional conference interpreting community (see also Bori

2008 and 2010).

While these projects might be thought of as first generation responses to

Bakers work, narrative continues to interest both new and established research-

ers. For example, Abou-Bakr (in progress) is a contrastive study of the translations

and paratextual features of published collections of Palestinian folktales, examin-

ing ways in which these frame the stories with regard to Palestinian identity andnation building. Summers (in progress) uses theories of social narrative to analyse

translations of the writings of East German writer, Christa Wolf, examining the

extent to which the author and her texts have been appropriated into different

social narratives of intellectual dissidence or complicity within the Socialist re-

gime in the GDR. Pasmatzi (in progress) looks at how conflicts between histori-

cal and political narratives manifest themselves in the Greek translations of sev-

eral high-profile Anglophone historical novels concerning the Greek Civil War

(19461949). Youssef (in progress) aims to problematize the idea of European

influence on 1920s Arabic discourses by investigating processes of translation in

the Cairene press of the time. Helin (2006) examines representations of the Islamic

world in Finnish translations of National Geographic. Elliott (2008) explores the

intersection of translation and narrative discourse in relation to Bible translation,

and particularly with regard to literary characters. Jones (2009) examines interna-

tional conflict resolution and mediation, Aaltonen (2009) looks at Finnish theatre

translation, McDonough Dolmaya (2010) works on the localization of global and

Canadian top brand websites in Canada, and Al-Ghamedi (2012) writes on the

paratextual framing of two novels by Saudi writer Turk al-Hamad.


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Sue-Ann Harding

. Applying narrative theory

My own work (Harding 2009, 2012) turns to the hostage-taking of School No.1in Beslan, Southern Russia. On Wednesday 1 September 2004, an armed group

seized and held captive over a thousand people, including many children. By the

time the siege came to its bloody and chaotic end three days later, more than three

hundred people had been killed and hundreds more wounded. e atrocity at-

tracted significant international attention, and even as the details of the attack re-

main contested and unclarified (Dunlop 2006, 2009, Phillips 2007), it is now seen

as a vital turning point in Russias approach to terrorism and in the operations of

the Putin presidency (Hutchings and Rulyova 2009).

I have undertaken a detailed, sustained textual analysis examining online

reporting published by three very different Russian-language news websites: 1)

RIA-Novosti (www.rian.ru, 3 March 2011), a large, state-controlled agency with

close ties to the Russian government; 2) Kavkazcenter(www.kavkazcenter.com, 3

March 2011), the major site of the Chechen armed resistance, and 3) Caucasian

Knot (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, 3 March 2011), a regional specialist site founded by

Memorial, Russias internationally-renowned human rights organisation, all of

which covered the events in Beslan as they were unfolding during the course of the

three day siege and its immediate aermath. e examination of both Russian andEnglish texts also raises issues of translation, particularly in regard to online and

fringe media, and ways in which translation and omission affect the construction

and reconstruction of narratives. It also extrapolates from the case study of Beslan

to reflect upon the potential for certain kinds of narrative to either perpetuate or

dissolve situations of violent political conflict.

Narrative theory is adopted not only as an analytical tool with which to ap-

proach the data, but in order to investigate and develop the theory itself. us,

while the study takes Baker (2006) and her major sources (particularly Somers and

Gibson 1994 and Bruner 1991) as its starting point, it departs from these by pro-

posing and exploring a revised typology of narratives, the combination of narra-

tological and sociological approaches, an intratextual model of analysis, and new

emphasis on the importance of narrators in the configuration and reconfiguration

of narratives. All of these are discussed in this article.

. A typology of narratives

A cardinal assumption of a narrative approach to data is that the narrative is theunit of analysis. Somers and Gibson (1994) distinguish between four different di-

mensions or kinds (Somers 1997) of narrative: ontological, public, conceptual, and

meta-narrative. Ontological narratives, the stories that social actors use to make
http://www.rian.ru/http://www.kavkazcenter.com/http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/http://www.kavkazcenter.com/http://www.rian.ru/


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sense of indeed, in order to act in their lives (Somers and Gibson 1994,

61) are what Baker calls personal narratives, defined as personal stories that we

tell ourselves about our place in the world and our own personal history (2006,28). Public narratives are those narratives attached to cultural and institutional

formations larger than the individual (Somers and Gibson 1994, 62), such as the

family, the workplace, religious and educational institutions, media, government,

and nation, examples to which Baker (2006, 3338) adds literature and a societys

literary system, advertising, cinema and political activism; Bori further includes

professional narratives, stories and explanations that professionals elaborate for

themselves and others about the nature and ethos of their activity (2008, 26).

e third type of narrative in the model is conceptual narrativity, expanded by

Somers into conceptual/analytic/sociological narrativity and defined as the con-

cepts and explanations that we construct as social researchers (Somers 1997, 85).

Baker extends the category to include disciplinary narratives in anyfield of study

(2006, 39) and broadens the definition to the stories and explanations that schol-

ars in any field elaborate for themselves and others about their object of inquiry

(ibid.). Finally, meta-narratives are the master narratives in which we are em-

bedded as contemporary actors in history, described as the epic dramas of our

time and progressive narratives of teleological unfolding such as Capitalism vs.

Narratives

Personal

Particular Local

Societal

Theoretical

General

Meta

Shared/

collective

Figure 1. A revised typology of narratives


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Sue-Ann Harding

Communism, Barbarism vs. Civilisation, or Marxism and the Triumph of Class

Struggle (Somers 1997, 86). Baker cites Bourdieus myth of globalization and

the narrative of economic rationality, the Cold War, the War on Terror, and theHolocaust as further examples (2006, 4446).

Rather than differentiating between these four types of narrative in a flat mod-

el, I revised the model into one that begins with a typology of two: (a) personal

narratives and (b) shared or collective narratives, which encompassthe remaining

three types from the original model (now called societal, theoretical, and meta-

narratives), to which I added the category of local narratives (see Figure 1).

is dual typology stems from the assumption, perhaps overlooked in the

original model, that there is a difference between personal and other types of nar-

ratives. Personal narratives are those that individuals construct about the self (and

use to construct the self), and in doing so, assume a certain amount of individual

responsibility and accountability for them. In contrast, shared or collective nar-

ratives include the stories that are told and retold by numerous members of a

society over a long period of time (Baker 2006, 29). ey are the narratives that

underpin the social order (ibid.), that circulate in an individuals environment,

that make up the narrative frameworks of the community (2006, 31). us,

these are narratives that are constructed collectively about the collective (and

which also, ultimately, construct the collective group) through processes of col-laboration, consensus and coercion.

It is acknowledged that personal narratives can never be constructed in isola-

tion from the collective narratives in which individuals are embedded (Somers

and Gibson 1994, Whitebrook 2001, Baker 2006), and also that collective nar-

ratives rely on compatible personal narratives in order to gain currency and

acceptance (Baker 2006, 30). Yet ultimately, there remains a distinction between

narratives that are authored (where authorship is understood to mean a sense of

ownership and autonomy) by individuals, and which may, or may not, be commu-

nicated to various degrees, (see Riessman 1993), and narratives that are authored

collaboratively and consensually. A dual typology highlights both this distinction

and the interplay between them.

In the case of my study, this dual typology was particularly useful in focus-

ing attention on the eyewitness accounts included in the reportage on Beslan. It

enabled me to see personal narratives of eyewitnesses and hostage survivors as

crucial, contributing components to the collective narratives being constructed

about Beslan when the town had suddenly become such a crowded, confused and

dangerous place. us, it was especially revealing to discover, through the textualanalysis, how eyewitness accounts were marginalised, manipulated, selectively ap-

propriated into, or simply deselected from, each primary narrative text.


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Other revisions to the original model include the addition of a separate cat-

egory, local narratives, which may, in a sense, be thought of as the basis or raw

material of all the other subsequent categories. ese are narratives relating par-ticular events (and the particular actions of particular actors) in particular places

at particular times. ey may also be thought of as bounded or limited in the

same way in which local is used in medicine to describe something that is con-

fined to a limited area or part. ese are the narratives of everyday conversations,

the replies to what did you do today? and what happened? ey may be barely

articulated, or they may be communicated, circulated, published, the stuffof ar-

guments, disputes, newspaper stories, police reports, court transcripts, oral his-

tories, journals, letters, emails, blog posts, tweets, and so on. e hostage-taking

in Beslans School No.1 in September 2004 is considered to be a local narrative

because it concerns specific times, places, people and events.

As with the distinctive category of personal narratives discussed above, the

addition of this category seemed necessary in order to be able to distinguish be-

tween smaller narratives (characterised by concrete, specific and particular ele-

ments) and larger narratives (characterised by ever-more abstract elements) in

a way that is not immediately apparent in the original model. e idea that local

narratives are, like personal narratives, crucial contributing components to these

larger narratives enabled me to focus my attention on details and specifics in thedata that may otherwise have gone unnoticed. Indeed, the notion of awkward

details that seemed to jar against narrative coherence became a key part of my con-

clusion that reflected on ideas of resistance against the reductionist, homogenising

narratives that circulate so readily in societies.

My revised typology also suggests alternative names for two of the original

categories, further clarifying the original model. Societal is used rather than

public, in order to emphasise the circulation and operation of these narratives

in the various units and institutions of society, however local or grand, micro or

macro (Somers and Gibson 1994, 62). e term also avoids possible confusion

arising from the term public narratives because not all of these societal narra-

tives will necessarily be public, that is, in the public domain. It is oen the case that

social institutions, private companies, religious organisations and government

agencies will have, alongside their public narratives, narratives which they prefer

to keep out of the public domain. Leaked information that finds its way into

the Wikileak archives and onto the front pages of newspapers could be said to be

one or more societal narratives that were never, or not yet, intended to be public.

Public narratives then, can be used to indicate (any) narratives that circulates inthe public sphere. eoretical rather than conceptual/disciplinary narratives

are reconceptualized to include any narratives of theory. is moves the category

beyond the privileged confines of academia (see Baker 2006, 174 n11) and focuses


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Sue-Ann Harding

on the act of theorising that these narratives involve, particularly with regard to

their use of abstract terms to account for concrete events and situations (Harding

2009, 2012).e significance of the use of abstract terms in the construction of certain

types of narratives is highlighted in a further revision to the original typology:

the placing of the four different categories of shared or collective narratives on

a continuum stretching from particular to general, as indicated by the dark,

vertical arrow in Figure 1. While such a visual representation can, of course, only

give a very approximate indication of the concepts which inspired it, the diagram

is intended to draw attention to both the interconnectedness of the separate cat-

egories and their porous, indistinct boundaries as well as the clear differences be-

tween the types of narrative at either end of the continuum, namely local and

meta-narratives.

eoretical and meta-narratives are characterized by the abstract quality of

their elements. Indeed, theoretical narratives might be thought of as the point on

this continuum at which the relationships between particular and general nar-

ratives become problematic as theory and analysis struggle to remain grounded

in the specific narratives that inform them even as they try to generalize and ac-

count for more than any specific set of circumstances at any given time. Somers

and Gibson (1994) grapple with this, and Alasdair MacIntyre also reflects on thehazardous relationship between particularity and generality:

[I]t is in moving forward from such particularity that the search for the good, the

universal, consists. Yet particularity can never be simply lebehind or obliterated.

e notion of escaping from it into a realm of entirely universal maxims which

belong to man as suchis an illusion and an illusion with painful consequences.

When men and women identify what are in fact their partial and particular causes

too easily and too completely with the cause of some universal principle, they usu-

ally behave worse than they would otherwise do. (1981, 221)

Particular narratives are routinely embedded into generic stories (Bruner 1991)

considered generic insofar as they are recognisable by general rather than spe-

cific elements, and also known in the literature as master plots, archetypes (Abbott

2008), skeletal stories or canonical stories (Baker 2006).6Embedding a particular

narrative into a generic story is a means of making sense of that narrative and fill-

ing in any missing details (Bruner 1991, Bennett and Edelman 1985). It can also be

an active process of signification (Baker 2006, 106), used to shape interpretations

(re-narrations) of a particular narrative, its specific events and actors.

7

e waysin which personal and local narratives are embedded into larger, general, meta-

narratives or, from a different perspective, the appropriation or framing of local

narratives into meta-narratives forms a core part of my work.8


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eorising narrative types in this way enables a much more explicit discussion

of ways in which narratives interact with and contest each other. Again, as with

the new focus on personal and local narratives, being able to define more clearly(and thus identify) these abstract narratives in my data allowed me to see patterns

across the three Russian narratives (all use different abstract narratives to frame

the Beslan hostage-taking) and in the process of translation (abstract, reductionist

narratives are reinforced in translation while smaller particular narratives are

marginalised or simply eliminated).

. Socio-narrative: Combining narratological and sociological approaches

to narrativeA second way in which I have developed narrative theory is through the deliber-

ate combination of narratological and sociological approaches, (hence my term

socio-narrative) even though Baker clearly distances herself from narratology

(2006, 34). Al-Hertani (2009) and Baldo (2008) also do this although with dif-

ferent emphases. Al-Herthani (2009) draws on the central notions of paratextual

and peretextual features developed in the work of French narratologist, Grard

Genette. Baldo describes a trajectory from classical narratology, popularised by

such structuralist critics as Genette, Prince, Rimmon-Kenan, Bal, [and] Toolan(2008, 39), through the idea of textuality, (the interplay of the meaning of the

author with the meaning of the reader (2008, 42)), to post-structuralist narratol-

ogy with its emphases on the importance of historicity and context in narrative

construction, and the links between literature and lived experience (2008, 46) and

finally to sociological approaches to narrative.

My work draws largely on that of Mieke Bal, whose Narratology: An

Introduction to the eory of Narrative(1985/1997), now in a third, revised edition

(2009) proved useful because of its clarity, systematicity, and thoroughness. It is

this structuralist approach to the assemblage of a precise vocabulary and clearly

defined concepts (see also Fludernik 2009, Herman et al 2007) that I see as one of

the most compelling reasons to combine narratology with sociological approaches

to narrative. While sociological approaches to narrative expand the definition,

nature, and consequence of the object(s) of our investigation from discrete,

if broadly defined, texts to diffuse, amorphous configurationsthat cut across

time and texts (Baker 2006, 4), narratology can provide a rigorous, explicit lexi-

con and a rich conceptual toolkit with which to pursue and communicate such

investigations.My use of Bals work is, of course, selective, and largely determined by the

nature of my data. Text, fabula, and story three different ways of looking at the

same thing, of differentiating between form, content, and construction provide


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Sue-Ann Harding

an entry point. us, the reportage selected as data for the study is considered to be

a collection of six (three Russian and three English) primary narrative texts, each

a finite, structured whole composed of language signsin which an agent relates(tells) a story in a particular medium (Bal 1985/1997, 5). e agent is the narra-

tor and, here, is understood to be the news agency that relates each story through

the narrative texts posted on its website within the time frame of the study. Bal

calls the narrators text primary to indicate the hierarchical connections between

the narrative text as a whole into whichother texts are embedded (2009, 52),

and it was the analysis and division of each primary text that led to the intratextual

model used to structure the analysis of the data.

e fabula is defined as a series of logically and chronologically related events

that are caused or experienced by actors (Bal 2009, 5), and it is made up of ele-

ments: events, actors, time and location. Each of the six narrative texts relates the

hostage-taking in Beslan, yet each one differs in its inclusion and omission, or

selective appropriation (Somers and Gibson 1994, 60, Baker 2006, 7177 and

114122) of all possible elements. e Story is defined as the fabulapresented

in a certain manner (Bal 2009, 5); the six narrative texts share common elements,

yet differ in the way in whichthese events are presented (Bal 1985/1997, 6 em-

phasis in the original), resulting in very different stories. Elements can be attrib-

uted varying degrees of significance,9amplified through temporal and/or spatialpositioning, the inclusion of greater detail, allotted a greater proportion of the

whole narrative through repetition and reiteration, or interpreted as crises of a

particular magnitude or as turning points in the context of the overall narrative

(Baker 2006, 68).

e way elements are temporally and spatially related to each other is a regular

means of making a story from the fabula. In any given narrative text, the chrono-

logical sequence of a fabula, which can normally be deduced from the laws and

norms of everyday logic Bals example is that one cannot arrive in a place before

one has set out to go there (2009, 79) can, and oen does, differ from the se-

quential ordering of events in a story. Bal calls these differences chronological de-

viations, or anachronies (also used by Genette 1972/1980, 3547), and argues that,

[p]laying with sequential ordering is not just a literary convention; it is also a

means of drawing attention to certain things, to emphasize, to bring about aes-

thetic or psychological effects, to show various interpretations of an event, to in-

dicate the subtle difference between expectation and realization, and much else

besides. (1985/1997, 82)

e same is true in a news narrative, where the chronological sequence of the

fabula may be thought of as the real events occurring in real time, which the news

reporter relates. e sequential ordering of the reporters story is likely to trace the


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chronological sequence of those real time events, particularly when a story is live

or when attempting to report events as they are happening, but it is also likely to

be frequently interrupted in order to relate events that happened prior to thoseevents. Bal calls such an interruption retroversion (2009, 83).10External retro-

version occurs when the anachronic events related originally took place prior to

the time span of the primary narrative, and internal retroversion occurs when the

anachronic events related took place within the time span of the primary narra-

tive.11Retroversions are a means of selectively appropriating elements from other

narratives into the primary narrative text, and how far back in time the retrover-

sion reaches can be highly significant. An external retroversion that has a long

distance (Bal 2009, 88) or reach (Genette 1972/1980, 48), such as the recol-

lection of hostilities between nations or ethnic groups that occurred hundreds of

years ago, will place those hostilities and the current news story into a single nar-

rative arc.

All three Russian language primary narrative texts in my study included sev-

eral different retroversions of varying time spans, all of which contributed to the

construction of very different narratives. RIA-Novosti, for example, includes five

external retroversions with a reach of between twelve hours and ninety-nine years.

ese are narratives of previous hostage-takings and acts of political violence in

Russia, including a potted history of war in Chechnya and references to the hus-band of Grand Duchess Elizabeth Fedorovna (18641918) venerated in a re-

ligious ceremony taking place in Krasnoiarsk, Siberia, at the time of the siege in

Beslan who was killed by terrorists12 in 1905. us, RIA-Novosti frames the

events in Beslan as yet another terrorist attack on the Russian Federation. Russia

knows about terrorism, suggests the narrator through these connections; we are

not new to the experience, in fact, we were the first.13

In RIA-Novostis English narrative, there are fieen external retroversions

(with a shorter reach of between six months and twelve years); the story of the

Grand Dukes assassination is omitted and replaced by an additional ten referenc-

es to Terrorist Attacks in Moscow in 19992004. While the emphasis on Moscow

underscores the official Russian narrative expounded by President Putin in his

televised address to the nation (also included in RIA-Novostis English narrative)

that the attack in Beslan was a challenge against Russia and our nation as a whole,

attacks in the capital could also be perceived negatively by a domestic audience

who might panic and conclude that their government is unable to protect them,

but serve to reinforce for foreign readers the characterisation of Russia as a coun-

try on the front line of the war on terror and, hence, legitimize and justify itscounter-terrorist operations in Chechnya.

In contrast to both of these, Caucasian Knotuses four external retroversions

narratives of previous hostage-takings not only in Russia but also the seizure


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Sue-Ann Harding

of the Japanese embassy in Peru in December 1996 to connect negotiations

between officials and hostage-takers to the lives saved. By opening up narratives of

terrorism to include others, Caucasian Knotnot only undermines the official nar-ratives of Russia as a special victim of terrorism but also shis the emphasis of the

narrative from victimhood to possible life-saving responses.

In news reporting, there will always be internal retroversions of a sort, with

temporal gaps in the narrative filled in as new information comes to light. RIA-

Novostis first detailed descriptions of the attack on School No.1, for example, are

reported over two hours aer the story was first reported and about three and a

half hours aer the attack occurred. is is because these anachronic accounts

come from fieen people who hid in the boiler room during the attack and only

later managed to escape. Media outlets will generally try to minimize the reach of

these internal retroversions as much as possible and be instead the first to break

the news. Arguably, the shorter the reach of the internal retroversion, the more

significant the narrator considers the event or element. Repetitions, that is, when

the sequential ordering of the events in a story is momentarily interrupted from

tracing the chronological course of the fabula in order to re-narrate a prior event,

are also an indication of the degree of significance placed on elements by the nar-

rator, with those considered to be more significant more likely to be repeated more

oen. When both the reach of an internal retroversion is very short and the ele-ment is repeated, then it can be argued that the narrator considers such elements

to be highly significant. us, the manner in which RIA-Novostireports President

Putins televised speech on the evening of 4 September, with updates every few

minutes and sections of the speech repeated as well as the speech in its entirety

posted twice, indicates that RIA-Novosticonsiders the speech and its contents to

be highly significant. An abridged translation references to Russias history and

the fall of the Soviet Union are omitted of the presidents speech is posted with-

in ninety minutes of the original publication of the full text, and a full retranslation

is posted on Sunday, 5 September. In stark contrast, Kavkazcentergives the speech

short shri, summarizing it in a highly critical single post, while Caucasian Knot

summarizes it with a selection of quotations reproduced without comment. Both

sites omit the speech from their English narratives.

If the reach of an internal retroversion is relatively longer and cannot be ac-

counted for by the lack of available information, then this is likely to indicate that

the narrator does notdeem the event to be of great significance. e apparent poi-

soning of NovayaGazetajournalist, Anna Politkovskaia, who was on her way to

Beslan by plane, occurred on the evening of Wednesday, 1 September, but was notreported by RIA-Novostiuntil 18:56 on Friday 3 September, and even then only

indirectly through the disclaimer of the Karat aviation company. Similarly, the

arrest of Radio Free Europe/Radio Libertyjournalist Andrei Babitskii in Moscows


15/25


Vnukovo airport took place on the morning of ursday, 2 September, but was not

reported by RIA-Novostiuntil 17:45 on Friday, 3 September. His court appearance

on Friday was only reported on Saturday aernoon.14

Other ways in which the story differs from the fabula can be seen in the differ-

ences between an actor (an element) and a character(or similarly, the differences

between a place and a space), that is, the effect that is created when the narrator

provides an actor (or a place) with distinctive characteristics (Bal 2009).15Leonid

Roshal, one of three people with whom the hostage-takers demand to meet, is

an actor common to all three Russian primary narrative texts. On 1 September,

Caucasian Knot describes him as the well-known paediatrician, who in 2002

went to the hostages in the Dubrovka theatre in Moscow, and reports his arrival at

operation headquarters at Beslan later that day. RIA-Novosti describes Dr Roshal

as the well-known paediatrician who,

in October 2002 took part in the release of the hostages seized by boeviki in the

building of the Dubrovka theatre centre. e doctor conducted negotiations with

the terrorists about the release of children, and about the relaying of food, water

and medicines to the hostages.16

RIA-Novostifollows his movements throughout the day, beginning with an inter-

view in Moscow as he declares his readiness to fly to Beslan, his flight to Beslan,and his arrival and presence in the operation headquarters. e interview and

his arrival are also included in the RIA-NovostiEnglish narrative (he is missing

altogether from the Kavkazcenterand Caucasian KnotEnglish narratives), where

Roshals role in the Dubrovka theatre hostage crisis is described in glowing terms,

using language that almost depicts [t]he selfless physician as a compassionate,

even Christ-like figure. Compare this excerpt from the English narrative with the

back translation above. Notable differences in the text are underlined.

Leonid Roshal appeared in the tragic limelight when he volunteered to negotiatein the Dubrovka eatre plight in Moscow as terrorists took a full house hostage

during a sensational musical in autumn 2002. At the risk of his own life, he was

attending to the sick and interceded for the captives.17

Again in contrast, Kavkazcentersimply describes Roshal as a participant in the

negotiations at Nord-Ost. Rather than tracking his movements throughout the

day, at 20:06, just a few minutes before RIA-Novostireports his arrival in Beslan,

Kavkazcenterreports Valerii Andreev, head of the FSB [Federal Security Services]

in North Ossetia, as saying that at present, measures are being taken to search for

Doctor Leonid Roshal in order to bring him to Beslan and continue the negotiat-

ing process, to which Kavkazcenter adds that it is not quite clear why the FSB

is stating that it is looking for Doctor Roshal when it is well known that Roshal


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Sue-Ann Harding

works for (sostoit v shtate) the FSB. us, one actor, Leonid Roshal, is character-

ised in three different ways: as doctor, hero, and secret police, and in translation he

is either enhanced or eliminated.Text, fabula, story, narrator, elements, anachronies, retroversions, actors, char-

acters, place and space are all examples of narratological concepts that enable clear

and insightful investigation, analysis and discussion of narratives, be they textually

bound or constructed across a variety of verbal and non-verbal texts. ere are, of

course, others. Baldo (2008) explores focalization, for example, Hermans has ex-

plored notions of voice (1996) and irony (2007), and metaphor has also attracted

attention from Translation Studies scholar (see St Andr 2010). A continued ex-

ploration of the field would yield further useful terms and concepts.

. An intra-textual model for the analysis of text

Engaging with these terms from narratology led directly to the construction of

what I call an intra-textual model of analysis that separates out the types of texts

embedded within each primary narrative text. e model differentiates between

narrative and non-narrative material, and then further differentiates the narrative

material according to time and place (see Figure 2). is model, which I believe

could be used for other sets of comparable data, was extremely useful for compar-ing and contrasting my material in both Russian and English taken from the three

Nonnarrative texts Narrative texts

Anachronic(external

retroversions)

Located beyondBeslan school no.1

Located in or nearBeslan school no.1

(core narrative)

Synchronal

Primary narrativetext

Figure 2. An intratextual model for analysis


17/25


different websites and, ultimately, I used it as the entire structural basis for my

analysis.

In the same way that single, integral narrative texts can include non-narrativecomments such as description or argument, each primary narrative text includes

non-narrative material such as official statements and condemnations, letters

of appeal, commentaries and opinion pieces.18Bal argues that identifying such

passages oen helps to assess the ideological or aesthetic thrust of a narrative

(2009, 9) because it is oen in the non-narrative comments that ideological state-

ments are made (2009, 31). is is not to say, Bal acknowledges,

that the rest of the narrative is innocent of ideology, on the contrary. e reason

for examining these alternations is precisely to measure the difference betweenthe texts overt ideology, as stated in such comments, and its more hidden or natu-

ralized ideology, as embodied in the narrative representations. (ibid.)

is is true of the primary narrative texts in my study, where non-narrative com-

ments are oen quite explicit expressions of various opinions and allegations,

which are embodied, to differing degrees, in the remaining narrative material.

is narrative material can then be categorised as either synchronal(occurring

within the same time frame as the primary narrative text) or anachronic(occur-

ring outside of the time frame of the primary narrative text). While all three newsagencies consistently reported events in Beslan as they were unfolding, they also

included narrative texts relating events that happened before the attack on Beslan,

as discussed above.

Finally, all the synchronal narrative material within each primary narrative

text is further categorised according to spatial position, that is, narratives that

relate events occurring beyond Beslans School No. 1, and narratives that relate

events occurring near or in Beslans School No.1. e school in Beslan quickly

becomes the site of events that constitute what might be thought of as the core nar-

rative, for without it, without those events, there would be no other material andno narrative texts. Although access to this site is severely restricted, its boundaries

are porous; hostages escape, are released, are sent to the boundary with messages

to be delivered across the line, telephone connections are made, Ruslan Aushev

(former president of Ingushetia) walks in and out again. Towards the end of the

siege this boundary seems to collapse, with Russian special forces moving into the

school, hostages fleeing into nearby apartment blocks or sped offin cars to vari-

ous hospitals, and hostage-takers escaping into nearby buildings and across the

railway lines into other parts of the town. One of the most surprising results of thestudy was that, despite all this movement and all the uncertainty about what was

happening and why, only a very small proportion of text (in all six narratives) is

devoted to relating this core narrative.


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Sue-Ann Harding

. Narrators and temporary narrators

A further insight gained from drawing on narratology was the studys focus on

narrators little discussed in the literature on social narrativity19 and tem-

porary narrators, that is, actors to whom the function of narrating is temporarily

transferred, as in the case of direct speech (Bal 2009) or, in this case, in the inclu-

sion of texts penned by commentators and/or lied from other media. All three

narrators (news agencies) enlist several different temporary narrators govern-

ment officials, other media, experts, commentators, translators, correspondents,

and eyewitnesses20 to contribute to the construction of their primary narra-

tive texts, and the distinct narratives constructed can partly be accounted for by

identifying to whom each narrator temporarily passes the function of narratingand the manner in which this is done. Findings of particular interest included the

overwhelming dominance of official temporary narrators in RIA-Novostis Russian

and English narratives, the framing effect of enlisting certain experts, the dimin-

ishing of rhetorical power through awkward translations, and the manipulation of

(particular) eyewitness narratives to conform to larger, politically expedient nar-

ratives, usually through the use of indirect speech, the late temporal positioning of

eyewitness narratives within the primary narrative texts and selective cutting and

pasting from other online media.

It was also interesting to find that, of the three websites, Caucasian Knotin-

cluded the greatest number of eyewitnesses functioning as temporary narrators,

more of whom are named and quoted directly and, in a marked departure from

the other two sites, are included already on the first day of the siege. Caucasian

Knotalso includes a wider selection of official narrators, including, significantly,

high ranking officials from the Chechen-Ichkerian government (in exile), regard-

ed as terrorists by the Russian government and so, of course, absent from RIA-

Novostis narrative. President Aslan Maskhadov makes a statement elaborating a

narrative of legitimate struggle that rejects illegitimate means, and PresidentialRepresentative Akhmed Zakaev reiterates Maskhadovs willingness to travel to

Beslan at great personal risk he was a wanted man and in hiding at the time

to negotiate with the hostage-takers, an offer repeated by Ilias Akhmadov, Foreign

Affairs minister, who speaks insightfully at length about the effects of years of

war on Chechnyas people, the foolishness of the hostage-takers, and strategies

for peaceful, political negotiations between Russia and Chechnya. Together with

the personal narratives of eyewitnesses, these temporary narrators contribute to a

primary narrative text that is a distinct, more nuanced, more complex, alternativeto official narratives. What is also interesting is that none of theseare included in

Caucasian Knots English primary narrative text.


19/25


us, applying socio-narrative theory to data of this kind brings to the fore

questions such as who may narrate and who may not? How do narrators control

or re-narrate their temporary narrators? Which potential narrators may choosenot to narrate on specific occasions, and what are the implications of this silence?

If resources are limited, as is most likely the case with independent sites such as

Kavkazcenter and Caucasian Knot, how can translation most effectively give in-

ternational voice to those customarily marginalized by more powerful narrators?

Because of the sociological assumptions of socio-narrative theory, such questions

are essentially about authority and power and concern issues of conflict, domi-

nance, resistance, coercion and subversion and the power and abilities of individu-

als and societal groups to elaborate and circulate their narratives.

. Conclusions and further possibilities

As mentioned above, socio-narrative theory has been used in translation and in-

terpreting studies to analyse and account for both micro and macro translational

choices and strategies with regard to literature, cultural theory, political propagan-

da, personal and political negotiations in the development of alter-globalisation

activist networks, news media, international publishing practices, Bible transla-tion, theatre translation, conflict mediation and website localization. My own re-

search interests include the wealth of documentation related to Beslan that has

been collected by grass-roots organisations of people who lost loved ones in the

siege, including the transcripts of the trial of Nurpashi Kulaev, the only hostage-

taker at Beslan to be apprehended. Socio-narrative analyses of these materials

seem a fruitful means of exploring notions of security, terrorism, counter-terror-

ism, ethnic conflict and human rights as narrated by and enacted in the Russian

government and judicial system.

e intra-textual model of analysis suggested here proved a very useful means

of comparing and contrasting primary narrative texts (Russian and English/trans-

lated) and quickly revealed several areas of interest for investigation, such as the

surprisingly small proportion of RIA-Novostis texts devoted to the core narrative

and the large amount of non-narrative comment. is model, or adaptations of it,

could readily be applied to other comparable sets of data; international news and

news translations will always provide rich data for investigating ways in which vio-

lent political conflicts are narrated by, and to, key players. e Israeli military cam-

paign codenamed Operation Cast Lead launched against Gaza in December 2008,for example, was extensively reported in many languages throughout the world,

yet of the vast amounts of column space, radio airtime and television broadcasts

devoted to the fighting during the campaign, how much related events occurring


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Sue-Ann Harding

within Gaza and beyond Gaza (and what was the spatial location of those events),

what external retroversions were included, how much of the material was non-

narrative material (official statements, commentary and analysis) and what so-cietal, theoretical, and meta-narratives were used to frame the events unfolding

within Gaza? Who were the narrators and temporary narrators and how were tem-

porary narrators re-narrated and temporally (and spatially) positioned? How do

these compare across languages and what role does translation play in reconfigur-

ing and circulating these narratives?

How to apply socio-narrative theory to Translation Studies? Its application is

limited, I think, only by ones own imagination and the availability of data. It is

hoped that the literature discussed in this article, along with the revised typology,

insights gained from combining narratological and sociological approaches, the

intratextual model of analysis and the focus on narrators and temporary narrators,

will be useful and valuable for researchers asking how to apply socio-narrative

theory in Translation Studies.

Notes

. e literature, of course, is vast. For starting references, see Somers and Gibson (1994, 80 n5),and for an overview of more recent developments and sources see also Herman et al(2007).

. Hermans suggests narrativity as one of three possible approaches the others are modern

hermeneutics and Niklas Luhmanns concept of second-order observation that could create

within the discourse about translation a certain self-critical distance (2002, 20) that he sees as

lacking in the discipline, but takes the suggestion no further than a brief, inaugural discussion

of an essay by Mieke Bal (1993).

. ese draw on Bruner (1991) and are temporality, relationality, causal emplotment, selective

appropriation, particularity, genericness, normativeness (canonicity and breach) and narrative

accrual.

. In his own work, Said also repeatedly foregrounds the crucial role of narrative (Al-Herthani

2009). See, for example, Said (1984).

. Baker also discusses the organization, its translation policies and practices, and other refer-

ences to it in the media (2006, 735, 10809, 177; 2010b).

. See Baker (2006) for her discussion of particularity as a feature of narrative.

. is is the understanding of framing followed by Baker (2006, 105140) and drawn from

literature on social movements. While Baker discusses several framing strategies (temporal andspatial framing, selective appropriation, labelling, and positioning of participants), she does not

specifically discuss the embedding of particular narratives into more general narratives as a

framing strategy, although arguably, it could easily be considered as such. Conversely, Abbott

discusses at some length the use of framing narratives from a narratological perspective


21/25


(2008, 2830), yet he is careful to differentiate this from Goffmans frame theory (1974/1986).

Again, I would argue that, from a socio-narrative perspective, these framing narratives could

easily be conceptualised through the lens of frame theory.

. Conversely, a meta-narrative might also be particularised by linking it specifically to

concrete characters and locations, oen infusing them with the power of the meta-narrative.

Examples might be sacred sites in Australian Aboriginal cultures, sites of historic battlefields,

and sites of religious significance or pilgrimage. Conflict over the application of different meta-

narratives to such sites is oen a primary source of (armed) conflict over geographical space.

. Baker calls this weighting (2006, 68), and she discusses it in the context of causal emplot-

ment, one of her features of narrativity. ese, along with Bruners (1991), could all be under-

stood as aspects of Bals story.

. Bal avoids the more common terms flash-back and flash-forward because of their vague-ness and psychological connotations (2009, 83). Other terms used in narratology are analep-

sis and prolepsis respectively (Abbott 2008, Genette 1972/1980, 40).

. A third type, mixed, refers to a retroversion that returns to events which begin prior to the

primary narrative, but end within the time frame of the primary narrative. e duration of the

anachronic events may be called the anachronys extent (Genette 1972/1980: 48) or its span

(2009, 9191).

. All translation are my own unless otherwise specified.

. e wave of terrorist attacks carried out in Russia by the terrorists, or boeviki, of the SocialRevolutionary Party in the early twentieth century, of which Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich

was a victim, are now widely acknowledged to be the first example of sustained, organised ter-

rorism in the modern period (Geifman 1993).

. See Another Journalist Detained at Moscow Airport, (http://cpj.org/2004/09/another-

journalist-detained-at-moscow-airport.php, 5 March 2011) and Prominent Russian Journalist

Sentenced to Prison for Hooliganism, (http://cpj.org/2004/09/prominent-russian-journalist-

sentenced-to-prison-f.php, 5 March 2011) from the Committee to Protect Journalists.

. In her study of live radio broadcasts of sports events, Ryan (1993) indentifies the construc-

tion of characters as one of three basic operations crucial to constructing a narrative from events

as those events are occurring.

. , RIA-Novosti, 1 September 2004,

12:44. http://ria.ru/incidents/20040901/669256.html(accessed 11 January 2012).

. Famous Dr Roshal in North Ossetia to Mediate for Hostage Kids, RIA-Novosti, 1 September

2004, 20:55. http://en.rian.ru/onlinenews/20040901/39768314.html(accessed 11 January 2012).

. e distinction between non-narrative and narrative material is a pragmatic one based on

definitions of narrative that stress the (causal) relation of events, and is used here to acknowl-

edge the qualitative differences between material that relates events and material that merelydescribes or comments upon those events. Of course, all material is ultimately understood

through narrative configuration, but I do not think it helpful if differences are obscured by con-

sidering everything to be narrative.
http://cpj.org/2004/09/another-journalist-detained-at-moscow-airport.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/another-journalist-detained-at-moscow-airport.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/prominent-russian-journalist-sentenced-to-prison-f.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/prominent-russian-journalist-sentenced-to-prison-f.phphttp://ria.ru/incidents/20040901/669256.htmlhttp://en.rian.ru/onlinenews/20040901/39768314.htmlhttp://en.rian.ru/onlinenews/20040901/39768314.htmlhttp://ria.ru/incidents/20040901/669256.htmlhttp://cpj.org/2004/09/prominent-russian-journalist-sentenced-to-prison-f.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/prominent-russian-journalist-sentenced-to-prison-f.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/another-journalist-detained-at-moscow-airport.phphttp://cpj.org/2004/09/another-journalist-detained-at-moscow-airport.php


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Sue-Ann Harding

. Bruner acknowledges, but does not explore in any depth, the power of great storytellers to

either relate a narrative so well as to create the illusion that their story needs no interpretation,

or alternatively, to lead people to see human happenings in a fresh wayin a way they had

never before noticed or even dreamed (1991, 12). Somers and Gibson (1994), Somers (1997),and Baker (2006) discuss the concept of narrator only indirectly, in their considerations of per-

sonal (or ontological) and public narratives and the construction of narratives by social actors,

including individuals and social institutions.

. ese categories of temporary narrators are, like any category adopted for the purpose of

analysis, porous and in flux rather than fixed. Correspondents may also narrate as eyewitnesses,

and a government official may also be a relative of a hostage, as in the case of Taimuraz Mamsurov,

chair of the North Ossetian parliament, whose two children were among the hostages.

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Sue-Ann Harding

Translation and Interpreting Institute

Hamad bin Khalifa University

Qatar Foundation

PO Box 5828

Doha, Qatar

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